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Memorandum for Nancy Soderberg and Billy Webster from Carter Wilkie
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<a href="https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/50906">[Ireland]-Ireland/U.K. Trip Preparation, August 1995</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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i·
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..
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Folder Title:
State ofthe Union 1994 [1]
.'•
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECfffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
David Dreyer to President Clinton re: State of the Union (3 pages)
12/30/1993
PS
002. memo
Sherle R. Schwenninger to President Clinton re: State of the Union
Address (7 pages)
12/29/1993
PS
003. memo
Walter Russell Mead to President Clinton re: Foreign Policy and the
State of the Union Address (3 pages)
12/30/1993
PS
004. memo
John Holum to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address (4
pages)
12/28/1993
PS
005.letter
Address (Partial); Phone No.'s (Partial) (1 page)
12/25/1993
P6/b(6)
006.letter
Alan Brinkley to David Dreyer. (4 pages)
12/30/1993
PS
007.memo
Secretary Robert B. Reich to President Clinton re: State of the Union
(6 pages)
12/30/1993
PS
008. memo
Lloyd Bentsen to John Podesta. Subject: State of the Union Address.
(4 pages)
12/30/1993
PS
COLLECTION:
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2008-0699-F
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�{1./~~
STATE OF THE UNION
IDEAS AND SUGGESTIONS
-
�STATE OF THE UNION -- IDEAS AND SUGGESTIONS
cover Memo from David Dreyer
•
Memos from outside Advisors
Sherle Schwenninger
TAB A
Stephen Carter
TAB B
Walter Mead (foreign policy)
TAB C
John Holum
TAB D
William strauss
TAB E
Alan Brinkley
TAB F
Michael Sandel
TAB G
Memos from the Cabinet
•
•
Secretary Reich
TAB H
Secretary Cisneros
TAB I
Secretary Riley
TAB J
Secretary Bentsen
TAB K
Department of State
TAB L
Secretary Shalala
TAB M
Secretary Babbitt
TAB N
Secretary O'Leary
TAB 0
Administrator Browner
TAB P
Secretary Jesse Brown
TAB
Peter Edelman (Interagency Task Force on Violence)
TAB R
Q
Memos from White House Adyisors
Bill Galston
TAB S
Gene Sperling
TAB T
------------·----------
�Bruce Reed
TABU
David Kusnet
TAB V
susan Brophy
TAB W
Council of Economic Advisors
TAB
Rick Allen (National Service)
TAB 1
Jack Gibbons (OSTP)
TAB 2
Office of National Drug Control Policy
TAB
X
3
Additional Reference Materials
•
•
David Dreyer Thematic Memo
TAB 4
Major Themes of FY 95 Budget
TAB 5
Transcript of oval Office Meeting on State of Union
TAB 6
Transcript of New Yorker interview with Sid Blumenthal
TAB 7
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
David Dreyer to President Clinton re: State of the Union (3 pages)
12/30/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State of the Union 1994 [ 1]
2008-0699-F
'm494
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) ofthe PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRAJ
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concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of girt.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
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002. memo
DATE
SUBJECTfi'ITLE
Sherle R. Schwenninger to President Clinton re: State of the Union
Address (7 pages)
12/29/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State of the Union 1994 [1]
2008-0699-F
'm494
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
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P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) ofthe PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advison, or between such advison [a)(S) of the PRA)
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an agency ((b)(2) or the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) or the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA[
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personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�FROM
V~LE
~AW
SCHOOL
PAGE.
~H2l2
YALE LAW SCHOOL
NEW HAVEN. CONNECTJCUT o6520
,.
(20,) 4~2-48~9
STEPHEN L. C.Unnt
Fax (203) 432·8a6o
W"dli""' Nrllf1ll C"""""l
Pr-t(JR., of Wwl
MEIIOJWfDUll
To:
The President
From:
stephen L.
Date:
December 30, 1993
Re:
state of the union Narrative:
Cart~
"Believinq in the Future"
Dear President Clinton:
David Dreyer of your staff has asked me to present a narrative
about America for consideration as a structure for the 1994 State
of the Onion message. Mr. Dreyer made clear that I am not beinq
asked for any policy recommendations. on that basis, I offer, as
our mutual teacher Guido calabresi miqht put it, "one view of the
cathedral. "
* * * **
At the beqinninq of 1994, · one confronts an America in which
millions are in despair, fearful of the future, worried that the
nation bas lost its way.
The seemingly indomitable American
spirit has been wounded. Anyone who hopes to call the nation to
action must first confront the stark reality of this pessimism.
It would be a mistake, however, to view the needs and hopes of
the American people purely in material terms.
Although for
millions the economy remains a source of uncertainty, it has been
uncertain before, with less depressing effect on the national
spirit, and therefore cannot be the true source of the nation's
fears. What Americans need, more than anything, is a restoration
of faith. They need somethinq to believe in -- or, more to the
point, they need to be reminded of how :much there is in America.
for them to believe in. To be precise, the American people need
a reawakening of the spirit. In historical ter.ma, this means a
reminder of what has always made Americans special:
an
unshakeable belief in the future, and, thereby, an unshakeable
belief in themselves.
The narrative imaqination of the American people has been
embedded since the Foundin9 in a vision of the future as not only
1
�DEC 30 '93 i3: 10
FROM YALE LAW SCHOOL
PAGE.003
better than the present, but attainable -- and the product of our
own efforts.
The future is there to be created by those who
believe in its myriad possibilities, and Americans, at their best,
have been the stronqest believers in it. This belief has led to
both the "ean-do" attitude that has long been the envy and
puzzlement of the world ancl the sometimes halting but always
impressive strugqle to solve social problems -- racism, poverty,
illiteracy -- with which much of the rest of the world chooses to
live.
This vision -- partly ideoloqical, partly religious, partly the
result of the qeograpbical accident that, until recently, left the
nation untouched by most of the world's problems -- has also been
a key in America's self-imaqe as the world's leader, an imaqe that
has its roots in the Revolutionary era, when the United states was
very far from beinq the world's most powerful nation.
In his fine bock, A History of tbe Idea of froqress, Robert Nisbet
writes:
The affirmations of progress we find in America in the
eiqhteenth and nineteenth centuries are rarely if ever
separable from the profound conviction that America was not
only a destined nation, but a recleeminq nation for that bu9e
part of mankind that lay still bound (in Europe as well aa in
other, more distant parts of tbe world) to obsolete ancl unfree
ideas.
Thus Americans, as Tocqueville noticed, have always believed that
the future will be wonderful because we will mold it. That last
point matters most: we mold it instead of waiting for it. And,
bavinq molded it, we will lead o~ers ~o it.
American tradition has in this sense been quite different from
the EUropean -- and, for that matter, the Aristotelean -- vision of
the perfect society as a concrete achievement. The basic social
order, for the European, is already accomplished, but, for the
American, it is always in transition. Professor Nisbet sees this
self•imac;e of America as always movift9 forward to liqht the path of
the world as millenia!, deeply linked to the Puritan spirit that so
dominated early America. · Perhaps he is riqht. Certainly our sense
of the future as waiting to be created by our efforts is linked to
the deep religiosity that has characterized the nation since tba
Foundinq. To most Americans, spiritual sustenance is as vital as
material and physical sustanance1 sometimes it is more so. And
the self-tmage of America as ever prepared to seize the future is
vital to sustainin9 the American spirit.
The
Moreover, whatever the causes of the self-ima9e, America likes to
be reminded of it:
in the rhetoric of the most successful
politicians, we . . . special, and the future ia ours.
It is a
better future, bUt also one that we make ourselves; the task of
2
�DE ': 3 0
' 93
13 : I I
FROM
Y~LE
LAW SCHOOL
PAGE.~el4
leadership is to show us how to reach out and take it.
•
Thomas J•fterson under~tood thiA perhaps better than any politician
of the Foundinq era. It is plain in the text of the Declaration of
Independence, which, in its deceptively simple list of grievances,
provides the basis for the colonists to take hold of the existing
order and twist it into something better -- a something better, the
text makes clear, that is not illusory but attainable. (Jefferson
gave further evidence of the same understanding with his rather
bald prediction that the Constitution would be of service for at
best a few years, after which the American people would tear it up
and write somethinq better.)
Part of the greatness of Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream"
speech in 1963 was precisely his ability to fit his messaqe into
this central American narrative. The dream that he described was
of a better future, and an attainable one -- something that all of
us could brinq about by our efforts. Although styled as a protest
speech, it was, in its rinqinq descriptions of the <iream, consonant
with the relentless American focus on the attainable future. (One
miqht usefully compare the calumny heaped, perhaps without reason,
on the Black Panther advice to "seize the time" -- the epitome of
livinq for the present.)
The best American political speeches, from Washington's farewell
address to Franklin Roosevelt's "Freedom from Fear" speech, have in
common not simply a powerful optimism, a belief in a better future
-- all good political speeches have that -- but a faith that that
future xi1l come about because of the acts of people of good will.
The future, in other words, is not what we wait for but what we
create. It is contiguous with the present, but not dictated by the
present.
We shape it.
Recognizing that truth -- that we can
believe in the future even as we shape it -- is what has made
America great. It is when we forget that truth and look backward
(sometimes at the invitation of resentment~inded politicians) that
we tumble, temporarily, from this state of qrace.
..
...
I use the term "qrace" advisedly. 'l'he narrative of an America that
believes in the attainable future is a narrative about the spirit •
Altbouqh the material obviously matters, the American idea is about
much more than prosperity. To our crecli t, we are perhaps the most
reliqious nation on the face of the earth, and the nation's
vitality has come as much from the inspirinq power of its reliqious
traditions as from its commercial and technological dominance.
This is a point, as Michael Lemar among others has pointed out,
that many relentlessly materialistic activists on left and right
tend to miss. America possesses an immense spiritual energy. When
the American spirit lies wounded, the energy is often formless and
unfocused; but when tha spirit is lifted up, that enormous anarqy
can work miracles. The miracles come about because people believe
in the future and shape it with their own hands.
3
�DEC 30 '93 13:12
FROM YALE LAW SCHOOL
PAGE.ZC::
The vision that I deacribe has characterized America at its best.
America at its worst has featured. a belief that the present is
worse than the past and the future will be worse than the present.
Thus, America's wisest leaders have always understood that this
narrative beco•es badly twisted and often leads to unjust results
when an effort is made to lead backWard instead of forward. For
example, any number of nativist movements in our history bear
witness to the harm that is done when leaders preach that the path
to a better future is to return to a rosy past.
There is a
metaphorical loqic to the failure of such efforts:
one cannot
seize hold of What has already occurred.
The wall understOOd pesstmism of this alternate vision is actually
its less important aspect; what matters is that the sense of an
uqly fUture stems from people's disbelief in themselyes.
When
politicians appeal to people's rosy, but inaccurate, ima9es of the
distant past, they are really saying to the people, "We do not
believe in you.
we reject the American idea."
For example,
Governor Wallace's "seqreqation now, seqreqation forever" speeches
(at least, I think it was Wallace) suqgested a disbelief in the
ability ~f white and black to work toqether to build something
better. But so does any contemporary speech implying that those
darn liberals -- or those darn conservatives -- have ruined
averythinCJ.
..
Quite understandably, one hears such rhetoric more frequently since
the shatterinq detours of Vietnam and Waterqate. The appeal to a
better past rather than a better future was, for example, the
siqnal feature of Reaqanism, and some forms of conservatism
continue the same emphasis.
But the best and most successful
American leaders have instead looked forward and called us to a
stronCJer belief in our own possibilities.
Durinq the 1g92
presidential campaign (if I may be direct) you did precisely this.
You consistently struck the theme of belief in the future, ana in
the ability of Americans to seize it and shape it, and you did so
more inspirationally than other recent Presidents.
President
carter, I believe, was on to this theme in his much-maligneci
"malaise" speech, even thouqh he did not carry it through as
effectively as the times demanded.
President Bush seemed to
understanci it only imperfectly (one tbinks, for example, of the
contradictions in his rhetoric over the Civil Rights Act of 1991),
althouqh when he got it riqht -- as in the Desert Storm speech -the effect was electrifyin9.
The Desert storm speech was successful not because Bush was a
particularly effective orator but because of his recognition of the
link between America's self-image and the need to see the future as
somethinq attainable. Presidents always seem to understand this in
time of war, and the nation responds. President Johnson tried to
touch the same spirit with his call for a "War on Poverty," and,
briefly, he succeeded: ~ut confidence in our own ability to beat
the ravages of poverty, like confidence in much else, collapsed in
4
�DEC .30 '33 13:12
,
.
FROM YRLE LAW SCHOOL
?AGE.006
the seventies. The phraae "War on Poverty" is now largely a joke,
which is unfortunate, because although the Great Society had its
problems, there were some respects -- notably the assault on actual
starvation, more prevalent until then than most Americans like to
think -- we did seize the future and we did win the war.
In any case, Johnson was clearly correct in his understanding that
the American narrative of the future requires a call to action in
the present. To say that the future is ours does not mean that it
will be handed to us: to say that we must reach out and mold it
means that we must qat to work DSK• Indeed, what rhetoric-minded
historians may one day say was the failure of Reaganism was a basic
contusion on the implications of the American belief in the future.
R~gan correct!~ understood that Americans believe that the future
is the
but e also told them that thit fUture could b8 att ined
~out any work or sacr f1ce -- a message
ncons s en w1th
e
essence of the great narrative traaition in which he tried to place
his presidency. (That the message was nevertheless effective is a
sad tribute to the relative weakness of the understanding of this
narrative by Reagan's opponents.)
Three themes are required in order to fit a narrative this American
tradition. The first and foremost, although it qives some critics
fits, is an emphasis on America as a special place and Americana as
special people. The second is a realistic yet uplifting vision of
an attainable better future. The third is a call to tmmediata and
clear action, involving a mostly inspirational (although certainly
prac:tical as well) explanation of how we will qet there -- not just
we as technocrats, but we as Americans who have built our history
on believing in the future and moldinq it to our liking. For it is
through the belief in that narrative that we have built a nation
second to none in the world.
With its spirit reqenerated, with its imperative belief in the
future restored, America will be capable of anythinq. To rekindle
that spark in the Ame~ican people is the principal political
challenge of the closinq years of the twentieth century. When that
challenge is met, America will once more press forward in the bold
tradition of its great historical narrative of progress.
•
(Reference notes: Amonq the works of contemporary scholars, in
adaition to Robert Nisbet's A Histpr:y gf the Idea gf Progress,
which is probably the most readable book on this point, many of the
same themes occur in J. G.A. Pocock's masterwork, The Machiavellian
Mqment. Neither book is specifically about America, although both
of them, in effect, end up here. Books particularly about America
include Gordon Wood's Tbe Radicalism of the Am&rican Reyolution,
which lays out the clear vision of the Founders that they were
building something both different from and better than the ~odels
of nation theretofore seen~ Michael Kamman's A Ma,chine thAt WOuld
Gq of Itself, which is about the role of the constitution in our
narrative: and what I believe was the late Judith Shklar•s last
5
�;:.::c 30 "33 13: 13
FROM YRLE LRW SCHOOL
PRGE.8el7
book, Sitizaoship; Tbe Quest for Incluaign, which, althouqh styled
as an account of the role of earninq and voting in American
ideology, actually tells a story that illustrates precisely the
narrative vision that I have described.)
**•*•
This, then, is one view of the cathedral.
I hope that these
ideas will be of some use.
Naturally, I stand ready to be of
further assistance to you or your staff.
May I offer my best wishes to you and your family in this holiday
season, and eontinuinq thanks for your leadership. And thank you
once more for your many kind words about my recent book.
6
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. memo
SUBJECT/fiTLE
DATE
Walter Russell Mead to President Clinton re: Foreign Policy and the
State of the Union Address (3 pages)
12/30/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [1]
2008-0699-F
"m494
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. SSl(b))
PI National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(l) of the PRA)
Pl Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(l) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) ofthe PRA)
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(l) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(l) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
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Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
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004. memo
SUBJECT/fiTLE
DATE
John Holum to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address (4
pages)
12/28/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [1]
2008-0699-F
'm494
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
005. letter
DATE
SUBJECT!fiTLE
Address (Partial); Phone No.'s (Partial) (1 page)
12/25/1993
RESTRICTION
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Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [1]
2008-0699-F
'm494
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�-:-a3B476485
William A. Strauss
'
. P6f(b)(Si . ,, ' .
"
Fh.X T01
FROM I
DATE:
..
.
.
Davia Dreier, fax # 202/456-6527
Bill strauss, fax # 703/847-6485
O$C~mbar 25, i993
Vice Vroaidont Core a~ked me to suqqest a few themes for the
President'IS upcoming State of the Union message.
I'm delighted
to help.
Over the pa15t two days, and with help from my eolloague
Neil llowe, I've drafted n rou9hly 3000-word toxt that expresses
acme gener~tional themes you miqht find useful.
Tho oontorpioeo of thic text is its foeua on the "Millennial
Generation•• of todny's small children. That'G a foouc that, I
think, ean work in very positive ways in tho ao11ing of rest of
the President's aqenda.
Normally 1 I'd suggest avoiding generational .labels (like
"Bcomoro, 11 11 Xoro," or 11 l3oro 11 ) , moot of which havo negative or
downbent c::onnotations.
But I do rec::ommend that tho l'roaidont uco
the te1.-m "Mi11ennia1 Generation" to refer to today'IS babies and
smal1 ehi1dren. The tag is upbeat and future-foeused, and it
lends itself well to other themes in the text.
Let me urge the President not to spana too much time
speaking about his own generation, which to many people (young
adults, especially) is a tired subject. When he does talk about
hia own generation, it should m~inly be in ~eference to others-a5 an acknowledgment of the qooa aeeds of hi5 p~rents'
generation, and as a !Springboard for talking ~bout ~h1ldren anu
young people •.
Toward the end, I made reference to a hypothetical "Linda
Forbes Andersen" to make a point about interqenerational nurture.
If you like that paragraph and want the President to make that
point, I'd suggest you locate a woman about age 40, with a living
grandparent in his or her mid-90s and a child in kindergarten or
preschool, and seat them in the balcony during the speech.
(Also, rYI, you should doubleeheck the facts about the Launice
oa~c boforo uaing it.)
I will be on Lhe road in CusL~ Riua frum Christma~ morning
until the e~rly evening of January lst.
If you have any
questions between now and then, please call or fax them to Neil
Howe, (my coauthor in writing Gener~tions and 13th-Gen), who is
apendin the holldays in Mont:r:-eal will be reauhable in Montreal
at
· P6f(bl(6) .
(phone) or 514/341-0:lOG (fax) .
r'rorn ,:ranuary 2nd
on,
e reachable at home.
Tnis text is all original and not published elsewhere,
though based on ideas Neil and .I have written or spoken about in
the past.
Your speech-writing team is more than welcome to
bor,.nw
I
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�THE STATE OF THE UNION
(a generational perspective)
"To our&clvos and our posterity." The Pn1mers of our Constitution put these five
words in the Pre11mble to commit their nation to tn:at tlu: prellent and future as equal
partners in the great issues o( state. Today, we nrc making tho changes necessary to
prepare America for the new Millennium. As we reform lh<: Hellllh Care s:rstem, as we
combat the violence plaguing our cities, as wo keep the peace in a world with atew
deu1gers, I call upon all Americans to honor thBt commitment to "pos1cril7.," unc.l to
remember what that word really means. It means our children, and their cluldren, and
rh~ir children--all people whom we today love, or someday will come to love, very
deeply.
This time of change and new directions has included a fateful trnn~ition to a new
generation of leaders. Over the course of American history, this is the twdfth time a
rising generation hns tnkcn over the reins of government. Each time, a ne\v sel of men
and women has had new vision~ of the future, set new goals, and taken imponant new
actions that lusve :shHped the world their chiJdren, grandchildren, and greatgrandchildren
c~~metninherit.
The book is closing on the mttt;nificent accomplishments of the generation that
before us--the generation or John F. Kennedy and Gerald Ford, of Lyndon Johnson
a11d Ronald Reagun, uf Jimmy Carter and George Bush. I have no doubt that historians
will somcd11y nmk their generation right up there with the likes of Jefferson and Madison
for the contributions they made to the craft of public service. ~o other American
generationlu:ld the White House for so long: 32 rears. No other generation bore witness
to as many important triumphs--triumphs over Joblessness, triumphs over fascism and
~(unmunisrn, tnumphs over rncinl scgrcgalion, ju~L tu name a few.
Like others before them, Lhe ~.:uur:;e they set reflected the experiences they
rcmt=mbered as children and young adults. These were the children of Prohibition, the
high school and cull~~~ graduates of joblessness and depression, the soldiers and Rosiethe-ruveters who fought and won the most important war in world history. As young
adults, they stepped carefully into a postwar world full of nuclear terror, cultural
coni"onui~;rn, McCanhyism, and racial segregation. TI1ey took note, und fixed their goals
~.:tune
•
accordingly.
From the hit~ 1940s through the '60s, they sparked the great postwar "boom," the
wol'd thal~&r.:r.:uunts for my generation's famously upbeat name. In so doing, they created
an emlurinij prosperity that enabled us, their children. to graduate into an economy far
fuller of jobs and opportunity than what they knew in their own youth. Once in power,
they spared the world another Hiroshima. They conquered science--lanciing nstrcnauts en
the moon, inventing vH~o:cines for terrible illnesses, building the early computers that
launched the Information A~~- They extended equal justice under law to racial
miuuriu~s. giving substance to the rich tliversity ur this nution. Yes, they made mistakes.
from Vietnam to the recent runup of national debt, but their shortcomings detract little
fwm ihe tremendous endowments they left for us.
�Above all--and this matters more than anything else.. their generation produced
the finest moms nnd dnds our nation hns ever seen. Ask anybody my ttg\.l, and llu:y'll l\:11
you: When we were kid~.• childten cam~ fin;l iu Am~riuu. Fumilic~ were ::;trong, schoob
had broad publlc support, the crime rate was low, and community life was strong. The
pop culture was wholesome enough that parents could comfortably tum on any TV or
radio program, or go to almost a.ny movie, nnd know it wns OK for their kids to share the
ox:pcsrience. Sure, there were plenty of elements of yesterday's culture we wouldn't want
to resurrect ~except maybe on Nick at Nlte), and sure, there were numerous sexual and
other inequities that we now realize were wrong. But no one can argue that, for my
goneration, that Wl\5 a terrific time to have been a kid.
Ono of the traits I admire most about the men and women of the Kennedy-Bush
generation is their exuberant optimism. 1 still sec it in so 111any of the senior citizens I
meet around t.his country. Truu to the words in that old Johnny Mercer song, today's
seniors have always knt'lwn how t.oAc:-t..·cllt·tclm-ale the Positive. As a generation, they've
shared a wonderfully positive vision of the future. It's been the gleaming cityscape of
Walt Disney's Tomorrowland, the "ask not" selflessness of John Kennedy's Inaugural
Address, the predictably happy ~ndings of Jackie Gleason and Lucille Ball's vintage TV
shows, the we-can·do-beth:r Hllitude of Betty Friedan's pathbreaking feminism, and the
exuucnmt spiritualism of the likes of Billy Graham, Ralph Abernathy, and Martin Luther
King, Senior. From their perspective, anything and everything was possible in the
America their children would someday inhent.
•
My own generation has known very different experiences. We grew up in a tlme
of material abumlllnce·-and of growing doubt about the capacity of large institutions t.o
get im.po1'lant thing:~ done. We came of age in a time of new assenions of individual
rights--a11d of a dirnini~hed sense of national contmunity. We arc reaching midtife in a
time of great advan~~c:s in telecommunications technology--and of an anxiety about the
mark the popular cuhure is making on our children. In a time of new personal ireedoms-and of terrible new waves of crime and sexually-transmitted disease. In a time of new
federal programs to help those in need--and of 8 fear that our families are weakening and
our streets are being lost to crime. Tu u tim~ uf individual empowerment, of a surge in the
demands the American people have placed on their government--and of a cynicism about
how that e,overnmenl hHs forgotten the simple capacity of living within its means. We
have acqutred the r~;ins ufl~adership in 8 time of victory over the great Cold War rivals of
our youth--nnd of mouuLing pessimism about what the next century holds in store .
It is the gr..:at UilSk of my generation to reverse these t1cmls. 'flus requires a set of
goals and actions in some ways very uilrurent t'rom those of the generation of' our parents.
But there is one thing they had that we need to capture: It's that Ac-cenHchu-ate the
Positiw spirit, tlutl unabashed optimism about the future. How can we get it? It's simple.
Just like our parents once did with us, we do it by putting children first.
Just as we were the children of lh~ ~n~at American boom, the youngest of our sons
and daughters are the children of the new millennium The babies of the '80s and '90s, the
clcmcnttuy school students of today, cc•mpdsc: America's Millennia! Genera non. They are
Lhe childnm of our destiny. In the years to come, they will redefine what it means to be an
American. Pony miliic,n and counting, the girls and boys of this Millennial Oeneration
n1ust be living j)f(•of of uur resulve that our nation's future will be greater than its past.
Just as these children can capture our hearts. su too can they be help us sharpen our eyes
and liil ~ur soul~;, il3 u people.
�7838476485
Let me make these promises to America's Millennia! children: We, the leaders of
your country, have no greater duty than ,to provide you with the health, nutrition, a11d
education you need to get a good start on ht'e.
'
We, the stcwnrds of vour economy, have no greater duty than to on sure that by the
time you're ready to do the fobti of it hotly (;Omp~titiv~ global economy, those jobs will be
ready for you risht here in America.
We, the trustees of your estate, have no sroater duty than to restore the fiscal
integrity oi government so your t'uture won't be strangled by trillions of dollars ,,('debt
your elders have accumulated in your name.
And we, the parents of your families, have no greater duty than to do as fino a job
raising you as our own moms and dads did with us.
I'm confident that we can do all this, and more. But I have to be realistic about. the
size of the challenge. lf we measure the State of the Union by the State of Childhood in
this Union, I do not have much good news to report. The rates of child poverty and teen
pt·e:=gmu~':i~s are way too hi~h,, our scholastiC tes~ scores lag behind the for~gn
competition, the pop culture JS an many way& loo vtolenl Knd t~e~-l ..w~l for K cluld1s
consumption--and, tragically, walking to ~(.;hool I;IUI be a life:=-thrtmtening ~:w~Iiem.:u for
millions of crime-plasued children.
My heart broke when I heard llUUUt lhc :shooting of little four-year-old LHunice uf
fJ.C. A few months Hgu, L11unice wall killed by nmdom gunspnay while
playing. Like ull Americans uf cunscience, I have heard more than enough stories about
the cnu;k babies, about children bearing children--and, especially, about the little
Luunicu:s b~ing killed and crippled in their homes, schools, and playgrounds. 1t is time tor
tln&t to stop. I say, NO MORE LAUNICBS. NOMORELAUNJ(~:c;!
Wa~hington,
Just as the quality of today's Slllt.:: of lh~ Union w~ts substantially t1x.ed by the
quality of our childhood, the quality of tomorrow's State of the Union will depend on how
well live up to our promises to them. What gives me hope is that now, unlike u few years
ago, we refuse to toh:n:ltc lnmns against our children, and a consensus has emerged about
Lhe scriousnes~t of the problem. We've all heard the talk about the so-called "culn1rc wars"
of the '90s. From one cuge uf the spectrum to the other, there are major differences or
c,plniou about thill or that·-for instance, what should be taught in schools. put in song
lyrics, or shown in films. Rut to my mind, the controversies are overshadowed by the
extent to which people
lSoouwill on ttlt sicl~~ of these debates are coalescing around a
common set of principles. Let me state them:
or
0
0
Ji;rst, that the proper nunure of children umks aighl up then:
with national defense as one or the most important tasks of
our societ)'.
Second, that uhildren fare best when families are strong.
TI1er~ ar~ manv good kinds of families, but the best kinds
n.rc tho~c witl1 gwwnup rnothlirti and fathers.
0
Third, thal small chihhcu m:&:d Hnd deserve adult protection
from things that can hun them--and from images that are
beyond their cllpadty to umleranand.
�'7038476..l65
0
0
Fourth, that children must devolop goals beyond
themselves, to help others and serve their community.
Fifth, that val11t1.,. matter--and aro worth teaohins.
Even as we share these principles, mBny in my generation disagro~ vehemently
about tlu: details of what a pro-child, pro-fumily national agenda must include. ln
pursuins their own visions and agendas, our paumw' generation overcame countless
cultural divisions and ~olitical arguments. So can w~·-ifwe all come to agree that~ in the
end, our children's w..:lfurc matters more than anybody's pulit.iCHl point-making ..
ln our quest to improve tho state of Amcricnn childhood, and with it the futu1·e
State of the Union. my generation1s toughest chalhmge will be to rise above the pur~uit uf
self we have seen too much o{ over the past quarter-century. Dutins back to my college
days, this nation has passed through an era thnt has put personal desires ahead of
community needa. Many of the problems we have tur.Jay are residues o{' the atomi~ng
solvent of a Iittle too much individualism. Some of us complain about its adverse impact
on the pop culture and rumily life. others about the hann it has done to the corporate
culture and the eeonon1y. Both ~ides have a point.
The "rugged indiviuuKI" htts long been a pan of American folklore and is an
essential element of the national character. Bul :iU is the Jimmy Stewart hero of It'~· a
Wonderful L(fe who selflessly helps his neighbors, or the American fighting men and
women who gave their lives in Iwo Jima, Khe Sanh, Kuwait City, or Mogadishu so others
would have freedom or the fuel of life.
It is my generation's Utsk. to teach our children that there ue many things bigger
than the individual. A family, for staners. And a community. The American democracy.
A hun1a11 civiliatiun. The precious ecology of this planet.
As we tco.ch that gn:ttt lesson, T call upon adult Am ericH tu .set a good example for
our young pupils. I call upon my adult contemporaries to think of ourselves not just as
beneficiaries, but as benefactors.... Not just as the claimants of entitlements, but also as
the offerors of endowments .... Nul ju~t as the possessors of rights, but also as the bearers
of civic responsibilities.... Not just as members of special interest groups, but also as
partners of a very sp~cialnation we ~iill th" United States of America.
In proclaiming my generation's task of leadership, i\nd in summoning us all to do
better for the Millennial Generation of small children, so too must I acknowledge, and
propose to do right by, the generation in between. Dy that, I mean the eighty million
young adults born in the '60s and '70s, now ranging in age from their teens to their early
thirties. These young Americans grew up amidst a divorce epidemic, an R-rated culture, a
cvnicism about govemn1cnt, and a biCKk Blade Runner vision uf the future.
Understandably, many of them lntvc drnwn profound and often unflattering lessons from
what has hHppened in American government, business, and culture over the last quarter~
centul)'. TI1ey, mon: than 1myone, know the damage that divorce has done to families.
that debt has done to the dreams of youth. TI1ey, more than anyone, feel the burd,ms of
erin1e, AIDS, and n~w racial arguments. They, more than anyone. feel the pressures of
joblessness and poveny. They, more than anyone, feel the time for talk has passed, and
the time for repair has come. They want people my age to stop the blame game and ~1an
fhing the fixable.
To these young people, l say: Join u~. Our quest is difficult, our challenges
immense. We need you. 1 admire your generous spirit of voluntarism, your willingness
�7036476.:.485
.::c. 25 1:-93
:-: 31,:;r1
tn cio good deeds without caring who gets the credit. I commend your tAlents as
entrepreneurs and your skills in advamced technolosy. I slllule your soldiership in
America's battle to stny compct.ilive in the global economy. I respect your focus on the
bottom line, your desire to keep what works &tm) uiticard w~at doesn't, your insistence that
jobs gul dune as ordered, on schedule, and on budget. J appreciate your desire for change,
your openness to new itlws. And, if I can speak to those of you whu hHve started families
yourselves, I shDJ'c the hopes and dreams you have i'ur yuur children.
Polls show that many of you young adults fear that the American Dream may 11l1l
be thore for you or for your children. Let me today "'ummit myself--and, I hope, this
nntion--to answering those fears. TI1&1t means good jobs and a gruwing economy, but the
Ameriean Dr¢am stands for things even murc important than that.
A half-century ago, the historian James Truslow Adams defined the American
Dream as giving every youth "the: chMce to grow into something bigger and finer, as
bigger and finer appeared to him." (Or, might I add, to her.) For our parents, those
children of depression, that dream meant prosperity. For us, the children of the postwasr
prosperity they created, the American Dream means a renaissance of family, of service, of
a community of shared values, of a sense of national direction, of a positive vision of the
future.
When will we know we have confirmed the American Dream? Not when
everyone ean buy a hisser house than our pt~nmt:s, though surely that would be nice. NoL
when we have more or better auto1uobiles 01 high-technology appliances, though that is to
be wished too. The American Dream will be confirmed when our young people believe
in the institutions and values of their nation. It will be confirmed when they look upon
government as a form of sc:rvice, not as a source oi' waste and indifference. It will be
confirmed when young people can agttiu widely admire those who run for office, manage
large corporations, Hnu run hospitals or law flrms. The American Uream will be
confirmed when young people can again fn:dy 11umit that, yes, they do have heroes.
Rich or middle-class, white·cutiHr ur blue, that's the kind of American Dream we
all can share. To p&traphrttse Truslow Adams, that's something bigger and finer, as bigger
and finer appears to me.
•
If my generation c~m reconfirn'l. the Dream, we will have achieved what the
Framers commanded when they inked the word "posterity" into our Constitution. We
honor what they did for their posterity, and we wish to do no less for ours. Just as we arc
heirs of ancestors we mostly admire, so too an: we ancestors to heirs whose admiration we
ghould wish to earn.
J predi~,;t thut. n third of a century from now, today's Millc:unial children will elect
their own young Presideut. What kind of a State of' the Union speech will she give? I will
be around 80-ycan-uld then, but I hope I'm in this chamber to hear the new visions she
offers, the new dire"1ions she sets. And I eamestly hope she speaks with gratitude of the
record my generali<m will have established.
nuough our family relationships, we communicate across erns of mind-bending
length. To demonstrate, lel me use the example of Linda Forbes Anderson or Topeka,
Kansas, who's sitting up there in the balcony with her family. Linda recently celebrated
her 40th birthday. Her grandmother, Emily Forbes, was born in 1897. Her son Jason is a
five-year-old who just entered kindergHrttm this year. Let's imagine that Jason, upon
reftehh1g age 35, will make his mom Linda the proud grandparent of a baby girJ who will
live to be as old as Emily Forbes now is.
J ..• .,
............ .
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�7338476485
•
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~S33
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Do the math, and you'll see that Linda has been nurtured by and will hunelf
nurture family members whose contbined lives could span nearly 22~ years, bridging an
era thut stretches from the 19th century imu th~ 22nd. That's a longer time-span than the
216-ycur histolj' of the American Republic. The reach of limu b~tween the birth of
Linda's grandparent and the death of her grandchild is long'"r tium the distance between
the generation of Jefferson and Madison amd ourselves.
J.et me encourage everybody in this country to do that s&mc calculation for your
own family. Jn an age when o "long-lonn:' weather foreca$l strel\:h\:~ tl few days. and a
"long-term" business or government projection ouly tl few years, the two-cemu1y t~pttn of
fnmily relationships should teach us what "long-ternt" docs in fact mean.
Whatever your generation, you know it wasn't the first. Surely, vou don't wish it
to be the last. Set usidc any selr-foeused talk about the ''end" ot' history. As a nation, as in
our families, we Americans are nowhere near the end of anything. Rather, we're
somewhere in the middle, or even near the beginning.
We recogni~c uur duty, and our children aan: counting on us. We have much to do,
so let's get started.
�703S47o485
~ec.2S
1593
s:31~M
tn cio good deeds without caring who sets the credit.
I commend your talents as
entrepreneurs and your skills in advtmced technolosy. I salute your soldiership in
America's battle to stny compctilivl:l in the global economy. I respect your focus on the
bottom line, your desire to keep what works ~ml di11card what doesn't, your insistence that
jobs g"l done as ordered, on schedule, and on budget. 1 appreciate your desire for chan~e,
your openness to new itleus. And, if I can speak to those of you whu hHve staned t'amihes
yourselves, I share the hopes and dreams you have rul' yuur children.
Polls show that many of you young adults fc1u that the American Dream may nol
be there for you or for your children. Let me today commit myself--and, I hope, this
nntion--to answering those fears. Thill means good jobs and a ~rowing economy, but the
American Drotm stands for thinss even anurc important than that.
A half-century ago, the historian James Truslow Adams defined the American
Dream as giving every youth "the clumce to grow into something bigger and finer, as
bigger and finer appeared to him." (Or, might I add, to her.) For our parents, those
children of depression, that dream meant prosperity. For us, the children of the postwasr
prosperity they created, the American Dream means a renaissance of family, of seJVice, of
a community of shared values, of a sense of national direction, of a positive vision of the
future.
When will we know we have confirmed the American Dream? Not when
everyone ean buy a bigger house than our p&ucnt~, though surely that would be nice. Not
when we have more or better automobiles oa high-technology appliances, though that is to
be wished too. The American Dream will be confirmed when our young people believe
in the institutions and values of their nation. It will be confirmed when they look upon
government as a form of service, not as a source of' waste and indifference. Jt will be
confirmed whtn young people can agHin widely admire those who run for office, manage
large corporations, and run hospitals or law flrms. The American Uream will be
confirmed when young people can again freely admit that, yes, they do have heroes.
IUc:h or middle-class, while·culiHr or blue, that's the kind of American Dream we
all ean sha1·e. To pllraphrase Truslow Adams, that's something bigger and finer, as bigger
and finer appears to me.
If my scncralion cHn reconflrn'l the Dream, we will have achieved what the
Framers commanded when they inked the word "posterity" into our Constitution. We
honor what they did for their posterity, and we wish to do no less for ours. Just as we arc
heirs of ancestors we mostly admire, so too arc we ancestors to heirs whose admiration we
ghould wish to earn.
J p1·edict thut. a third of a century from now, today's Millennittl children will elect
their own young President. What kind of a State of' the Union speech will she give? I will
be around 80-yean-old then, but I hope I'm In this chamber to hear the new visions she
offers, the new dire<.1ions she sets. And I earnestly hope she speaks with gratitude of the
record my generati~·m wiiJ have established.
nuough our familv relationships, we communicate across eras of mind-bending
length. To demonstrate, fet mu use the example of Linda Forbes Anderson of' Topeka,
Kansas, who's sitting up there in the balcony with her family. Linda recently celebrated
her 40th birthday. Her grandmother, Emily Forbes, was born in 1897. Her son Jason is a
fivc-ycar·old who just entered kindergHrten this year. l...ct's imagine that Jason, upon
reachil\g age 35, will make his mom Linda the proud grandparent of a baby girl who will
live to be as old as Emily Forbes now is.
J
. "'
............ .
?06
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
006.letter
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Alan Brinkley to David Dreyer. (4 pages)
12/3011993
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State of the Union 1994 [I]
2008-0699-F
"m494
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. SS2(b)J
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) orthe PRAJ
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAJ
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) ofthe PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advison [a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
penonal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) ofthe FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal penonnel rules and practices or
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) ofthe FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
penonal privacy [(b)(6) orthe FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of girt.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�..,.,,ov•o~~o•
:LFJ,ot.•
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HARVARD UNIVERSITY
I-AWL IT UF AJmlo AND aclfNc:D
Ll1TAUCR CSiTER M-22
OEf'ARl'MENT Of GOVEHNMEHT
CAMBRIDGE. MASSAOilJSETTS 0%138
(01,., -40$2148
;st7)4~FAX
December JO,
~99J
·.rc:
President clinton
From:
aidlae:L
Re:
Possible themes :for Stat:e o:t 't:Jle Union Ad.a.ress
~andel
It may be temptiD;J, :in the year af healHl care, to make security the
mst:er theme af your state of the t1nian Address-health security,
economic secarity (jobs and competitiveness), personal security
(cd•, aDd md:ia1al security. I would suqqest that securlt.y is a·
geed way to talk abalt the impw.t:ance af health cm:e reform, but ncX:
the best theme for your presidency as a whole.
'Ihe rsascm is tb:is: Sen1 rity, even b%cadly defined, is not an end in
itself but a means to sometb1nq else, somathinq lal:qar and. more
insp:frlnq. As ym. ba.Ve painted em. people need sea1rlty in order to
dlanqe. · But what needs tD be art:fatlatai .is tha natt1ra cf tbe change
yr11r ~dAn"¥
i,:a abc:IJt. Fallmdnq same of the discussfan we had at
tbe Wh:1ta Ha1se an November. 5, r wc:W.d dercdhe tbe lal:qer qoverninq
purpose. of tho Cl.in.ton presidency as follows:
·'In its
b~cad~ ~arms,
your p':l:"esidency is about American
r.ecewal.--eo:mcmic I'Bl18W2l, pO:Ut:fcal. renewal, and ultimately, moral
A staba af tea tlnian ~ argani2ed a%:CU.Ud
the theme of .Americ;m. renewal m.iqht consist of three parts:
and .gpirj:tual. :r::cnowal.
1.
Diaqnosis:
2.
Aqenda;
3.
Vision:
The need for renewal.
The way to :renewCLl.
The purpose of renewal
�---·
__ ..,_
...,
.........,
~-·-
........... ...,.,
. ..,......
Sandel to President clinton (2)
1..
Diagnosis:
The neeci for renewal
This put would describe the state of the union--economically,
politically, and ApiT·itnal.l.y--as ii: ex::ist:ec1111hen you aDau.mec:i offica a
year aqo. When the American pecpl.e voted fer "c:ilange" in 1992, they
may nnt: hav• bean able tc speci'*Y preaifl!el¥ tb.e cb.cng-e they ~'
but they d:id sense that the ccuntry confronted new and troubl..inq
co.ireulDstances that tb.a polJ:t:igc of the ptl3t cQul.Q. not allcl.L~ts.
:EcooomiaaJJy, A:me.r.:i..calw had lcng believed ~ if: tl.J.t!,Y wo.J:ked
bam and played by the rules they would reap the fruits of a
rininq tJb:mdord of living and leave bebil!Cl Wl evan :better lite
far their children.
..... +J •••
..lv-_, · -~
ln ....
But by the 1990s, most people found
~~ -am1 ~...'.:1. ..l.SSS'-"- ·a~"")ot)s
that once paved the way to the middle class were no longer
:.cure. A cp:owinq DatU:mal debt hung l1ka a cloud over our
children's fUtUre.
ea:ucmy t:b%ast:ened
And the distant worldnqs of the global
to c:le}:Jl:.i.ve Am.m:icans or cantrol aver tne1r
economic destiny.
PoJ.iticall;y,
~'ll!f!lrlcans. had l.cmq cherished the practice of selfcu&Cl bWm pDde :fn the oldest democratic inst:fblti.ons
in the wadd. But by the 1990s, public confidence in pol itfcaJ.
instftut~.ons was at an all dme low. Americans were fed up with
ggna:Dlllat!L
l.abby.ists and special. interests and the rcle of money in
poUt1.cal ampaiqns. They despaired at the qridl.ock that
pz:evaltad qavemment: mm J:eSpCDllnq tD the p%Qb1ams they cared
at.xJtt: most-like jabs and the dgffr:it:, health c:aze and crime. At
a time when peoples the wo!:l..d. ever aspi:r:ed to the example of
AlDeT':tcan democ:rac¥, we Americans famd cw:selvas fn1strated with
the workinqs of our political .instit:ntions as never before.
.
.
Beyond erxllcmic d.islocat:ion and the leas of confidence in 011,.
political institutions, a crisis of the spirit afflicted
America's n~ and r:cmmunit::Jss, eit:ies and ~nwns. Fear
of violent crime was only the most visible and terrifyinq
~
as .Americans sensed that thA m~ fabric o£ famil~,
and c:ommunity was com:inq unravell.ad--too many
unsafe st:I:eel:s, too many "kinA on druqs:, ~o m.uch g1orl£.iad
v1olenne c;m 1:elsvi.sicn and in the madm, teo many unwed mothers
and ~~~ MbP.m m:d lm:icen homM unable to give ahildren the
lOVe and dJscipline they need to become responsible adults.
naiqhbcmood,
2.
lt.qenc!a:
The way
to roaoyaJ..
shew how tho pclicies emCl prognuns oL' t.l.L~ Clinton
adm:in:fst::rat (same a"""""t'lisbed, others proposed) seek to address
the throo b:roaci oh.al.l.en.gee lai.d. out above.
This pm:t
WQUld
�Sandel to President Clinton (3)
·3. Vision:
The purcose oft repewal
'lb:1s part wculd step~ from policies and programs to address the
Ian:ter matal pw::pa:;ai of. the C1lntlJn pTIFI!IritlP.ncy. l]!hese pm:poses flow
from the new c::b:'cumstanc.es of life at the end of the twentieth
century.
In many ways,
WA live our livetS on a scale more va.st: than ever
befam.. In the fb:st centmy of our Republic, men and ~ pnxiuced.
;:md E'Xdumqed g'OQds, warlad and played, VCJt:e! and pm.yed, lived awl
died, in the smal 1 spher:es of life marked out by towns and fiml1s
ae%'0ss the l.and.
By· the bagimdnq of tbi::s acnt:ury, tha-t. conditic.u h«cl changed.
Ba.iJzalds epmned tne cx:nt:lDant. The tlilf¢ane, tal.eqraph, and daily
:aewmpapar bz:gQght peq21e into c:::antaa: w.lth eveul,.lj ln cU.stant pl.acas. ·
Na:tftmal mamets and a new, complex industrial system connected
P""1:'lc m Cl vast scheme of int:IEmiepeudauc.:e that cocm11nated. tne1r
labors.
rn same ways, the new teclmol.ogias and industries of the early
t:vet•• l.etb <?l'mny bJ:UUgbt people Closer toqeche:r.
But at the saJne
'l!hey worried that
~ ~mad to a sma11er scale at .J.±fe would not be able tc
compete .in the new national ecanom.y, and that, in an impersonal
wadd, men and wamen would l.ose 1:t1eir })aarinqs. They also fea:red
tllat ini!!Hbltials at salf-qovm:n:ment desi;na1 far shaplar times wau.ld
time, pE!q>Je warded abart: the la9s of COllllll1Dli:ty.
not· l:Je equal. to tile J.arqar public world.
·
.m 1IIEIIW ·WSiB, t::be:b:s was a time Vf1rJ similar to cur cwn. HeJ:e is how
the wnt.e:c: Walter Lippmann desc:rihed the amdeties that prevailed in
early twmt1st21 century America: •we live in great cities without
kncJwlnq wr n~, the loyalties af 'Dlace have broken down, ;mn
c:ur a~ are stretched aver lal:ge "t:el:"rttcries, cemented :by
verz litt:l.e direct contact. But this im.person111 quality is
mtolarahle: people don't like to deal with abstractions. And so
yen fJnd an over:whel.minq dA'J1Ii'mli upon the p~ for human int:arest:.
stories, for parsonal details opened to the vast public.n
Wbat the milmads and tbe talegraph Wet'e to them, global financial
1llal:kst:s and fax maC,inAA emd. am m:e fez aa.. 'D1e ecancaio ahnJJ enge
we. a:alftall ta1a.y is equ:lp Amaric:ans to compete and win in the new
qlobal eennnmy.
That is why we passec!l N'AP.rA, cmCl conc:l.uded ~
agn:smalt en GA!l'!', aDd have p:rcposed educat:ian and job ratra.ininq
InnJLCUII5 to mahle
~cans CJCJW.peba
oee.:wcivel.y
~
~ a~
ec:Qllo:au_y.
even as we adapt to faao tho d:mllengeo o£ the g-klbal. Ea.Juum.y 1 we
:remember that, for most pw:poses, most of the time, men and
women li.va their li.voc ant! fo:cD. their id~ 4ld cul.tivate a
secse af :ba1anglnq ;in smaller S!l±inqs. That is why, as we respond
to t'll.O ql...P,l isinq 't:elldencies in tb.e moda:r.n wo.d.d, we must at the
same t.ilD.e work. to nurture and st:r:angthen those smaller forms of
oommunit:y th.a: make life worth Uv.lag, that loCate people in the
must
world, that qive us. a sense of place.
�..... YY
Sandel to President Clinton (4)
'lhe natimal qovemment ca:nnct. by ~l'P. riPSt'ora tha vibl.ity of the
American fam:ily, ne;iqhl:xmlocd, and ~. But lt can help create
the mrxlitims-t:hralgh a nrimA hlll that seeks to rast:ore o:z:'d.&r to
. nelghbomccds ·wbem peq>J.e na« fear to walk the stmtt:s, tmcugh jabs
fnr t:hA i.nnF.Ir city to ha1p brlng c=:!er and &aiplino and atzuot:m:e
and hope to people's lives, thrcuqh community da\telopment banks,
ent.:etprise .zaws, aDi national sezvice to awaken in younq l:len end
women a sense of civic responsibility and enqagement.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
007. memo
DATE
SUBJECTrriTLE
Secretary Robert B. Reich to President Clinton re: State of the Union
(6 pages)
12/30/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [I]
2008-0699-F
'm494
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRAJ
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) ofthe PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) oftbe FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) ofthe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
OFACE OF THE SECRETARY
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20410.0001
TO:
JOHN PODESTA
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
&~D
STAFF SECRETARY
HENRY G. CISNEROS
SECRETARY OF HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
SUBJECT:
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
DATE:
DECEMBER 30, 1993
Enclosed is the input you requested for the President's State of
tl:.e Union Address.
What we have provided are five independent
points suitable fer the President's speech. Eaeh one of these five
points tries to convey a philosophy directly related to the work of
the Clinton Administration and our work here at atm.
The five
points are:
"Transitions,'' "America Has Nobody To Waste," "A
<":C">hP.R'ive Policy Framework: Building Blocks For A Strong America,"
"The Importance Of Economic Recovery And The Need To Sustain It,"
and "Strflllngt:hP.ning Families." They are briefly explained in five
separate memos (see attached).
Please call if you have any
quest ions.
WA ~,..P. available to prov·ide further data, quotes,
examples, and other material to assist your efforts in helping the
President prepare hiR ~t~~P. nf the Union Address.
�TRANSITIO.N~
•
We are an adm1n1scration in tb.e midst cf making change. w~
are a society moving toward a new century. We are a nation facing
profound global transtormat~on. The worla we face today 1s noc the
same one we faced even a year ago. This is a time of transition .
Transition means facing uncertainty. It means moving from the
wor:.d of the familiar to the world of the unkown.
It means
shifting from a predictable groove to an open field of risk and
opportunity. !t means stepping off the banks and into the river,
where movement is the only cons~ant. Transition can bring forth
fear and anxiety, but also boldness and courage.
We are not just passive spectators to a changing world. We
are the masters of our destiny, and our job is to design
=:ransitions and implement them successfully. Our administration is
now putting together the buildin~ blocks that will provide America
with an intelligent and prosperous transition to the next century.
The first transition, as promised, is to retool our economy
recovery followed by long-term qrowth. This requires
making the transition to a global marketplace by negotiating trade
~grAFtmFint".A, by supporting the peaceful transition from communism to
capitalism, and by helping underdeveloped countries become strong
m~rkP.~A fnr American products.
f(')'r i~mediate
~~nn(')mi~ reinvestment will mean each and every worker making
the transition to new skills and often to new jobs. Business,
labor, and gov~rnmA,t-. muRt be partners in remaking our job traininq
and education systems.
Together we will create the productive
employees of tomorrow. learning to wnrk amarter as well as harder.
As we build a more competitive and prodnr.Hv.- W(')r.kforce in an
expanding economy, we can fill more new jobs with the unemployed,
the hard-to-employ, and adults and teenagers on w~1 frarA.
We
believe every able-bodied individual that can work should work.
Our tack ie to end welfare as we know it, and repla~P. i t wi~h ~
system that will assist people to make the transition from
dependency to eelf-eufficiency.
We muot alco make a tr-nsiticn in our health care system, frnm
excessive cost, insecurity for many people with employer-based
plane, and laclc of covcrillge for 3 9 mill ion Americana, to universal
coverage, basic benefits, and greater economic efficiency.
Further, we will need a transition in our communities. We
ta.ke back ouJ.- street.a from violent criminal a .1nd drug dealers,
make them safe and secure with thriving businesses, jobs, housing
and services available for every adult ond child. This will enable
a transition to stronger and more stable families, teaching the
core values that make for a hea.lthy oociety and a prosperous
future.
nH.lSt
�HLD OFC OF THE SECRETARY
•
~
9456;:215
Finally, govern~ent must reinvent itse~t and undergo a major
transition from bureaucracy to customer service, from corporate
welfare to goal-orien-ced efficiency.
When we have made that
transition by the year 2000, we will :ruly be moving into the ~lst
Century .
�12.,'30/93
es: 16
HUD OFC OF THE SECRETRRY
~
54=62215
AMERICA HAS NOBODY TO WASTE
"'
We are very proud of the progress we have made thus far--over
one million new private sector jobs, a rising production and
incomes, and all the other indications of strong economic recovery.
Yet at the same time, there is much more progress to be rea=hed.
America has no one to waste. Too many Americans are left behind as
the nation marches fcrward toward the 21st Century.
Today 37 million Americans live in poverty, one out of eve~
seven people. This is the highest number and percentage since the
:..960s.
Nearly a quarter of those in poverty are childr~n--40
percent of Hispanic children ar..d one out of every two AfricanAmerican children are born poor.
Today 39 million AmP.r3~*nA
the number is still growing.
1~~k
h~Ai~
~~ni~~l
~ovP.racre,
and
Today 6.5 million are jobless, and the rate among inner city
CiO :[)Al"~Ant"..
WP. c~nnot .;lf'fol"r.1 to tolerate these
circumstances.
youth i 1: nA*'r"l y
President Kennedy, in a famous speech, said we all breathe the
For Americans to
prosper and live high quality lives, we must recognize our common
destiny.
Our fate~~: are intertwined- -we will all rise or fall
together. Let us begin rising. We have no one to waste.
same air, we are all in this world together.
The best poverty program is a job. When we talk about solving
the problem of crime ~nd violence, we know wo muot create more
productive job opportunities. When we talk about drug abuse, we
know wo mugt put people to work, give thom dignity and pride and a
living wage, lead them away from illegality and despair.
When
we
talk
about
enhancing
our
competitiveness and p:oductivity, we know we
global
economic
have basic health
care for all and universal coverage . We must have better schools,
and a world class system of education and job training. We must
have child care and good transportation. We must have safe streets
and thriving communi ties. We mual. p~.tt. c!Lll end L.o dl.:tc;.;.L lu1luc~.l.luu ctuU.
m~st
maintain fair treatment and equal opportunity in employment and
housing.
Th~
!tsU.ts.t·Cill 9uvtu·umtsnL. ccumot clu
~ll
ur t..b.i.tt.
Ic will
t~i;e
personal responsibility on the part of every individual. It will
L.c~.k.ts lul..ts~·v~oml..luu by tJ<J<.:.l.~l tt.nd community im:ttitutions, churches
and foundations and businesses and unions. It will take action by
:~I..~ L.~ ~nu loctt.l government.
Each one of us, working together, must
strengthen and stabilize family life. Government can and will be
a. l.Jts L l.ts.t·
p~.t·t...ue.::·.
Mua:~Lly ll.. w..i.ll t..c:Lke the kind of community spirit t.ha't. recently
led Americans to join hands as neighbors and friends and rebuild
c~..CL.~.t l.he ml<lwei!:ILeL·u floods.
We really are all in this together.
�A COHESIVE POLICY FRAMEWORK: BUILDING BLOCKS
•
•
FOR
A STRmm
AMERICA
For too long we have been a nation divided. For those who
grew to adulthood in the 1930s and 40s during the twin challenges
of depression and war, the American experience was one of unity, of
a great people brought together for a high and common purpose.
Many of us who grew up two or three decades later saw a different
reality in our. formative years--internal co:'lflicts and qlobal
confrontations that t·ore our country apart. Our job is to heal the
wounds, to reunify our people with renewed purpose, to infuse a new
spirit of optimism and hope.
Our programs are for everyone.
The great American middle
class, the broad stretch of middle America, those who often are
forgotten or ignored by government, you are included in our agenda
and you will benefit from the results we produce.
During the past year we have laid the foundations for bringing
America together by initiating a comprehensive set of domestic
pn1~~iP.A.
ThP.Ae policies are designed to keep families intact, for
communities to thrive, for every individual to hava greater
opportuni. ty
;::;rnci
.21
finn",..
F:An~P.
of
personal and public
responsibility.
This is an ambitious agenda,
beginning to accomplish.
one that we are only just
But we have made a
str~ncr
becrinnina.
WP
established Family and Medical Leave so that no one will ever have
to abandon cheir family responsibilities because of their job,
lose their job due to family commitments.
~r
We created National
Service, both to expand college opportunities for American youth
that need a hand, and to give eaeh of our young citizens the
opportunity to give something back to their communities, to make a
real contribution as they do for their families.
Our wide-ranging programs--retraining the workforce of tomorrow,
malting our echoolo competitive o.go.in, rectoring economic growth,
expanding investment incentives and international trade for the
private sector, rebuilding our nation's infro.otructurc .;1.nd houcing,
putting mere police on the streecs to make our communities safe and
free from drugs and violence, proposing health security to cut
costs and provide universal coverage, increasing fairness in taxing
and spending,
service,
•
reinventing government to improve efficiency and
reforming welfare to encourage work- -these and other
initiatives all have a common and consistent purpose: to strengthen
our national economy and bring the American people together .
Change takes time, and we are at the beginning.
We have
propoeed a cohesive set of policies, and many of them have already
been passed by a
legi~lation
very cooperative
Congress.
Indeed,
more
was passed in l993 than any firet-year Preeidency in
four decades. We will continue in the coming year to establish the
buildi11g
block~
for ];,ringing the American people tcgether and.
creating a better future.
�STRENGTHENING FAMILIES
.
No institution is more tunaamental to the American character
than the family. Families have been migrating to this land for
centuries to establish communities. Thanks to our revo:utions 1n
private property ownership, for many decades most A.'llericans lived
on family farms. Today most live in single :amily homes. Families
still worship together at religious institutions and participate in
education and community affairs. They do this because families are
organized arollnd parents and children. This f:.1ndamental biological
connection is the basis for the spiritual bonds that tie us all
toqether.
Families transmit values. And it is upon these values that
our society depends. Prosperity will flow from families, because
that is where the work ethic is tauqht. Reducing crime will flow
from families, because that is where personal responsibility is
taught. Everything we all care about, from educational performance
tc social morality to human rights, starts with the family. Even
Reinventing Government begins with families, because that is where
we learn our basic attitudes toward civic responsibility.
The circle turns, because families also can be weakened or
#lt:r·P.ngthP.ned by government. Tax policies, welfare policies, health
and housing and education policies, all of these can have a
pr()r('.)und impact on the ability of families to stay together. Our
administration is committed to stabilizing family life through
pm:;i t.i vA gnvt=~r.nment action. At the very least, we want government
to get out of the way and stop meddling in matters best handled
privately by famili~?a r.tnd r.nmmnnit.iAA. I have asked the Community
Er.terprise Board to examine this issue and eome up with new ideas
for changing government behavior to make i.t mnTA C'!()m!'l.-t:ih1 P. with
our diverse na~ion of families.
.
This commitment is so vitally important, because families,
through children, hold the future of our country in their hands.
To me it is an outrage to see homeless families broken up by
officiQl indifferenee. hnd it is tragic to •ee latchkey children
without any parental guidance or supervision because both parents
mu~t work long hourc at low-paying jobs.
We must rebuild the core
connection between parents, children, and community.
We must
reform the welfare sygtcm Qnd the child support system to make
every parent-- fathers and mothers, custodial or absent-- fully
respon5ible for the well being of their children.
We must make
sure there are family and social services and recreation
opportunities widely available and affordable for pil.rentc anci
children.
Alexis de Toequeville wrote 150 years ago: 11 When the American
retires from the turmoil of public life to the boraom of hio fa.mily,
he finds in it the image of order and of peace." That was not
always true then, and it certainly iran' t a.lwa.yc true today. Yet it
remains a powerful ideal, and we will work hard to sustain ana
nu•ture its realization in the years a.hcad.
�1"'11..1• ~'-'-
THE IMPORTANCE OF
•
~CU~UM!~ ~COVERY AN~
I
---
THE NEED TO SUSTAIN IT.
The most vital tasks any nation !aces is to mG~.inl..et.i.u
prosperity and security. ! believe we have taken important steps
during our first year in accomplis!l1ng these goals. . The sign::. ur
~obust economic recovery have been unmista~eable during the past
year, starting with the creation or over one million net n~w
private sector jobs, more than in the p~evious four years in
America. Other vital signs are a.Lso moving in the right Cl1rection:
the rate of unemployment has been steadily falling; inflation and
interest rates have remained low; productior. anCl sales have been
consistently rising.
We cannot and will r.ot rest until every
American experiences economic recovery by obtaining a job and
gaininq a decent income.
We are working hard and making
substantial progress toward reaching this goal.
Residential construction and sales have always been leading
factors in national economic recovery, and this has been especially
true in 1993. Construction and sales of single family houses in
particular helped to spur the economy out of recession and into
growth.
Housing has been among the strongest sectors of our
economy, with dramatic production and sales increases in the past
few months. Hundreds of thousands of renters, many frozen out of
~hP. homebuying market by high interest rates a few years ago, are
taking the opportunity of low mortgage rates, stable prices, and
r:ising irH"!t"'mP.A and job prospects to purchase a home. Many existing
homeowners have taken advantage of the economic upturn of 1993 to
refir.ancP. thAir mnrr.gages, collectively reducing personal debt and
saving billions of dollars that can be reinvested or spent on other
vital needs.
All of this home builr.Ung, hnying, and refinancing is helpingto generate economic growth and create many more jobs. Residential
produetion is an engine of eeonomic dP.vA1npmP.nt, with this year's
aeeivity fueling millions of jobs in building, servicing,
remodeling, and furnishing homes. Net n~w Amployment in housing
construction increased ty 120, 000 in 1993, and will grow by another
l.SO,OOO in 19i4.
.
The hmerioan Dream of homeownership is on~ of r.hP. great ideals
that built this country.
For two centuries, wave upon wave of
pioneers and immigrants have reached our shor~s and r.rnAAP.d our
continent for the special opportunity to control their own destiny
by building and owning ~ family home. To rebuild Ameriea and m~kA
it strong into the 21st Century, we must expand homeownership
opportunities, which fell behind in the 19QOs after four decades of
growth. The current economic recove1~ is the starting point of
l.hese rebuilding efforts. IIoueing hag been key to our recovery,
and we must continue to nurture its economic value as we proceed to
lc:ty the foundations for lons-terrn, ato.bl~ eoonomie growth. We mus-=
continue not only for reasons of economic health and vitality, but
because many Americane, p~rtieularly ycung families ju•t beginnincr
their careers, have not yet reachea their dream of becoming
homeowners. We will not lot up until eaoh one ha• a real ehance.
�..
Our :tuture is at stake--to ma1ntain our national heritG~.yt!, ow.1·
pride as a people--without homelessness, and with genuine prospects
for a family homestead.
We must carefully sustain the current
rising economic tide, and housing is an important part of O'..lr
upward trajectory .
�.-..
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY
93 DEC30 P3: 34
•
December 30, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR JOHN PODESTA
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
SECRETARY RICHARD RILEY
SUBJECT:
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
Emotionally and thematically, the President has been speaking with great passion and eloquence
in recent months about his increasing concerns that random violence is destroying the civic fiber
of this nation and about the very great need to build and protect those "things that bind us
together-- our communities, our schools and our families."
His Memphis speech to African-American ministers on violence clearly struck the mark and set
the tone. This is a powerful emotional theme for the State of the Union Address. It articulates
and supports the growing public sentiment for accountability and renewal of civic morality.
The public's longing and determination to set new and higher standards take many forms: the
public outrage against crime and violence, the protest against violence in television, the demand
for handgun control, the call for higher ethics in politics, the move to raise the threshold in
defining sexual harassment, and the "Three Strikes You're Out" ballot initiative in California.
In many ways, this growing sentiment can be summed up by the very old phrase "putting our
house in order." The American people have just come through a recession and their list of what
is acceptable is rapidly shrinking. They seem to have little tolerance for anything that gets in
the way of achieving results. There is a pragmatic, no-nonsense, get-it-done mood in the
making. The recent election of a new class of Mayors who won on promises of results, is but
one reflection of this growing sentiment.
What makes this new sentiment distinct is that the call for standards and accountability cuts
across traditional political and ideological lines. The recent protest in the African-American
community against "gangsta rap" reflects this new mood and the depth of the emerging
consensus.
At the same time, this new "put our house in order" sentiment is coupled with a very real
recognition that we live in different economic times. The passage of NAFTA suggests that Mr.
Perot's "economic nationalism," which harkened back to an America of the 1950's, has given
way to a keen awareness that the economics of the world have changed dramatically and people
have to prepare for a new reality.
400 MARYLAND AVE .• S.W. WASHINGTON. D.C. 20202
Our mission is to ensure equal access to education and to promote educational excellence throughout the Nation.
�In testing the message for our GOALS 2000 legislation, for example, focus groups were highly
responsive to the theme, "A World-Class Education for Every Child." People make the
connection between the reform of education and the opportunity for their children to have some
chance of "making it" in the new global economy .
..
All this is to suggest that a speech which allows the President to (1) define his own sentiments
about citizenship, values and the civic morality of this nation; (2) give public voice to this new
mood for standards and for "putting our house in order;" and (3) offer a future orientation which
drives home the message that his policies are designed to get "results" and to prepare people for
the future, will touch strong and powerful emotional chords in the American public.
In many ways, this is a reaffirmation of the President's original campaign theme of "opportunity
and responsibility" with a greater emphasis on the latter. The President may want to, given the
recent surge of violence against children, frame the speech in terms of protecting the health,
safety, education and future of this nation's children.
Obviously, reform of education -- for raising standards and striving for educational excellence -fits within this larger thematic framework, particularly our GOALS 2000 legislation which calls
for voluntary national "goals" of excellence in education. GOALS 2000, which has already
passed the House with strong bipartisan support, will be the first substantive piece of legislation
up for a vote in the Senate once Congress returns.
Several factors suggest how education reform can be linked to the broader themes outlined
above:
...
*
Passage of NAFT A and the GAIT sets the stage for a Presidential call for a "world-class
education for every child" as embodied in our GOALS 2000 legislation.
*
The growing public sentiment for accountability and standards lends itself to GOALS
2000, to the reform of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act and, very directly,
to our Safe Schools legislation.
*
Passage of our new School-to-Work legislation responds to the public's pragmatic, nononsense, get-it-done approach to the future and to the surge in the educational
aspirations of young people (up 20% in the last ten years).
The President may want to spend a few minutes thinking these themes through with Taylor
Branch. I had a recent conversation with Taylor and he seems to be of a like mind in thinking
that this new public mood of accountability is a movement in the making, that the time is ripe
for a radical transformation of our public education system.
Attached is a first cut at some language on "education" for the State of the Union Address.
�"STATE OF THE UNION"
•
'
For there are two realities in the lives of our children and they
are at war -- one with the other. There is the reality of too
many guns and too much violence, of young girls getting pregnant
and being forgotten by the fathers of their babies, of schools
that don't function and young people who drop out and give up on
America. For that is what they are doing, giving up on America.
Then there is another reality of dignity, hope and achievement.
A reality found anywhere in this country even in our most
troubled neighborhoods. Children and parents who obey the law,
who believe in the future, who see the value of a first class
education, who know that their neighborhood school is a safe
haven of knowledge and excellence.
For I tell you that the way out of poverty and the way out of a
life of despair, anger and violence is the education of our
children and the building of their character.
our challenge is to give every young person in America the
opportunity to get a world-class education. For our world is
changing and our children must be prepared. It's not a question_
of giving up the basics.
Creating a world-class education means setting higher academic
goals and raising expectations, recognizing that the old assembly
line vision of education doesn't fit our new, global economy. It
means parents and teachers working together, rigorous math
courses and in-depth science classes, children who know
Shakespeare, the wonder of nature, the history of our great
country and how to live in a world of fiber optics and
information highways.
Isn't that what the American Dream is all about? Giving our
children a leg-up in life to get ahead, having a chance to better
themselves and make their way in the life of this great nation.
For that is the great power of public education in America -- it
gives everyone a chance -- a chance that can only be assured in
this age of technology if we recognize that excellence has a
place in our society and that excellence and equity are never
incompatible.
This is why we must reform the education of our children, to ask
for the full involvement of every school community and to see
this process of reform as our great mission.
We know what it
takes to meet world class standards. Every day thousands of good
teachers in hundreds of good schools strive for and achieve
excellence in the classroom.
�M
We simply need to replicate what they do all over America --to
raise our expectations of what our children can achieve, to
reform how we teach and learn, to set new, rigorous academic
standards and to have some basic way to judge the success of
this effort school by school, neighborhood by neighborhood,
student by student.
Passage of our GOALS 2000 legislation can give 20,000 schools all
across this nation a first opportunity at bottom-up reform, to
move quickly and boldly to redesign their curriculum to give a
world-class education to every child.
This powerful impetus for reform, for achieving excellence,
will complement and set the stage for the important
reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act and
our new School-to-Work legislation. It is all part of a piece,
and if we are to have education reform and we must have it, all
the pieces must go together.
Three-quarters of this nation's high school graduates do not go
directly on to four years of college. These young people are the
backbone of our future work force, the technicians, designers,
and operators who will master the sophisticated technology of the
21st century. They need to jump start their careers as early as
possible and our School-to-Work legislation is a first down
payment on a long term investment in their educational needs.
Giving our children the best education possible will strengthen
our civic values and democratic rights and continue to be the
source of our productivity and genius. But an educated American
must be a working American so I ask the congress to work with me
to create the new workforce of tomorrow.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
008. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Lloyd Bentsen to John Podesta. Subject: State of the Union Address.
(4 pages)
12/30/1993
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State of the Union 1994 [1]
2008-0699-F
'm494
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
penonal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) ofthe FOIAJ
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an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information J(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) ofthe FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) ofthe FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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1993-1995
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
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State of the Union 1994 [1]
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2008-0699-F
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/d9b219b88ba3048c6bc8d4459381ef02.pdf
b00d1ec9c19ee38147c1ba60445044c9
PDF Text
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MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative ·markerby the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
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Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
'I:
Subseries:
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
White House Staff, Size and Budget
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
11/11/1992
Phone No. (Partial) {l page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA!Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
White House Staff, Size and Budget
2008-0699-F
'm495
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)l
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose Information complied for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
__.___ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
-
-----------
�/
/
/
/
January 28, 1993
MEMORANDUM
George S~anopoulos, Director of Communications
Carter Wl~ie, Communications Research
White House physician
TO:
FR:
RE:
The White House physician serves at the pleasure of the
President, and the choice of the fbite House physician has
historically been a personal one.
Dr. Burton Lee was brought to the White House by President Bush.
According to Nancy Hernreich, the first family has decided to be
served by a physician of their choice. They are currently making
a decision about the appointment, but have not informed the staff
any further. Previous medical records are en route to the White
House if they have not arrived already, and all records will be
kept by the White House physician.
The President is currently being served by the three military
doctors assigned to the White House physician's office.
The President was administered his regular allergy shot Wednesday
evening, just as he received them on a regular basis from various
doctors throughout the campaign.
1
McKinley's Surgeon General, Presley Marion Rixley, served as the first
White House doctor. He stayed on with Theodore Roosevelt but was dismissed by
William Howard Taft. Taft's personal doctor stayed on with Wilson, after Taft
recommended him. Woodrow Wilson struck up a friendship with the doctor, who,
like Wilson, happened to be both a Democrat and a native of Virginia.
Wilson's successor, Warren Harding, brought an old friend to the White House
as his personal physician.
�...
I
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 10, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR:
Mark Gearan, Deputy Chief of Staff
ftv&: Carter Wilkie, Communications Research
FROM:
SUBJECT:
Dr. Alan Lichtman's proposal (attached)
The President met with Lichtman at American University and was
familiar with his book, The Thirteen Keys to the Presidency.
Jack Quinn and Eli Segal have worked with him some in the past.
Jack says he is extremely knowledgeable, helpful and friendly.
As his proposal states, Lichtman wants to offer an ongoing
historical perspective of why presidential initiatives have or
have not worked in the past. (Stephanopoulos and Begala have
often asked UR to provide this type of research.) Lichtman also
wants to be affiliated with the White House in some quasiofficial, but unpaid, capacity, with a desk at the OEOB to use
two days a week.
As a historian, a statistical analyst, and frequent
expert/talking head for political media, he may have a lot to
offer us; however, thought must be given to ethical questions and
Lichtman's potential interests in information gathered here.
Someone should decide if our interests are served by giving him
the access he requests in return for his services.
I have also attached a memo Lichtman has written staff on
reinventing government, as wel~ as transcripts of his recent
media appearances and a few pages from his most recent book.
cc.
Ricki Seidman
�THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON DC
.·
November 11, 1992
President-Elect Bill Clinton
Dear President-Elect Clinton:
This is one proposal that will not cost the government one cent
in salary·. I am not seeking a paid position, but rather an informal one
as White House Historian. By this I do not mean someone who chronicles
events, but rather a consultant who provides historical perspective to
the president and his top advisers. Simultaneously the position could
serve as a liaison to the academic community. Presidents have received
relatively little historical input, contributing to the isolation of the
presidency eloquently described in George Reedy's Twilight of the
Presidency and vividly demonstrated by the Bush campaign.
I am a Professor of History at The American University and the
author of The Thirteen Keys to the Presidency among five other books and
more than one hundred scholarly and popular articles. I have provided
historical perspective to federal courts as an expert witness in more
than 50 voting rights and redistricting cases and am a regular
commentator for television networks. The "Thirteen Keys" are an
historically based prediction system that correctly forecast the results
of the last three presidential elections. As the enclosed articles
indicate, the Keys were the only prominent model to forecast your
victory this year. I have kept you fully informed of my analysis through
your Special Assistant Kay Goss.
So that this proposal will seem less abstract, let me provide two
very brief illustrations of the value of historical perspective. One
relates to the big picture of the Clinton presidency, another to a
specific type of decision.
The Big Picture: As president-elect, you are already receiving
advice from those who believe he should proceed cautiously with new
initiatives, given the essentially moderate message of the campaign and
the need to capture the American mainstream. But history shows that the
real danger to an incoming administration is not a lack of moderation,
but a lack of substantial accomplishment.
College of Arts and Science
Dcpanmcnt of History
4400 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20016 (202) 885-2401
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
11/11/1992
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
White House Staff, Size and Budget
2008-0699-F
'm495
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified Information [(b)(l) of the FOlA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose Information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOlA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOlA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�History contradicts the conventional wisdom that presidents
should steer a middle course between left and right. The voters reward
activism not centrism in their presidents and punish inaction, not
supposed extremism. Every innovative president this century has won
reelection: Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt,
Harry Truman, Lyndon Johnson, and Ronald Reagan. All were assailed by
contemporaries for being too far left or right.
In contrast, George Bush has now joined William Howard Taft,
Herbert Hoover, Gerald Ford, and Jimmy Carter as the fifth presidential
domino toppled by the voters this century. The single common thread
that runs through their presidencies is a lack of ideas and action equal
to domestic challenges of the time.
·
Key Economic Appointments: Some advisers suggest making
relatively conservative appointments to one or more key economic
positions to reassure the financial markets, while the administration
pursues a more aggressive economic policy. This strategy has achieved
mixed success in the past.
Fairly well-known is the appointment of by President John Kennedy
of investment banker and prominent Republican c. Douglas Dillon as
Treasury Secretary. Dillon proved to be a pro-growth, internationallyoriented businessman and an advocate of tax reform who eventually signed
on to the administration's Keynesian approach to economic stimulus.
Still, Dillon was a brake on more rapid reform during the Kennedy years
and an obstacle to rethinking the w.orld order in terms other than
confrontation with an allegedly monolithic communist bloc.
Less well-known is Franklin Roosevelt's appointment of Lewis
Douglas as Budget Director. A Democrat who looked backward to the
nineteenth century, Douglas favored states rights, limited government,
and balanced budgets. With his incessant campaign to restrain spending
Douglas became a obstacle to the implementation of early New Deal
policies. The disillusioned Budget Director resigned in 1934.
Given my location at The American University I can be readily
available to members of the adminis.tration and would be willing to
supply historical analysis in writing or in person. My sole request
would be for a part-time office {2-3 days per week) where I could meet
with administration members and receive requests.
I would, of course, be happy to consider a fulltime position as
White House historian or to serve in any capacity in which I might be of
assistance. I look forward to hearing from you.
Sincerely,
Pr.
Allan J. Lichtman
Professor
~ -I.__~P-6/_Cbl_<s_l_ __,j. [oo 1]
....---~--··-
�THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON DC
TO:
Phil Lader, Dennis Bakke, Jack Quinn
FROM: Allan J. Lichtman, Professor
DATE: March 9, 1993
RE:
Why the Grace Commission Failed; How "Reinventing Government" Can
Succeed
In January, 1984, after 18 months of work, the President's Private
Sector survey on Cost Control, chaired by industrialist w. R. Grace,
issued 2478 recommendations with a purported saving to the federal
government of $424 billion over three years. A year later, the media
was asking "What Happened to the Grace Commission?" According to
independent sources, the direct impact of the Grace Commission on the
federal budget was close to zero. There are important lessons for
"Reinventing Government" in the failure of the Grace Commission.
*Partisanship: Ironically, it is difficult for a Republican
administration to pare down bureaucracy. There are inevitable
suspicions of ulterior motives to cripple government or slash needed
benefits. It took a Republican administration to open to door to China;
it may take a Democratic one to bring government under control.
*Exaggeration: The Grace Commission overstated the dollar value of
its recommendations, casting doubt on the entire enterprise. The CBO
and the GAO were able to review recommendations that allegedly
accounted for some $300 billion in savings. They found the actual
savings to be less than $100 billion, even assuming all recommendations
were adopted in full.
*Vagueness: Many of the Grace Commission recommendations were too
vague or speculative to be independently reviewed. As a result,
potentially worthwhile recommendations lacked credibility.
*Public Support: Unlike the more successful Hoover Commission, the
Grace Commission failed to muster strong public support for its
proposals. It was handicapped by an attitude that the recommendati0ns
were so self-evidently meritorious that persuasion was unnecessary.
*Technique: There was much that was innovative and imaginative in
the Grace Commission. But a decade ago, the Commission simply did not
have available the techniques since developed to promote internal
competition in government, revise budgetary procedures, promote
public/private ventures, monitor performance, etc.
College of Arts and Science
Depanment of Histo~·
4400 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20016 (202) 885-2401
�*New Problems: Despite advances in administrative technique, the
problem of reforming the federal government may be more difficult now
than ten years ago. As evidenced in,recent reports on the EPA, HUD. and
the National Archives it will be a challenging task simply to establish'
a modicum of competence and honesty in many departments and agencies.
*Clout: Unlike the Hoover Commission, the Grace Commission did not
include a range of respected public figures and congressional leaders.
And the Reagan Administration never really made the Commission a top
political priority.
*Ideology: Rightly or wrongly, the Grace Commission appeared
ideological. The report invoked Reagan-style rhetoric, promising to
help "get government off our backs, 11 and to avoid "confiscatory
taxation. 11 Many of Commission's the big ticket recommendations were
also ideologically charged: e.g., reducing federal payments for food
stamps, medicare, and medicaid. on the entire enterprise.
We cannot, of course, banish ideology or policy judgment, but I
would recommend we be as explicit as possible about the assumptions
underlying all recommendations. The following categories might be
useful.
1. Missions that should not be performed at all: e. g. ,
encouraging tobacco growing; persuading businesses to relocate in other
nations.
2. Missions that should not be performed by government: e. g. ,
advertising American products abroad.
3. Missions that should be performed more effectively: e. g.,
controlling crime; aiding college students.
4. Missions that should be performed with lower priority: e. g.,
supporting farm prices; making loans to small businesses.
s. Missions that should be performed more cheaply or efficiently:
e. g., transporting government officials; collecting taxes; providing
social services.
P.S.: You may enjoy the following quotation from a book published
in 1933 by public administration expert James M. Beck, a former
Solicitor General of the u.s.:
"It is natural that the present complex age should differ from the
simple days of 1789, but it seems indisputable that the expenses of the
Federal Government has increased far beyond the actual benefits
conferred by that government on the people of this country •••• It is
a crime that our government should drain from the productive wealth of
the Nation over four billion dollars each year."
�Copyright 1992 Cable News Network, Inc.
All rights reserved
CNN
Both Sides With Jesse Jackson
October 17, 1992
Transcript # 42
JESSE JACKSON, Host: Welcome to Both Sides. A special roundtable, a week of
rhetoric, rapid-fire, and who's been served by all the debates we've seen, and who's
telling the truth? No partisans here to tonight, consider this the truth squad Let's start
on the subject of the truth, was it lost on all the talk?
Allan Lichtman, you are a learned analyst on the ways of the system. What's your side?
AllAN UCHTMAN, The American University: Well, to paraphrase Admiral
Stockdale, the stinky little truths certainly got lost in these debates, but the big truths
always come through, and they are George Bush's record over the past four years and
the direction in which the challengers want to take the country.
I think those things are plain to the voters.
•••
JACKSON: Do you get the impression that Bush somehow does not get it, even yet? I
remember Sunday night in the debate when Clinton began to click off the economic
crisis, Bush's response was we're the best in the world. We're doing real well, and then
the young lady asked him a question about how the debt impacted upon them personally,
he still didn't get it If you don't get it, you
sure can't fix it.
Mr. UCHTMAN: That's for sure. You know what Bush reminds me of a little bit is of
·Lyndon Johnson in 1968, when for very different reasons Lyndon Johnson knew he was a
man presiding over the end of an era, and couldn't do anything about it That's what
George Bush looks like in these debates, a man presiding over the end of an era, without
any way of stopping the momentum of the tide going against him. He looks disengaged.
One of the most gripping images of the last debate was George Bush looking at his
watch, as though he was a man whose time was up.
•••
JACKSON: Is Clinton winning at this point because of his strategy, his substance? Are
forces and circumstances beyond his campaign altogether?
Mr. LICHTMAN: Clinton is being swept to the White House by fundamental tides of
history. It's not just the bad economy. That's half of it. The other half is George Bush's
own lack of inspirational leadership. It turns out president's do
�well when they have a strong record of policy change to run on. Bush doesn't have that,
and on top of that, he has the rough economy. He's in much the same position as
another beleaguered president named Herbert Hoover who said, 'In the end, the
presidency becomes the repository of all the nation's ills, especially when times are bad.'
•••
JACKSON: Doesn't it seem to you, Allan, that when Ointon says he'll cut the military
budget deeper than Bush will cut it. He will tax the wealthiest 2 percent. He will
reinvest in America as a stimulus, so we can grow out of it. Is he moving in the right
direction?
Mr. UCHfMAN: Many people believe that. I want to say one thing, though, I
fundamentally disagree with what's been said here. I don't think there's any evidence at
all that the voters don't want to hear the truth. The politicians think the voters don't
want to bear the truth, just as the sitcom creators don't
think the 1V viewers want to hear anything intelligent. Walter Mondale was a loser, and
he fought, not matter what he said. It's never been tried, so we don't know whether it's
true or not, and certainly, Clinton has suggested some very different national priorities in
terms of making the rich pay a little more, and shifting from defense to domestic areas,
and that's certainly
something the voters can make choices about.
•••
JACKSON: Is there likely to be any dramatic closing of the gap?
Mr. UCHfMAN: I'd be very surprised. I'd be very surprised if there's any dramatic
closing. Look at the bigger picture. Perot is important for several other reasons.
Number one, he represents a barometer of discontent with the status quo. That's when
third parties crop up.
JACKSON: On the ballot in 50 states?
Mr. UCHTMAN: That's right. Number two, he doesn't speak the ordinary language of
politics, and so, he makes the other candidates look the same, and be looks refreshingly
different. Number three, be could be the harbinger of some real
political change. If the Democrats win in '92, and Clinton becomes a two-term
president, where's the Republican base? They don't have a base in the states. They
don't have a base in the Congress. They could become a right-wing, minority party, and
we could conceivably see a new political movement arise in America.
•••
JACKSON: Welcome back. Allan, if President Bush, the incumbent, and all of the
inside leverage, if he is to win, how is he to do it?
�-
.
..
Mr. UCHTMAN: The only way George Bush can win this year is by rewriting the
history of the past four years. The problem is not what he's doing now, it's what he
hasn't done during his incumbency in domestic policy. The character issue won't work.
It's too late. Anything will be discounted, and George Bush
himself, with his statements on Iran, the Iraq-gate scandals, the use of agencies of
government like the State Department for political purposes is too vulnerable to be the
messenger of an effective attack.
Copyright 1992 Cable News Network, Inc.
All rights reserved
CNN
NEWS
August 21, 1992
Transcript# 91 - 1
ALLAN UCHTMAN, American University: Without the South, this election goes
'south' for the Republicans - they lose. And, he's got to rebuild what was once a strong
Republican base in the middle West. States like Ohio, lllinois and Michigan are going
to be major battle grounds this year.
Copyright 1992 National Public Radio
NPR
SHOW: MORNING EDIDON
March 24, 1992, Tuesday
HEADUNE: BUSH SUCCESS THWARTED BY DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS
Allan Uchtman (American University): You have checks and balances, but in my mind
those checks and balances equal stalemate. After all, the purpose of this government is
not simply for one branch to balance the other and get nothing
done. Supposedly the purpose of having a government is to achieve some kind of
pob--public policy initiative, whether from the left, like the Great Society, or whether
from the right, like Ronald Reagan's revolution; what we remember and respect is real
accomplishment on the part of the government. In fact, some of
the most effective policymaking in American history has been conducted when the
president and the Congress are of the same party. That's what made the New Deal
possible back in the 1930s. That's what made the civil rights initiatives and the
�~
.
.
•
anti-poverty campaigns of the 1960s possible. It's just that we've forgotten what unified
government is really like.
•••
Uchtman: Lyndon Johnson didn't get everything be wanted on foreign policy. He got his
entire domestic agenda passed through Congress, the last time that has happened in the
history of this country. Ronald Reagan got much of his domestic agenda passed in 1981
and 1982, when he had a Republican Senate and an ideological majority in the House.
And really we can date the end of the Reagan revolution to 1982, when be no longer
had a working majority in the House.
Uchtman: Even a strong president like Lyndon Johnson could not have overcome a
Republican majority in Congress, particularly given that many Southern Democrats
would not have been in favor of his program. He would have either had to substantially
modify his program or he wouldn't have gotten it passed at all.
Edwards: But even if you have a unified leadership, Democrats or Republicans
controlling both the Congress and the White House, it doesn't necessarily guarantee
effective leadership, does it?
Lichtman: It doesn't. You need effective leaders to start with. Jimmy Carter is the
prime example of a president who had unified control of government throughout his
term but was unable to translate it into policy initiatives for two reasons. Number one,
he didn't have bold, innovative ideas; and number two,
he didn't know how to deal with Congress.
Eisenhower had a Republican Congress at the very beginning of his term, but didn't
translate it into very mucb, either, because he also wasn't a bold, innovative leader. For
the last six years of his two terms he had to battle against the Democrats-and did pretty
well at that. He was actually in some ways better at conciliating with the Democrats
than he was with leading the
Republicans.
Edwards: The parties seem so entrenched in their respective branches of government
that I don't-it-it will be quite a surprise this year if-if the situation changes.
Lichtman: It would be a great surprise. Take a Democratic president--and right now it
doesn't look very bright for the Democrats--or it would take a revolution in Congress.
The Republicans would have to overcome a very hefty margin in the
House and a fairly hefty margin in the Senate. For all the talk of the anti-incumbent
mood sweeping the country, I don't anticipate the Republicans capturing either the
House or the Senate this time around. In fact, I would expect some 90 percent of
incumbents who are running for re-election to win.
�~
.
.•
They talked in 1990 about the great anti-incumbent mood and how long-term incumbent
senators like Oaibome Pell would be thrown out of office. In fact, one single incumbent
lost.
Edwards: Yes, but there have been a little different circumstances this time around. You
didn't have the-the great banking scandal then.
Uchtman: Will the rubber checks bounce the inaunbents out of Congress? I don't think
so. I think it'll bounce some of them out, perhaps the most egregious offenders, but it
h--it has affected so many members of Congress that it's going to be hard to single out
particular individuals. It's come late in the game, and it's not really time to recruit a lot
of effective, well-financed challengers to face off against these incumbents. I think the
rubber checks will bounce some, but not nearly enough to give the Republicans a
glimmer of taking over the House.
�,.
'
ALLAN). LICHTMAN (left) is a professor of
history at The American University in Washington, D.C. He is the author of five books,
including Prejudice and the Old Politics: The
Presidential Election of t928. He has been a
Sherman Fairchild Distinguished Visiting
Scholar at the California Institute of Technology, an adviser to several presidential candidates, and he lectures frequently on American politics in the United States and abroad.
KEN DECELL is a senior editor of The
Washingtonian magazine. He grew up writing
for his parents' weekly newspaper, The Deer
Creek Pilot, in Rolling Fork, Mississippi. A
graduate of Princeton University, he was the
founding editor of ?vftmpbis magazine. He
has also worked as a press and legislative aide
on Capitol Hill and as editor-in-chief of :Roll
Call, an independent newspaper for and
about Congress.
Dust jacket design by
Pamtla f.twis Schnifttr/J=irst J=olio graphics
4720
Boston Way
Lanham, Maryland 20706
Distributed by
NATIONAL BOOK NETWORK
.
~
�:·
HOW PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS WORK
THE 13 KEYS TO THE PRESIDENCY
7
(9 lc:rc:IO
The Keys to the Presidency are stated as conditions that
favor the re-election of the incumbent party. When five or
fewer statements are false, the incumbent party wins. When
six or more are false, the challenging party wins.
KEY 1 (Party Mandate): After the midterm elections, the incumbent
party holds more seats in the U.S. House of Representives
than it did after the previous midterm elections.
KEY 2 (Contest): There is no serious contest for the incumbent-party
nomination.
KEY 3 (Incumbency): The incumbent-party candidate is the sitting
president.
KEY 4 (Third party): There is no significant third-party or independent campaign.
KEY S (Short-term economy): The economy is not in recession during
the election campaign.
KEY 6 (Long-term economy): Real per-capita economic growth during the term equals or exceeds mean growth during the
previous two terms.
KEY 7 (Policy change): The incumbent administration effects major
changes in national policy.
KEY 8 (Social unrest): There is no sustained social unrest during the
term.
KtY 9 (Scandal): The incumbent administration is untainted by major scandal.
KEY 10 (Foreign/military failure): The incumbent administration suffers no major failure in foreign or military affairs.
KEY 11 (Foreign/military success): The incumbent administration
achieves a major success in foreign or military affairs.
KEY 12 (Incumbent charisma): The incumbent-party candidate is
charismatic or a national hero.
KEY 13 (Challenger charisma): The challenging-party candidate is
not charismatic or a national hero.
�, 18 '93 18:34 SENT BY
D~jC
PRESS OFFICE
P.2
I
~
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT:
'-''
(Numbers are in constant FY 1987 dollars and in millions)
Bush's FY 1993 budget would increase funding for the Executive Office of the
President by 76% in adjusted dollars (FY 1987$):
BUDGET
FISCAL YEAR
· INCREASE OVER FY'89
AUTHORITY
(PY'87 $)
FY 1'989
$119 act.
FY 1990
$2S9 act.
+ 118%
FY 1991
$161 act.
+ 35%
FY 1992
$186 est.
FY 1993
$210 est.
0
+ 76% ,
TOTAL CHANGE (FY 1989 TO FY 1993): + $91 million (76CJIJ) INCREASE
****************
BUDGEt AUTHOIID' fQR THE EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
fY
UNADJST.
AMOUNT
DIVIDED
.llX
JlgflATOR
COMPOS.
EY'87 $
FY 1989
129 act.
I
1.0815
:;; 119
FY 1990
292 act.
I
1.1283
= 259
FY 1991
190 act.
I
1.1782
= 161
FY 1992
226 est.
I
1.2147
~
FY 1993
264 est.
I
1.2549
=210
TOTAL:
186
[SOURCE: U.S. Bud1et, FY 1993, 1991; FY 1993 Bud&et SuRplement. Historical Tables]
\....;
�.~ 18 '93 18: 35 SENT BY DNC PRESS OFFICE
P.3
\.
i"
BUSH: EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PREsiDENf
NUMBER OF EMPLOYEES
<est.>:
QFFICE.:
FY'89 {acQ!aJ):
FY'93
White House
Office
362
414
+
Executive
Residence at the
White House
90
97
+ 7.8%
Official
Residence of the
Vice President
1
1
Special
23
26
+
Council of
Economic
Advisors
31
41
+ 32.3%
Council and
Office on
Environmental
9
40
+ 344.4%
n/a
nla
Assistance to the
President
CHANGE;
14.4%
13%
Quality
Office of Wage
·and Price
Stability
\...-·
Office of Policy
Development
36
51
+ 41.79(,
NSC
60
65
+ 8.3%
National Space
Council
7
1
National Critical
Materials Council
3
3
�P.4
.~~ 18 '93 18:35 SENT BY DNC PRESS OFFICE
••
Office of
Administration
+ 37.6%
234
170
(continued)
\..../
NUMBER OF EMPLOYEES
OFFICE:
EY'89 CJctua1);
FY'93 (est.):
CHANGE:
OMB
524
572
+ 9.2%
Office of Federal
Procurement
Policy
27
33
+ 22.2%
Office of
25
130
+ 420%
Office of Science
and Technology
Policy
12
43
+ 258.3%
Office of the
USTR-
142
162
+ 14:1%
!.m
la!l2
National Drug
Control Policy
·\._;
Points of Light
Drug Free
America
TOTAL
8
[Sources: Budeet of the United Stares, FY'91 and FY'93;
House Subcommittee on Human Resources]
whitehou 9/11/92 16:46
2
�P.5
1N 18 '93 18:36 SENT BY DNC PRESS OFFICE
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT (FY 1993):
\_..,.
MAJOR PROGRAMS FUNDED IN BUSH•s FY 1993 BUDGET
. Compensation of the President
The White House
Executive Residence at the White House
Official Residence of the Vice President
Special Assistance
to
the President
·council of Economic Advisors
Council on Environmental Quality and Office of Environmental Quality
Office of Wage and Price Stability
Office of Policy Development
National Security Council
\......-·
National Space Council
National Critical Materials Council
Office of Administration
Office of Management and Budget
Office of National Drug Control Policy
Office of Science and Technology Policy
Office of the United States Trade Representative
The Points of Light Foundation
White House Conference for a Drua Free America
.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
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'tOUR SEARCH REIIUES'i AT THE TI l'1E THIS' N'A It.- IT tNAS' R'EGUE5'TEO:
CLINTON AND <WHITE HOUSE STAFF W/:; REDUCE OR CUT> AND DATE AFT 199'1
t~UMSER
LEVEL
OF STORIES FOUt~O WITH nJUR REGUES'T THROUGH:
LEVEL •I • • •
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STOR'i' NUt1BERS-:
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71:; 17TH STREET, NW
WASHINGTON DISTRICT OF COLUt-tB'IA ZOJ03
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
�PAGE
LEVEL
...
L
- 27 OF 27 STORIES
Copyright 19'"7Z' The t;ew York Times Company
The New York Times
June
SECTION:
S~ctibn
Z'3, ·t9'"7Z', Tuesday, Late Edition - Final
A; Page 19; Colullln 1; National Desk
LENGiii: H ll words
HEADLINE: THE 199Z' CAMPAIGN: Democrats;
Mayors Applaud Clinton's Promise to Remake American Economy
SYLINE: By o. DRUMr.ot;o AYRES Jr., Special to The t;ew ·tort\ Times
DATELINE: HOUSTON, June::
·n
Gov. Bill Clinton took iiis new economic line or taxes ror tiie rich anif
oe·y·elopment .sc11erues l'or the poor before t11e oOtll an11ua1 gat11iHing liere of tl;e
••• vigorous applause when he declared it would remake America economically.
In a major revision oi his earlier ~conoruic blueprint, Mr. Clinton promised
to cut tiie budget deficit in iialr by ·;996 by taxing tlie ricii and roreign
corporatioi-.s, and by· slashing •••
a· million· ne-w ·job's.. a· yeai".·
The· Arkansas Gove·rno·r also 1io-pes · t·he ·plan· Will 1ielp· hi"lll"dO better. ·~1r.
Clintoit; who·· won· tl're·· Detuacrati-c· primary· catn-pa1gi't; i·s at a· cr"lt-1-ca.l· juncture-· in·
·t1'1-s ·que·.s·t f err the · Pre·.s iderrcy, ··runn-ing last •••
• • • college· would· !lave· the· option· of· pay·ing· it· back:· thr1lugh· a· rew· year-s o.f·
·com1m:m it'y se-n 1-ce , "i"l'l·,lud i'l'tg ·pollee ·work.
M1··.
Cli:nta1\· .sa·i·d· tne· Hnan-ctng· ror-· 11i's pt'Optisals wou·ld· corife·
f'l'Oiit
iwc·rea-si!d·
ta·x·es ·on th·e rici1 am1 ·O"n ·f-o·r-ei·gn cotnpani-es, and f·rom c-utting ·Gc;·.,'e·rnnrent ·costs.
ha-ppened·. You· ~·f'e· got to· pay you·r· fat;·· .sha·re· t f
t'h 1:S C'Oi:i'ntl·y.
~-ou·
want to· do· bu·.s iwe·.ss t;1·
11
In· l'it.s .spee-c·h· today, ilf·r·. Clt;,to"· d·i'i:i· nnmtton· a· cilan-ye· i"i,. JH·.s ta·x· p'i'trjlO"Sa·l.s
·ro·r the ·m1·d·dl:e class. ·Du·r 1n·g the pr i·mary ta-mpa i·gn, ·lte 11a'd u·r·g·e·d both a •••
l"tr·.
Clii,'t011' .sa·td· HJU,OOO· j'iltr.s Cilti'ld· be· e·lii!ti·itate'd· front tlu!!· GO't'Ffl.1'i'iften·t l:iy
~towe·d to
cut the Wtli t-e House
attr tti"on l'·o"y·-er the n-ext c-ouple ·of y--eius." He
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
�PAGE
3
The N·ew York Times, June '23, 1·9·91
.staff by a· qti'arte·j··, arrcl· to- i:.n·-g·e· Ccrt'l·g·r-e·s.s to- eta th·e· .sailte· w-ttl'l· tt.s staff.
The &o··rernor also pr0111ise-d
ca: i"·e-
11
ttte toughest p·ossible syste'lli to reform the health
•••
• . . inflation."
Tht:· b"li:.i·e·p·rtrrt ca·ll.s Far· w·tt:l:ng the- Fe·d·e·ral btrctg·e-t de-ficit by mo·r·e- tl'rc:m l"ra:lf
in four years. Mr. Clinton said that it would b1:! unrealistic to try to
eliminate· the- de·fic:l:t "'t.mt:tl w-e· :l:rrve-st irr tl"ro-.se- tl'r:l:ng.s that will gh·e· u.s a
high-wage, high-growth future."
'He· Help·e-cr· Hi mse·l f --
SantE~
If u·re' c·ctfttme-rrts af iltayar·.s he-r·e· ar-e· arry
meast~r·e·,
Mr.
Clintorr may tra·\"e· nrad·e·
progress.
lll
thi:rrk tre· helpe-d
hearing Kr.
hiilt~e"lf
Clinton's
-- .sonte·, u said l"rayor Bob tarrie·r of Hou.s torr afte·r·
speech. "He talked about the ttlings tt1at concern mayors
and trad .srntte .solut:l: ans to p·r·optl'.se·. Sa at le-ast here·' s ane candidate· w-f'ra' s •••
• • • Several doz.en De.mocrati c mayot·s from cities ·lat·ge and small called ·a news
f'ri~.
Clirrtcn. The· most e:·ffu.sive praise caftte·
from Mayor t1a~mard Jackson of Atlanta.
corrffU·ence- ami line·d up· to p·raise
t'Thts is a rre-w- day in tree·
Cl:trrtarr caMpaign, a nenchiftar·k," he said. "Thi.s is
a deftni te plan. People are going to buy into this. Wt1ere are the other
candidate·s? Whe·re ar-e· tl"rei r plans? Bill Clirrton
Mr.
Clinton
is the· marr with the plarr."
has seemed for the last several days to sense that perhaps
there is a charrge· trr Ure political at r· for· him. He· :ts notably relaxed, •••
• • • two great athletes," he said. "I was always tile slightly
ov~rweight
barrel boy ana 1' -ve r-esented trre·nt all my 11 fe."
Mr.
Clinton
told the mayors tt1at the key to getting the United States back
on its economic feet was trr'c/E'S tme·nt ,. e-specially irr people. Ttrat was a •••
future." He pounded .hts fist on the lee tern for empllas 1s. Some of the
mayor·s b·r·oke- irrto appla:u.se.
Tl"re·re· i.s political danger in 1'1r.
Clinton's
plan, par·tic·ularly :tr'r ttre·
specificity 11e offers in programs and tt1eir costs. It leaves him vulnerable to
Re-pub-11 can char·ge-.s that he i.s just arrother •••
• • . sa'id he ana his top strategists decided the risk was justified, wi tt1 the
need ta ge-t the campaigrr mo·v·ing again taking precedence o·y·er 1'1r. Clintorr'.s
usual on-the-one-hand, on-the-ottter-hand approach to issues.
ln coming wee·k.s, Kr.
Clirrtorr
is e·xpecte-d to try to give h:l:.s campaigrr a
further boost by announcing his choice for vice president. He has refused to
disclose rris ••.
GRAPHIC: Photo: The frierrdly rece·ption
rece·:tved for rris rre·w
economic plan at the United 'States Conference of Hayot·s in Houston yesterday
,LEXts~ NEXIS <e:=
8
. Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
5o·~,~·.
Bill
Clirrtorr
�PAGE
4
The New York Times, June 23, 1992 .
irrcludect a smile- from se·rrator Bill Bradley of New Jerse·~. Mr. Clinton spoke· of
development plans for tt1e poor and higher taxes for tt1e rich. <F. carter Smith
for The New. Yor·k
NAME:
CLINTON,
BILL
SeliVices of Mead Data Central, Inc.
(50VJ;
AYRES, B DRUMMOND JR
�PAGE
.
I
LEVEL 1 - 26 OF 27 'STORIES
Copyright H''7·z The Wasfiington Post
Tlie Washington Post
August ·ra, ·r9"'7Z, Tuesday, Final Edition
SECTION: FIRST SECTIDN; PAGE A11; THE FEDERAL PAGE
LENGTH: 7Jl words
HEADLINE: VIER
SERIES: Occasional
••• civilian employees •••. "
I~terview
with Federal Times, the independent newspaper ror federal
employees,
Aug. 2'4 edition.
GOV. SILL CLINTON
On the federal work rorce:
..... We also ha·.,.e to change the way the federal governiiient operates, too ••••
I have recommended that we eliminate by attrition, not
••. federal w6rk force still has more employees per capita than does Germany,
Japan or Great Britain. We liave to do better. I'm going to cut the White House
starr try ZJ percent, ask the Congre.s.s to pass a bill cutting congressional
.staffs by 2~ percent. I'm •••
NAi'iEO-P'ERSOt~s·:
GEORGE EU5'H; SILL
CLINTot~
l
1
1
LEXIS~ NEXISa<t»
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
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An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
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White House Staff, Size and Budget
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 3
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-003-008-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/8e402bc68ba045a5cd9c2e6fd7df907f.pdf
fc00c5e33b962cf839f42417584be95b
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker lly the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Presidenti~l~Records
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
;;~
~:
:{
Subseries:
OA/ID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
State of the Union Historical Lessons
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�\~
.
!
'"
January 27, 1993
MEMORANDUM
To:
George Stephanopoulos, Director of Communications
David Kusnet, Special Assistant to the President for
Speechwriting
From:
Carter Wilkie, Communications Research
·Re:
Lessons from past State of the Union addresses
In a 1961 study of presidential state of the union messages,
Seymour Fersh argues that among the most effective speeches to
Congress were those of Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt.
They were effective, Fersh claims, because they were short; they
were focused on a limited and easily conveyed agenda; and they
valued persuasive rhetoric to capture public opinion above a
factual policy review of an entire legislative package.
Wilson, a political scientist and a student of British
parliamentary procedures, set the modern precedent when he
appeared before a joint session of Congress thirty four days
after taking office. He was the first President to appear before
the Congress in person since John Adams. His first annual
message to Congress lasted only ten minutes, and it was devoted
entirely to the subject of tariff reform. Wilson won the reforms
he requested by September.
In 1934, Franklin Roosevelt revived Wilson's precedent with a
.forceful twenty-two minute speech before Congress on January 3.
Like Wilson, FDR used the address to focus public opinion on just
a few policy priorities.
For the most part, later Presidents continued the practice of
oral deliveries of the annual message, but the structure of their
speeches sank back into the 19th century style of a lengthy
review of a ~aundry list of policies.
(Two exceptions to this
conventional style have been addresses by Johnson and Reagan, the
most successful policymakers since FDR and Wilson.) Fersh
explains,
The format of the Truman addresses was unlike that of
Wilson and Roosevelt; he favored the lengthy, detailed,
survey-type of yearly report which literally tried to
review the many facets of the 11 State of the union. 11
Boldness of language and program often were blunted by
the sheer weight of items included for mention. James
Reston criticized the 1948 address for its lack of
direction and labeled it 11 not a speech but a
catalogue." In 1952, the New York Times apparently
yearned for a return to the personalized annual
�I~
message: 'Unfortunately, Mr. Truman lacks the inspired
eloquence and the personal magnetism that could be
usefully employed in such times as this to pull all
groups and all factions together in heroic fashion for
a common effort. His premises are sound enough, but
this message loses its way among side-issues and
inconsequences. Mr. Truman has thrown into this
message a great variety of recommendations, some of
which have no direct connection with the central
problem before us."
In 1947, the New York Times had even criticized Truman's written
annual message and budget sent to Congress as a package:
The message reads less like a message than it does like
a party platform, assembled from many ideas coming from
many places, and it has all the characteristics of most
party platforms, including a probable scarcity of
readers. It is the every opposite of those pungent and
forceful appeals with which Mr. Roosevelt used to spur
Congress into action when he felt a crisis was present
or impending. Mr. Truman has not yet learned the art
of shaping such a call to action. The lack of clear
focus in his own message is one of the real handicaps
in his present relations with Congress.
Eisenhower's state of the union messages commonly took nearly one
hour to read and covered a range of subjects. As Fersh notes,
subsequent
annual messages have been compendia; long on
documentation, short on dramatization, and more like
shotgun blasts which pepper the target than like sniper
shots which strike at the hull's eye with greater force
and effect. This approach was popular with the
Republican Presidents of the 1920s and also, to a
lesser degree, Truman, but it is in sharp contrast to
the carefully aimed appeals of Wilson and F.D.R.
Of the speeches to Congress since, one of the most unusually
effective and dramatic was Johnson's speech on the Voting Rights
Act on March 15, 1965. In this thematic address, Johnson
captured the nation's attention and focused the energy of
Congress on a single piece of legislation, with little mention of
policy details.
The difference between that address and Carter's first address
before a joint session of Congress is striking. Carter's address
was also devoted to a single theme (energy), but his address was
a collection of very detailed and specific policy points.
Johnson, on the other hand, used mainly demonstrative rhetoric to
drive home a single cause.
�Outlining his economic recovery package to the Congress in 1981,
Reagan avoided a preponderance of policy details to make his
priorities clear: combat inflation, reduce federal spending on
social programs, raise spending on defense, reduce taxes and
limit regulations.
From these lessons, I believe that lengthy, detailed addresses
covering too many policy areas present the following problems in
the age of mass communications:
1.
Contemporary audiences will not sit through such a
speech during prime time.
2.
The opportunity to direct public opinion to a few
critical priorities is lost.
3.
The media find it difficult to write a lead and
prioritize the President's agenda in stories.
4.
If proposals are outlined in specific detail rather
than in broad strokes, Congress and interest groups
will have a more inviting public forum for tinkering
with the package.
(Opposition to Reagan was quickly
mobilized against the cuts in social programs he
personally proposed in his address.)
Based on historical precedents, I would argue for the following
points:
1.
The speech must be focused on a single, bold theme.
2.
The President's agenda must be easily conveyed.
3.
Rhetoric should place a higher value on persuading the
audience to act on a great substantive cause -- rather
than on informing the audience on policy details.
4.
Length should permit the President to begin his address
at 9pm and conclude by 9:25 at the latest. This will
give the media five minutes to synopsize the address
before the half-hour break.
5.
Budget time for all the applause from the Democratic
side of the aisle.
�(1.1\ v Sof'l 5.
306
I~ /Jrflf'~ ~ ~~
THE NEW FREEDOM ENAC:
National Leader
ful quandary. So considerable was the hubbub in the Senate that instead
of a resolution calling the Congress into joint session to hear the President, the Vice President declared the occasion to be one of "special
privilege," thereby eliminating the need for unanimity.
On April 8, 1913, the public and diplomatic galleries were crowded
and every seat on the floor was taken as the President entered and took
his seat below the Speaker. The atmosphere was tense with excitement
and with a subdued uneasiness on the part of the lawmakers. Wilson
began very quietly, saying he was glad to verify for himself the fact that
the Executive was not a remote and isolated power, speaking through
messa es and not with his own voice. 2 His message was short (about
eleven minutes); it avoi e etai s; it set forth the main arguments for
tariff reform with unadorned elo uence. The occasion was a com le e
s~ and set t e stage or other interventions of this kind in domestic
and foreign matters.
The next day Wilson broke another precedent, standing since Lincolnj
da by going to the President's room at the Ca itol to consult directly
with members o ongress.
Debate on the tariff opened April 23. On May 8 the bill was passed
in the House by an overwhelming majority, 274 to 5. "The Democratic
leaders are jubilant tonight," reported The New York Times. Yet other
such bills had miscarried in the Senate, and now with a majority of only
six, the Democrats faced a united opposition. The month that the bill
had required to pass through the House would be multiplied many times
before it was approved by the Senate.
A first alarm was sounded early in May when defections in the Democratic ranks made it appear likely that time-consuming public hearings
would be voted. Party leaders adjourned the Senate for several days in
order to regroup .their forces. Was it possible Wilson would soften his
position on free sugar and free wool? "No compromise!" was the word
that went out from the White House. Boldness again paid off, and in
mid-May the administration won a decisive victory when a Senate vote,
almost strictly along party lines, removed the threat of public hearings.
The Democrats had pro'ved that under effective leadership they could
act as a united party. Prospects for the Underwood bill brightened; but
dangers of another kind lurked ahead.
In the course of the fight an army of special pleaders had descended
on Washington, spokesmen for the varied interests of sugar, textiles,
gloves-and of almost everything else, including protesters against the
free importation of Bibles. An organized campaign flooded the mail of
congressmen, while letters and telegrams piled up on the doorstep of
'.
the White House. At 01
Wilson expressed his C(
a public statement on tl
gestion. Washington, ht
dustrious, or so insidiou:
he continued, and were
ests.
The statement caused
critical spirit by both p~
what seemed the Presidt
too broad and general t
distinction between illeg:
As for the Democrats,
susceptible to false persl
the President's accusatio1
vestigation of the lobbyh
Wilson might well have
to the idea of an investif
good fight and to enjoy u1
squirmed as they were c.
financial involvement wit
plain that major lobbies,
had spent millions of doll
favorable to protection. 1
York World publishing a ·
revealing the secrets of hi·
Practices turned up by
illegal, but many of them
putting into question the
representatives. Wilson h:
pleaders became at least le.
of the tariff fight.
The Senate debate begir
Republican leaders were (J
~ration; they hoped, besidt
Issue, they could prevent
special session. The hot \X
Senate speeches rumbled o
undeviating vigil. "Congres
to Mrs. Hulbert, "and here
of public business, every p1
�The View From
The White House
A STUDY OF THE PRESIDENTIAL
STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGES
,,
Seymour H. Fersh
Public Affairs Pres!i, Washington, D. C.
�....
l
5~'(M.e{)(L~.~~
132
fv~l'tc.. ~Yc;. fte-77 1
~vc~ ~tA ~c..r~trr~~~
11 b rTHE VIEW FROM THE WHITE HOUSE
and flow in which· the tide has moved in the direction of more prerogatives to the chief executive. It is within this alternating shift of
political primacy from Capitol Hill to White Howe, back and forth,
that the function of the annual message has been modilled. Washington and John Adams fulfilled their constitutional duty to report and
make recommendations in a manner and ceremonial reminiscent of
British custom. The message, delivered orally, was relatively nonpartisan and restrained in tone and style. The content struck a balance
between factual reporting, general observations, and recommendations with the latter made in a clearly deferential way. Both Howes
prepared replies to the addresses and presented them in person at the
President's residence.
In 1801 Jefferson substituted the written message for the annual
address thereby eliminating the "monarchical" ritual and pomp associated with the occasion. His secretary without escort delivered the
communication to the presiding officer of each House and replies were
not drafted by Congress. The Jefferson annual messages were similar
in composition and length to the preceding ones but with the administration of Madison, the emphasis on factual reporting began to dominate the text. A steady but discontinuow growth in message length
continued until Taft cut the yearly report into separate messages and
sent them to Congress serially. The bulk of the communication from
1809 to 191.2 wually consisted of the summary of cabinet reports.
Exceptions to this generalization were the annual messages of Jackson,
Lincoln, Johnson, Cleveland, and Theodore Roosevelt; this group of
PresidentS turned the focus of their reports more upon the public
than on Congress and allotted relatively more space to recommendations and the advocacy of presidential policies.
Wilson in 1918 reintroduced the annual address but Congress was
asked to omit replies. A new pattern of less inclusive yearly messages
was initiated. The attention of the nation was directed dramatically
toward a few overriding issues and the personal appearance of the
President before the lawmakers assured widespread press coverage.
.../ Factual reporting was held to a minimum; commentary defending and
projecting presidential proposals dominated Wilson's report on the
"state of the union... Harding retained the in person address but
favored the kaleidoscopic message with its emphasis on information
rather than recommendations, and with its preference for including
many subject areas rather than a select few. Coolidge discontinued the
oral delivery after one appearance before Congress and led the way
bacl to the written communication with its predilection for spotlight-
r:
k
-
SnJ.J>'f 6f- f>~epe:NT7kl..- S-r~ ~~ ~
~~S..
EPILOGUE
'
',
:
ing areas that had been traversed rather than pointing the way which
Congress should travel. Hoover followed the Harding-Coolidge pattern
of reporting and wed the written message exclusively.
In 1934 Franklin D. Roosevelt resurrected the Wilsonian format;
oral in delivery and specific in purpose again characterized the annual
address. Congress was treated as an incidental audience; the focus was
clearly the nation and the world. When illness prevented F.D.R. &om
presenting in person his "state of the union" assessment in 1944 and
1945, he dispatched written messages to Capitol Hill at noon and gave
abbreviated versions at night over the radio. Truman, with the exceptions of his first and final reports, wed the address rather than the
message. Unlike Roosevelt, however, he preferred a comprehensive
survey which was heavy on details and specific recommendations.
t>ramatic impact was blunted by the concentration of subject matter
f"ented. Eisenhower has relied exclusively on a personal delivery of
e annual message except in 1956 when he was recuperating &om a
heart attack and was forced to communicate with Congress by a
written message. His yearly reports have been Truman-like in form:
synoptic, conscientiowly prepared, and stolidly discharged. The reaction to his 1955 address, as reported in the New York Times, reflects
an audience-rating of the preponderance of annual messages since
1945:
"The President's speech ran over fifty-five minutes. One school of
criticism maintains that no speech can be so long and also be good.
When it was thirty minutes gone, interest in the audience was obviowly flagging, and &om that point the chamber sank into somnolence.
• · Only once was there a moment of laughter ... but this flicker of gaiety
passed as rapidly as it was born, and the atmosphere grew thicker and
thicker. At the forty-five minute mark even two Cabinet members
looked bored. ... Ten minutes later it was over.... The burden of
acting out a ceremony of state was over, and probably with a grateful
sigh, both President and Congress turned back to the jobs they do
better."•
Such had not been the condition when F.D.R. and Wilson were at
the rostrum; nor, at an earlier period, when Theodore Roosevelt, Cleveland, Johnson, Lincoln, and Jackson were submitting sharply worded
written messages to Congress. The aflinity of hard hitting literary
.. _. style and the "great" and "near great" Presidents reported in a poll ~
1 historians: is impressive but not surprising. Outstanding Chief executives have stood at the forefront in deanng with the issues of their
administrations and have galvanized public opinion in support of their
I
,.,
.\
133
c•
v
�..
(
134
THE VIEW FROM THE WHITE HOUSE
positions. Presidential leadership, according to Edward S. Corwin and
Louis W. Koenig, is largely a matter of two factors, personality and
opporbmity: "The Presidents whose leadership have made a substantial impact have displayed certain qualities in common. They have
been men of courage, firmness, flexibility (even opporbmism), and
manipulative ability. They have been adept at discerning the currents of the time and directing them into constructive channels." •
The acceptance of responsibility by most tWentieth century Presidents for herding a legislative platform through Congress has resulted
in more candor and frankness in the annual message. From 1790
to 1900 one sbiking characteristic of all but a handful of the yearly
reports was the consistent note of confidence and optimism which
rang clearly. In the last sixty years, the mode of operation has moved
in the direction of a tactic described in 1788 by Richard Henry Lee:
-when we want a man to change his condition, we describe it as
wretched, miserable, and despised; and we draw a pleasing picture
of that which we would have him assume. . . . It is too often the
case in political concerns that men state facts not as they are, but as
they wish them to be.... Admissions of national shortcomings have
come more readily from the "reform" Presidents but even they
have been careful to balance their "state of the union.. account on
the favorable side less their administrations be held answerable
for the seH-confessed difficulties. The chief executive's position
as head of a major political party will continue to influence his
appraisal of the view from the White House and thereby prevent
his annual message from being what the constitutional framers
hoped it would be: a dispassionate, non-partisan, institutionalized,
national keynoting document. Information to Congress has not
been unvarnished; realists will have to continue looking elsewhere
for supplemental facts in assessing the "state of the union." The
duty of "recommending such measures as he shall judge necessary
and expedient" has been expanded since Theodore Roosevelt and
Wilson established the role of the President as prime mover in setting
up the legislative agenda. "Outcries against •dictatorship' and
•speeches from the throne' have long been stilled in responsible [congressional] quarters," writes Richard E. Neustadt:
"Indeed, from the congressional point of view, •service' not domination, is the reality behond these undertakings [special and annual
presidential messages]. In practical effect, they represent a means
whereby Congress can gain from the outside what comes hard from
within: a handy and ofllcial guide to the wants of its biggest customer;
EPILOGUE
J
l
\~
). i
.
--,'
135
an advance formulation of main issues at each session; a work-load
ready-to-hand for every legislative committee; an indication, more
or less, of what may risk the veto; a borrowing of presidential
prestige for most major bills-and thus boosting of publicity-potentials
in both sponsorship and opposition.""
Since 1945 the annual message has carried more the imprint of
the legislative reference division than of the President's personality. ·
It is becoming customary for the yearly address to consume upwards
of forty-five minutes and five thousand words in the painstaking
enumeration of the memoranda of things to be considered by Congress. This mold of the "state of the union" message form though
hardening into contemporary fashionability, need not inhibit oncoming
Presidents. The only certainty that characterizes all the messages
is the perfect reliability with which each chief executive has obeyed,
in one form or another, the duty placed upon him by section 3 of
article II. As Neustadt correctly points out, "Past Presidents have
focused national attention on their aims by introducing novelties
in presentation [of messages]: . . . . Now that all prior innovations
have been lumped together into customary practice, what else remains
for innovation's sake, than its abandonment? A paradox, perhaps,
but paradoxes have been a commonplace in the development of
legislative programming.""
It seems almost inevitable that the presidency will continue to
gain and retain prerogatives and responsibilities in the federal system. In times of crisis Congress has recognized its inability to
provide unified leadership and has delegated powers to the President to extricate the nation from difficulties. With the advent of
"chronic crisis," more and more people are looking with increased
frequency to the White House for direction. "The President is the
one man who can get the attention of the American people," writes
James Reston. "If he says the nation is in trouble they will listen
to him. . . . H he presents programs and legislation to do what he
thinks is necessary for the safety of the Republic and explains and
keeps explaining why these are essential, he may very well prevail."'
The obligation to report to Congress presents a vigorous, purposeful chief executive with a consummate opporbmity. For a moment,
the world is his stage. How he plays his part will reveal not only
his view of the "state of the union" but his concept of the presidency
as well.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2008-0699-F
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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State of the Union Historical Lessons
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 3
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-003-007-2014
7431955
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/39343bfb7dc585ceddb968bb0f3e0f90.pdf
d82cff91a68ddfbf7fdc946d9a302030
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker'.by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidenti~~Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
~'
~
Series/Staff Member:
~:
.• .
Carter Wilkie
"''··
Subseries:
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
State ofthe Union 1994 [3]
Stack:
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Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Susan Brophy to John Podesta re: State of the Union (1 page)
12/30/1993
PS
002. memo
Joe Goode and Stan Greenberg to White House Communications (7
pages)
01/26/1994
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [3]
2008-0699-F
r4
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -(44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) ofthe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�SENT BY: XEROX Telecooier 70;7:12~30-93
3:42PM
93 DEC 30
P3 :
53
December 29, 1993
•
M.CMOKANDUM FOR 10HN PODESTA
FR.OM:
BRUCE REED
SUBJECT:
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
The State or the Union address is the President•s tirst opportunity in .fkont of II nalional
audimce to icaue the stron s mnral challenge he laid do'Wil in Memphis. While there is a good
deal of business to tr&Dsact in the speech •• the economy, health care, welfare reform, crime,
_ etc. •• he should not
&l.Us dl.ance to talk above all obom tbe chases we m\1St make from
the inside out, llld the larger values that are missing from much of our society: woik, faith,
family, opportunity. persanal respcmaibility, community. The beat moments ui' his camp&p
Rnd 'PrM;dancy have come whc he put those values fust.
mi••
There are mau.y ways to ~peak tO those values, but here ia one RJ)J'mach. Next year
marks the 30th IDDiversauy of both the War on Poverty and the Civil Rights Act. (LBJ"
announced the ($962 zam;onl) War on Poverty in Mard11964~ it passed iu Aupat. Ho
aigned the Civil Riahts Act into law in July 1964.) The Preaidct should use this mmi.versary
to note how far we have come, but also to issue a moral challqe about how very far we
have to 10 •• cad. spell out" new clirectioll buecl mpart an the 1811110111 we have leatnecl from
put failures.
'11Wty yean later, poverty is down. but .not much, md we have fostered two
gmorations of depeadency in the meantime. lbe family has deteriorated bacUy; divorce has
incrouod cd mamaae cleclillecl; out-of-wedlock bi'l'thlll have increued five times over; md
cbildrc are poorer. Millions more Americllll are working u the economy hu continued to
expaa.d; but ea.tire communities are srowins up wichout wcrk or the etbio of work.
Thirty years later, opportunity is closer to bema equal than ever before. ADd yet
because of the aurae in crilne And violmce, milliooa of AmericaDa of every color are d111ied
the most basic civil risht of all-- the riaht to walk the atreeta in safety. The conditions of
civilized. lite lwv• vanished, md with the=, the proGpects of broacleconomic ftJ)J.'OrtuDity.
lhe buic institutions that built this coUDtry - work, family, school, and ev& fai1h - are
crwnbJ.ina, andu a result, the social fabric ia comma apart at me seama.
'!here is much we canleam from these last 30 years. We have leameci that we can't
1110l"e evm}1hins from Waahinaton: 1ovammct oazmot nealect onr J.'TOblema, but it cau't hell)
if individuals, families, and communities don't take responsibility for solving tbem. Wdve
leamed tb.at our miuion is to expand opponua.icy, not bure~~&uQ&·acy •• met tb.ia adm;niatration
.·-·····-··-··-·-·J··----------- ····-----·--··-·- ··-· ·----
�SENT BY! XEROX Telecooier ,o,7:12-30-S 3
3!43PM
.... - ... --.-
...
has put three decadee of biaacr and bigger sovernmerlt to an end. We've leamed to value
empowermmt, not entitlement, because in the end our soal is for people not to need us
anymore.
-.
Above all, we have leamed not to trust srand. easy promises •• because our IIUCCCSb us
a nation depends not ou whaL politicims promise to do for us, but what we have an
opportunity to do for ourselves. We face bia chtUleases in passins \he:so lepslative
initiative., but we will not c:hanse society by launching new prosrams and passing new laws.
Govemment will do everythina it cc, but the ar-=cest challmse falls to each of us in our
own livea, families, and commanitiea.
�12/30/93
To: John Podesta
From: David Kusnet
Re: state of the Union Address
•
Here are some very fast thoughts on themes, ideas, and
phrases for the State of the Union Address. This is not intended
as a comprehensive listing of elements for the speech but rather
to suggest some points for consideration.
I. overview
The State of the Union Address offers the President the
opportunity to:
o Offer Americans a lucid explanation of the world at the
edge of the 21st Century -- the aftermath of the Cold War; the
emergence of the global economy; and the erosion of the social
contract .that expanded and secured the middle class for three
decades following World War II.
o Reaffirm American values as guideposts for American
renewal in the new world that is unfolding around us.
o Present policy recommendations as big ideas that can
improve people's lives in the immediate future -- and prepare
America for the 21st Century.
o Address not only congress but the country, explaining what
Americans must do to make use of the opportunities offered by the
President's programs and to respond to the changes that are
transforming their lives.
In this address, the President can be at his best -teacher, preacher, and leader of the nation.
II. The Ration an4 the Worl4
Returning from a trip to Europe, including Russia and other
formerly communist countries, the President has a unique
opportunity to define the strengths and the values that make our
nation the world's leader and inspiration.
In doing this, he can return to -- and expand upon -several of the themes of his campaign, the Inaugural, and the
February 17, 1993, Address to the Joint Session of Congress:
o America's genius is its capacity for reinvention and
renewal.
�o A secure and expanding middle class is embodiment of the
American Dream.
.
r
o If we draw upon what is best in our traditions, we can
answer and overcome our challenges. "Our democracy must be not
only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal •
There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what
is right with America."
Most of all, this State of the Union Address should place
the challenges of this moment -- and the accomplishments of the
past year -- in the proud and hopeful context of American
history. The most obvious analogy is the America in which the
President came of age, a restless and resourceful nation engaged
in promoting peace, prosperity and democracy around the world,
while lifting working people into the middle class here at home.
An important element of the speech will be explaining what
it takes to meet these challenges once again -- to build a stable
world and a secure middle class -- at a time when foreign
countries and American communities seem to be coming apart, even
as a global economy is coming together. The challenge is to offer
a fresh and lucid explanation of what is happening -- and a sense
of hope for what we can accomplish.
III. Values and Themes
Since September, the President has done an outstanding job
of addressing the pervasive sense of insecurity -- the fear of
crime, unemployment and the loss of health coverage, and the
sense of social breakdown. And, as the President's discourse
unfolds, it offers the prospect of security in concepts larger
than security -- concepts such as community and responsibility.
From the growing inequality in incomes, to the downsizing of
large corporations, to the physical fear that erodes our sense of
community, the changes that are transforming our lives are
driving Americans apart. But -- to address these challenges -Americans need to draw together. What's needed is a renewed sense
of community -- what we must do for each other -- and
responsibility -- what we must do for ourselves. True security
comes from being rooted in a community and from taking
responsibility for your own life.
Restoring the social fabric could be a theme of the speech.
The social fabric encompasses not only the institutions that
define our civilization -- family, work, and community, and
voluntary institutions from the church basement to the union hall
-- but also the web of rights and responsibilities that connects
people to each other and to the larger society.
The President has wisely avoided the pitfall of
stereotypical liberalism: making individual responsibility
contingent upon social responsibility. But the concept of the
�social fabric can and should include certain social as well as
individual norms. To suggest a way of discussing "how things
ought to be, 11 here is a paragraph from the first draft for the
DLC speech:
"In our hearts and in our minds, we know how things
should be. Yet, as Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan has
written, we are increasingly 'defining deviancy down'
and accepting the unacceptable, from violent crime to
countless acts of incivility. It is time to say that
some things are wrong -- and must be made right.
0n any day, in any place, at any time, parents
abandoning children is wrong, children having children
is wrong, and children killing children is wrong.
11
"And our communities and our country must also offer
the hope and opportunity that knits our social fabric
together. When people line up at dusk in response to
rumors of jobs opening up the next morning; when
parents work their fingers to the bone to raise their
children in poverty; when jobless men and women cannot
find the training for new jobs; and when working
families live in fear of losing their health coverage - then our social fabric becomes a little more frayed
and tattered.
"The great challenge of our times is to find a way to
offer our people the opportunity and the security to
take responsibility for their own lives, to make change
our friend and not our enemy, to bring out the best in
each other and not the worst."
11 Security 11 is a word that can be repeated when appropriate
throughout the speech, while larger themes are introduced and
explained. "Community" is another word worth repeating. Indeed,
as theme of the speech might be the call for is a new spirit of
community in America and a new community of nations in the world.
"American renewal" follows from the values of community and
responsibility. Our country renews itself when our people work
together to offer individuals and families the opportunity to
improve their own life. The Homestead Act and the land grant
colleges; the rewards for work that were at the heart of the New
Deal; the GI Bill and VA mortgages in postwar America -- all
offered opportunity for those willing to build better lives for
themselves. At every crucial moment in our history, our nation
has found new ways to achieve timeless goals.
IV. PreseDtiDg Policies
With all that has been accomplished this past year -- and
all that will be proposed for the future -- the challenge is to
find ways to group these programs together and present them as
�what they are: biq ideas that will chanqe America for the better.
These are a few -- admittedly overlappinq -- possibilities:
.-
1) Rewarding work (or, in a more specific context, rewardinq
work over welfare): This encompasses tax fairness for the middle
class; tax relief for the workinq poor (and, while we've rarely
discussed it this way, EITC benefits many who consider themselves
middle class); opportunities for education and traininq; job
opportunities throuqh defense conversion and new technoloqies;
health security; and much else that we're doinq. If there is not
a specific welfare reform proposal, EITC, universal health
coveraqe, expanded job traininq, and waivers of federal
requlations for states experimentinq with welfare reform can all
be presented as a qiant step towards "rewardinq work over
welfare."
2) Lifelong learning: At a time when few can count on a
lifetime job, lifelonq learninq is the foundation for job
security. Taken toqether, the education and traininq initiatives
-- Head Start, to Goals 2000, school-to-work transitions,
reforminq student loans, National Service, and job traininq and
retraininq -- amount to a revolution in lifelonq learninq. In
particular, we should elevate Goals 2000 to a major initiative:
Hiqh standards in preparation for the jobs of the future is the
essence of what this Administration is about.
3) Reciprocal responsibility: A useful exercise would be to
list achievements and proposals that are premised on reciprocal
responsibility -- from National Service, to Goals 2000 and safe
schools, to standards of civility in housinq projects, to tax
incentives tarqeted to productive investment.
...
4) Preparing for the 21st Century: A powerful idea that the
President introduced in the APEC speech is that our institutions
were created in an earlier era and must be brouqht into the
Information Aqe. This theme encompasses reinventinq qovernment,
creating a new system of job traininq and retraininq, defense
conversion and dual use technoloqies, and initiatives such as
Clean Car and alternative fuels that preserve the environment and
promote economic qrowth.
v. The Bully Pulpit
•
In the State of the Union -- and in his discourse with the
American people this year -- the President has the opportunity to
advance the messaqe of Memphis and further explain what it means
for individuals and institutions to "assume more responsibility"
and "have the couraqe to chanqe."
Part of this means makinq use of opportunities to improve
your own life, from education and traininq to preventive health
care. Part of it means fulfillinq individual responsibilities: to
raise your children riqht and live within the law. And part of it
�also means that the folks at the top of the ladder -- for
instance, large employers, insurance companies, or those the
people sent to Washington -- should uphold their responsibilities
to society.
In this address, a friendly challenge to Congress, to
powerful institutions, and to individual Americans would be
appropriate. A presidential populism should set standards of
responsibility and challenge everybody -- up and down the ladder
-- to do right by America.
VI. Randoa Points on Rhetoric
These are a few points on rhetoric that may be useful for
how we talk and think about larger ideas:
1) The deficit should be addressed as a symbol of larger
problems: the accumulated burden of the mistakes of the past.
This encompasses trickle-down economics, spending on outmoded
government programs, skyrocketing health care costs, stagnant
economic growth, and increasing poverty and dependency.
2) Just as we have called for "changing the direction of
federal spending from consumption to investment," we should also
call for changing the direction of social spending from programs
that reward dependency to programs that encourage self-reliance.
This encompasses investments in children, education, and
training, as well as EITC and Empowerment Zones.
3) New job training and retraining programs should be
distinguished not only from the existing unemployment
compensation system but also from past and present job training
and retraining programs. Many of these are seen as failures -- or
worse.
4) At a time when the world seems more threatening than a
year ago, the "dual use" aspect of defense conversion should be
stressed. The changes we seek should be presented as something
that makes America stronger militarily and economically -suppleness as strength.
Analysis of the world and national situation, reaffirmation
of American values, policy recommendations grouped together as
big ideas, and a call to all Americans to accept the challenge of
change, from those in the halls of Congress to those watching in
their own homes -- these can be the elements of a successful
State of the Union Address.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Susan Brophy to John Podesta re: State of the Union (1 page)
12/30/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [3]
2008-0699-F
r4
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOlA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOlA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOlAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOlAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOlA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOlA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOlA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOlA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
-
---~-
-----
-----------------------------~
�llore Boston nosp1ta1s to link up
earoness, N.E. Baptist Sliy tiieyd keeP. idE!#.!iti~.:
tt wdWd \vork tugether to cut ~sts, sell keNioo~ ':
By Olarlee Stein
GLOBE STAFF
•
•.
DeacOness, N.E. Baptist
_say they'll join forees
•aosmALS
Continued from Page 46
Deaeonellll Is a Harvard t.eadllng
hospital that lp'riaU. in diaJbeteB,
Jnrectl01111 dlseaMa, oneoiORY and
tal'lllololf.
has 431 beds;
BapUat has 200..
The two boapltaJs have worked
tGpther for ,eara. Baptist eanliolopta routinely send patients to the
Deaeonesa for eert.ain types of heart
IIIJ'I'I!I7. The two once were partnen
In a IIUJ1It!I'Y eenter in Brookline.
na.eonesa
T1le partidpants Btreaa that this would be an affill' rather than a merger. The two hosp1tala wuuld
in their own namea, medieal atafl's and boards ol
ctol'& They would, however, work together to ml
• and sell their ~ to insurance mmpanies.
~PWB of the eombinaUon eomes just two weeks
r the announcement of a merger between the city's
For Deaeonesa' Gaintner, the
link with Baptist is just the latest in
a string of afliliations he has engineered. Tbe hoapit.al has formally
aliped with Naahoba Community
Hospital In Ayer and Is close to aimiJiar UT8JIII!IIII!IIts with Glover Mel moria! Hospital In Needham and
flll'l!l!l'.
HOSPITALS, Pap 47
I
..........
. __ _
......
------------J.
~
.. - J
-~
Waltham-Weston Hospital in
tbam. Deaconess provides 11p1
expertise lo the local hos1•
whicll In tUrn send. patients t
Deaeonesa when they need
eomplex care.
Deaeonesa W88 one ol th·
Huvanl teadtlnk hospitals b1
t.ogether earlier this year b
Daniel TOIIteBon, dean ol th•·
vard Medieal School Tostesc111
was to get the hospitals to ~
date services and avoid dupli·
But when Brigham and Mas.•
eral decided to merge, the oth•
pitals were left out of the pic! ·
Gaintner says he is not b<•
by thal "We wish the other h•·
well, but we will pursue wl
were going to pursue." he saio
�'...-
.-
'
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
I
COUNCIL OF EC5J>NOMIC ADVISERS
WASHINGTON. DC. 20500
THE CHAIRMAN
December 30, 1993
93 DEC 30 P l : 00
•
MEMORANDUM FOR JOHN PODESTA
'
FROM:
LAURA TYSON
ROBERT RUBIN
ALAN BLINDER.<'~
SUBJECT:
State of the Union Address
'
·.J
We presume that the State of the Union speech will include a
discussion of the President's economic policy. This discussion
may include an extensive check list of his many economic
accomplishments and future initiatives. (See "The Components of
the Strategy" below.) our suqqestion is that the President
emphasize that all the apparently-disparate parts form a coherent
whole--that we have a comprehensive, short-term and lonq-term
economic strateqy.
Emphasizing the strategy would serve at least three
purposes. It would:
o
make for a better speech by tying things together and
giving the economic message some thematic coherence;
o
bolster confidence by showing that the President
understands the problems and has a strategy for dealing
with them--even if we run into difficult times again;
o
preempt potential press attacks that there is no
coherent strategy, just a laundry list.
The strateqy in Brief
If our suggestion is adopted, we believe the speech should
make at least these four main points:
o
That the government has a proper role to play in the
economy. The Reagan and Bush Administrations believed
that the role of government was "as little as
possible." President Clinton's answer is quite
different, and he could defend it quite eloquently (see
"The Role of Government" below).
L _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
�2
0
That our short-run concern was to get the economy
moving and creating jobs again. This is now happening.
A sustained expansion seems to be underway at last,
with good, new jobs being created at a quickening pace •
0
That the long-run goal of our policy goes beyond more
jobs to better jobs--that is, to higher real wages and
standards of living. This is where the investment theme
comes in.
o
That our short-run and long-run policies are not
inconsistent, but rather complement one another.
•
J
Deficit reduction is a long-run strategy, but it
is already having salutary short-run effects. By
reducing interest rates, it gave the economy a
much-needed short-run boost. Without deficit
reduction, we ran the danger that high interest
. rates would continue to choke off incipient
recoveries.
With deficit reduction, lower interest rates have
moved the economy onto a sustained recovery path
and have paved the way for our long-run strategy
of shifting the economy toward more investment.
The Components of the strateqy
In listing the President's achievements and programs for the
future, it is critical that we make clear that the economic
strateqy is much more than just deficit reduction. It begins but
does not end there and includes the following elements:
deficit reduction
investments in:
public infrastructure
technology
education and training
workforce policy (displaced workers, etc.)
EITC and other policies to help the
disadvantaged
environmental preservation
health care reform
trade policy to open foreign markets and promote
exports
�3
regulatory reform (e.g., credit crunch)
the NPR to improve the efficiency of government
•
Each of these is described in the draft of the "President's
Message" for the 1994 Economic Report of the President, which
Laura sent to the President earlier.
The Role of Government
We suggest something like the following as the "Clinton
vision" of the proper role of government in the economy. (It is
adapted from the draft of Chapter 1 of the 1994 Economic Report
of the President.)
American economic policy has always been
predicated on a firm belief in private enterprise, free
markets, and vigorous competition; and it still is. But
the Federal Government has long played a role: in
regulating commerce, in providing a healthy
macroeconomic environment, in looking after the
well-being of citizens who fare poorly in the rough and
tumble of the marketplace, etc.
While there is a broad social consensus on these
and other roles of government, significant differences
remain both between and within the two political
parties. Sometimes these differences come into sharp
focus and a presidential election becomes a watershed
for economic policy. The election of 1932 was such an
event, as the Nation turned away from an obviously
defective brand of laissez faire and embraced Franklin
Roosevelt's call for widespread reform. So was the
election of 1980, when Ronald Reagan was elected
president on the premise that government was part of
the problem, not part of the solution.
•
The election of 1992 was another watershed in
national economic policy--a time to go beyond
laissez-faire to recognize that there is a place for
government in our Nation's economic affairs, but that
government must be kept in its proper place. It is not
a call for bigger government, but for better
government. It is not a swing away from markets, but
toward people. It is not marked by a longing for the
past, but by eager anticipation of the future.
This Administration rejects both
overoptimism about government and the
pessimism of the 1980s. Market forces
stronger than anything the government
the 1960s
excessive
are often
can do. But
�4
ill-conceived public policies--like excessive budget
deficits--have indeed been part of the problem, and
well-designed government policies--like human capital
and infrastructure investments--can and should be part
of the solution. To admit that the government cannot do
everything is not to say that it should not do
anything.
While my Administration has an admittedly
ambitious economic agenda, we think of it as bolstering
and augmenting market forces rather than interfering
with them. A strategy based on long-run investments
does not bear fruit overnight. It takes time to see the
full results and patience to wait for them. The
important thing is to get started down the right
path--and soon. The Administration believes that 1993
marked a turning point in that regard.
�~-·· ..
.. .... .
_(
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
93 DEC 30 P 2 : I 6
..
December 30, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR JOHN PODESTA
FROM:
RICK ALLEN
SUBJECT:
1994 STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
This memorandum has three parts: suggested use of national service in the speech; proposed
text regarding that subject; and general ideas concerning the structure and content of the speech.
I have reviewed these ideas with Eli.
1.
The role of national service in the 1994 State of the Union Address:
As discussed at greater length below, great State of the Union addresses avoid string cites of
legislation to be introduced, in favor of a thematically-unified series of observations about the
past, present and future, into which the actions of the administration are woven.
Accordingly, we would see national service discussed both as an example of a co!}aborative
legislative success in 1993, and as a program which will begin to have a nation-wide impact in
1994, with the latter receiving lengthier consideration.
Finally, it would be appropriate to mention national service in various parts of the text as one
element of the administration's response to domestic challenges-- for one of national service's
greatest strengths is that it is not merely a program, but a delivery system for change across a
wide variety of domestic concerns. In every administration initiative at home, national service
will play a role: as a part of community policing, AmeriCorps members will help free cops
from desk-work to get back on the street-- or better yet, they'll come into communities at the
side of uniformed officers and stay there to help create neighborhood watch associations or
advise citizens how to make their homes and businesses safer. To further the health care
initiative, AmeriCorps members will help provide the services needed by the frail elderly, the
disabled and those afflicted by AIDs to live independently, and they will do the outreach needed
to make our administration's drive for universal immunization of toddlers effective. In
conjunction with the focus on early childhood education, AmeriCorps members will help staff
Head Start clinics and act as aides in primary schools. National service will be getting things
done wherever there are needs, and it can be mentioned with some frequency as an indication
of the administration's multi-dimensional attack on pressing problems.
�2.
-.
Proposed text regarding national service:
"In a year that provoked so many strong emotions, one of my happiest moments came
walking across a slightly soggy White House lawn, with a wonderful group of young service
corps members from all over the country, to sign our national service bill into law. Reminded
of the great experiments in citizen action, from Franklin Roosevelt's CCC to John Kennedy's
Peace Corps, we celebrated a success that transcended party. And we honored the determination
of my young companions that day -- and the thousands like them, with whom I've spoken
throughout our country-- to transform our nation, if only we will give them the chance.
This year, 20,000 Americans will have a special chance. As members of AmeriCorps,
our new national service initiative, they will be getting things done in our largest cities and our
smallest rural hamlets. Through direct, community-based service, they will make a real
difference meeting some of our most pressing needs. They'll make sure we have more homes
and less hopelessness, more tutors and less truancy, more friendship and less fear. And in
exchange for hard work and a real commitment to their country, we'll help them go to college.
AmeriCorps will be the vanguard of change. These first participants will be joined by
Americans of all ages and backgrounds, transforming every season of life into a season of
service. National service celebrates the proud diversity of the American people, and I believe
it will do much to strengthen and advance this great, old and youthful Union.
National service provides the power to liberate leadership, to inspire involvement, and
ultimately, to change lives. And it will play a part in each of the great contests ahead, fighting
crime and improving health care, stopping illiteracy and saving our national parks."
3.
Some ideas ibout the speech's structure and content:
I am sure you are reading through past President's efforts as they began their second year; I
would commend to you an unlikely one: Ronald Reagan's 1982 State of the Union. In tone and
structure, it does what I think necessary for the President's speech this year.
The speech should begin by looking back to the conditions left after the last 12 years, and then
review the past year's efforts (the President is particularly good at enumerating what we've
accomplished, while acknowledging how much work remains). In discussing 1992, and even
though the principal audience will be the nation (and the media), I would focus on the secondary
audience: the Congress. Reagan listed his first year's triumphs in a sequence of paragraphs
beginning, "Together... "; it was more than a rhetorical device-- it was the recognition (as JFK
put it in his January, 1962 address) that "it is [the President's] task to report the state of the
Union -- to improve it is the task of us all." A similar device could emphasize that while
partisanship has not been eliminated, gridlock has been broken.
2
�As the President begins to look forward, he should lay out in some detail why his economic
plan, already beginning to work, will mean better lives for all Americans. The essence of the
'92 campaign remains the foundation for next year -- and 1996. It will also provide a context
for the discussion of his budget priorities, which would next follow.
.J
The death trap of State of the Union speeches are the lengthy and disconnected citations of
promised legislative initiatives -- and given the criticism of the administration as lacking thematic
unity among programs, this failing would be particularly painful this year. I am not current on
the developing message link among health care, crime control, welfare reform and other central
proposals as elements of a single over-arching approach -- but whether we see things through
the prism of security (economic and personal); of the campaign trinity (opportunity,
responsibility and community); or of the relationship of government to the governed (and citizens
with one another), a consistent and integrative mechanism is needed.
With the overall theme articulated, the budget then describes an accountable and effective
government, making hard choices and real cut-backs in order to fund essential investments.
I would also urge ending the way Reagan did: with the recognition (as the President enunciated
it in Memphis) that each of us is responsible for improving our nation. Across our history, each
generation has met the challenge of American renewal mainly by defending our values with force
of arms. Now, though the world is still a dangerous place, some wonder whether peace time
can ever provide the urgency needed to surmount deep-set domestic hurdles. In '82, Reagan
ended by observing that heroes were to be found not only in history books-- they are all around
us (and then we got the paeans to Jeremiah Denton and Lenny Skutnik). The President should
similarly make his final rhetorical pivot on the theme of his Memphis speech, and enliven it with
particular individuals who exemplify the standard we hope all to meet.
This State of the Union provides an enormous opportunity for the President and all of us. We
would love to help in any useful way, and would appreciate the timely chance to comment on
the sections dealing with national service.
•
3
�EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY POLICY
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506
December 30, 1993
93 DEC 30 Pl2 : 5I
MEMORANDUM FOR JOHN PODESTA
FROM: $ H N H. GIBBONS, ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
SUBJECT:
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
In the earliest days of this Administration, the President pledged to put science and
technology to work for the American people. At San Jose, in February 1993, he promised to
design Federal science and technology investments to yield:
•
•
•
Long-term economic growth that creates jobs and protects the environment;
A more efficient and responsive government; and
World leadership in basic science, mathematics, and engineering.
The State of the Union Address is an appropriate time to inform citizens of our early and
steady progress toward those goals even in tight budget times. The Clinton Administration
has its feet firmly planted in "here and now" realities, but our eyes cast clearly toward the
future. In traditional politics, the "here and now" reigns, but in our technological age and
highly capitalized economy, long-term commitments are also essential. Thus, some of the
President's resource commitments are for our children and can't be expected to produce
rewards before the tum of the century. Such a commitment to the future is long overdue.
f
•
In planning investment strategies, we've had to adhere to the First Rule of Holes: "If
you're in one, stop d.igging." The President's policies evince an unprecedented commitment
to serious reduction of deficit spending, which is fundamental to keeping interest rates down,
to increasing the amount of new capital available for private investment, and to easing the
mounting debt burden on our children. But we can't just stop digging deeper into debt-- we
also have to climb out. In his first year in office, the President has worked closely with
Congress and the private sector to create a world class business environment in the United
States, to reinvent government's role in providing for national and economic security, and to
"win the peace," i.e., to master change and lead the world toward democracy and free
markets .
Building a World Class Business Environment
As we look ahead, we have an unprecedented opportunity to concentrate on building
economic prosperity. New technologies promise entirely new avenues for growth in
everything from making and distributing movies to building and maintaining new generations
of automobiles. The technologies derive from pioneering fundamental research and can make
work safer and more rewarding.
�-2-
..
••
But we can only benefit from these opportunities by exploiting our strengths. One of
America's greatest strengths is our ability to benefit from change. Many of us are here
because we had relatives willing to take a risk and build a new life in a new country. We all
benefit from their ingenuity, their ability to learn, their courage .
These talents put us in an ideal position to benefit from the fast changes that a
competitive and growing world economy must create. But we must move quickly to use this
advantage to good effect. In 1993, the President made the Federal government a full partner
in two ventures with potentially tremendous payoffs for competitiveness:
•
The Clean Car Initiative aims to preserve jobs and expand growth in a key U.S.
industry. In September, the President and the CEO's of Ford, GM, and Chrysler
committed Federal and private resources to development of a safe, high-performance
car that can run on renewable fuels and produce little or no pollution. This
partnership moves us cooperatively toward common goals: a clean environment;
competitive businesses; and prosperous citizens.
•
The White House, with private sector input, is developing a comprehensive, longrange environmental technology strategy to guide Federal policies in the years ahead.
The world market for environmental technologies -- technologies that prevent and
cleanup pollution -- is growing rapidly, and it is important for the United States to be
well positioned to capture a substantial share of the global market. The process is
well underway, and our goal is to have the strategy ready for release by the President
or Vice President on Earth Day, April 1994.
The key to continuing these successes is investment: by individuals who save their
money and invest in themselves and their own education; by businesses that invest in new
products and new production equipment; and by a government willing to back these
commitments with public investments in fundamental scientific research, research partnerships
with industry, and with continued investments in our children and in the skills of people who
must keep pace with the changing nature of job markets.
The vast majority of the ideas and action needed to exploit these new opportunities
will not come from the government. But there are many actions we can take to help the
private sector capture these opportunities.
First, we've got to ensure all our businesses have the incentive to invest in new ideas
and new equipment. We are pleased that lower interest rates, increased investor and
consumer confidence, and new policies, such as long-term research and experimentation tax
credits, that improve .the climate for investment are beginning to show in the economy. We
�-3-
are committed to continue our work to forge trust between the people and their government,
and more productive partnerships between the government and the private sector.
Second, we've got to ensure our workers are prepared to meet the challenges
presented by a changing global market place. This means having the best educated and best
trained workforce in the world. We will do this by bringing the Federal Government, States,
businesses, and universities around the nation into a new partnership to improve learning
methods and learning technologies and to train teachers. We will consolidate the many
specialized training projects we've designed over the past decades and manage them in a way
that helps American workers adapt to changes of all kinds. We will ensure anyone who
wants to learn in America has practical access to the instruction needed, when and where it is
needed.
Third, we've got to ensure our companies are in the best position to change
effectively and exploit the potential of new technologies by being the ftrst to develop high
quality products in the world's best production facilities. This means forging many new
research partnerships, such as the Clean Car Initiative, between Federal research facilities,
universities, and private ftrms in areas such as advanced electronics, advanced computers,
and many others.
It also means managing our defense research to ensure the enormous investment we
have made in defense technology can be exploited by private ftrms and to ensure future
defense research supports the needs of civilian businesses as well. This strategy lets us get
more out of each defense research dollar since the military can purchase ftrst-rate products
from civilian businesses. In 1993, the Administration effectively implemented the
Technology Reinvestment Project (TRP), which has the dual aims of making the latest and
best technologies available to the military at affordable cost, and at the same time
strengthening the competitive performance of American commercial companies -- with an
eventual payoff down the road of creating high-quality jobs. Grants were provided for
innovative private research projects, technology transfer, and support for use of advanced
technologies in small businesses and manufacturing education and training.
Reinventing Government's Role
As we move further into the post-Cold War period, the challenges and the change we
face are no less daunting than those of the Cold War. They are simply different. To serve
our clients well, government must adapt. Several programs illuminated the Clinton
Administration's ability to adapt to the changing world order and take advantage of emerging
opportunities, including:
.___ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
.
�-4-
•
The Space Station redesign effort. The civil space program and the scientific and
technological advances it makes possible are of great importance to a forward-looking
nation. But a program that consumes so many resources, e.g., money, talent, needs
clear goals and leadership that appreciates the importance of efficiency in these tight
budget times. The President quickly initiated and completed a process that should
enable this country to continue its exploration of space with a minimum of impact on
other important projects by improving management effectiveness, setting more realistic
goals, and cooperating more completely with foreign partners. The highly successful
mission to repair the Hubble Telescope demonstrates NASA's ability to respond to the
challenge of deploying and maintaining space-based technologies.
•
The President pledged his own highest efforts, as chairman of the newly formed
National Science and Technology Council, equivalent in status to the National Security
Council or the National Economic Council, to restructuring R&D to be in closer
alignment with national goals, to reaffirming the commitment to fundamental
discovery, and to shifting the Federal spending ratio to favor civilian over military
research.
World Leadership
The President has used science and technology to help establish U.S. primacy in
global affairs. For instance:
•
Scientific advances are the wellspring of the technical innovations whose benefits are
seen in economic growth, improved health care, and many other areas. The U.S.
scientific enterprise has been a resounding success. This is true whether one measures
the overall knowledge base produced or the technology that has derived from
fundamental discoveries. We train the best scientists, have great universities, and
have provided the bases for some of the fastest emerging industrial efforts, such as
biotechnology.
The Clinton Administration bas proposed investing heavily in fundamental research-despite deficit reduction efforts --to help ensure a sound future. We've not shirked
the responsibility of evaluating how those investments are made, and we plan_ to
continue to build partnerships and new understanding to strengthen the importance and
effectiveness of the investment.
The President has taken the first steps toward reaffirming our social contract with
fundamental research and discovery. He is reaching out to show U.S. citizens the joy
of mastering change and the importance of understanding their world in sophisticated
and scientific ways. He is emphasizing the strategic importance of fundamental
.....___ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ---
----
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___j
�-5-
research and urging us not to be afraid to change directions when new national
challenges face us in the 21st Century.
y
•
Successful conclusion of NAFTA and GATT depended, in part, on persuading various
constituencies that education and training technologies could be used to benefit
American workers affected by open markets, that technology transfer could be a major
advantage to American businesses, and that the U.S. research establishment should be
free of expensive and invasive reporting requirements under new trade regimes. The
United States prevailed on all important counts.
•
Rather than act as a passive witness to the upheaval in Russian and the former Soviet
states, the President constructively engaged the efforts of the Federal government, our
allies, development banks, and the private sector to aid their post-Communist
progress. By establishing the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission, which emphasizes
high-technology areas such as energy, environment, and space, as well as basic
science, the President directed the power of science and technology toward building
democracies worldwide. In one stunning example of beating swords into plowshares,
the Vice President secured an agreement from the Russians to shut down the two
remaining Russian military plutonium-production reactors still operating at Tomsk,
nominally because they provide heat and electric power to nearby populations, in
exchange for U.S. help in improving Russian gas turbine technology (which in itself is
a military technology (jet engines) being turned to civilian purposes).
Americans thrive on change, which means we should fare well in the global economy
quickly taking hold. The Federal Government has an essential role in catalyzing needed
change: by ensuring businesses have the incentive to invest in new ideas and equipment; by
providing our workers access to education and training technologies that broaden their skills;
by enabling companies to exploit new technologies to gain market share; and by maintaining
the foundation of scientific knowledge that will yield the new technologies of the future.
The Clinton Administration hasn't run away from the changes that a new world
economy is creating. We've figured out how to exploit a long tradition of American
ingenuity, and we intend to defme the direction of world economic change by investing in
our people and in new technologies.
�OFFICE OF NATIONAL DRUG CONTROL POLICY
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
Washington, D.C. 20500
5
93 OEC 30 "" : t
DECEMBER 29, 1993
MEMORANDUM TO JOHN PODESTA
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT AND STAFF SECRETARY
FROM:
RICIA McMAHON~\
EDWARD H. JURITH £Hd'
RE:
SUGGESTIONS FOR INCLUSION IN THE PRESIDENT'S
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
In response to your memo of December 22, 1993, the following are
suggestions of Dr. Lee Brown, Director of the Office of National
Drug Control Policy:
"An important area in which we must act to reduce the level of
violenc~
is to reduce drug abuse.
The Administration's drug strategy identifies reducing chronic or
hard-core drug use as the principal challenge for our drug
policy. For too long our national drug control policies have
failed to come to grips with the harsh realities of chronic drug
use, especially in our inner cities and among the disadvantaged.
Recent hospital emergency-room data suggest that problems
resulting from serious heroin and cocaine use are on the rise.
Studies conducted for the Office of National Drug Control Policy
found that although heavy users constitute only about 20 percent
of all cocaine users, they account for roughly two-thirds of
total cocaine consumption.
Chronic drug use fuels the continued high level of crime in our
inner cities. The relationship of drugs to violence is well
established. One study of the drug market on the lower east side
of New York found that one-half of all violence was drug and
alcohol-related. We reduce violence by reducing the availability
of illegal drugs and the level of drug use. It is for this reason
that our strategy makes the reduction of drug-use by chronic
drugs users its number one priority.
Accordingly, we will be proposing a significant expansion of
Federal support for the treatment of chronic drug users, and the
expansion of drug treatment and intervention services in the
criminal justice system.
Suggestions that drug use or violence can be reduced by expanding
the availability of dangerous drugs are simply wrong.
�We cannot make our neighborhoods safe and secure if drugs are
readily available. The Empowerment Zone and Enterprise
Communities program will reach out to those communities hardest
hit by the ravages of drug use and violence, spur public safety
and economic development, and increase the availability of social
services, thereby reducing drug use.
We cannot continue to ignore what is readily apparent -- as a
society we must come to the assistance of those individuals and
communities whose drug use is endemic. Through our initiatives in
pending crime legislation, the proposed increase in drug
treatment services, the expansion of Head Start, our Safe Schools
proposal, health care reform, and national service we have
created a framework that will permit our National Drug Control
Strategy to come to grips with the harsh realities of serious
drug use - the root causes of addiction.
We cannot address drug abuse in isolation. Fighting drug abuse
also means providing educational opportunities, good jobs and
safe neighborhoods.
Too many of our fellow citizens have been left out of the
mainstream of American society. They, for a whole host of
reasons, have been unable to tap into the bounty of this great
nation. Drugs too often become the tonic to relieve their pain.
The pain of non-acceptance. The pain of being left out. The pain
of hopelessness. The pain of belonging to a great and prosperous
nation, but yet have little to show for it.
-
Our failure to address the problem of the chronic drug user will
undermine our efforts to restore our economic vitality, reform
our health care system, and make our communities safe.
- We cannot have a strong economy and be competitive in the
world if we have a large underclass that is unskilled, poorly
educated, and addicted to drugs and alcohol.
...
-.
- We cannot reform our health care system if a large segment
of our society, because of their addictions, dramatically
increase health care costs, place an inordinate demand on
emergency care and public health services; and lead unhealthy
lifestyles that require more intensive medical attention to
chronic conditions •
-We cannot make our neighborhoods safe and secure if-drugs
are readily available and violence that is part and parcel of the
drug trade flourishes.
How we combat the drug problem speaks much about Americans as a
people. Drug abuse and the devastation it leaves in its wake
extends beyond the user, but endangers whole families,
communities, and the nation".
�'Tfie State of tfie Union
address to tfze
103rd Congress
Second Session
rJJresident William J Clinton
January 25} I994
Washington} 'IJ. C.
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01/26/1994
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�POSTCARDS TO PRESIDENT CLINTON
January 25, 1994
I think you are doing as good of a job as Congress will allow you! And I think you do care
about the working class of Americans.
I think your on the right track but I saw gridlock on the faces of some of our elected
Senators. Good Luck. You've changed their minds before, let's do it again with your plans
for our future. [sic]
Enjoyed your State of the Union Address. I hope the health care reform does not make
people like me, that have good health insurance provided by the workplace, have to start
paying a percentage of their wages. As for the gun bill, I approve, although as having
hunters in the family, I don't want guns outlawed. [sic]
Your speech this evening was very inspiring and I hope Congress will enact the necessary_
legislation. Especially health care and the crime bill. I think that 3 times you're out is too
much. Twice would be sufficient.
Hang in there and stay tough on all issues! Especially health care and on the violence
reforms. Would like to see all things started now or, like everything. in life, to have been
started yesterday, since that is the American way. We definitely need more jobs and welfare
reform. Fast! Thanks.
I think you should get the troops out of the hostile areas now. I also think you should reinstate the Capital Punishment Law to be effective immediately. "Ifa man steals your horse,
hang him!" "Eye for an eye." Put prayer back into all schools! Nationwide! Don't put off
the "Death Row" inmates so long, dispose of them immediately. P.S. I think it is very rude
of the "chamber" to keep interrupting you while you speak. Why don't they sit down and
be quiet! They can clap when you are finished.
I agree that unemployment system must be overhauled. The present system penalizes those
willing to go to work when there is a pay discrepancy. As someone who has been there,
I am aware of the drawbacks. Keep trying.
I do not like the way you are handling the deficit. I believe it is a mistake to increase taxes
on gasoline. Gasoline affects the economy drastically. If people do not drive, tires are not
· sold, hotels/motels loose business, turnpike revenues drop.
I want you to take more interest in the health care for the mentally ill. I am hearing it
doesn't look good that it will be in the new health care plan.
�Postcards to President Clinton
As you have always said, "Our young people are our future leaders." I would like to
encourage you to come to Dayton, Ohio (Stebbin High School) to observe the best
AFJROTC Unit in our state and nation. They have maintained State Championship for 6
years and National awards. Please contact them at your convenience. [sic]
Just give the people the facts and then act on those facts.
If you really mean what you have said, I'm 100% behind you. Our country needs a lot of
changes.
Please, clean house in Washington. We don't need lobbests, we don't need professional
politicians. Two term limits would be a good plan. Thanks. [sic]
Clean up the environment.
Create jobs. Cut down on crime.
Your State of the Union was very well presented. To try to do so many things at one time
seems a little tricky and can easily cause a problem in other areas. Hopefully, all you hopefor will be for the best and not make us into a police state or worse.
There are other long-term, chronic medical conditions than AIDS. Those other conditions
have eXisted much longer than ten years. Cures and/or medical help could certainly give
long-term benefits to families.
What's happening Bill? Keep up the good work. Let's shrink the deficit and keep the
prospect of change going.
Those of us who pay a large % of our pay for health care, 15 to 20%, should not have to
pay more. And cut the deficit to zero as soon as possible. If we had no National Deat, we
could pay for (illegible) and healthcare and not borrow any more. [sic]
I am in favor of educating our children. We need to fmd a better way of funding our
educational system. I am getting tired of always having a school levy hanging over our
heads. The children are the ones that are getting cheated by always cutting staff or sports,
band, etc.
2
�Postcards to President Clinton
There are many young couples with no children earning less than $20,000 per year who get
no breaks (tax) at all. The so called Entitlements for Fed. Employees Retirement that have
taxes paid on them cannot be recovered (since 1987). Why can that not be rescinded so all
retirement monies invested can be reclaimed, also why can a widow only get 55% of
deceased spouses retirement. Her expenses are much more without him. Health care
should be a person's choice. Also low (realistically) income working people should not have
insurance the same as welfare people. [sic]
It seems to me for the first time in twelve years, we have someone in the White House the
care for the elders and the poor. [sic]
-
Mr. President, if the health bill is not passed, the country will go to hell in a hand basket.
Your ideas seem right but you are going to fast in some of the budget cuts. More thought
should go into defense cuts and should not go as fast as they are going and hurting the
economy.
I am reacting very positively to your State of the Union address. It seems, finally, that
someone is trying to do something about causes rather than symptoms. I can only
encourage you to continue in this. You have dramatically changed my opinion of your
ability as a President,· and, as a solid high-tech middle class worker. I hope to continue .to
be pleasantly surprised.
You had a moving speech tonight. Don't mess up and not follow through.
After watching your speech tonite I feel real encouraged with your plans for the future but
most of all I agree, we should all get back to the basics of love, morals and God. [sic]
I think you are a demogoge. You will say many things to obtain favor and disclose your
intent only briefly. Stop making deals so much. You support pork harrell type Congress
people and the whole country pays for the waste. [sic]
The health care plan will be nice for many of my friends, but its going to end up costing me
more money, which is taking food out of my children's mouths.
I like was el here tonight. Because you tell the truth I would I to do. Thank you. [sic]
3
�Postcards to President Clinton
Your Brady Bill "Law" sucks. Blacks are killing blacks. White are killing whites. Separate
them -- see who is doing the most killing and take their guns away. People should be
responsible for their own actions. Don't blame someone else for your screw up. Drugs-crack, cocaine are doing the killing. Be tough on these offenders. You don't see people
killing each other over a joint of pot, do you?
Stick to everything you said tonight, but eliminate abortion.
Please continue to listen to "the everyday people". Follow up on what you say. Continue
to take care of us here on "the home front". Our taxes don't stretch far. Don't be so
generous to other countries. Keep three strikes you're out in the forefront. Build more
prisons if needed. Keep us safe.
Cut out foreign aid and give the money back to the American people.
I think you should be more specific in costs of these programs. Also creating jobs is fine.
But what you're not saying is are these jobs part-time jobs or are they full-time jobs witn
decent pay?
Your speech enlightened me. Two things I think are of the utmost importance is: parents
should help their children and get rid of the drugs.
I enjoyed your speech on 1125/94. It makes me feel what you have said is important. I
hope that these changes are the best for the people of the United States. I will try to do
my part as a human being to make things better then what they are now. I wish you the
best of luck in the next three years as President of the Uni~ed States.
I listened to your state of the Union speech tonight and will certainly keep you in my
prayers. I liked a lot of issues you say is going to be or be changed. Please don't let this
speech be like a union contract that steps around, good for some that have friends in the
union and nothing for most. [sic]
Stop the compromises. Advitize what the congress is doing, make sure that the butheads
know they are responsible to us, the people, not the special interest groups and lobres. I
can believe in you, but the system has problems. We need term limits and a line item veto
to cut the pork. Thank you. [sic]
4
�Postcards to President Clinton
As a manager of a convenience store the proliferation of guns and violent crime concerns
me greatly. I have been robbed perhaps thirty times in six years, usually by repeat
offenders, and many times soon after a conviction of a perpetrator, I would be contacted
concerning my feelings over a robber who had applied for a little jewel called "shock
probation", which I am sure you are familiar with. Also, recently I spent a week in
Washington, D.C. and the sense of history, nobility and grandeur I experienced was
disturbed only by the terrible stories I had heard of the city's crime rate and by the scene
of a violent street person who had honest citizens, including myself, looking for places to
hide in broad daylight. Our nation's capitol should not project this image to her many
visitors.
Talk is cheap. Prove yourself.
I watched the Presidential address tonight and everything you talked about I would very
much like to see happen. It makes me wonder how much is a dream or will it ever be a
reality.
Excellent speech! Health care reform and crime bill are right on the mark. You expressed
perfectly the way I feel and are fighting for the things I, as an American, deserve! I'm
proud of you.
I feel you should know that lots of people though they may agree with what you say have
reservations regarding your ability and confirmation when it comes to carrying them our.
I believe you are sincere and committed and it's a long time since I've felt that way about
the guy with your job.
Your State of the Union address covered many things people truly care about. However,
though I'm in agreement with many of your ideas there are issues you have not clarified.
ones that will affect my family especially. I believe government should help (but not
control) health care issues and reform. , As it stands now, your proposed policy will hurt my
family more; my husband being deaf and myself disabled, we're not asking for special
treatment, just a fair chance and we'll be losing what little we have. HMO is what we'll be
forced into, we'll have to pay more and we can't afford what we have now.
For years, I've listened to speeches from politicians and asked, "Wait a minute buddy, what
world do you live in?" The sentiments you shared with the country tonight could have been
heard across a back fence anywhere in America. It looks like your health care program will
cost me personally because of the type of corperate coverage I currently enjoy, but I don't
agree with everything across the back fence either. It is a pleasure for a change to watch
a man work who is serious about doing something. The rhetoric has become so stale. [sic]
5
�Postcards to President Clinton
I don't know if I believe in what you are telling us. But I will trust you and support you all
the way. God bless you in trying to make this a better world in which we live.
Let's just make it happen.
If you do what you said on your State of the Union address tonight, then I think you will not
only get up out of a bad economy but you will rank as one of the top presidents of modem
times.
You certainly are a charismatic speaker. I hope you can implement the things spoken of
in your State of the Union address, especially in the areas of education, crime and health
care. You do seem to be a politician who wants to cross party lines and work together with
all parties to move forward in these areas. God bless you and good luck. I'm praying for
you, America and the world.
6
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
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41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
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Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
State of the Union 1994 [3]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 3
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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12/29/2014
Source
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-003-006-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/5daf32d9ac59cd5cc8d4f7bf9562eda4.pdf
013e5bdab17b0eec13cde0d8155d9bf9
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
;'
~I::
Collection/Record Group:
Clint~n Presidentiit,',Records
l
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
1;;.
.\-'.
___________ _______
Subseries:
___.;.
,,,,
~~,------------------
··~:
4273
OAIID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
State ofthe Union 1994 [2]
Stack:
Row:
s
91
5
Shelf:
Position:
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECflfiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Marc Grossman to Anthony Lake re: State Department Input for
President Clinton's State of the Union Message. (8 pages)
12/1993
P5
002. memo
Bruce Babbitt to John Podesta re: State of the Union Address. (2
pages)
12/27/1993
P5
003. memo
Hazel R O'Leary to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address
(4 pages)
12/30/1993
P5
004. memo
Carol M. Browner to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address
(2 pages)
12/30/1993
P5
005. memo
Jesse Brown to John Podesta re: State of the Union Address. (2 pages)
12/28/1993
P5
006. memo
Peter Edelman to Carol Rasco. Subject: Ideas Concerning Violence for
Possible Inclusion in State of the Union Message. (12 pages)
12/21/1993
P5
007. memo
Bill Galston to President Clinton re: State of the Union (3 pages)
12/28/1993
P5
008. memo
Gene Sperling to President Clinton re: State of the Union (10 pages)
12/30/1993
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State of the Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- )44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. SS2(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information )(a)(l) of the PRAJ
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office )(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute )(a)(3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information )(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advison )a)(S) ofthe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy )(a)(6) ofthe PRA)
b(l) National security classified information )(b)(l) ofthe FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute )(b)(3) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information )(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy )(b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes )(b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions )(b)(8) ofthe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells )(b)(9) ofthe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Penonal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Marc Grossman to Anthony Lake re: State Department Input for
President Clinton's State of the Union Message. (8 pages)
12/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -[44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. SS2(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) ofthe PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) orthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOlA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOlA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) ofthe FOlA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOlA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOlA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�IU
f?)
~
TME SECRETARY OF HEALTH ANO HUMAN SERVICES
WASIIINGTOft, D.C. RIJeO&
TOI
FrOIU
Subject:
Patel
John Poclea~
Donna B. Shalala
~
~f ~
The State of the Union Address
13/30/93
In reaponfie to yo\IZ' request for theaea for t:he stau of the
Union address, I would auqgeat the following:
1.
~
A4miniatration•a cop•ltaant to working a.txiotn••
one of President Clinton's strongest electoral .andatea
vas to ac!clreas I\Ore than a decade of lost j ob•, vagaa,
and benefit• for vorkint Aaericana. The A~inistration
has taken very stronq atapa in t.hia area, both in juapatarting tbe econamr and in laying the groundwork for
lonq-tera econeaic security (HAPTA, the eoonoaio plan,
deficit reduction, bealth care refora, etc.).
The President abould speak peraonally and peaaionately
abou~ bi• oa.aitaent ~o polioiea that help workint
Aaerioans. T.be Health security Act will particularly
~efi~ workift9 ~igans, wbo are 41•frgportionate1y
uninaurecl ancl vbose eoonoaio security 1• jeoparctiaed
beaaWie ot zoiaing health ooet•. The Pre•lcSent. alao
8bou14 point out tbat. t.be AdainiatratiOD la reforainq
the welfare 117•-tea Mcauae - believe t.!ult. eveQ"J:3gdy
wbo oan work sbould wort.
2.
Tb• AclJiniaqatipn•• pgpi1;aant; t;q childrln la.l
tami1iea. Cbildren are our vreatea~ resource.
Soaeday, they will lxtocma the foundation of our
wor:k.fo&-ce iUid our deaocracy. AS URICEI' • a 1194 State of
the World's C2lil4ren report ahova, Aaer1oa has not
prov1Ged. tor our Cll11Gren aa well aa we can. The
Adainiatration haa taken atroJl9 atepa to support
cm1.1e1ren anG faailiee (Bead start, iaWalzationa, IITC,
WIC, etc.). we believe uat invest1Dg in children and.
tuili. . is tbe right thing to clo and the part. tbinv
to do. The President should czhallencra .blariaana to
MCOIIe advocates for ohildren.
..
3.
r.= ~ ~t:.Y'ft=..
a an equal opportunity epidaic. It is 4-troy1ft9
communities and creating a cliaata of fear that
UDderainaa o1v1c lite. With tile cr1ae Bill, tbe Brady
Law, other major initiativaa, and inapiri119 r~=ic, ·
the Adainiatration haa shown leadership. The Praaident
should challenge all AmAriaana to da their ~.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Bruce Babbitt to John Podesta re: State of the Union Address. (2
pages)
12/27/1993
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State of the Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute )(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�·:-·.,_·,:.
:=.?;.!!
!JEPT
INTERIOq!Jt:
THE SECRETARY OF' THE INTERIOR
WASHINGTON
.
December 30, 1993
MEMOBANDUM
TO:
John Podesta
FROM:
Bnace
RE:
Suatainable Development
Babbitt~
You asked for some thoughts on global environmental policy:
•sustainable development" is the current slogan for global environmental cooperation The problem is to squeeze something specific and memorable from that husk.
Try linking environmental cooperation to 1) economics and 2) science and technology
1. Take credit for the green clauses in NAFTA- an unprecedented breakthrough- the
word •environment• has never before been included in a trade qreement - from now on all
trade and investment should include environmental protection.
2. We must tum the power of science and technology to the global environment.
The space initiatives with Russia should be followed up with a global ocean:; campaign
using the remarkable underwater technologies developed by both countries during the cold war
to map the oceans, locate mineral deposits and manage all fish stocks on a sustainable basis,
invitin& all countries to participate.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003.memo
SUBJECffi'ITLE
DATE
Hazel R O'Leary to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address
(4 pages)
12/30/ 1993
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Ad- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) ofthe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
004. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Carol M. Browner to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address
(2 pages)
12/3011993
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) ofthe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�............ v
HOUSTOH·C'HI.tONIC~
. . . . v.,.
•wv
uuv ..
DEC 2 91993
-
, 4 ~I
Clinton clearly leads the way on environ·ment
.
By CARO!, M. BROWNER
•
0
N a sunny morning In April. PresidL"nl
Clinton ee!et~ratc:d F.arth 0.1y by 311·
nounclng .1n ambiUo~~o~ l'nvironmenlal
•Benda. A.s 1993 draws to a close o1nd ~·e relied
on 11M year gone! by,lt's Clear UJat more environ·
mmtal'leaftnltiphas C:ome rrom tile White ·
HoUM 6n Ute pastn months lhan In U'le previous
12yean.
In 11i8 Eartll Day address, the president
pledCfd lhat Jlts en•ironrMnL&I policy would
prc~mtle.a !leal thy etoaomy and~ reate job& He
said we need not doore llelweu c:conom lc dto••lop~nenl and • site, clean environmenr- lbe
two 10 lla1d J.n h.1 ild. PrevenUng pollut~ !tel ps
prct~ our heattll and Mure ltneraUons- and
b' etlmlnati~l file cost of ('ftYlronmena.l
cleaoup; it's lao lood tor lht bol\om line.
TlleCUncon edJDiAistration set a J)recedent
witll Ute Fonst CcnltrtDCe In AprU, when loc·
''"• tnYlronmencalbLs and OCber membetsof
Ule Paelfte Ne~rehwest community sa& down losetller and llammem out a plan IONve both
a
~andtr.er.
Ttat new E•Ylronmental Tccfm4)fogy lniUallve
la•nm~ by nu'
will a!.so llooa& our econ·
omy; II
crealutw jobs for Am«i~ans who
trill build aDd uae new '"U·polluUon deviea. fn
actdWon. EPA and lhe Commem: Droari!Dtnt
ll.lve forced a 1tr atliY to marlrtt U.S. envirOR·
l"'tfttal products around U.e globe - 1111a. creat"'s hish·,•agc, hlgh-skilliXI Americ:anjolls.
In his Eartb Day ~ddms, thepr•slden(
plect Cl'd le proteel our e•vlre~nment both a l
"ml' and at.road. •t:\Juae,llf aigaed U.e in lerna·
lional blodivenlty treaty thai Ccorge Bush,
••Ucc:d an, I rom in ltt2- because prescrvlnc
llM! IOitaClllous variety o~ plants and 111Jma ..
let.,• let protect human boaltll. More Ulan haU el
eur presc:rlptlon drup. fot earample, c:om• from
plants.
.
••enc)'
will
The prtstdeat pledged to address lllr tbreal of
&Jc*11 wannina.ln Ol:lober, he blued a Climate
Change AcUon Plan lo boost enav emcleftc:y
.. 11141 redl1ce U..,, emlsston of ll'ftlhouse pses IO
lfllleveb by Ute ynr 2100. Sa¥&111 energy
mon17 (or C'OftSUillerl. And
nlftft.l aaviq
clealllnc up our alt maoas savtnaltves. ·
Tbe preakten& and I JNorked to add a louall nwtronmenta1 skte apeel'Den& Co lhe North Am«l·
" can Free Trade Acreelnent. NAFTKii 111-: ikSt
tnidi agrcemenliVet td lrictncenvlronme~atal
Alesvard.s.
In a.is ~nth Day speed. U1o prcsldenc pleqed
c:.ac the ttderar goverDmenl would ltad by e•·
1111ple. In A"£u&, he ordered all f~eral agen·
cies 1D cui tlletr release& olloxlc pollution in~ al r
by II'Jt. Federal ag011cles •lila I'o ~required &.;
'
Brownet is lldmlniSfralcr of lht U.S. Envi·
ronmental Protection Agency.·
report their tOlllccmlsrions to tilt pull DC'. Just o1s i
prh·ate IJrms do.
:
Jn October, P~ldent Clinlf)n ordered rederat
~CCndcs !G pllrt'llaS~ ttcyell!d products. ib~
p•rctlaslnc pOWC!r Oft fie ftcJcrat lfOV~tlnlCIIl
will sreally erpand lhll market lor recyd~'d
products - altd create more jobs.
I
· Tllc!Admlttlsaratlon led by example again' ·
when I~EP&the Otpartmenl of .4sri<'ulturt
ancll.t\\ Oo4 anct Drug Admlnlstrati~illtncd
torus nd agrdii tJr I he hut tcme -11na
1·
PnJpOSal to reform lood safely polic:)'. Wt calkod
for a ltrlct, ltealdl-bued sta.ctnct ICJ MsVre tll4t 1
all pesticides I&SC.'d onatl foods are s.1re fiJI' ~II ::.
Americans, lnel•dilllcfllldttn. And together. · !
we've !begun lltlpinc I armers to reduce thei ~ u:se ;
of patlcldeL
,
•nte tNMmc.y of nat we Is no& ours lo wastt,'' ttlt :
prahlt~tt uld on Earcll D.1y. "Praervtngour
herUace, enhaftclng lland passtns itatenc is •
·1
creat purpoae11N111J1y of a tlNat peaplr."
1
~rln1 Ulela.,t 12 )'ears. environmen~l polic7 1
beumepoladn4 an.t adven4rlaL nttpresl·
1
detlltas lfd Ute wa7 In llaowlng that Uletllolce
lletween jobs and a sale envtronmenll.t a false
~ice. There fs now a roundatlowfora klttr lu-.
tvre, both tor envlroncnenlal prolectlfrund lot :·
econemlc pawth,
·
Wilh tJao prellctent's leadership, thai I' ••e path
we1t eontlnue to talce in tbis admilllstntion.
-~-=..=...:.
-.::.._·
-
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
005.memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Jesse Brown to John Podesta re: State of the Union Address. (2 pages)
12/28/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) oftbe PRA)
P2 Relating to tbe appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) oftbe PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) oftbe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) ortbe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between tbe President
and bis advisors, or between sucb advisors (a)(S) oftbe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) oftbe PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) oftbe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) oftbe FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) oftbe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) oftbe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) oftbe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) oftbe FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning tbe regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) ortbe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells J(b)(9) oftbe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance witb restrictions contained in donor's deed
of girt.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance witb 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
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006. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Peter Edelman to Carol Rasco. Subject: Ideas Concerning Violence for
Possible Inclusion in State of the Union Message. (12 pages)
12/2111993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)(
Freedom of Information Act -(5 U.S.C. 552(b)(
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) orthe PRAJ
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) orthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion or
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOlAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices or
an agency ((b)(2) or the FOlAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOlAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOlA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOlAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOlA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation or
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOlA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOlA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
007. memo
SUBJECT/flTLE
DATE
Bill Galston to President Clinton re: State of the Union (3 pages)
12/28/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) oftbe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) ofthe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) ofthe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
008.memo
DATE
SUBJECflfiTLE
Gene Sperling to President Clinton re: State of the Union (10 pages)
12/30/1993
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
State ofthe Union 1994 [2]
2008-0699-F
ds358
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) or the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) or the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion or
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices or
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
State of the Union 1994 [2]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 3
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-003-005-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/6889054ac49096f0619c43cad37f22b9.pdf
13425a510799b44d88b5487a037a9e34
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker,!by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
"p,
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidentia'~, Records
fl..!
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
Subseries:
•'
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Speechwriting Office
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
------------
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTrriTLE
02/18/1994
Personal (Partial) ( 1 page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Speechwriting Office
2008-0699-F
'm493
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRAI
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRAJ
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- )5 U.S.C. 552(b)J
b(l) National security classified Information [(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for Jaw enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical Information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
�February 18, 1994
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
Mark Gearan
FROM:
David Kusnet 01<:-, C
Carolyn Curiel '- · ·
Lissa Muscatine~
Alan Stone ~.
Carter WilkieC)JJ
SUBJECT:
Administrative issues requiring immediate attention
As you will recall, our staff assistant, who served as our
sole researcher as well as our sole support-staff person, has
moved on to the research department.
This means we have entered an extremely important second
year with no research assistant or staff assistant, no fax
machine, and no resolution of other issues that have been raised
before, including: the need for another writer; more advance
warning of speeches; weekly direction from message advisers;
adequate office space, etc. We hope you agree that we should
resolve these issues quickly.
In the remainder of this memo, we want to address five
issues.
support staff
We have only one support staff slot, an unprecedented
circumstance among recent Administrations. As requested before,
we want to upgrade this position.
Without your approval of our earlier request to increase the
responsibilities and salary of this position, we are proceeding
to fill the vacancy as it currently exists: office manager/
assistant at $25,000 a year. This will still leave us without
professional research support.
As we conclude our interviews, we have found two outstanding
candidates who may require more than $25,000.00 We may recommend
that, in order to hire one of these candidates rather than one
who is much less experienced, the salary for the position be
raised to $30,000.00.
our proposal: Assign someone in the Research Department to
Speechwriting full-time.
As a way to correct this problem, we suggest you offer the
vacancy in the Communications Research Department (created by
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
02/18/1994
Personal (Partial) (1 page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Speechwriting Office
2008-0699-F
"m493
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(l) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�•
I
i
l
[oo~
Other issues
1. We still need a fax machine. Presently we depend on machines
in other offices that are usually locked on weekends and late in
the evenings. Several times, people from the Administration and
the Hill have faxed us critical material which arrived on our
desk too late to be helpful, because staff in other departments
did not bring that material to our office.
2. carolyn Curiel and Carter Wilkie continue to share a single
room, which presents difficulties when one of them is trying to
write on deadline. The need to have this problem solved makes
the unresolved issue of office space all the more urgent.
3. Finally, carter Wilkie continues to meet responsibilities as
large as any senior writer in the department. Last week, for
instance, he wrote the speech announcing the national drug
strategy as well as the radio address delivered three days later.
We believe the issue of Carter~s salary deserves new attention.
'L____ ... - ., ...........
�STAFFING IN SPEECHWRITING: A 25 YEAR PERSPECTIVE
Nixon
Writers: 5 minimum
Researchers: 7
Assistants: ?
Secretaries: ?
office space: ?
notes:
•
"The seven-person Research Unit was formally begun under Nixon's first
Speechwriter, James Keogh, and has always been an immediate adjunct to the
Speechwriting Office," from "The Ring of Power," by Bradley H. Patterson.
•
For information on senior writers' close access to Nixon and involvement in message
planning, see William Satire, "Before the Fall," pp.99-100.
Ford
Writers: 8
Carter
Writers: 6
Editorial Manager: 1
Researchers: 6
Administrative Assistant: 1
· Secretary: 1
office space: now occupied by White House Counsel
protectors on senior staff: Jody Powell, Jerry Rafshoon
notes:
•
•
•
•
•
one member always present at daily senior staff meeting
constant access to senior advisers
occasional access to the President
speechwriters would travel for road speeches.
For information on the dangers of isolating the speechwriting department see James
Fallows, "The Passionless Presidency," in The Atlantic, January 1979.
�Reagan
Writers: 6
Director of Speechwriting: 1
Researchers: 5
Secretaries: 3
protectors on senior staff: Darman
office space: now occupied by Intergovernmental Affairs, First Lady's staff, Political Affairs
notes:
•
"A writer usually had a week or two to work on a big speech, or a few days to write
a small one ... Each speech was also assigned a researcher. There were five young
researchers when I got there, and they were usually assigned more speeches than they
could do well." -- from "What I Saw at the Revolution," by Peggy Noonan.
Bush
Writers: 6
Director of Speechwriting: 1
Researchers: 5
Support staff: unknown
office space: each had private office, now occupied by Public Liaison
notes:
•
for information on how Chief of Staff John Sununu mistreated the department and its
effect on Bush's fortunes, see John Podhoretz, "Hell of a Ride," p.82.
Clinton
Writers: 4
Director of Speechwriting: none
Researchers: none
Staff Assistant: vacant
office space: two writers share one room, others in a separate location
�Writers:
Nixon
Ford
5
Researchers:
Nixon
6
Ford
?
7
Editorial Manager/
Director Of
Speechwriting
Nixon
?
support staff
TOTAL
Nixon
12
Ford
?
?
Ford
Carter
15
Clinton
0
5
Reagan
1
Bush
1
Carter
Reagan
1
Reagan
2
15
4
Bush
5
carter
Clinton
6
Reagan
6
Ford
?
Bush
6
carter
Nixon
8
Reagan
Carter
8
Clinton
0
Bush
Clinton
?
0
3
Bush Clinton
12
4
'.•.
�$~
Economic Polley Council
Special ASsistant to the President and
Executive Secretary ........................... Olin Wethington
Staff Assistants ..................................... Francesca Kearney
Cathy R. Mays
Deputy Executive Secretary .................. Stephen P. Farrar
Deputy Executive Secretary and
Associate Director ............................. Todd G. Buchholz
.
(456)7968
(456)7968
(456)2315
(456)2315
228
228
216
216
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
(456)7968
224
OEOB
(456)2813
(456)2813.
(456)2813
175
175
175
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
David F. Demarest. Jr.
Sharon Botwin
Sara Maltby
(456)7620
(456)7620
(456)7620
2Fir
2Fir
2Fir
WWIWH
WWIWH
WWIWH
Chriss Winston
Christina Martin
Druclllia Scaling
Nancy Benson
(456)2930
(456)2930
(456)2930
(456)2930
122
122
122
122
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
(456)2930
(456)2930
(456)2930
. (456)2930
(456)2930
(456)2930
126
126 112
116
118
116
120
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
Ill
111
III
111
1I 1
1/2
1/2
112
112
112
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
195
195
195
195
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
Agricultural Trade and Food Assistance
Special ASsistant to the President for
Agricultural nade and
Food ASsistance ................................ vacant
Research Analyst .................................. vacant
Staff Assistant ....................................... John Fish
- ··--
-
communications
Assistant to the President for
Communications ...............................
Confidential Assistant to the Assistant ..
Special Assistant to the Assistant .........
Deputy Assistant to the President
for Communications and
Director of Speechwritlng ........... : ......
Specialt\sslstant to the Deputy ............
Administrative Officer ............................
Staff Assistant .......................................
Speechwriting
Speechwriters .......................................
Mary Kate Grant
Elizabeth M. Hinchliffe
Mark Lange
Daniel McGroarty
Edward McNally
Curtis Smith
Research
Research Assistants .............................
Carol Blymire
Carolyn Cawley
Peggy Dooley
Jennifer Grossman
Robert Simon
(456)7750
(456)7750
(456)7750
(456)7750
(456)7750
Public Affairs
Director ................................................. Barrie non
Associate Directors ............................... Kristen Gear
Paul Luthringer
Staff Assistant ....................................... Mary Theresa woods
WH0-4
(456)2483
(456)2483
(456)2483
(456)2483
·--"
)
I
�Office of Communications
EXT.
ASBistGnt to the President for
Communications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Deputy Assistont to the President for
Communications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Confidential Assistant to the
Assistont for Communications . . . . . . .
Special Assistant to the Assistant
for Communications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Special Assistant to the
Deputy Assistant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Communications Administrative
0/fJ.Cer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
BM.
BLDG.
WWIWH
David F. Demarest,Jr.
(456)7620
2Flr
Chriss Winston
(456)2930
122
Sharon Botwin
(456)7620
2Flr
Sara Maltby
(456)7620
122
OEOB
Kristen Gear
(456)2930
122
OEOB
Drucie Scaling
(456)2930
122
OEOB
OEOB
WWIWH
Office of Speechwriting
EXT.
Speechwriter
Speechwriter
Speechwriter
Speechwriter
Speechwriter
...... ..... . ......... .
~
-~
..•
Mark Davis
Mark Lange
Dan McGroarty· ·
Ed McNally
Curt Smith
(456)2930
(456)2930
(456)2930
(456)2930 .
(456)2930
RM.
116
116
118
126.
120
BLDG.
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
Office of Research
EXT.
(_
Research Assistant
Research Assistant
Research Assistant
Research Assistant
................... .
................... .
................... .
................... .
Stephanie Blessey
Peggy Dooley
Christina Martin
Bob Simon
(456)7750
(456)7750
(456)7750
(456)7750
BM.
111
111
111
111
BLDG.
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
Office of Public Affairs and Media Relations
EXT.
Special Assistont to the Assistant for
Communications and Senior
Public Affairs Writer ............ .
Mary Kate Grant
Public Affairs
Interagency Liaison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . · Holly Williamson
StaffAssistont ....................... . Kim Newsom
StaffAssistant ........................ . Stephanie Rodemeyer ..
DirectorofMecliGRelations ........ ! . • • •
Kristin Clark Taylor
Cheryl ~ienel :· ·. ·
Special Assistont to .the DirectOr'· , .·..... .
Deputy Director ............. ,., ....... . BarrieTron
Assistont Director ................... . Paul Luthringer
StaffAssistont ....................... . Maria Eitel Sheehan
RM.
BLDG.
(456)2930
117
OEOB
(456)2930
(456)2930
(456)2930
(456)7150"
·.· (456)7150
(456)7150
(456)7150
(456)7150
.117
122
122
117
117
121
121
123
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB.
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OfficeofPublic~on
EXT.
Deputy Assistont to the President
.
lor Public Liaison ; ................ .
Special Assistant to the
Deputy ABiistGnt ................ .
DeJ!W, Assistant to the President
(or Public Liaisora ................. ··~
BLDG.
Bobbie Greene Kilberg
(456)7900
128
OEOB
Molly Osborne
(456)7900.
128
OEOB
SichanSiv
(456)7120
128
OEOB
WH0-4
�'
'"
(
I,
EXT.
Specitzl Assistant to the President for
Public Liaison ............................................ Carl Anderson
Administrative Assistant....................... Patricia Youstra
Associate Director ............................ .' ......... Luis Acle
Associate Director ...................................... .Mary M. Schnepper
Associate Director ...................................... Carolyn Sundseth
Special Assistant to the President for
Public Liaison .................. ,......................... .Melvin Bradley
Staff Assistant ...................................... Hope Gray
Special Assistant to the President for
Public Liaison ............................................ .Merlin Breaux
Staff Assistant ...................................... B. Jean Bell
Special Assistant to the President for .
·
Public Liaison ............................................ Linas Kojelis
Staff Assistant ...................................... Brenda Wong
Associate Director ...................................... .Max Green
Associate Director ...................................... .Mona Charen
•
R)'l.
BLDG.
C456)2164
(456)2164
(456)2657
(456)7120
(456)6585
197
197
197
197
197
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
(456)6560
(456)6560
216
216
OEQB
OEOB
(456)7900
(456)7900
128
128
OEOB
OEOB
(456)6573
(456)6573
(456)6270
(456)2310
196
196
196
171
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
Office of Speechwriting
R)'l.
EXT.
(
Deputy Assistant to the President and
Director ofSpeechwriting .......................... 'Bently Elliott
Special Assistant to the Director............ :'iancy Roberts
Secretary ............................................ Donna Taranto
Special Assistant to the President and
ChiefSpeechwriter ..................................... Anthony Dolan
Secretary ...........................................Julie Tin man
Special Assistant to the President and
Speechwriter ............................................ Peggy Noonan
Speechwriter............................................... Dana Rohrabacher
Secretary .......................................... Patti Lewis
Speechwriter.................................................Josh Gilder
Speechwriter............................. .................. Peter Robinson
Special Assistant to the President and
Director of Research ................................... Agnes Waldron
Research Assistant.. ............................... Carol Hayes
Research •.<\ssistant................................. Rowena Itchon
Research Assistant................................. Kimberly Timmons
Research Assistant................................. Kim White
..
BLDG.
(456)6266
(456)6266
(456)6266
100
100
100
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
(456)7805
(456)7805
102
102
OEOB
OEOB
(456)7903
(456)7951
(456)7951
(456)2960
(456)2896
102
102
102
102
102
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
(456)7732
(456)7750
(456)7750
1456)7750
(456)7750
170
111
111
111
111
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
Office of Political and Intergovernmental Affairs
R:'tl.
BLDG.
(456)7620
2Flr
WW/WH
(456)7620
1456)7620
(456)7620
1456)7620
2Fir
2Flr
2Flr
2Flr
WW/\VH
WW/WH
WW/\VH
WW/WH
EXT.
Assistant to the Pre.sident for Political and
Intergovernmental Affairs ........................ .Mitchell E. Daniels, .Jr.
Special Assistant to the President for
Political and lntergot.'ernmental
Affairs .................................................. Cecelia Cole-:\fclnturff
Staff Assistant ....................................... Sally Campbell
Staff Assistant ....................................... .Julie Klingenstein
Staff Assistant ....................................... .Joan Sweetland
(
WH0-3
�(
Confidential Assistant........................................................... Michael Castine
Confidential Assistant................;.......................................... Mary Rawlins
Staff Assistant.........................................................:.............. Helen Donaldson
Staff Assistant........................................................................ Sally Montgomery
Staff Aide ............................................................................... Fan Snodgrass
Diarist..................................................................................... Ellen Jones
Advance
Special Assistant to the President
and Director ofAdvance ............................................................ Stephen Studdelt
Staff Assistant...................................................................•.... Frederick L. Ahearn
Staff Assistant........................................................................ Raben K. Oubitosi
Staff Assislant........................................................................ James F. Kuhn
StaffAssislant...........................................................~ ............ Rocky D. Kuonen
Staff Assistant........................................................................ Hugh L. O'Neill
Staff Assistant........................................................................ Dan W. Morris
Staff.A~sist~nt ........:···················•··~········~···· ..·························Lann_y F. W~les
Ad1nznzstratzve Asszstant ....................................................... Maru FrucCI
Ad1ninistrative Assistant ....................................................... Karen J. Jones·
Administrative Assistant .....................:................................. CeCe B. Kremer
....
:..::
7560
7560
7560
7560
7560
7560
188
188
188
188
188
1~8
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
EXT
RM
BLDG
7565
7565
7565
7565
7565
7565
7565
7565
7565
7565.
7565
179
179
179
179
179
179
179
179
179
179
179
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
EXT
RM
BLDG
2594
2594
GAr
GAr
WW/WH
WW/WH
EXT
RM
BLDG
7873
7113
7873
1Ar
GAr
lF1r
WWIWH
WW/WH
WW/WH
EXT
RM
BLDG
6266
6266
6266
7805
7805
2960
7951 .
2896
2896
1150
7750
100
100
100
102
102
102
102
102
111 1h
l11 1h
1111h
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
EXT
RM
BLDG
7920
7920
7920
7920
7920
158
156
151
155
160
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
OEOB
..
White House Photographer
Personal Photographer to the President ...................................... Michael Evans
Secrela-ry ..........................................................................·...... Donna Blume
r
l
Assistant to the President and Staff Director
Assistant to the Presideni and StaffDirector.............................. David R. Gergen
Executive Assistant.................._ .......................................... Joanna Bistany
Secretary.........................~...................................................... Debby Rundell
.~····
· · Speechl\·riting and Research
Acting ChiefSpeechwriter............................................................ Kenneth L. Khachigian
Secretary..........:..................................................................... Kathleen A. Reid
Secr:etaTJI.........................................................................~ ...... Nancy Roberts
Speechwriter: .......................:......................................................... Anthony Dolan
. Secretary...........................................~ .................................... Denise Wilson
Speechwriter .................................................................................. Mari Maseng
·speechlvriter............................:.......................................~ ..........;.. Dana Rohrabacher
Secretary.......:........................................................................ Karen South
Research Assistant ........................................................................ Daryl Borgquist
Research Assistant ........................................................................ Misty Church
Secreta1y ................................................................................ Maureen Brown
Communications
I
(
Deputy Assistant to the President and
Director of the Office ofCommunications ............................. Frank Ursomarso
Deputy Special Assistant to the President ................................... Dodie Kazanjian
Deputy Special Assistant to the President .................................. Ann Graham
Deputy Special Assistant to the President .................................. J\Idy Pond
Ad1ninistrative Assistant ........................................................... Pam Love
3
�'
(Rev.:
t
8-14-80)
EXT
RM
BLDG
Speechwriters
Chief Speechwriter .......................................
Deputy Chief Speechwriter .......................
Speechwriter ...................................................
Speechwriter ...................................................
Speechwriter ...................................................
Editorial Manager ..........................................
Administrative Assistant ..............................
Secretary ..........................................................
Hendrik Hertzberg
Gordon Stewart
Christopher Matthews
Achsah Nesmith
Robert Rackleff
Thomas. Teal
Michelle Mullen
Kendra Krohnke
(
(456)7094
(456)2657
(456)7962
(456)6487
(456)7892
(456)6573
(456)2990
(456)2990
134
134
133
135
131
134
134
134
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
'
1!
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs ....................... Zbigniew Brzezinski
Deputy Assistant for National
Security Affairs ......................................... David L. Aaron
I
\
j
..
I
(456)2235
1st/WW WH
(456)2236
1st/WW WH
I
I
\:
I:
I
Also see:
Nstlonsl Sscurity Council
COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
Counsel to the President ..........................
Administrative Assistant ..............................
Administrative Assistant ..............................
Deputy Counsel to the President ..........
Administrative Assistant ..............................
Deputy Counsel to the President ..........
Administrative Assistant ..............................
Senior Associate Counsel..........................
Administrative Assistant ..............................
Associate Counsel .........................................
Associate Counsel.........................................
Associate Counsel.. .......................................
Secretary ..........................................................
Staff Assistant for Security......................
Administrative Assistant
for Security ................................................
Special Assistant to .lloyd Cutler
(SALT) ........................................;..................
Secretary ..........................................................
lloyd N. Cutler
Barbara Windon Sachs
Rachelle Dionne
Joseph Onek
Patricia Byrnes
Michael H. Cardozo
Marilyn Meinking
Douglas B. Huron
Jane Fann Sanders
Patrick Apodaca
Barbara Bergman
Philip Bobbitt
Janice Joyner
Jacquelyn Dinwiddie
(456)2632
(456)2632
(456)2632
(456)6611
(456)6611
(456)6246
(456)6246
(456)6297
(456)6297
(456)2397
(456)7896
(456)7532
(456)2397
(456)2345
2nd/WW
2nd/WW
2nd/WW
2nd/WW
2nd/WW
128
128
128
128
128
128
128
128
33
WH
WH
WH
WH
WH
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
EOB
Clarice Foremen
(456)2345
33
EOB
Mark Ramee
Polly Thompson
(456)6490
(456)6490
112/EW WH
112/EW WH
WH-2
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I
1
I
I
·,I
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I I
\:
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I
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I
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STAFF DIRECTOR FOR THE FIRST LADY
Staff Director for the First Lady ........... Kit Dobelle
Administrative Assistant to the
Staff Director............................................. Christine Hathaway
(~
l
I
I
'j
(456)6702
206/EW WH
(456)6706
206/EW WH
�le ·1ayer
that
'-J
c1 tb trample
r. Jekyll wor' but mostly
otivation of
ortunities in
·nal pressures
·nt, and who
much of his
or criticizing
as he makes
istory as well
n about how
· ulating riskpolicy Jed to
:md summit
rchill hin1self
'"isiting b bor
1an winning"
bear wit uess
he safe ~ide,
Cabinet and
1 wummg an
h.:" hut hates
o p1ders the
ng, and ,, ho
akc the hme
recious time
crious, aloof
r his natural
els<.: that he
peacemaker,
e conclusion
w with care
\Vhich layer
lock cartoon
c Watergate
layer or ane layer's suelayers I have
not mentioned because I do not know. When you take a bite of the cake
th1at is Nixon, you must get a mouthful of all the layers; nibbling ~long
one level is not permitted.
But in real life nobody gulps down a whole cake with all the layers. If
our judgment is generally favorable, we tend to deny the unfavorable elements, and if we come down on the side that says, "I never could trust that
guy," we will attribute the good layers to mischievous motives, lest cognitire dissonance scramble the neat patterns of our prejudices.
Insiders, of course, are the least likely to see or accept the whole man.
The ncgati\'c characteristics that arc thrust at them need to be shunted on
to somebody else, away from the President, because it is painful to dedil·atc oneself to someone less than one's ideal. Enter "The Black Hat"~lnrray Chotincr or Bob Haldeman, or Chuck Colson, or anybody in a
uo-man or tough-guy category-to become the insiders' scapegoat for the
~ins of the top man. "If the Boss only knew what Haldeman was up to
... " "If the President only knew what acts are carried out in his name by
zealots ... "To some insiders, the "real" Nixon is the man who placed his
trust in Good Guys, white hats, like Shultz and Burns and Garment; to
othLTs, the white hats-white helmets, really-were worn by Ehrlichman,
Connally, or l\litchcll. The diques had a confusing way of flowing into
one another, but the h:ndency is always there to choose up sides at any
gin:n moment and attribute the reality of the President's personality and
policy to the men around him who most closely approximate what one
hopes that reality to be.
In the Presidency, a President should-and docs-keep all kinds of company necessary to govern. Bob Haldeman, followed hy AI Haig, thought
like Nixon in many respects, but Nixon's greatest need for them was not
as sounding boards hut as organizers of the Nixon schedule, which Nixon
\ras no good at. George Shultz shared some qualities of tenacity and freemarket philosophy judgment with his boss, but was repeatedly placed in
the center of the action for the economic acumen and personal integrity
that did not duplicate Nixon's. "When two men always agree, one of them
is unnecessary" may not be original, but it was Nixon's way most of the
time. A leader needs good managers, and managers need a leader, but the
last thing either needs is another of the same.
The temptation to judge which Nixon is the "real" Nixon in terms of a
palace guard should be resish d; they are usually his tools, not his reflections. In succumbing to the temptation to so judge, as we all do, it is best
to draw the circle wide enough to include the men of conflicting characters around the President. TI1cy do not always agree with each otb cr, but
Nixon does not always agree with himself.
To~te an example close to home: From 1966 through the middle of
~ 19i3,~ixon had three senior writers working on his speeches, messages,
and remarks: Raymond K. Price, Jr., now forty-f. 1ur, Patrick J. Buchanan,
thirty-five, and myself, forty-four. On the old political spectrum, Price
,,·as the liberal, Buchanan the conservative, Satire the centrist; Price a
l
... ,
~
'I
I'
.,
�100
"IT SURE BEATS LOSING"
WASP, Buchanan a Catholic, Safire a Jew. Price's style is lyrical, """''"""
an's is hard-hitting, mine is the way it is in this book. Price is ·
I'm extroverted, Buchanan in between. It's fair to say we're dltterc~t~:f
Nixon never wanted us to work in committee, not only because of his .
abhorrence of watered-down committee writing, but he wanted to cast~?
his speeches according to the "tilt," as he put it, of his writers. He woul(i":f.'
sometimes give a Price draft to Buchanan for toughening, or a Buchanaq,1:;draft to Price for softening, or a draft of either to me for making more~~·
quotable, but he kept his writers distinct; we knew he wanted us for what·~·:
we were, and not for what we might think he thought his "perfect" writer
would be.
There could be no perfect writer for Nixon because of the layer cake ~ :
principle. When Nixon wanted to take a shot at somebody, he turned to
Buchanan, who could do so with relish, and who could also provide concise, hard-hitting suggested answers in a press conference briefing book. ·
When Nixon wanted a vision of the Nation's future, or wanted to express ·
his compassion for the dependent, or to deal with urban matters, he turned
to Price, and later to the staff Ray headed. When he wanted to deal with
the work ethic or economic matters, political philosophy or a touch of
humor, he worked with me. We all worked on foreign affairs speecheswith Price considered relatively dovish, Buchanan certainly hawkish (after
his 1970 Cambodia effort), and me in the middle-but the President, Kis- ·
singer, and the NSC's Winston Lord had a hand in every line.
Within this neat layering of writing aides, there was a further Nixonlike complexity. Even when Buchanan was lambasting the "social planners" who decreed busing or defended abortion, that young man was sensitive to ethnic slurs or impolitic positions. Even when Price was "lowering
our voices'' in early 1969, that passionately anonymous man was taking a
tougher line on Vietnam than Henry Kissinger was at the time. Thus, in
the crosshatching of the cast of characters in his writing staff, Nixon illustrated a pattern of the way his mind worked. He would be good at playing three-dimensional chess, unless he had to sacrifice some favored pieces.
Did any of us have a relationship with Nixon that Samuel Rosenman
had with FDR or Ted Sorensen with Kennedy? No. When he was at his
most Presidential, Ray Price was the writer Nixon preferred; when he was
at his most elemental, it was Pat Buchanan, for whom he also had a personal affection; and when he wanted the complicated made simple, or a
line to be quoted, myself. There were other writers as well-Lee Huebner,
who worked the hardest and received the least recognition, and John Andrews, who gave the President closest to what he asked for. Each of us
represented a part of :1\:ixon, but even taken together, we did not represent
the whole Nixon.
\Ve faced a '\vhich Nixon?" problem in the 1968 campaign. After years
of being center stage, Nixon spent years entirely offstage; when he reentered politics, he was a different man. He could not pretend to be the
same as voters had remembered him, not only because it was not true but
�c
1.)'
"'
'"
'
r
',r
, ,
:.r,,
. 1'r!. S'l ~
f1,37 I
THE RING
OF
..
·:.~
POWER:
The White House Staff
and Its Expanding Role
in Government
I
BRADLEY H. PATTERSON,
JR.
,,
Basic Books, Inc., Publishers
NEW
YORK
�ul Bureaucracy
pt in the American
House aides deny
;sage?' and 'What,
·agan assistant. He
. Communications
1out White House
tg them-and who
CHAPTER 13
Judson Welliver and
Successors:
The Speechwriting
and Research Office
The man who writes the President's speeches
runs the country.
-THOMAS
E.
DEWEY
Speechwriters aren't supposed to make
policy!
-RoBERT C. McFARLANE
His title was "literary clerk" when the first presidential speechwriter,
Judson Welliver, began his White House service under President Warren
Harding on March 4, 1921. For the nearly seven decades since, there has
been a speechwriting officer or group on the personal staff of the president.
Over the same seventy years, the staff has expanded and the output has
exploded.
In their eighteen years as presidents, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, and Carter
made 5,186 speeches. Even that figure is not the real measure of the
speechwriters' production. In addition to addresses personally delivered, a
president issues statements (such as the eight-thousand-word Nixon declaration on school desegregation, described in chapter 3), announcements,
proclamations, executive orders, and reports to Congress. The total of
these items for Truman through Ford (including their press conferences)
fills 34,369 pages of single-spaced print in the volumes of the Public Papers
of the Presidents of the United States. President Carter's prose added another
9,873 pages and Reagan (through 1987); 11,321 more. The yearly average
of these pages has risen from 700 in Truman's presidency to 2,468 in the
Carter term. During 1976 (the Bicentennial period and an election year)
President Ford spoke a million words in public.
The contemporary White House is, in fact, a high-speed prose factory .
•
.
.
..
·.
�192
.-· .. i
The Bashful Bureaucracy
.~:
'
•.
.
,.,,,
~
.
·~
White House speech productions come in long and short sizes, some of· '· · '
them rating world attention, many of them sheer miscellany.
·
·
Every presidency starts with a speech; a president's very first act is the · · : ~
inaugural address. Truman's "Point Four," Eisenhower's "little prayer," . '_ :'f:: ~
and Kennedy's "Ask not ... ," eac~ set a tone or an ag~nda for the four ..;~;:_:
years to come. The "Ask not ..." hnes from Kennedy's maugural s))eecb .:.·:····~.
were in fact printed on large posterboards and mounted on easels. There ·.: ·:·;;., ~ :
was one in the foyer of every agency building in Washington; for months
? '·
those speech lines were the morning's first greeting to every federal em- :< ~ .
ployee and visitor.
~ .. ·
Second in speechwriting importance is the State of the Union message, ·
given by the president each January to a joint session of the House and
Senate and, like the inaugural, simultaneously to a national television . . -·
audience. Unlike the high-noon inaugural, the State of the Union message .
has been switched from daytime to evening, to place it in prime viewing ·:. <:·~
hours. The "SOTU" address is the year's greatest demand on a presidential , .
~
speechwriter-summing up all the president's accomplishments, catalogu- ·. ·
l
ing the challenges of the present, introducing the president's vision of the .
J
months to come. It is here that program initiatives are unveiled, new'·::'
legislation requested. For a president with a heavy agenda of new proposl
"!:
als, the SOTU message may become, as one speechwriter described it, "a · .; ; ,.
kind of a list, with nice sentences at each end."
.
::·:.~.j~
The speech writer for that message usually starts work in October; Nixon
speechwriter Raymond K. Price, Jr., remembers completing fourteen drafts
for the 1971 address. Price has coined a parallel to the military aphorism
about planning: "Drafts are useless, but drafting is essential." 1
At the lesser end of the scale is "Rose Garden rubbish," deprecatory
slang for greetings and pep talks to special groups invited to gather at the
Rose Garden steps. Here the president accepts a live turkey before Thanksgiving or congratulates Miss Teenage America. (This is not presidential
statesmanship; it is presidential politics. Thanksgiving is a national holiday, and there are perhaps 9 million teenage misses.)
Author of most of the two-thousa~d-odd pages produced each year, also
of the president's weekly radio addresses and of the hundreds of videotapes recorded as messages to favored organizations, is the White House
speechwriting and research staff. Like other principal White House actors
described in this book, the speechwriting director insists on his own rule
of exclusivity. Other staff units may compose drafts, but it is the Speechwriting Office that demands a monopoly over the gateway into the president's office for all his addresses and statements. For his words on paper,
they are the guardians of his style, his syntax, and his accuracy.
i
t
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The Speechwriting and Research
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193
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Does the formal title for that office imply a separation of authors from
policy officers, a gulf between the writers and the president? Theodore
Sorensen, who served Kennedy as both counsel and major speechwriter
combined, has written of his concern:
Alas, the poor speechwriter, I knew him well. Once he was a presidential collaborator ... a Sam Rosenman, a Clark Clifford, participating in the decisions
he helped to communicate, exchanging ideas with the President as well as
phrases.
In the last three administrations ... he has typically been not a policy adviser
but a professional wordsmith, isolated from decisionmaking and from personal
contact with the decision-maker. 2
Not true of Bryce Harlow, who crafted State of the Union messages for
Eisenhower, nor of presidential adviser C. D. Jackson, who wrote thirtythree drafts of Ike's "Atoms for Peace" speech at the United Nations in
December of 1953. Neither was Sorensen's description accurate for Raymond Price, under Nixon, who describes an assignment in 1970: "It was
a hard-hitting speech. I worked with Nixon on it, and he spent many hours
on it himself. In our usual pattern of collaboration, we swapped ideas back
and forth and sent drafts back and forth, as he polished and refined
precisely what he wanted to say."3 Still, Sorensen warns future draftsmen:
"Do not separate speech-writing from decision-making." 4
How does a speech get written in today's White House?
First, the event is approved on the schedule-a process described in
chapter 15. (When he was president, Eisenhower preferred to look at the
first draft of a speech before he would even consider accepting the invitation itself. SHerman Adams remembers Ike exclaiming, "What is it that
needs to be said? I am not going out there just to listen to my tongue
clatteri") 5
Next, a team of two is assigned to the speech, one from the writing staff
and one from the research staff. (The seven-person Research Unit was
formally begun under Nixon's first speechwriter, James Keogh, and has
always been an immediate adjunct to the Speechwriting Office.) Before the
speechwriting is started, the researcher prepares "up front" material. The
event in which the president will participate is described-its history, its
background, its setting.
The speechwriter soaks up this story, and an initial speech draft is then
prepared, but its first routing is back to the Research Unit for a "fact
check." Is there a single statement in it that cannot be substantiated?
Speechwriters, explained one observer, tend to regard even their initial
prose as "graven in marble"; the research staffer is expected to suggest
•
�·.·•
.
'
''
.-·
194
The Bashful Bureaucracy
alternative language if the factual record requires it. Is there a historical
reference that didn't happen, a quotation without a source? Speech authors, the observer commented, have been known to make up quotes that
they would like to believe that somebody said. To back up the Research
Unit's checking system, the White House has its own reference center, full
use of the Library of Congress, and computer access to commercial datil
banks of every variety.
If a major address is being prepared, the president may be involved early.
He may insert ideas of his own, points to emphasize, anecdotes to include.
"I guess he spends twenty to thirty hours on each major speech," Ann
Whitman wrote of Eisenhower. "Often he caught mistakes that had gotten
by everyone else."6
For many of his speeches, Nixon would spell out his thoughts to Chief
of Staff Haldeman, who would faithfully relay them to Price. For other
than nationwide audiences, Nixon preferred to speak extemporaneously,
after having studied a "food for thought" memo from his speechwriting
staff.
Reagan followed a different style; even his less important talks were put
in writing in advance. For any president, however, a personal touch is
rarely absent.
In May of 1986, President Reagan was planning a speech on trade and
tax policy to the National Association of Manufacturers' Annual Congress
of American Industry. The president pulled from his memory a phrase he
had come across somewhere before in his life: a nation with an improper
tax system would be "at sea without rudder or compass." He thought the
quote came from "a Scottish economist"; could it be found and confirmed?
For the research desk, that set off a two-day hunt. No luck in the White
House; no luck in the Library of Congress. Finally, someone discovered a
professor at Auburn University in Alabama who had written a book about
the British economist Adam Smith. The research sleuth called his home.
With the White House on the other end of the telephone, his wife pulled
the book from her husband's shelf and found the citation: it was from an
1845 work by one John Ramsay McCulloch. The Library of Congress was
then able to dig out the volume and rush it to the White House, where the
full quotation was substantiated. In his speech, the president paraphrased
McCulloch and used the phrase itself verbatim. 7 The documentation was
later placed in the White House files in case any skeptic should ask, "What
book was that from7"
On the researcher's desk today, every draft presidential speech, great or
small, is splotched with yellow ink, each colored-over word or phrase
accompanied by a marginal explanation: who that was, when it was, what
�:··,/.'1 ... ·.
! ''.
195
shful Bureaucracy
The Speechwriling and Research Office
t. Is there a historical
circumstances. The annotated version is given back to the speechwriter, a
copy kept in the "skeptic" file. Hundreds of yellow-striped pages mean
thousands of hours of research.
President Reagan was criticized for factual errors in his public statements, but most of the bloopers occurred while "winging it" in his responses to press-conference queries. Pre-press-conference rehearsing
helps guard against misstatements; Reagan's press conferences themselves
were reduced to rare occasions. If any president's talk is impromptu, whatever meticulous staff work was done earlier is no longer controlling as soon
as the first ad-lib word is spoken.
What contributions for White House speeches come from the Cabinet
departments? Clark Clifford recalled the State of the Union message preparations of 1949 for President Truman:
a source? Speech auJ make up quotes that
back up the Research
1 reference center, full
:s to .commercial data
1ay be involved early.
anecdotes to include.
major speech," Ann
takes that had gotten
tis thoughts to Chief
n to Price. For other
'<extemporaneously,
m his speechwriting
· Jrtant talks were put
a personal touch is
;;peech on trade and
rs' Annual Congress
.nemory a phrase he
n with an improper
ss." He thought the
und and confirmed?
J luck in the White
meane discovered a
·ritten a book about
th called his home.
me, his wife pulled
ion: it was from an
ry of Congress was
e House, where the
sident paraphrased
locumentation was
should ask, "What
ial speech, great or
word or phrase
when it was, what
~r
Every department, of course, would want the State of the Union Message devoted practically exclusively to ... (its) problems. So quite a selection process
was necessary.You might get one idea out of a departmental memorandum, you
might get none, or you might get two or three .... We all agreed that this was
very much a personal matter that belonged with the White House, and I believe
we just didn't go out asking other people their opinion or informing them as to
what was to take place. 8
A decade later, Bryce Harlow was the speechwriter, but his dilemma was
the same as Clifford's:
... I had a Cabinet officer with me and four waiting to see me, each of them
insistent that the area involving their activities be expanded in the State of the
Union Message. They were unhappy that their areas had been compressed.
... (They] were in with revised language, demanding that more space be given
to their problems; to which I had to respond that the President says he wants
this document kept shorter than a two-hour speech ....
This happens on every State of the Union message. 9
A major presidential address is always more than a domestic affair;
unavoidably, he speaks to the world. Other government leaders, allies,
neutrals, the Soviet Union, will dissect every phrase, will be impressed
with what is not said as much as what is specified. Kennedy once commented to Sorensen: "The big difference is all the different audiences that
hear every word. In the Senate and campaign we didn't have to worry so
much about how Khrushchev and Adenauer and Nehru and Dirksen
would react." 10
Before an important speech is delivered, therefore, a further issue is
faced: how much coordination is to be permitted within the staff and
�196
....,
. ,.
The Bashful Bureaucracy
across the Cabinet? Two aims conflict. On the one hand, if a speech
directly touches upon the programs and activities of a Cabinet officer or
a staff member, should not that person's expertise and advice be sought
or the officer at least be alerted? Yet presidents fear leaks, and if an address
is controversial, teamwork may be sacrificed for security.
If coordination is permitted, the indispensable reviewing stations for
·important speech drafts now include the domestic policy staff, the counsel,
.and the economic or national security assistants, together with the Cabinet
f
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J
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.·:·,:. _..members most affected; the staff secretary may circulate the draft to as
many as twenty-five separate offices. The speech itself could be the end
point of months of program or budget review; it may make promises or
set directions framed only after painful Cabinet subcommittee or National
Security Council debates. A slight verbal nuance could set hundreds of
· thousands applauding but may commit hundreds of millions in resources.
Former Deputy Budget Director Paul O'Neill recalled an instance where
coordination was absent. Just three weeks after having taken office in
August of 1974, President Ford gave a commencement address at Ohio
State University. There will be "new ways to bring the world of work and
the institutions of education closer together," ~e proclaimed. "There will
be grants for state and local initiatives," he promised. 11 Within hours, the
telephones were ringing on O'Neill's desk at the Office of Management
and Budget. "What did he mean by that?" "How much money is available?" O'Neill was nonplussed, unaware. He promptly started a search to
find out where all those presidential ideas came from. Did the White House
domestic policy staff know? They did not. Could the Council of Economic
Advisers tell him? It was news to them. The deputy budget director at last
tracked down the White House speechwriter. "Where did those promises
get started?" he demanded. "What is behind them? What are the specifics?" The wordsmith waved him off. "We made it up. But you are taking
it all too seriously," he observed. "It's only a speech.... "
Some presidents, Reagan having been one, prefer to stay remote from
the early stages of preparing an address or statement. Even after reviewing
the researcher's collection of past presidential remarks, the speechwriter
may be in a quandary. What to say? "What is his policy on conservation?"
one Reagan draftswoman once wondered. "Lacking certainty, we intuit.
We are his supporters, we know his general policy approaches. We make
it up." She was not the first, nor will she be the last speechwriter to use
intuition in preparing presidential prose.
Whether the speechwriter is a close adviser or one more remote, intuitive
language must be tested in the policy arena. Cabinet and senior White
House staff-a speech draft in front of them and a deadline looming-are
J
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Bun.•,nu:r.tcy
J, it "' ~pcech
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vkc ~ ~l'ught
•d it ..m .tJdress
tg st..ttions for
·ff, tht- counsel,
ith the C.1binet
the dr.1ft to as
uld l'C the end
"e promises or
tee or National
!t hundreds of
ts in resources.
inst.1nce where
·aken office in
!dress at Ohio
ld of work and
~d. ''There will
thin hours, the
f Management
oney is availated a search to
e White House
:il of Economic
director at last
those promises
are the specifyou are taking
y remote from
.tfter reviewing
e speechwriter
:onserva tion 7"
nty, we intuit.
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197
forced to focus on the policy issues that the proposed remarks may have
opened up. Decisions are finally ground out: how much of the intuition
will be confirmed, how much amended.
Peggy Noonan, a Reagan speechwriter, recalled the frustration of an
author when her prose went through a twenty-five-station review. "It
would come back mush or tapioca," she observed. "So I would use the
'hand grenade' technique. I would write a statement embodying an unambiguous, history-making commitment, throw it into the policy machinery,
and sooner or later somebody would knock it down or pick it up. Then we
would find out what the president's policy was." 12
Noonan was the author of Reagan's eloquent mourning statement at the
time of the Challenger explosion. In his talk to the nation, the president not
only expressed grief, but spoke of the future: "There will be more shuttle
flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians,
more teachers in space."U
Noonan's original language was significantly different. She had first
written: ''There will be more shuttles ... ," a declaration that immediately
set. off an internal policy discussion. Would the administration purchase
another shuttle spacecraft-commit to spending hundreds of millions of
dollars to do so? In the pressure and urgency of that morning, there was
no time to check across twenty-five offices, or to engage in long policy
discussions with the OMB and the preoccupied NASA officials. In record
time, Noonan was given a decision: such a commitment was not in the
cards. Two changed words equaled nearly a billion dollars.
A more unwelcome method of smoking out decisions is to carry the
debate into the press, provoking other "anonymous" White House staffers
to do the same. The resulting public shootout is messy, but even presidents
have been known to fire the opening rounds.
Thus do speeches and speechwriters initiate a White House policy process, and not just come along at the end. "We are often pressured, even
hoodwinked, by the policy contenders," said Noonan. "The White House
can be a dangerous place to work." She echoed what one of her predecessors, Will Sparks, had observed from his White House experience two
decades earlier: "Successful Washington speechwriting is one percent literary talent and ninety-nine percent political infighting."14
Whatever the risk, the speechwriter's task "is a fail-safe function," Price
observed. "You cannot allow the president to be trapped into saying something which has a hidden meaning he did not intend. The place is full of
protagonists who will try to sneak in their favorite ideas." 15
The occasion of a presidential speech generates pressure to concoct
policy goodies as a guarantor of applause lines. If the audience is large and
•
�.. :.··
198
The Bashful Bureaucracy
advocacy-oriented, and if a reelection year is close, the pressure may be
uncontainable.
In late June of 1971, President Nixon was to address the convention of
the American Association of Retired Persons in Chicago. The AARP is a
nationwide special-interest group with 25 million members. In addition to
the obvious generalities, what could the president say?
His staff identified two possible initiatives of first-rank interest to senior
citizens: expanding Medicare to cover the costs of out-of-hospital prescription drugs, and putting heavier federal weight into the enforcement
of nursing-home standards.
White House policy officers convened special working sessions with
experts from the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Three
days before the speech, option papers were produced recommending increased federal efforts and funds for prescription drug reimbursement and
for nursing-home inspections. Neither domestic policy chief John Ehrlichman I).Or Budget Director Caspar Weinberger approved either of the papers, however; the first was too expensive, the second had too strong a
flavor of compulsion.
The speechwriter came hurrying down the White House corridor on his
way to take his seat on the presidential helicopter; in effect, his briefcase
was empty. "What have you got for me?" he asked his staff colleagues. The
unapproved option papers were handed to him with the thought they
could serve as helpful background for a generalized presidential pep talk.
The Medicare proposal died in the briefcase, but the mention of nursing
homes had a different outcome; it evoked a personal presidential experience. Nixon had a ninety-year-old aunt who resided in such an institution
("a wonderful home," as he described it), but he was also familiar with
substandard ones. He directed his speechwriter to bore in on the subject,
and in the end, nine paragraphs in the speech were devoted to his views
on nursing homes. His closing declaration rang out: "One thing you can
be sure, I do not believe that Medicaid and Medicare funds should go to
substandard nursing homes in this country and subsidize them." 16 While
no new legislation was proposed, Nixon's statement was a policy signal to
the heretofore unsung federal and state enforcement officers: here was a
president who knew what they were trying to do and who supported their
little-recognized efforts. It was the event that induced the speech and the
speech that produced the promise, however-not the other way around.
Speeches and statements are the testament of each presidency. They are
instruments of persuasion when first given, and become declarations to
history as the presidential terms expire. So important are both purposes
that presidential words are hardly ever left to chance; they are carefully
r.'
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�The Speechwrifing and Research Office
reaucracy
ure may be
nvention of
AARP is a
. addition to
':'
est to senior
ospital pre~nforcement
...
...
. i!
ssions with
lfare. Three
nending inrsement and
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.1is briefcase
leagues. The
\OUght they
:ial pep talk.
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ntial experin institution
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m." 16 While
licy signal to
.: here was a
'ported their
eech and the
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tcy. They are
clarations to
Jth purposes
are carefully
199
composed ahead of time. Today the impromptu presidential speech is a
rarity.
Literary presidents are rare as well, Peggy Noonan has observed. Seekers
of the presidency are hyperactive politicians, not men or women who have
long sat by the fire with Shakespeare on their laps, who can, or want, to
orate from the stump informally yet with eloquence. "Then it's up to the
speechwriters to be literary people," Noonan emphasized. "It's not enough
to tell a young campaigner, 'You worked Iowa, so come be a White House
speechwriter.' A president should bring in journalists, men and women
who know the world of literature." 17
With audiences now in the tens of millions, a newsworthy presidential
speech is both prose and theater-the president on a world stage, recommending and defending his ideas to a fractured nation and to a divided
international audience. Television on the one hand gives him enormous
visibility but at the same time raises the stakes for him and for the words
he utters.
It is because the consequences of a president's prose can be so important
for him that the Speechwriting Office began so early and has remained so
closely attached to the presidency. Judson Welliver's successors comprise
a seventy-year fraternity; those still living, in fact, have instituted the
Judson Welliver Society, sharing as they do a common memory of pressures, tribulations, and professional pride.
"Our victory," said Price, "is not to get the president to say what the
White House staff wants; the real victory is to make sure that the president's words are what he wants to say." 18
The chapter's two opening quotations are both true and false. Speechwriters do help run the country. They do share in policy-making, often are
the initial prods for policy decisions. Possessing that influence, they have
inevitably been, for nearly seven decades, part of the political turmoil that
is both without and within the gates of the American White House.
•
�The
Rhetorical
Presidency
Jeffrey ·K. Tulis
1/
Princeton University Press
Princeton, New Jersey
~~~~~~~~~~~~
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THE RHETORICAL PRESIDENCY
writers make policy in the name of the president without his knowledge. The very fact that the president has to give the speech insures
that he will know what is in it. Speechwriters do not pose a problem
of accountability. The problem is rather that by reinforcing the fictive
qualities of presidential speech, this institution of experts exercises a
subtle but considerable influence upon how a president thinks about
politics-upon the presidential mind. 20
Media
The modem mass media has facilitated the development of the
rhetorical presidency by giving the president the means to communicate directly and instantaneously to a large national audience, and
by reinforcing the shift from written message to verbal dramatic performance. Major addresses are generally televised, and others are
excerpted on the evening news. No other institution or personality is
given as much attention by television or newspapers. In the nineteenth century, on the other hand, newspaper coverage of Congress
exceeded that of the president. 21
Yet the history of presidential press relations reveals a progression
toward ever less control of the process by presidents. When Teddy
Roosevelt first invited reporters into the White House, background
and off-the-record rules were clearly articulated and carefully adhered to. Gradually restrictions have lessened and the press has
emerged as an autonomous institution, as much a rival and impediment to as facilitator of presidential initiatives. 22
20 Speechwriters interviewed from seven administrations included: John Coyne,
James Fallows, David Gergen, Hedrick Herzberg, Stephen Hess, and Christopher
Matthews. My thanks to them and others who wished to remain anonymous for their
insights and observations.
21 Elmer Cornwell, "Presidential News: The Expanding Public Image," Journalism Quarterly 36 (Summer 1959): 275-83.
22 Elmer Cornwell, Presidential Leadership of Public Opinion (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965); James E. Pollard, The Presidents and the Press (New
York: Macmillan, 1947); Michael B. Grossman and Martha J. Kumar, Portraying
the President (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981); Doris Graber,
Mass Media and American Politics, 2nd ed. (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1984).
186
..
�• Public Appearances of Presidents
dents, 1949-1984
·r year
;gea
Table 5.14
Nonelection year
average
"
Prt•sidmt
10
7
Level of Public Activities of Presidents, 1949-1984
Truman
.. Eisenhower, 1
Eisenhower, II
7
2
8
5
Kennedy
Johnson a
!"'!ixon, I
:-.Jixon, II
Ford
Carter
Reagan
9
2
44
17
23
nee before an expressly partisan
Total
activities
Yearly
average
Monthly
average
520
330
338
658
1,463
634
204
756
1,047
1,194
130
83
85
219
293
159
113
344
262
299
10.8
6.9
7.0
18.8
24.0
13.2
10.2
26.0
22.0
24.9
Public activities are defined as including all domestic public appearances by a
president, including major speeches, news conferences, minor speeches, Washington
appearances, and U.S. appearances but not political appearances.
.\\Jit':
presidential election year.
'69.
•Includes full term from November 1963 to January 1969.
•f Public Papas of the Prtsidtnts.
Source: Coded and calculated by the authors from successive volumes of Public Papers of the
Presidents.
by Year, 1949-1984
Nixon, II
1973
1974
Total
2
9
11
Ford
1974
1975
1976
Total
34
44
331
409
iti
'~
l
Carter
1977
1978
1979
1980
Total
13
51
21
149
234
Reagan
1981
1982
1983
1984
Total
·olumes of Public Papers
23
35
22
126
206
,,f lht•
275
�Figure 5.1
Domestic Public Appearances by President, 1949-1984 (yearly averages)
220
200
180
160
140
120
100
Washington
appearances
80
u.s.
appearances a
60
40
20
10
5
---
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,'
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----
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-------
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*'*'.............. News conferences~' '
- - - -.......,_,41'
. ..
"-Major addresses
a Nonpartisan appearances before groups outside the vicinity of Washington, D.C.
Source: Coded and calculated by the authors from successive volumes of Public Paf"rs of the Presidents.
-a
c:
rT
�788 IV
~;1nt ond the Publi<
Table 1 L.vel of Public Activities of Presidents,
19~9-19~4
\
President
Truman
Eisenhower, I
Eisenhower, II
Kennedy
Johnson a
Nixon, I
Nixon, II
Ford
Carter
Reagan b
'
Total
activities
Yearly
average
Monthly
average
520
330
338
658
1,463
634
204
756
1,047
1,194
130
83
85
219
293
159
113
344
262
299
10.8
6.9
7.0
18.8
24.0
13.2
10.2
26.0
22.0
24.9
Source: Gary King and Lyn Ragsdale, The Elusive Executive:
Discovering Statistical Patterns in the Presidency (Washington,
D.C.: CQ Press, 1988), 275.
Note: Public activities are defined as including all domestic public
appearances by a president,. including major speeches, news conferences, minor speeches, Washington appearances, and U.S. appearances but not political appearances.
a. Includes full term from November 1963 to January 1969.
b. Figures for Reagan through first term only.
policies on European redevelopment, relations with the
Soviet Union, aid to Greece and Turkey, and civil rights.
Truman's 1948 election campaign was a marathon of public
speaking, a whistlestop excoriation of Congress and a call
for public support. Perhaps the Truman administration's
most important legacy was its rhetoric about the Soviet
Union. Truman acknowledged overstating the Soviet
threat to arouse the public during the Greece-Turkey crisis,
after a congressional leader advised him to "scare the hell
out of the country." 14 Harsh anti-Soviet rhetoric since the
Truman administration may be responsible for the bitterness of U.S.-Soviet relations and the costly nuclear arms
race.
Because of improved air transportation, modern presidents have traveled regularly, both within the United
States and around the world. Presidents through Dwight D.
Eisenhower felt obliged to justify their trips abroad, but
international travel has become a regular, expected, and
even desired part of the office.
The president's expanded role in national politics has
other causes besides advanced systems of transportation
and communication, including: the decline of party
strength, the development of populist nomination systems,
the rise of political consultants, the fragmentation of Congress, and the "nationalization" of politics and policy.
Modern Presidential
Appearances and Rhetoric
Presidential rhetoric in the postwar years shifted fundamentally with the ascension of John F. Kennedy to the
White House. Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower used
public speech almost solely in pursuit of a specific policy
initiative, but later presidents have spoken out regularly on
a wide range of matters. Speech has become a daily fact of
life for presidents.
Modern presidents appear willing and even compelled
to talk about every possible aspect of political and social
issues-even those about which they are ignorant. Presidents also speak before a greater variety of groups."
Presidential speech is more personal today than it ever
has been. Whereas previous presidents spoke formally
about issues of great national importance, modern presidents talk in It conversational, intimate way.ae The shift to
the informal st~le was gradual. Eisenhower spoke formally,
but, generally, presidents after Roosevelt at least tried to
connect with the public in a casual way.
The number of self references a president makes increases throughout the term of office. Typical are the following statements by Jimmy Carter: "I've always been
proud of the fact that when I came to Virginia to begin my
campaign a couple years ago and didn't have very many
friends, I went to Henry Howell's home, and he and Betty
were nice enough to...." "I would like very much to tell my
grandchildren that I slept in the same bed that was used by
the governor of Virginia." "
Perhaps the most famous example of intimate discourse-which went beyond the bounds of personal reflection because it tied personal and policy issues too closelywas President Carter's discussion of his daughter Amy's
fear of nuclear war during his debate with Ronald Reagan
in the 1980 campaign. Personal statements must show the
president to be intimate, but citizens expect the president
to move from this deep personal concern to tough-minded
action.
The Kennedy Style
John Kennedy may be considered the founder of modern presidential speechmaking. Kennedy rose to the presidency partly because of his good television appearance during the 1960 election debates with Richard Nixon. Kennedy
took advantage of his ease with television once he occupied
the White House. Kennedy used his humor and his ease on
camera and in group settings to disarm opponents.
Kennedy was the first president to make regular appearances year-round. Previous presidents and politicians
appeared publicly during elections and campaigns for specific policies, but Kennedy stayed in public view even during the slow months of summer. Television-which by the
early 1960s was in 90 percent of all American householdspresented a powerful new opportunity for speaking directly
to Americans.
President Kennedy used the presidential news conference to appear on television more frequently than previous
presidents. The conferences usually took place during the
day because White House aides worried about overexposure and the effect that mistakes would have on the president's public standing. Despite this reluctance, Kennedy
was aware of the way the Oval Office occupant intrigued
the public, and he moved to exploit that interest. Kennedy's wit was a central part of the press meetings.
Beyond the development of a personal relationship
with the public, speeches were at the center of the most
important policy developments of the Kennedy years. The
Bay of Pigs invasion, the Cuban missile crisis, the visit to
the Berlin Wall, the decision to accelerate the space program, relations with the Soviet Union, and the civil rights
movement, all were marked by important addresses. Unlike
the addresses of later presidents, the Kennedy speeches
remain important events today for their content as much as
�Presidential Appearances 789
John F. Konnody Library
.
for the atmosphere in which they were delivered.
The Kennedy inaugural address was one of the most
memorable in history because it was a new expression of
national purpose and energy. Kennedy won the presidency
in 1960 with the narrowest margin of victory ever, and he
needed a rallying cry to establish his leadership. Congress
was skeptical and moved slowly throughout Kennedy's
presidency, making the president's stirring calls to action
all the more important.
The speech after the failed invasion of Cuba is a classic
statement of presidential responsibility for failed policy.
The invasion, planned by the Central Intelligence Agency
during the Eisenhower administration and designed to topple Cuban leader Fidel Castro, was one of Kennedy's first
tests as a world leader. When it failed, Kennedy pulled
American troops out quickly and reported to the nation.
The report itself was viewed as an important test of the
young president's ability to persevere and learn from mistakes.
In a nationally televised speech, Kennedy told the
nation: "There is an old saying that victory has a hundred
fathers and defeat is an orphan .... I am the responsible
officer of government and that is quite obvious." sa After
the speech, Kennedy's poll support increased by 10 percentage points. Other presidents-most notably, Ronald
Reagan-have copied the technique of accepting responsibility for a failed undertaking, thereby diffusing difficult
political situations.
President Kennedy used his television address on the
Cuban missile crisis as a negotiating tool with the Soviet
l'nion. Kennedy's selective use of information about the
stalemate over Soviet placement of nuclear missiles in
Cuba gave him flexibility in his private negotiations with
So\'iet leader Nikita Khrushchev. Later presidents all used
dramatic television speeches as levers in their international
bargaining. Nixon's speeches on the Vietnam War and
Reagan's speeches on arms control are important examples.
The tension over the status of Berlin-a city in the
middle of East Germany that was occupied by the four
\\'orld War II Allied nations-produced two important
kinds of public speech. As part of their own strategy of
President John F. Kennedy devel·
oped a personal relationship with the
public by pioneering the frequent use
of televised press conferences.
public diplomacy, Soviet leaders had threatened the status
of the city's "free" sectors. Kennedy responded with a
threatening television speech. The speech was not an ultimatum, but it evoked the possibility of nuclear war and
even discussed the advisability of Americans building
bomb shelters. One critic called it "one of the most alarming speeches by an American president in the whole, nervewracking course of the cold war." ae The speech was impetus for Congress to mobilize and was a stark warning to the
Soviets.
In June 1963, Kennedy visited Berlin. The famous
"lch bin ein Berliner" speech at the Berlin Wall was a
classic statement to foreign publics and a warning to U.S.
adversaries. The speech spoke through symbols in a very
personal way about major world politics. President Kennedy stood at the wall the Soviets constructed to halt the
free movement of citizens in the city and declared himself
and the rest of the Western world citizens of the troubled
city.
President Kennedy's speech at American University
the same month helped to establish a framework for the
later policy of U.S.-Soviet detente. Few presidential
speeches have helped to chart major changes in policy as
much as that address at the Washington, D.C., university.
Johnson and Nixon
Lyndon Johnson was a less graceful speaker, but he
spoke even more frequently than Kennedy. Johnson's appearance before a joint session of Congress after Kennedy's
assassination was crucial in restoring confidence and stability in the government. After winning election as president
on his own, Johnson used a State of the Union address to
outline his ambitious "Great Society" domestic programs.
Johnson also increased the number of domestic ceremonies, which already had quadrupled from the Eisenhower to the Kennedy administrations. Johnson made a
ceremony of the activities of every conceivable group that
could be identified with the nation. Like later presidents,
Johnson took refuge in ceremony especially when polls
�790 IV President and the Public
Table 2 Minor Presidential Speeches by Year, 1949-1984
Truman
1949
1950
1951
1952
Total
Eisenhower, I
1953
1954
1955
1956
Total
Eisenhower, II
1957
1958
1959
1960
Total
Kennedy
1961
1962
1963
Total
Johnson
1963-64
1965
1966
1967
1968
Total
8
13
9
9
39
Nixon, I
1969
1970
1971
1972
Total
5
6
10
4
25
5
2
2
2
Nixon, II
1973
1974
Total
12
10
22
Ford
1974
1975
1976
Total
5
36
36
77
11
5
7
2
4
18
6
7
17
30
11
9
11
4
14
49
Carter
1977
1978
1979
1980
Total
21
15
22
24
82
Reagan a
1981
1982
1983
1984
Total
27
19
21
78
11
Source: Gary King and Lyn Ragsdale, The Elusiue Executive:
Discovering Statistical Patterns in the Presidency (Washington,
D.C.: CQ Press, 1988), 271.
a. Figures for Reagan through first term only.
showed low levels of public support.
Richard Nixon ran his public relations campaign on
two tracks-national television, where he gave regular addresses and press conferences, and local communities and
White House meetings, where he appeared before groups
likely to support him. On the three issues that occupied
Nixon the most-foreign policy (especially the Vietnam
War), the economy, and Watergate-Nixon's strategy was
closely tied to the way he presented himself to the public.
From the time of his successful 1968 campaign, Nixon used
public relations to bypass the Washington "establishment." Nixon's presidency was plebiscitary in that he
sought public approval after acting on important issues.
Nixon was adept at using foreign travels to build public support. His 1972 trips to the Soviet Union and the
People's Republic of China attracted unprecedented television and print coverage and established him as an epochmaking world leader.
Toward the end of his presidency, Nixon's public support fell badly-he had the approval of just 23 percent of
the public before his resignation-and he tried to revive his
fortunes with carefully orchestrated trips to small, friendly
communities. Domestic trips to places like Nashville's
Grand Ole Opry gave the president a chance to get away
from the insistent questioning of the national press corps.
This strategy was lampooned in the newspaper comic strip
"Doonesbury," which showed a fictional town called Critters, Alabama, awaiting a presidential motorcade.
Despite his reputation as a cold and even devious
politician, Nixon often showed an emotional side to the
public and to his staff. The emotional displays were at least
partly responsible for many citizens' intense loyalty to the
president. In his farewell talk to White House staff after
his resignation, Nixon recalled his mother's guidance-he
called her a "saint"-and his own setbacks as a politician.
With tears streaming down his face, he spoke of how Theodore Roosevelt fought to rebuild his life after the death of
his first wife, implying that he would do the same. Nixon's
staff-and the television audience-were profoundly
moved by the speech.
Ford and Carter
When Gerald R. Ford inherited the presidency after
Nixon and Vice President Spiro Agnew resigned, his main
job was to restore faith in the badly bruised presidency. In
his first address to the nation, Ford declared that "our long
national nightmare is over." Ford's relaxed style won him
broad public support, but his popularity fell badly when he
pardoned former president Nixon. Ford was unable to recover because of a lack of support in Congress and an
inability to stir the nation with his words.
Ford was the nation's most voluble president, even if
his speaking did not win him public support. Ford made
public remarks on 1,236 occasions in less than two and a
half years in office. 40 None of his speeches (except his first)
was considered memorable, but that was not very important for Ford's immediate purpose of wrapping himself in
the prestige of the presidency. The most memorable Ford
statements were "gaffes," such as his declaration that Eastern Europeans did not consider themselves to be dominated by the Soviet Union. Ford's aborted public campaign
to "Whip Inflation Now" also met with derision.
Jimmy Carter's rise to the presidency stemmed in part
from his intimate statements during the 1976 campaign.
Carter's presidency was filled with symbolic events and
addresses to the nation; for example, he wore a cardigan
sweater in his televised address asking the nation to make
energy sacrifices. The crucial moment of the Carter term
occurred when, after a ten-day consultation with leaders in
various fields at Camp David, the president spoke on television about a "crisis of confidence" in the nation.
Carter was a tireless public performer and was sometimes very effective. Especially in small groups, Carter's
grasp of facts and quiet manner were rhetorically impressive, but his halting speech and southern drawl did not
serve him well on television and before larger groups.
Moreover, the public did not always receive well his often
gloomy assessments of world affairs, such as his descriptions of American moral decay, environmental dangers,
human rights abuses, the Vietnam War's legacy, and nuclear war.
The Reagan Approach
Ronald Reagan presented a rosier picture of the future
than Carter. Reagan's training as a movie actor, host of a
�Presidential Appearances 791
Table 3 President Carter's Minor Addresses, October
19ii
Audience
Subject
Date
Location
October 4
United
Nations
General
Assembly
Controlling nuclear
proliferation
October 4
United
Nations
U.S. delegation
Thanks for fine
job, importance of
the U.N.
October 5
United
Nations
not stated
Remarks on signing international
covenants on
human rights
October 5
United
Nations
Foreign ministers, heads of
delegations
Changing internationa! relationships
October 7
Washington Hilton
Hotel
Democratic
National
Committee
Political support
for Panama Canal
treaties
October 19
State Department
Conference for
International
Nuclear Fuel
Cycle
Evaluation
Provisions for
adequate power
sources
October 21
Des
Moines,
Iowa
not stated
Importance of Iowa
farm bill
October 21
Des
Moines,
Iowa
Democratic
party dinner
New farm
legislation,
energy issues
October 22
Denver,
Colorado
Western states
governors
Western water
policy
October 22
Denver,
Colorado
Citizens from
Rocky Mountain West
Panama Canal
October 22
Los
Angeles,
California
Democratic
National
Committee
dinner
Human rights,
peace in the
Middle East,
energy issues
written out beforehand.
A number of embarrassing extemporaneous remarks
seemed to suggest Reagan was ill-informed about many
subjects he addressed, such as the role of Americans in the
Spanish Civil War, the effects of budget and tax cuts,
weapon systems, the makeup of the nuclear "freeze" movement, American Indians, monetary policy, Central American politics, and ·soviet politics.
Still, Reagan ·succeeded in promoting his policies because of his apparently deep and consistent convictions
and his comfort with public speaking. With the possible
exception of Kennedy, Reagan was the first president to
have a well-developed affinity for the electronic media.
That affinity carried over to live events because audiences
in the media age are comfortable with public performances
that resemble television appearances.
Reagan restored the pomp and ceremony stripped
from the presidency in the reaction to Nixon's "imperial"
administration. A hallmark of his appearances was the
grand celebration of American icons, from the Statue of
Liberty to ordinary citizens whom Reagan hailed as "heroes" during State of the Union addresses. Reagan basked
unabashedly in hearing "Hail to the Chier' before his
speeches, and his rhetoric about liberty and opportunity in
America and the need to confront the Soviet Union in
world politics was inspirational to many Americans weary
of the apparent decline the United States suffered in the
1970s.
As Kathleen Hall Jamieson has argued, Reagan's
speech was in line with the more intimate manner of public
addresses of the media age. 41 His discussions of first-hand
experiences and concrete events were lucid, while his remarks about more abstract policy matters often was disjointed. Previous presidents used first-person accounts, but
Reagan's personal remarks were effective because they
used humor and modesty to portray him as a likable, stable
figure. After brief periods in the hospital, Johnson and
Nixon used personal anecdotes to attempt to connect with
the public. Johnson's words were cold, Nixon's competitive.
Source: Samuel Kernell, Going Public: New Strategies of Presi·
dential Leadership (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1986), 92.
television show, and speaker on the "mashed potato circuit" for General Electric served him well as a speaker both
on television and before large and small crowds. Reagan's
optimism gained credibility with his jovial reaction to
events such as the attempt on his life. After the 1981
shooting, Reagan told his wife, "Honey, I forgot to duck"a line from an old Hollywood boxing movie.
President Reagan's reputation as the "Great Communicator" underscored a growing separation between the
president and the message. All of Reagan's addresses were
drafted by professional speech writers, and even some of his
apparently extemporaneous remarks, such as greetings to
specific people and jokes, were scripted. Reagan held the
fewest press conferences of any modern president because
White House aides questioned his grasp of many policy
issues and his ability to make statements that were not
United Pnu JnttrnAIIOnll Pholo
Jimmy Carter's presidency was filled with symbolic addresses to the nation. Here he wears a cardigan sweater in his
televised address asking the nation to make energy sacrifi.:es.
�792
IV President and the Public
Reagan's presidency, by contrast, was a string of self-deflating cracks and yarns about his experiences in Hollywood and politics. 42
Kinds of Presidential Speeches
The president has· different ways and reasons to communicate with the public. How widely the president's remarks will be circulated is the main consideration for the
tone and content of a speech. The group's role in the
president's past and future political battles is another consideration. Still another is the president's present political
standing with the public and with various interest groups.
The deadlock of U.S. domestic politics may explain a
shift in the content of televised speeches from foreign to
domestic affairs. Presidents Carter and Reagan were more
likely to devote air time to domestic affairs than were their
predecessors. Both sought to overcome interest group
alignments on issues like energy, taxes, and budgetary matters with appeals to the public at large. 43
The effect of presidential speechmaking is complex. In
one respect, the greater emphasis on rhetoric centers the
whole political system on the presidency; the other parts of
the system, such as parties, interest groups, and regions,
become subordinate to the White House. But as political
scientist Samuel Kernell has argued, presidential speeches
are neither a plebiscitary nor a leveling force in U.S. politics. Presidents "go public," in Kernell's words, to assemble
temporary coalitions of many different groups on specific
policies. 44 Indeed, the explosion in minor addresses supports Kernell's contention that the system remains complex despite the president's primacy.
It is useful to break down presidential communications
according to the audience, mode of communication, the
purpose of the address, and political situation at the time
of the speech. There are six basic categories of presidential
addresses: ceremonial speeches, official state speeches, general persuasive speeches, hortatory or moralistic speeches,
crisis speeches, and addresses to specific groups. Some of
the speeches fit more than one category.
Ceremonial Speeches
As the symbolic embodiment of the nation, the president represents the United States in international affairs
and in events designed to underscore the country's unity
and progress. The president receives foreign dignitaries at
home and abroad. The president also sets the tone for a
number of domestic events, such as presentation of awards,
space shuttle launchings, and hortatory efforts such as the
fight against drug abuse. (See "Ceremonial Duties and
Functions," p. 573, in Chief of State chapter of Part III.)
As Roderick Hart has noted, the increase in presidential speechmaking since World War II is largely attributable to ceremonial events. The average number of monthly
ceremonial speeches has increased from 2.4 under Truman
and 3.4 under Eisenhower to 15.2 under Ford and 10.7
under Carter. 40 The number of Reagan ceremonies-7.85was not so high as that of his predecessors, but it was still
significant. Reagan also made ceremonies out of more business-like events, like the State of the Union address and
policy and interest group speeches. The pomp surrounding
Reagan's addresses restored the ceremony stripped from
the presidency in the 1970s.
The chief of state role strengthens the president's ef-
forts to build widespread support for policies and ideas
that are part of the president's political program. Hart has
noted: "To stand in this spotlight is to risk comparatively
little, for in such situations listeners' defenses are down,
the press is prohibited by cultural mandate from being
excessively cynical, and the institution of the presidencyits traditions and its emotional trappings-insulate the
chief executive. from partisan attack." ••
Hart has identified four kinds of presidential ceremo- ·
nies. 47 Initiating ceremonies mark major transitions-signing legislation or treaties and swearing in government officials. Honorific ceremonies bestow some formal recognition
of achievement. Testimonial dinners, awards of medals,
university commencements all fit this category. Celebratiue
ceremonies pay tribute to important national events or
values. They include eulogies, dinners for foreign
dignitaries, patriotic remembrances, and building dedications. The Statue of Liberty celebration in New York in
1986 was a prime example. Greeting and departure ceremonies mark the important travels of presidents and foreign dignitaries.
Inaugural addresses are the premier ceremonies of the
presidency. A president sets the tone for the administration at the inauguration. Traditionally delivered at the
steps of the Capitol building right after the swearing-in, the
inaugural address provides the most important hint of the
kind of moral leadership the president wants to provide.
The president uses the inaugural to unite a nation that has
just undergone a partisan election campaign. The president
asks the opposition for help and asserts that the nation's
factions have common purposes despite disagreements
about how to achieve goals.
The content of most inaugural addresses is usually
forgotten soon after the event. Some addresses are so eloquent or poignant, however, that they have become part of
the nation's "civic religion." Thomas Jefferson's first inaugural argued that the nation shared a common purpose
despite the bitter battles of the Federalists and the AntiFederalists. Andrew Jackson asserted the power of the
common man in his inaugural. Abraham Lincoln's second
inaugural was an eloquent appeal for national healing in
the midst of the horrors of the Civil War. (See Presidential
Documents in the Appendix for text of these addresses.)
Other famous inaugural addresses include Franklin
Roosevelt's 1933 admonition that "there is nothing to fear
but fear itself' and John Kennedy's 1961 call for national
sacrifice. Kennedy urged: "Ask not what your country can
do for you; ask what you can do for your country." Kennedy also pledged to "friend and foe alike" that the United
States would be an activist force in international affairs.
(See Presidential Documents in the Appendix for text of
these addresses.)
Farewell addresses are another important ceremonial
speech. What the president says upon leaving office can
help set the tone for the next administration and, more
likely, help to shape the nation's memory and assessment
of the outgoing executive. The farewell can be an emotional
time for the president and the public and the president's
closest political allies.
When moving from active leader to historical figure,
presidents are not subject to the same political pressures as
they were while in office, nor are they able to muster the
same clout. The farewell address can exert great force over
time but is not likely to have much of an effect on immediate politics. The purpose is more to leave the nation with a
lasting statement of principles from an elder statesman to
�Presidential Appearances 793
i •
'
which it can refer. George Washington's farewell set sub~tantive policy and etiquette for future presidents. Other
important farewell addresses were delivered by Jackson,
Cleveland, Eisenhower, Nixon, and Carter.
Official State Speeches
The Constitution requires the president to make a
statement on the "state of the nation" every year, and since
Woodrow Wilson the president has addressed a joint ses~ion of Congress to propose policies and to assess the
nation's problems and achievements. (Thomas Jefferson
discontinued the practice of personal, oral delivery of State
of the Union addresses, which George Washington had
begun.)
Once presented in writing, the State of the Union
address has become a major event in presidential leadership and congressional relations. Delivered before a joint
session of Congress, the Supreme Court, and the cabinet,
these addresses survey the range of budgetary and other
policies the administration plans to pursue in the coming
\'ear. Even if the administration has not completed the
design of its programs, presidents announce their major
initiatives in the address.
Lyndon Johnson's Great Society and Vietnam initiati\'es; Richard Nixon's Vietnam, "New Federalism," and
economic programs; Jimmy Carter's energy, civil service,
welfare and tax reform, and foreign affairs initiatives; and
Ronald Reagan's tax, budget, regulatory, and military programs were all outlined in State of the Union addresses.
Because many programs are announced without thorough planning, there is a danger that the State of the
Union address could create false expectations and eventual
disappointment. Many of Johnson's Great Society programs, for example, were in their nascent stages when
announced. The combination of warlike rhetoric and fragmented program designs contributed to the eventual disappointment with many of the programs, such as the Community Action program, which had been designed to
"empower" the urban poor.
Other state speeches include addresses to foreign bodies such as the British Parliament and the United Nations
General Assembly.
General Persuasive Speeches
Most presidential addresses seek to develop a favorable environment for a wide variety of policies, but less
than half of the president's speeches try to persuade the
public to adopt specific policies and directions.
Reagan successfully urged passage of his tax and budget packages in 1981. On February 5, Reagan told a national television audience that the nation faced the "worst
t"conomic mess since the Great Depression." Less than two
weeks later, Reagan told a television audience about his
plans to deal with the problem. After an assassination
attempt boosted his popularity, Reagan in late April 1981
addressed an enthusiastic joint session of Congress. In July,
he returned to national television and asked viewers to
pressure Congress to support administration policies. Rea~an 's appeal generated fifteen million more letters than
Congress normally receives in a session. 48
Woodrow Wilson's national campaign after World War
I for Senate acceptance of the Versailles treaty and the
Ltague of Nations was perhaps the most dramatic example
.,f persuasive oratory in U.S. history. Unwilling to bargain
with the Republican leaders on the treaty, Wilson traveled
eight thousand miles over a month starting September 3,
1919. He delivered thirty-seven speeches and attended
even more public events during which he urged the treaty's
passage. Wilson's tour ended when he collapsed of a stroke.
The Senate defeated the treaty.
Recent examples of major persuasive speeches include
Reagan's tax and budget speeches; Carter's energy and
economic speeche~ Ford's addresses on the economy and
his pardon of Nixon; Nixon's speeches on Vietnam, the
economy, and Watergate; Johnson's addresses on Vietnam,
social problems, and domestic disorder; and Kennedy's
addresses on civil rights and economics.
Hortatory or Moralistic Speeches
The president attempts to persuade the public to set
aside personal, selfish aims and seek a more general public
interest. Like a high school football coach, the president
also attempts to infuse the public with confidence and zeal
for tasks that may seem difficult.
Presidential speechmaking in the nation's first century
usually was confined to educational or moralistic messages.
On their tours of the expanding nation, presidents discussed constitutional and republican principles, federalism,
economic policies, and the place of American values in
world politics.
Twentieth-century president Jimmy Carter spoke frequently on the energy crisis-so frequently that he began
to worry that Americans were "inured" to the major problems that the issue presented. To confront the public's
blase attitude, Carter delivered-after a ten-day retreat to
Camp David-a speech about what he called the nation's
"crisis of confidence." That speech-a choppy text-failed
to offer a plan of action that matched the spiritual crisis
Carter described. Although delivered in an atmosphere of
crisis, the address was quickly dismissed. Republican opponents in 1980 revived the speech as evidence of Carter's
leadership failures. (See "Jimmy Carter's 'Crisis of Confidence' Speech," p. 1393, in the Appendix.)
Crisis Speeches
The president is the focal point of the nation during
times of crisis. The public turns to the president for leadership during difficult times, partly out of practical considerations-the president is the political figure most familiar to
most Americans-and partly out of a psychological need
for the reassurance that strong leadership can provide.
The president's speech in times of crisis can mobilize
the nation almost instantly. Franklin Roosevelt's call for
war on the Axis powers in World War II after the bombing
of Pearl Harbor, for example, dramatically changed the
public's mood and willingness to get involved in a foreign
war. Before the dramatic address to a joint session of
Congress, the public and Congress were reluctant to enter
the war; after the speech, public opinion favored all-out
involvement.
John Kennedy's addresses on the failed invasion of the
Bay of Pigs, confrontations with the Soviet Union over the
status of Berlin, and the Cuban missile crisis were among
the most dramatic speeches in modern history. Each suggested the possibility of apocalyptic confrontations. The
youthful Kennedy was able to use the speeches to build
confidence in his own leadership, even on occasions when
his administration had failed, as at the Bay of Pigs.
I
I
~
I
lI
I
I
�794 IV President and the Public
Lyndon Johnson's first presidential address is another
example of a major crisis speech. Both the traumatized
Congress and the public watched the address not only for
clues of Johnson's policy intentions but also for sign!i of the
stability of the government five days after President Kennedy's assassination. Johnson and his aides worked on the
speech almost without interruption throughout those five
days and produced an address that reassured the nation of
the government's stability and Johnson's own vigor. Johnson was able to outline his own legislative program while
paying homage to the martyred Kennedy. "Let us continue," Johnson said, a reference to Kennedy's "Let us
begin.""'
Richard Nixon delivered a number of addresses on the
Vietnam War and the Watergate affair, with mixed success.
Nixon slowly developed a national consensus on the war
and blunted opposition to his bombings of Laos and Cambodia.00 Nixon was unable to convince the nation of his
credibility on the Watergate affair, however. His many
television speeches on the campaign scandal in fact produced more questions and criticisms than they answered.
Carter's "crisis of confidence" speech may fit in this
category as well as the hortatory category. Other crisis
speeches Carter delivered included his address on the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, on the discovery of Soviet
troops in Cuba, and on the American hostages in Iran.
The wide latitude that the public gives presidents
during a crisis invites possible abuse of the crisis speech.
President Johnson reported that North Vietnam had attacked U.S. ships without provocation in the Gulf of Tonkin and quickly won congressional approval of a resolution
that granted him almost unlimited war powers. The evidence for the North Vietnamese attack, however, was questionable at best, as Johnson privately acknowledged. The
crisis atmosphere created by Johnson's speech might have
been the most important element in the growing U.S. involvement in the war.
The existence of a crisis gives the president an opportunity for rhetorical leadership but does not guarantee it.
Lyndon B. Johnson Libr1ry
Just five days after Kennedy's assassination, President Lyndon Johnson delivers a painstakingly worded speech to Congress. The address succeeded in reassuring the nation of its
government's stability during a time of crisis.
President Carter's address after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan eventually fueled the arguments of critics on
both the left and the right that Carter was too naive and
inexperienced to continue as president. Carter stated that
the invasion fundamentally changed his perception of the
nature of the Soviet Union.
Failure to give an address during a major crisis can
undermine tne president's support. Herbert Hoover's unpopularity after the Great Crash of 1929 is attributable not
so much to his policies as his inability to convey a sense of
national purpose and sympathy for the victims of the economic depression.
Addresses to Specific Groups
As the government has become more complex, and
more interest groups have developed permanent ties to the
government, the president has spent more time addressing
specific groups. The purpose of such addresses often is
nothing more than flattery. Whether delivered to faithful
supporters or skeptical adversaries, such addresses are designed to create a feeling of awe with the presidency. These
addresses often have some kind of appeal that is designed
for media coverage.
The advantage of appearing before specific constituency groups is that remarks can be tailored to the group,
and the president's words will be transmitted to the larger
group membership for weeks after the speech. By merely
accepting an invitation to address a particular group, a
president tells the group that it is important.
Appearances before constituencies also enable the
president to see how the group might behave during the
"bargaining" process of budgetary, tax, and other current
legislative matters. The president can then fine tune the
White House approach on those issues. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
provided presidents from Franklin Roosevelt on with
strong signals about the civil rights initiatives it would find
meaningful.
Perhaps more important, the president also can use
interest group appearances to line up support for policy
initiatives. Presidents frequently appear before business
and labor groups to seek backing for their economic programs. Carter tried to build support for his energy program
and Panama Canal treaties with appearances before interest groups, but he was opposed by a well-financed cadre of
conservatives.01
Business organizations are perhaps the most constantly courted in the constellation of interest groups.
Presidents of both parties need support from business to
pursue their economic and social policies. Some presidents-such as Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, and
John Kennedy-have publicly attacked business but eventually had to build support among business people.
Other groups to be courted depend on the president's
base of support. Almost half of all presidential speeches by
postwar presidents were minor, "targeted" appeals to specific constituencies. Most of these appeals take place in or
around Washington, D.C., where national organizations are
housed. Groups ranging from the AFL-CIO to the Moral
Majority attract the sporadic attention of the president.
Government workers are one of the most important
interest groups the president addresses. Especially when
morale is low in departments, the president's words can
provide a big lift. Speaking before government. groups also
enables the president to lay out policy positions in the
�Presidential Appearances 795
sanctified arena of officialdom. Because the president's
words are usually reported widely, the government audience provides an opportunity to talk not just about specific
policies but about other issues as well. Jimmy Carter spoke
to government workers on the morality of couples living
together outside marriage.
As the leader of the national party, the president also
delivers a number of partisan addresses. These appeals
usually take place during important election campaigns.
President Reagan, for example, was tireless in campaigning
for Republican congressional and gubernatorial candidates
in the 1980s. If a president is not popular, he is not asked to
participate in other campaigns. Democratic candidates studiously avoided Carter in the 1980 campaign.
Appearances before groups also can distract them so
the administration can pursue other priorities. Reagan
used rhetoric to allay the concern of New Right organizations-who wanted immediate action on abortion, school
prayer, and other social issues-during his tax and budget
initiatives of 1981 and 1982. Reagan promoted state education reforms in a series of speeches in 1983 and 1984,
diffusing pressure for national initiatives and spending increases.
Presidents often appear before skeptical groups to coopt whatever opposition they might present and to portray
themselves as leader of all the people. Good examples are
Carter's appearances before the Veterans of Foreign Wars,
and Reagan's speeches to the NAACP. Presidents sometimes deliberately even antagonize interest groups to solidify the alliances that have developed in opposition to those
groups.aa
The Imperative to Speak
Because the presidency is central to American politics,
presidents are expected to offer authoritative opinions even
on subjects about which they are ignorant or uncertain
about an appropriate position. As presidents move past the
first year or so of their term, the imperative to speak grows
because they must shore up political standing after an
inevitable decline.
Speech is an important strategic weapon for the president. The president usually enjoys a honeymoon period of
six months to a year when Congress and the public are
inclined to yield to presidential leadership on many important questions. Lyndon Johnson's Great Society legislation
of 1965 and Ronald Reagan's budget- and tax-cutting initiatives of 1981 are notable examples.
After the initial period of good will, however, presidents begin to lose their initial appeal. The president is
hetter known and develops disputes with more groups as
the term progresses.
The president also must accept responsibility for many
of the nation's problems previously blamed on Congress or
a former president. Political scientist John E. Mueller has
asserted that the longer the president is in office, the more
a "coalition of minorities" develops grievances that cut the
president's base of support.a3
Presidents tend to increase their speechmaking considerably from the first to second years in office. For examplE>. Carter delivered 282 speeches in his first year and 323
in his second year; Reagan delivered 211 in his first year
and :344 in his second. As the reelection campaign nears,
presidents give even more speeches. Ford increased the
-------------
-----
number of his speeches from 392 to 682 in the year of his
reelection bid; the figures for Carter were 272 and 436; for
Reagan, 384 and 42t.a•
Because presidents cannnot count on party machinery
or congressional leadership for support, they turn to the
public. Several presidents have appealed to the public
"over the heads of Congress" when Congress has shown
reluctance to go along with legislative initiatives. Carter's
public statements on western water projects, the Panama
Canal treaty, the nation's energy problems, relations with
the Soviet Union, and economic problems all were intended
to overcome resistance on Capitol Hill to unpopular programs.
The psychological demands of the presidency probably
contribute to the tendency to speak often, as political scientist Bruce Buchanan has suggested. The combination of
stress, deference from underlings, and the search for clear
signs of success combine to push the president toward
dramatic rhetoric.
Frustrated presidents search for scapegoats to pummel
in public and improve their own relative standing and
leverage over the political process.
The imperative to speak is self-generating. "Presidents
have developed a rhetorical reflex, a tendency to resort to
public suasion as an initial response to a political situation," Hart has written. Carter displayed the built-in push
toward presidential speech. "Always he spoke, and the
speaking justified its own continuance: if the coverage were
favorable, it stood to reason that more speaking would
generate even more flattering responses from the media; if
the press disparaged him, more speaking would set matters
right." 00
If presidents need to go public to promote their political agendas, that does not mean they speak all the time
about important policy issues. Much of the president's time
is occupied with noncontroversial, almost trivial appearances, such as presentation of awards and proclamations of
special days. Even if these talks appear trivial, they
strengthen the president's public standing and symbolic
hold on the nation and its different "publics.""
One of the reasons the president turns to rhetoric is
the institutionalization of speech writing and public relations efforts in the White House. The president has a
growing corps of aides who analyze the political situation
and develop public campaigns for improving it.
The emergence of a public presidency presents dangers
as well as opportunities for the chief executive. If the
president is blamed by the media or the voters for problems, making regular appearances can aggravate rather
than improve the president's position. The regular presence can serve as a constant reminder of the administration's failings.
Jimmy Carter suffered politically in 1980 because voters associated him with the Iranian hostage crisis,
"stagflation," tense relations with the Soviet Union, and
divided leadership in Washington. When Carter appeared
on television or before groups, he struck many as tired and
ineffectual.
The problem of "overexposure" did not begin with
Carter. Both John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson were
criticized for speaking too much.
Presidents are in many ways trapped by their public
utterances. Because the media record every public word,
presidents must carefully weigh the effect of their statements and take care not to get caught in a tangle of
contradictory remarks.
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Public Appearances
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ninent federal or state
held any other post or
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Elite
appointees
80.9
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business or Jaw firm
· business or firm.
What is the public presidency? One may be tempted to analyze chief
executives' overtures to the public on a personal level and thereby to
concentrate on the uniqueness of presidents-their specific contributions, styles of communication, speaking skills, mannerisms, likability,
and personalities. Yet by doing so one misses the extent to which
different incumbents' presentations reflect the presidency as an institution.
Eleven years after leaving office, Lyndon Johnson was asked by
CBS News in his televised memoirs how politics had changed during
his thirty years in political life as a member of Congress and as
president of the United States. Johnson angrily replied:
You guys. All you guys in the media. All of politics has changed because of you. You've broken all the machines and the ties between
us in Congress and the city machines. You've given us a new kind
of people .... They're your creations, your puppets. No machine
could ever create a Teddy Kennedy. Only you guys. They're all
yours. Your product. (Quoted in Halberstam 1979, 15-16)
Although other politicians share Johnson's belief that American
politics is increasingly image dominated and personalized, the burgeoning television news media were not alone in causing the erosion
of brokered party politics. The change originated in the activities and
approaches of several of Johnson's predecessors who, knowingly or
not, established precedents for the public presidency well before
television had been invented.
Nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century presidents regularly met the public at the White House. Theodore Roosevelt sporadically held news conferences structured around spontaneous exchanges
with reporters rather than around written questions submitted in
245
�The Elusive Executive
party leader (see Johnson 1979) and less so as a common or constituent
leader. The plural office encompassed each, however: presidents as
national public figures, presidents as conveyors of the needs and
demands of certain groups at the expense of others, and presidents as
party chiefs.
To measure these approaches to public appearances for contempo·
rary presidents, we coded and aggregated all public appearances of
presidents that were listed in the Public Papers of the Presidents from
1949 to 1984. These public activities were classified into seven categories: major national addresses, news conferences, foreign appearances,
minor speeches, Washington appearances, U.S. appearances, and partisan appearances.
National Appearances
As might be expected, early presidents emphasized the common,
national aspect of the public presidency. Presidential appearances, as
undertaken by George Washington, were designed to gain respect, not
support. There was no expectation that public favor once won would
be, or should be, translated into political influence (Ketcham 1984). In
addition, early presidents' antipathy toward parties and political factions heightened the emphasis on the chief executive as a r~presen
tative of all the people.
In a letter sent by President Washington to Vice President John
Adams, Chief Justice John Jay, and Treasury Secretary Alexander
Hamilton, the president asked for advice on three important aspects of
the early public office:
Whether it would tend to prompt impertinent applications and
involve disagreeable consequences to have it known, that the
President will, every Morning.at eight Oclock, be at leisure to give
Audience to persons who may have business with him?
Whether it would be satisfactory to the public for the President
to make about four great entertainments in a year on such great
occasions as ... , The Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence ... , The Alliance with France ... , The Peace with Great
Britain ... , The Organization of the general Government: and
whether arrangements of these ... kinds could be in danger of
diverting too much of the President's time from business, or of
producing the evils which it was intended to avoid by his living
more reclusive than the Presidts. [sic] of Congress have heretofore
lived.
Whether, during the recess of Congress, it would not be
advantageous to the interests of the Union for the President to
make the tour of the United States, in order to become better
248
·.
acqu.1ir
stanct>~
inform·
advin·-
Followi
throughout
James Monr
tity," embar
triumphant
Republican
greeted bv
Republica~~
Boston new
people: for '
president wi
nation" (que
In addit
ordinary citi
held recepti1
wanted only
Coolidge co1
thirty the d0
merely to sh
hands with r
In more
especially te
nation, held 1
traveled abr0
eating to thei
use televisio
advisers beli1
individual m.
believed that
Congress.) Tt
tion of a situ;
1979, 346). A
broadcasting
they brought
Eisenhower, l
and imagery 1
Television pJ.-,
introduced th
�·,
1stituent
ients as
eds and
dents as
1tempomces of
!ts from
categouances,
d parti-
·mmon,
1ces, as
~ct, not
would
l84). In
:al fac'resent John
xander
'ects of
d
e
e
t
j
Public Appearances of Presidents
acquainted with their principal Characters and".internal Circumstances, as well as to be more accessible to numbers of wellinformed persons, who might give him useful information and
ad vices on political subjects? (Fitzpatrick 1940, 30: 310-311)
Following Washington's lead, presidents made grand tours
throughout the country one of the chief events of their terms in office.
James Monroe, "determined to quicken and symbolize national identity," embarked on a nationwide tour in the summer of 1817. After
triumphant visits to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, the
Republican Monroe arrived in Boston on the Fourth of July and was
greeted by some forty thousand cheering people-Federalists and
Republicans alike (Ketcham 1984, 125-126). The Columbia Centinel, a
Boston newspaper, commented that Monroe's tour made us "one
people: for we have the sweet consolation ... to rest assured that the
president will be president not of a party, but of a great and powerful
nation" (quoted in Hofstadter 1969, 199).
In addition, presidents continually opened White House doors to
ordinary citizens. As late as the tenure of Herbert Hoover, presidents
held receptions and waited in receiving lines for people who literally
wanted only "to see" the chief executive. In his autobiography, Calvin
Coolidge commented on this part of his daily routine: "At twelvethirty the doors were opened, and a long line passed by who wished
merely to shake hands with the President. On one occasion I shook
hands with nineteen hundred in thirty-four minutes" (1929, 201).
In more contemporary instances, with the advent of radio and
especially television, presidents have given major speeches to the
nation, held news conferences before the Washington press corps, and
traveled abroad as envoys of the United States, all the time communicating to their national audience. Eisenhower was the first president to
use television as an expressly presidential medium. Eisenhower's
advisers believed that television focused on the activities of a single
individual more effectively than the activities of larger groups. (They
believed that it was easier for the media to cover presidents than
Congress.) Television also appeared to highlight the drama and emotion of a situation more than hard facts handled in depth (Halberstam
1979, 346 ). Although Franklin Roosevelt's fireside chats used radio
broadcasting with great success, they were important principally as
they brought the country together in times of hardship and fear.
Eisenhower, however, was the first president to accentuate the drama
and imagery of one-on-one speeches during ordinary, noncrisis times.
Television placed even more emphasis on the person in the office. He
introduced the cabinet during a broadcast as though the introductions
249
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•
.
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'
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.
'
1
~
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.
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·~·
The Elusive Executive
were part of that evening's entertainment; he often spoke upon his
departure to and returns from travels abroad; he commented on the
accomplishments of the administration and Congress.
The public activities of Eisenhower and his successors brought the
presidency more attention and made its occupant appear to be more
closely tied to the people than before. Such activities expand the
constitutionally prescribed electoral consent of the governed to a
continuous surrogate election for incumbents through their terms of
office and thereby embody the crux of the nonpartisan public presidency. Whereas holding the energy of the executive in check was the
original purpose of constitutionally prescribed electoral consent (see
Chapter 1), the contemporary presidency expands both the office and
support for presidential initiatives by coupling the energy of the office
with a new focus on public approval and support. In addition, the
public presidency places demands on all contemporary presidents to
engage in public appearances and be evaluated by the public.
A more systematic exploration of presidents' appearances before
national audiences begins with a compilation of national addresses
delivered by presidents, provided in Table 5.1. Since Harry Truman,
presidents have regularly delivered major addresses to the nation,
preempting scheduled programming on radio and television. Although earlier presidents also made national addresses, Truman was
the first to have access to both radio and television. These presidential
speeches, which encompass inaugural addresses, State of the Union
messages, other addresses before joint sessions of Congress, and
addresses to the nation delivered during prime time, are heard by well
over 50 million people (Ragsdale 1984).
Presidents have consistently asked and received permission from
the three major television networks to preempt prime-time broadcasting when delivering a speech to the American people. From 1947
through 1975, there are only six instances in which a presidential
request for air time was denied by one or more of the three television
networks. From January 1964 through September 1965 Lyndon Johnson was denied air time five times; in October 1975 Gerald Ford was
prevented from preempting prime-time programming (Rutkus 1976,
'
;
~J
.,
29).
As shown in Table 5.1, the number of major national speeches
made by Presidents Truman through Reagan has been strikingly
consistent. The eight presidents made major speeches infrequently.
Counting all major speeches that have been delivered, including
"obligatory" speeches that presidents have little choice about making-inaugural addresses and State of the Union messages-presidents
250
•
•
have deli\'•
the State o
the inten·.
months. lr
across diff
dresses th<J
president.
presidents
addresses
contrast, T
the other~
activities ;
reportedly
disappoint
them as fa
al. 1973, 3:
presidents
exposure.
These
matter in ·:
they are c
involves fc
policy,orf
sue types)
delivered ~
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treaties, ar
Nixon in t
addresses;
unemployr
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presidents
In adconferenct
tion. Alth1
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uman,
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ing
aknts
Public Appearances of Presidents
have delivered roughly one national address every two months. When
the State of the Union messages and inaugural message are excluded,
the interval between major presidential speeches increases to three
months. In addition, results in Table 5.1 demonstrate comparability
across different incumbents in the Oval Office. The number of addresses that presidents give varies only modestly, regardless of who is
president. Richard Nixon addressed the nation more than the other
presidents, possibly because of Vietnam (Nixon gave twelve national
addresses on Vietnam, typically announcing troop withdrawals). In
contrast, Truman delivered speeches somewhat less frequently than
the others. Formal broadcasts to the nation were relatively new
activities at that time, and Truman apparently disliked them. He
reportedly commented that he gave the speeches "so as not to
disappoint all the nice folks who worked so hard on them, but I read
them as fast as possible so the audience will not be bored" (Minow et
al. 1973, 32-34). Thus the limited use of major addresses by each of the
presidents maximizes their impact and minimizes problems of overexposure.
These presidential speeches are examined by general subject
matter in Table 5.2 and by specific content in Table 5.3. 1 In Table 5.2,
they are categorized according to w:!'ether the topic of the address
involves foreign policy, economic policy (including energy), domestic
policy, or general policy (encompassing at least two of the first three issue types). During the entire period from 1949 to 1984, presidents
delivered slightly more foreign policy speeches than other types: 37
percent of all speeches involved matters of diplomacy, summitry,
treaties, and war; 31 percent involved general issues. Beginning with
Nixon in his second term, presidents began to deliver more economic
addresses; this tendency reflects the inflation, high oil prices, and
unemployment of the 1970s and 1980s. Few presidential speeches are
made on domestic policy, largely because they typically discuss civil
protests, riots, strikes, and other forms of internal dissent-events that
presidents undoubtedly prefer not to emphasize.
In addition to major national addresses, presidents use news
conferences as both forums of advocacy and devices to convey information. Although national in scope, news conferences are not as focused
or dramatic as major addresses in which a president creates the
appearance of intimacy with individual citizens. Although major
speeches have the advantage of sharply drawing national attention to a
president's remarks and perhaps winning support for a president's
position on an issue or for the president, under certain circumstances
this effect may not be wholly desirable. A president may wish to limit,
251
�The Elusive Executive
rather than heighten, the national attention paid to an issue. To take
one example, Lyndon Johnson's major announcement about the escalation of the Vietnam War in 1966 did not occur in a speech and was not
made in prime time but instead took place at a news conference at
midday. Presumably, Johnson wished to downplay the decision and
thereby to defuse as much criticism as possible. Still, the confrontational format of the news conference can also work to a president's
disadvantage if he is placed on the defensive by pointed questions.
Table 5.4 presents the 712 news conferences held by presidents
from Truman through Reagan (see Table 5.5 for yearly tabulations of
these data). These news conferences involve all formal exchanges with
reporters during which a written transcript of the questions is kept.
Interviews, call-ins, and informal remarks made to mark trip arrivals
and departures have been excluded. The table shows that news
conferences declined across three relatively distinct periods. President
Truman held more press briefings than any of his successors (slightly
more than three per month). In addition, although this fact is not
evident from Table 5.4, the number of press conferences held by
Franklin Roosevelt totaled nearly 7 per month-998 press conferences
in all during his entire term (Grossman and Kumar 1981, 245).
Presidents Eisenhower through Johnson gave only 2 conferences per
month. Beginning with Nixon, the use of the press conference falls off
even more, to an average of about 1 news conference per month.
Although President Nixon was often accused of hiding from the press
by infrequently holding news conferences, Ronald Reagan, often
called "the great communicator," has been equally reluctant to hold
official press briefings. Both Nixon and Reagan, and to a somewhat
lesser degree Ford and Carter, seem to have adopted the strategy of
going before the public in forums such as appearances in and out of
Washington in which they have greater autonomy and control than is
provided by the news conference medium. (These appearances are
discussed in greater depth below.) Presidents may take the view that
reporters at news conferences can shape the outcome of the questioning as much as the president. Such a possibility raises the cost of giving
news conferences, a cost that presidents may be unwilling to pay.
As representatives of the nation, presidents also travel and make
appearances outside the United States. Table 5.6 shows the number of
days and appearances made by presidents during their foreign travels.
These appearances involve all activities of a president that are recorded
in The Public Papers of the President as he is touring a foreign country, in·
cluding formal remarks and toasts to other heads of state, airport
remarks, remarks to reporters, and remarks to American citizens who
252
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�Public Appearances of Presidents
ssue. To take
•ut the escala. and was not
:onference at
decision and
'e confronta3 president's
·uestions.
v presidents
bulations of
hanges with
ons is kept.
trip arrivals
that news
s. President
)rs (slightly
fact is not
es held by
:onferences
1981, 245).
!rences per
1ce falls off
)er month.
n the press
gan, often
nt to hold
somewhat
;trategy of
md out of
rol than is
·ances are
view that
questionof giving
pay.
md make
umber of
n travels.
recorded
mtry, in·. airport
ens who
'
reside in the foreign country. Presidents' foreign appearances have
remained stable at moderate levels during the time period from 1949 to
1984. Truman did not leave the country from 1949 to 1952, and
Eisenhower stayed at home for all but three days of his first term. The
other presidents traveled abroad, but the yearly averages indicate that
they did so fairly infrequently. These presidents scheduled numerous
appearances each day they traveled, as the table makes clear. One of
the reasons for the moderate use of foreign appearances is that
presidents are representing the United States abroad and hence are
interested in capitalizing on these foreign appearances at home. The
image of a single individual representing the entire nation before the
world is an especially powerful one.
Foreign travel can also prompt criticism. When presidents spend
too much time outside the country, they may be accused of paying
inadequate attention to domestic problems-as if they were hiding out
abroad. Many people accused Nixon of trying to disappear during the
height of Watergate because he made a trip to the Soviet Union only a
month before he resigned. In addition, the president may lose face
abroad if he is always engaged in this kind of activity.
Major addresses, news conferences, and foreign travel are institutionalized forms of public behavior for contemporary presidents. The
styles and skills of individual presidents are less critical than the link
with the nation that the office demands. The public expects presidents
to speak directly to the nation, to personify the nation abroad, and to
hold exchanges, albeit increasingly pro forma ones, with the national
press. All of these encounters permit presidents to make common
appeals to the nation, but each rests on a different set of assumptions
about the nature of the communication. Major addresses portray
presidents as "in charge" -both in policy terms, as presidents discuss
national problems and solutions, and in symbolic terms, as presidents
develop a bond between themselves and the public through the
language of their speeches (Hinckley 1988). News conferences display
a confrontation between the president and the press that indirectly
serves public awareness. Foreign travel also suggests a bond between
presidents and the public. The association of the president with "the
United States" may be more clear-cut here than with national addresses. In delivering a major address, presidents speak to the nation;
traveling abroad, presidents speak as though they were the nation. In
addition, each method of communication has very different effects on
presidents' public support. Research indicates that major addresses
improve presidents' public approval ratings, but neither news conferences nor foreign appearances affect-positively or negatively-the
253
�The Elusive Executive
citizenry's perceptions of presidential performance (Ragsdale 1987a).
The plural presidency thus reflects the intertwining of the three
approaches and their outcomes.
Constituent Appearances
The plural nature of presidents' public encounters is more evident
when we consider presidents' group appearances in conjunction with
their national activities. Presidents conceive of the public as composed
of various groups, showing greater and lesser degrees of organization,
that make demands on the government. Although presidents' appeals
to the nation as a whole and presidents' roles as party leaders receive
much attention, little is known about the ways in which presidents act
as group advocates.
At the most general level, presidents of both parties address
groups that are tied to long-standing national interests. Presidents are
bound politically and legally, for example, to promote economic
prosperity-high employment and growth. As long as Americans take
for granted a market-oriented, free-enterprise economy, presidents'
policy actions must recognize certain groups that stand at the forefront
of the political system. Successive presidents have made appeals to
business and labor audiences in order to demonstrate a commitment to
the strength and vitality of the nation's economy.
At a more specific level, constituent representation occurs when
interest groups choose the presidency "as their best medium of
expression when they found other pathways blocked" (Bentley 1908,
345). This point is perhaps most clearly illustrated by the efforts of
blacks from the 1940s through the 1960s to win civil rights. Feeling
that they were largely stymied in Congress and that court decisions
lacked impact, the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People (NAACP) and other groups asked Franklin Roosevelt
and his successors to promote the civil rights movement through
executive action. Roosevelt responded after entreaties from his wife;
Truman backed a civil rights bill; Eisenhower somewhat grudgingly
sent troops to Little Rock, Arkansas, to protect the desegregation of a
high school; and Kennedy, also with some reticence, reacted to turmoil
in Alabama and Mississippi. Lyndon Johnson, attempting to secure
passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, not only worked on behalf of
civil rights groups but also mobilized them to lobby on behalf of this
legislation. Johnson recounted that a "critical factor in holding the
campaign together was the pressure applied by the major citizens'
groups behind the bill-the religious groups, the unions, the troubled
254
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�Public Appearances of Presidents
e 1987a).
he three
~evident
ion with
om posed
nization,
·appeals
; receive
dents act
address
ients are
conomic
:ans take
esidents'
·ore front
•peals to
tment to
rs when
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fforts of
Feeling
lecisions
;nent of
oosevelt
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iing the
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,-
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'I
and concerned Southerners, and the civil rights organizations," especially on Republican members of Congress (Johnson 1979, 159). Thus
presidents are not only sought by groups but may seek groups'
assistance.
Other efforts are expressly designed to court these groups. The
various means include appointments (see Chapter 4), advisory committees that make recommendations to presidents on topics of importance
to constituent groups, and liaison offices in the White House. The
Carter administration, for example, had seven assistants designated to
take care of special constituencies-blacks, Jews, women, the aged,
Hispanics, business people, and consumers (Page and Petracca 1983,
147).
Another important way of gaining the support and attention of
these groups and, reciprocally, a way in which these groups gain the
support and attention of presidents, is for the president to appear
before constituent audiences. Presidents meet with groups at the White
House, at other locations in Washington, D.C., and, at times, at
locations throughout the country. Appearances before these more
select audiences provide presidents with different strategies by which
they can attempt to build popular support and influence other political
elites. Tables 5.7-5.11 examine three types of group activities in which
presidents engage. First, there are minor presidential speeches that
involve substantive policy remarks made to a specific group or in a
certain forum (Table 5.7). These speeches are usually as detailed in
discussing a national problem as are major addresses, but they are
shorter and not nationally broadcast. 1 Instead, they are used by a
president to promote positions before groups that may be especially
supportive of the president's ideas. Less often, presidents go before
hostile groups to promote cooperation. Alternatively, in some instances, presidents may actually seek to antagonize hostile groups and
thereby cause other groups to coalesce behind them. Because the
success of presidents' policy efforts rests in part on their ability to form
a coalition of active diverse groups, often with varying perspectives on
national issues, these minor addresses are important in allowing
presidents to tailor remarks to specific audiences. Compared with
major national addresses, these targeted appeals are given with greater
frequency and may work in ways that major addresses to the entire
nation do not.
Some 431 such addresses were delivered by presidents from 1949
to 1984, as shown in Tables 5.7 and 5.8. Presidents Ford, Carter, and
Reagan made more minor addresses than did their predecessors. The
data in these tables do not indicate any particular pa.tterns within the
255
�The Elusive Executive
terms of the presidents studied. President~ do not give greater numbers
of minor speeches during their first years or during election years. The
tables, however, do indicate an increase in minor addresses, coupled
with the decrease in news conferences since Nixon and especially Ford.
Later presidents have defined policy discussions more on their own
terms than did their predecessors.
The second group activity in which presidents engaged involves
numerous appearances in and around Washington, D.C., to particular
groups (Table 5.9). These Washington appearances involve brief public
remarks before a group at the White House or at some other location in
the capital. Such occasions are more ceremonial than they are policy
events; examples include bill signings, the greeting of foreign guests,
the honoring of a group or individual, and the commemoration of a
historical or seasonal event. Although these appearances often border
on the trivial, for example when a president greets high school
students visiting the nation's capital or proclaims a local holiday, these
instances nevertheless give presidents virtually cost-free "photo opportunities" that afford useful television and newspaper coverage.
Table 5.9 categorizes the 4,469 Washington appearances by presidents from 1949 to 1984 according to whether they took place in the
White House or at some other spot in Washington, D.C. The data show
that Presidents Truman and Eisenhower made fewer Washington
appearances than any president since Kennedy. Although in the late
1940s and 1950s the White House was surely the focus of national
political attention, it may not yet have become the focal point for visits
by political groups and organized interests. Presidents Kennedy,
Johnson, Ford, Carter, and Reagan made roughly comparable numbers
of appearances in Washington, D.C. Nixon stands out as having made
relatively few Washington appearances, especially outside the White
House. During his tenure, Nixon seemed reticent to make speeches not
only on the road but also in Washington. Nixon particularly minimized public exposure during the Vietnam War and during Watergate.
Instead, he relied on major addresses to the nation in which ·he
presented his case without confronting specific groups.
A third group strategy used by presidents involves appearances at
various locations outside the District of Columbia. Like the Washington appearances, those made elsewhere are largely ceremonial. The
president travels to a particular community to commemorate a local
event, meets civic groups and local leaders, surveys damage caused by
natural disasters, and speaks at a group's convention or at a university.
Table 5.10 describes the 1,331 U.S. appearances made by presidents
from Truman through Reagan; an annual breakdown appears in Table
�Public Appearances of Presidents
r numbers
vears. The
s, coupled
ially Ford.
their own
.i involves
particular
rief public
.ocation in
are policy
gn guests,
·ation of ·a
:en border
;;h school
day, these
-.1to oppor~e.
; by presiace in the
data show
ashington
n the late
f national
t for visits
Kennedy,
? numbers
·ing made
the White
~eches not
1rly miniVatergate.
which he
arances at
Washingmial. The
tte a local
caused by
miversity.
:)residents
sin Table
I
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g
.,.
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.,..
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~
"
~
'd
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;
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5.11. The trend observed for Washington appearances repeats itself for
U.S. public appearances. Truman and Eisenhower made far fewer
appearances throughout the United States than did presidents beginning with Kennedy. Ford, Carter, and Reagan, in particular, appear to
have made the most use of U.S. public appearances. (Carter's totals do
not include the series of small "town meetings" he began early in his
term; inclusion of these would make the Carter figures higher.)
Together the three types of group appearances indicate that these last
three presidents spent considerable time before specific groups and
localities as constituent leaders.
This strategy of targeting specific group audiences conflicts, however, with a national strategy of statesmanship. Common appeals bring
groups together, but constituent appeals pull groups apart. Attempts to
gather influence through discrete channels essentially match the
particularized politics of Congress and the bureaucracy, but presidents
make universal appeals in addition to parochial ones. Using this
combination, presidents may not be successful in gaining national
public support because they also appeal to discrete group interests.
Evidence suggests that presidents do not gain public support across the
country from their minor speeches, Washington appearances, or U.S.
appearances (Ragsdale 1987a). They may gain kudos from the groups or
regions targeted in their appeals, but they are either disliked or
ignored by other groups. Thus the appearances gain them nothing from
the nation as a whole. Not only can the plural presidency be seen in the
differences between these types of constituent appearances; it is also
compounded by the discord between common and constituent efforts.
Partisan Appearances
The national and constituent approaches are supplemented by a
third type of appeal in which presidents act as party leaders. They do
so in ways that nonetheless maintain the popular conception of the
office. The party becomes the vehicle through which presidents satisfy
the public. Democracy is best served by a competitive exchange of
ideas between the parties. The parties embody alternative conceptions
of the public good, and they compete to translate these conceptions
into law. John F. Kennedy asserted:
No President, it seems to me, can escape politics. He has not only
been chosen by the nation-he has been chosen by his Party. And
if he insists that he is President of all the people and should,
therefore, offend none of them-if he blurs the issues and differences between the parties-if he neglects the party machinery and
257
�The Elusive Executive
avoids his party's leadership-then he has not only weakened the
political party; ... he has dealt a death blow to the democratic
process itself. (Quoted in Ketcham 1984, 226)
Thus presidents pursue a course of public appearances that includes
meetings with party leaders, fund raisers and rallies for party candidates, and gatherings of party workers.
Although presidents make political appearances throughout their
terms in office, as Tables 5.12 and 5.13 show, they do so most
frequently during election years. Presidents make roughly three times
as many partisan appearances during midterm congressional election
years and presidential election years as they do in nonelection years.
Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan were again most likely to make
appearances as party leaders. This observation is especially interesting
for Jimmy Carter, who campaigned for the presidency as a candidate
largely outside the traditional structure of the Democratic party. These
greater partisan efforts since Ford may reflect efforts by parties to halt
some of the erosion of support during the 1960s and early 1970s.
Parties depend on the strong, visible figures of their incumbent
presidents to help unite an organization that can no longer as readily
depend on party machines and bosses to solidify support.
Partisan appearances are also in tension with common and constituent appearances. Presidents take these three mutually contradictory
steps to gain public support. They solicit support from their party, from
specific groups that may not be coincident with their party, and from
the country as a whole. These activities give rise to various images of
the single executive. Party appeals depict presidents as preeminently
partisan leaders who toe the party line and support party candidates.
The image is distinctly electoral. Nixon's grand tour across the country
on behalf of Republican congressional candidates in 1970 made him
appear as chiefly interested in narrow partisan advantages. Group
appeals make presidents seem like clientele advocates, representing the
desires of specific groups exclusively. In certain instances, presidents
also overtly oppose the concerns of others. Reagan's affiliation with
antiabortion groups is one example. In national appeals, presidents
seem to be the singular representative of the country. They bring
together all parties and groups. Presidents often characterize the
American collectivity broadly as the middle class. They appeal to
distinct group and partisan identities but attempt to create a larger
picture of groups working together for the common good. The following passage from Reagan's inaugural address illustrates the point nicely:
Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too
long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and
258
r
c;
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�Public AppeQrances of Presidents
racial divisions, and it crosses party lines. It is made of men and
women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and
factories, teach our children, keep our homes and heal us when
we're sick-professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers. They are, in short, "We the people," this
breed called Americans. (Public Papers of the President 1981, 2)
the
•cratic
·d
t includes
.rty candihout their
so most
1ree times
I election
ion years.
· to make
1teresting
candidate
ty. These
es to halt
ly 1970s.
:cum bent
.s readily
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k
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~
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~adictory
.lO
1d
The Mix of Public Activity
,;
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rty, from
md from
.nages of
ninently
1didates.
country
1de him
Group
ting the
esidents
)n with
!sidents
\' bring
ize the
peal to
1 larger
follownicely:
Presidents are expected to behave in each of these three ways, but they
cannot usually overcome conflicts of imagery imposed by the different
strategies. The plural presidency thus incorporates these conflicts as
the single executive image is cast and recast along three separate
dimensions.
·~
~·
One final way of considering public appearances involves the
presidents' total domestic public activity. Table 5.14 is a compilation of
presidents' major speeches, news conferences, minor addresses, Washington appearances, and U.S. appearances. Partisan political appearances have been excluded because they involve presidents in activities
of a nonofficial nature. Foreign appearances also do not figure in this
tally because presidents often travel abroad for reasons other than
public exposure back home (that is, matters of summitry, diplomacy, or
war). The remaining items thus provide an overall measure of the level
of presidents' official activity within the United States. As the figures
indicate, public activities consume a considerable amount of a president's time. By one estimate, nearly one-third of a president's time in
office is spent engaging in such public appearances (Kernell 1984, 243,
referring to presidents since Nixon). The degree to which these activity
levels are institutionally based is also apparent. Even Eisenhower, who
was least active, made seven appearances per month. A sharp increase
in the level of public activity begins with Kennedy. Presidents since
Johnson reach an average of almost one public appearance per day.
Figure 5.1 depicts the growth in presidents' domestic appearances,
showing the yearly rates by term in office. A central irony is made
evident by examining these several types of appearances together.
Table 5.14 shows an increase in total domestic appearances that reflects
increases in minor speeches, Washington appearances, and U.S. appearances. News conferences decline, and major addresses remain
steady. As noted above, however, presidents do not gain greater
national public approval from this set of activities. Presidents work
hard with these activities to gain greater public approval but do not
attain it. Instead they can count only on well-timed but infrequently
259
�The Elusive Executive
used major addresses to the nation as a means of gaining broader public
support (Ragsdale 1987a).
:-:,.,.,_t. nll 'l-~'
rt·.~.l!\.h·li ::
:t•\f Ill
Conclusion
When most people are asked the question, "What do American
presidents do on the job?" they think of critical decisions on such
important matters of strategy, domestic legislation, budget allocations,
and international diplomacy. Yet as the tables in this chapter reveal,
presidents engage in much less grand, much more ceremonial tasks as
part of their daily routine. Indeed, particularly since Kennedy, presidents have increased the amount of time they dedicate to ceremony.
Presidents engage in these numerous public efforts presumably to
increase or maintain their support within the public as a whole, among
key groups within the public, and with key segments of their political
parties. The premise of each appeal is unique. One promotes the image
of presidents as singular political actors and symbols of the nation.
Another effectively denies that presidents are such symbols and
instead promotes the notion of group sponsorship. Such symbolism
accentuates the parts, not the whole. The last appeal casts presidents as
leaders of broad-based partisan collectivities. The plural institution of
the presidency provides opportunities for presidents to engage in these
contradictory forums frequently throughout their terms. The contradictions they create are likely to diminish, rather than improve, the
support that presidents seek.
Notes
I. The speeches cannot be categorized in as much detail as the legislative
positions, executive orders, and executive agreements of presidents. Presidents tend to address several topics within a broad subject area. In foreign
policy speeches, for example, they speak of both defense and foreign policy
issues, so that it is impossible to separate speeches about each of the two
topics. Foreign speeches include those that discuss diplomacy, summitry,
treaties, and war. Domestic speeches involve matters of civil rights, civil
protests, riots, social welfare programs, education, and crime. Economic
speeches deal with matters pertaining directly to the national economy and
issues of energy, which have clear economic repercussions in the eyes of
many observers. General speeches address more than one of the foreign,
domestic, and economic topics. (The public impact of these several types of
speeches is examined in Ragsdale I987b.)
2. Minor speeches include any domestic public appearances by presidents,
other than national addresses and news conferences, in which presidents
260
.\ .
r ·~,.
thl'
:.·~: ... l.ltll'r.
t:.•n, Th:·
,, h,, h.h·nt
:.·n~ th.lf ,.
,ut-,t.1nt•.1:
'r······h··'· .
H,,u,t•. tt•r
th•·'· t•nc.•:
mlllt•r
'rl'l
�Public Appearances of Presidents
·ublic
ric an
such
ions,
veal,
ks as
make moderately lengthy policy statements to a major group or wrum. To be
regarded as minor, the speech had to cover at least three pages of printed
text in the Public Papers. Substantive policy statements include proposals for
legislation, discussion of pending legislation, and announcements of positions. This coding differs from that of Lammers (1982) and Kernell (1984),
who identify a category of "routine addresses" at least one thousand words
long that were delivered outside the White House and involved "reasonably
substantial statements before some group" (Lammers 1982, 149). Minor
speeches, as classified here, can be delivered at or away from the White
House, tend to be longer, and were coded in a more narrow fashion so that
they encompass only specific policy remarks. The result is relatively fewer
minor speeches than routine addresses.
resi-
ony.
v to
1ong
tical
1age
ion.
and
;ism
:s as
1 of
1ese
trathe
:ive
~si
ign
icv
\\'0
-rv,
\:il
nic
nd
of
~n.
of
ts,
liS
261
�The Elusive Executive
Table 5.1
Major Presidential Speeches, 1949-1984
All speeches
President
Truman
Eisenhower, I
Eisenhower, II
Kennedy
Johnson b
Nixon, I
Nixon, II
Ford
Carter
Reagan
Total
Total
15
21
20
15
23
23
13
12
17
20
179
Average interval
between speeches
(months)
x=
3.2
2.3
2.5
2.3
2.7
2.1
1.5
2.4
2.8
2.4
2.4
4
·Table'
Discretionary speeches a
Total
11
16
16
11
15
19
11
8
13
16
136
Average interval
between speeches
(months)
x=
4.4
3.0
3.0
3.2
4.2
2.5
1.8
3.5
3.7
3.0
3.2
Note: "Major speeches" are defined as live nationally televised and broadcast addresses to
the country that preempt all major network programming. They include inaugural
addresses, State of the Union messages, other addresses to joint sessions of Congress
delivered during prime time, and prime time addresses to the nation.
Excludes inaugural addresses and State of the Union messages.
blncludes full term from November 1963 to January 1969.
1
Source: Coded and calculated by the authors from successive volumes of Public Papers of the
Presidents.
262
Trum.1n
E:~t·nht'
El!ot>nht"
~l'nnt•d·
.r ..... hnson
~i.\on. I
~i,.on. I
F..... rd
Cartt.>r
Rt>agan
Tot,J
Aver
.\·l,u: Fort
rolicy inc
protests. r1
Watergatt•
•Includes :
~.·ur~·,·: Co\,~
T'•,•;:Jmt;.
�Public
Appe~rances
of Presidents
Table 5.2 Major Presidential Speeches by Subject Category, 1949-1984
speeches a
General
1ge interval
·en speeches
nonths)
4.4
3.0
3.0
3.2
4.2
2.5
1.8
3.5
3.7
3.0
= 3.2
st addresses to
ude inaugural
s of Congress
.~~..
Foreign
Economic
Domestic
President
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
Total
Truman
Eisenhower, I
Eisenhower, II
Kennedy
Johnson a
Nixon, I
Nixon, II
Ford
Carter
Reagan
Total
Average
4
10
5
5
10
4
3
5
6
4
56
27
25
25
33
43
17
23
42
35
20
7
47
38
60
40
17
54
15
8
35
40
2
1
0
1
3
4
5
5
5
8
34
13
5
0
2
2
3
3
6
2
3
1
0
0
22
13
10
15
20
26
9
23
8
0
0
15
21
20
15
23
23
13
12
17
20
179
31
8
12
6
4
13
2
1
6
8
67
37
7
13
17
38
42
29
40
19
12
Note: Foreign policy subjects include diplomacy, summitry, treaties, and war. Economic
policy includes the economy and energy. Domestic policy involves civil rights, civil
protests, riots, social welfare, education, agriculture, and domestic political matters such as
Watergate. General policy encompasses two or more of the three types.
1
lncludes full term from November 1963 to January 1969.
Source: Coded and calculated by the authors from successive volumes of Public Papers o.f the
Presidents.
·lie Papers of the
�The Elusive Executive
Table 5.3
Major Presidential Speeches by President, 1949-1984
President
Truman
January 20, 1949
July 13, 1949
January 4, 1950
July 19, 1950
September 1, 1950
September 9, 1950
December 15, 1950
January 8, 1951
April 11, 1951
June 14, 1951
November 7, 1951
January 9, 1952
March 6, 1952
April 8, 1952
June 10, 1952
Eisenhower, I
January 2, 1953
February 2, 1953
April 16, 1953
May 19, 1953
June 3, 1953
July 26, 1953
August 6, 1953
January 4, 1954
January 7, 1954
March 15, 1954
April 5, 1954
August 23, 1954
Januarv 6, 1955
July IS, 1955
July 25, 1955
February 29, 1956
Aprill6, 1956
August 3, 1956
October 31, 1956
January 5, 1957
January 10, 1957
Eisenhower, II
January 21, 1957
February 20, 1957
May 14, 1957
May 21, 1957
September 24, 1957
264
Speech
Inaugural address
National economy
State of the Union
Korean War
Korean War
Signing of the Defense Production Act
Declares national emergency (Korea)
State of the Union
Korean War: Relieves MacArthur of command
Need to extend inflation controls
International arms reduction
State of the Union
Mutual security program
Steel mills (nation)
Steel mills (Congress)
Inaugural address
State of the Union
World peace
National security costs
Report with the cabinet
Korean armistice signed
Achievements of the administration and the
Eighty-third Congress
Administration purposes and accomplishments
State of the Union
Tax program
National goals and problems
Achievements of the Eighty-third Congress
State of the Union
Departure for the Geneva conference
Return from Geneva
Decision on second term
Farm bill veto
ODE and Dulles on Suez
Middle East, Eastern Europe
Middle East (Congress)
State of the Union
Inaugural address
Middle East and United Nations
Government costs
Mutual security programs
Desegregation in Little Rock
�Pu~ic Appearances of Presidents
·esiden t, 1949-1984
T.ablc 5.3 (continued)
Speech
·~ h,, 1,·er.
II (continued)
~:.Hmt>t'T 7,
1957
...,; •\· •mt>er 13. 1957
<..:.~mt>t.>r 23. 1957
;,,~u.m· 9, 1958
\!.mh ·I 0, 1959
\~.:u-t t>. I959
Production Act
ency (Korea)
....... ,.mt>t•r 10. 1959
: :,~,~·mt>t•r 3. 1959
·.,:·:.;.HY
acArthur of command
, controls
:tion
7'. 1960
! ,-:•ru.1rv 21. 1960
'·~·'r'h .~. I960
25. I960
1.!:-:.;.m· 17. 1960
\~. 1 ·,
~.
··:· ~t·J\'
:.• :~u.m· 20. 1961
r.• :~u.1~· 30. 1961
·.~ ..... 2~. 1961
:~:--·· "· 1961
25. 1961
II. 1962
·.~ .• :;h.2. 1962
\c;~;.~-t 13. 1962
'··;-:,·:'Tiber 30, 1962
. \ :. ·h·r 22. 1962
I,:· ;J,JT\· )4, )963
'.! .• ·. I2. 1963
·~:··· II.I963
;,·, :1'. I963
'·;-:,·mt>er 18.1963
ic; ••
:.,:·;.~.m·
.1inistration and the
ress
and accomplishments
~ms
1ty-third Congress
National security (advances in technology)
National security
Report on NATO conference in Paris
State of the Union
West Berlin and Soviet challenges to peace
Labor bill needed
Report on European trip
Departure on goodwill trip to Europe, Asia, Africa
State of the Union
South America departure
South America return
Events in Paris
Farewell address
Inaugural address
State of the Union
National problems and needs
Return from Europe
Crisis in Berlin
State of the Union
Nuclear testing and disarmament
National economy
Situation at the University of Mississippi
Cuban missile crisis
State of the Union
Racial strife in Birmingham
Civil rights
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
'--·:1
· conference
·. ·. ··:'Tlbt•r 27. 1963
. ::-; ~. I964
.. : ... •n 26. 1964
pe
~ations
.• l'lh4
:. I "n4
:·,·r I". 1964
:·. 4. I 965
. :·. 20. 1965
::;, I%5
: JOn5
:. •' ~0. 1965
·:·:vr 3. 1965
··, j 2. 1966
Joint session
State of the Union
Tax bill signing
Moratorium on railroad labor dispute
Civil rights signing
Events in Russia, China, Great Britain
State of the Union
Inaugural address
American hopes and goals
Dominican Republic situation
Postponement of steel industry shutdown
Announcement of steel settlement
State of the Union
!Table continues!
265
�The Elusive Executive
Table 5.3 (continued)
President
Johnson (continued)
January 10, 1967
July 24, 1967
July 27, 1967
January 17, 1968
January 26, 1968
March 31. 1968
April 5, 1968
June 5, 1968
October 31, 1968
January 14, 1969
Nixon, I
January 20, 1969
May 14, 1969
August 8, 1969
November 3, 1969
December 15, 1969
January 22, 1970
April 20, 1970
April 30, 1970
June 3, 1970
June 17, 1970
October 10, 1970
January 22, 1971
April 7, 1971
August 15, 1971
September 9, 1971
October 7, 1971
January 20, 1972
January 25, 1972
February 28, 1972
March 16, 1972
April 26, 1972
May 8, 1972
June L 1972
Nixon, II
January 20, 1973
January 23, 1973
March 29, 1973
April 30, 1973
June 13, 1973
August 15, 1973
October 12, 1973
November 7, 1973
266
Speech
State of the Union
Detroit riot (authorization of federal troops)
Civil disorder
State of the Union
North Korea
Vietnam; will not run
Martin Luther King assassination
Robert Kennedy assassination
Bombing halt
State of the Union
Inaugural address
Vietnam War
Domestic programs (family assistance plan,
revenue sharing)
Vietnam War
Vietnam War (troop reductions)
State of the Union
Vietnam War (troop reductions)
Cambodian invasion
Report on Cambodian invasion
Economic Policy
Vietnam War (peace initiatives)
State of the Union
Vietnam War (general)
Economic policy (wage-price freeze)
Economic stabilization
Economic stabilization (postfreeze)
State of the Union
Peace plan
China
Busing
Vietnam
Vietnam
Return from Soviet Union
Inaugural address
Paris peace accord
Vietnam and domestic problems
Watergate
Price controls
Watergate
Ford as vice president
Energy shortage
�Public Appearances of Presidents
Table 5.3
(continued)
Speech
rization of federal troops)
un
: assassination
.assination
family assistanct> pl.1n.
"1g)
reductions!
·educt ions 1
1
invasion
nitiatives)
e-prin' freeze I
(postfrt.>t.'Zl'l
'Wblems
\:ixlm, II (continued)
:--;,,vember 25. 1973
january 30, 197 4
April 29, 197 4
lulv 3. 1974
),ln.uary 25, 197 4
Energy policy
State of the Union
Taxes
Return from Soviet Uni.m
Inflation, economy
Fnrd
August 9, 197 4
August 12. 1974
September 8. 197 4
October S. 197 4
J.1nuan· 13. 1975
ianuar~· 15, 1975
M.mh.29. 1975
:\pril 10. 1975
Mav 27. 1975
October 6. 1975
j,muarv 19, 1976
J,1nuar~· 12. 1977
Remarks on taking oath of office
Address to joint session of Congress
Nixon pardon
Economic policy (Whip Inflation Now program)
Energy and the economy
State of the Union
Signing of tax reduction bill
U.S. foreign policy
Energy programs
Federal tax and spending reductions
State of the Union
State of the Union
(Jrtt•r
lanu.m· 20. 1977
Februilr\" 2. 1977
April 18. 1977
April 20. 1977
:--:ovember 8, 1977
January 19, IY78
Ft.>bruarv I, 1978
Sl•ptl'm ber I 8. 1978
Octobt.>r 24, 1978
.lanuar\' 23. 1979
:\pril 5. 1979
tune 18. 1979
)uh· 15. 1979
October I. 1979
j,m uarv 4, 1980
januar~· 23. 1980
April 25. 1980
Inaugural address
Report to the American people
Energy plan
Address to Congress on energy plan
Update on energy plan
State of the Union
Panama Canal treaties (benefits of)
Camp David Summit on Middle East
Anti-inflation program
State of the Union
Energy (decontrol of oil prices)
Report on Vienna Summit and SALT II
National goals
Soviet troops in Cuba and SALT II
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan
State of the Union
Hostage rescue attempt
Reagan
)anuarv 20, 1981
Februa"r\' 5. 1981
Februan· 18, 1981
Apri12S, 1981
july 27, 1981
Inaugural address
Economv
Program for economic recovery (Congress)
Economic recovery (Congress)
Tax reduction
(Table corrtirruc,;i
267
�The Elusive Executive
Table 5.3
(continued)
l'rc~idt'ltl
Speech
Reagan (continued)
September 24. 1981
Januarv 26. 19R2
April 29. 1982
August 16. 1982
St>ptt>m ber I. 19R2
September 20, 1982
October 13. 19R2
November 22. 19R2
Januarv :?,j, 19R3
M,uch 23. 19R3
April 27. !9R3
September j, 19R3
October 2i. 1983
f,1nU,lT\" 25. 19R4
1\l,l\' 9.
!9R~
Economic recovery
State of the Union
Federal budget
Tax and budget legislation
Middle East
Lebanon
Economy
Arms reduction and deterrence
State of the Union
National security
Central America
Soviet attack on Korean airline
Lebanon, Grenada
State of the Union
Central America
:-:,.,,. .. ,.. Ct>.:h·d .1nd ,,,\cul.l!t•d by the authors from successive volumes of Pul•lic Paper,
,,f lh,·
rr~·~tdc·nt~
Table 5.4
Presidential News Conferences, 1949-1984
Total
p,.,.,ldt'lll
Truman
Eist•n htnn•r. I
Eist•n htlWt'r. II
Kt•nnt•th·
)tlhns<>n ·'
Nixon. I
~i:-.on. II
Ford
Carter
Reagan
co11 fcrcnccs
Yearlv
ar•cragc
Montltlv
ar•crage
40
25
24
22
26
3.3
2.1
2.0
1.9
2.1
0.6
0.5
1.4
1.2
0.5
160
99
94
65
132
30
9
41
59
23
8
5
19
IS
6
News conit>rt•nct•s are defined as formal exchanges with reporters. Excludes inter·
vit>WS and informal rt>marks at arrivals and departures.
.\'t<lt':
•Jncludt>s full term irnm November 1963 to January 1969.
5''"'''': Codt>d and c.1lculatt'd by the authors from successive volumes of Public PaJ>cr~ <'f III<'
l'rt'!'idt'lil!'.
268
�Public Appearances of Presidents
Table 5.5
Presidential News Conferences by Year, 1949-1984
Truman
!9-l9
1450
1951
1452
T~>tal
-l7
39
39
35
lbO
El~l' n lwwl·r.
!953
14'i-l
195'i
145h
T,,t,ll
hllWt>r. 11
Jll'i;"
l'!'i.'\
Jll;4
Jll,,()
23
33
19
:.t
99
Ei~t>n
I
•I ! ':' ,' ..·:'
'
! :
1
1 I
~
2b
21
31
lh
' ' ••
T~>t,ll
4~
f--,·1111l'<h'
]<ih]
lq
]9112
2~
14h3
14
h'i
T~>t,ll
l·•hn"''n
:.1
20
lq
2.1
n.,,
n:;
jll,_)-n-1
33
]llh'i
];"
j4hh
-ll
J4n7'
lllh,.;,
Tllt,li
.,.,
Nixon, I
1969
1970
1971
1972
Total
8
6
9
7
30
Nixon, II
1973
1974
Total
7
2
9
Ford
1974
1975
1976
Total
7
19
15
41
Carter
197i
1978
1979
1980
Total
22
19
12
6
59
Reagan
1981
1982
1983
1984
Total
6
6
7
4
23
]<I
I~.,
·'-
- :.·. · C.•,h·d .1nd r.lkui,lll'd h·
till'
,JUthors from successive volumes of l'ublic l'apcr,; ,,f the
u
1.2
0.5
269
�The Elusive Executive
Table 5.6
Foreign Appearances by Presidents, 1949-1984
Prc~idmt
Truman
Eisenhower, I
Eisenhower, II
Kennedv
Johnson. a
Nixon. I
Nixon. II
Ford
Carter
Reagan
Days of
travel
Number of
appearances
0
3
50
28
29
35
17
30
52
36
0
7
115
77
55
108
25
63
69
82
Yearly ar•eragc
Days
Appearances
0
1
0
2
29
26
11
27
14
29
17
21
13
9
6
9
9
14
13
9
.\"otc: Foreign appearances are defined as the total number of appearances made by a
president during travel outside the United States.
•Includl'S full term from November 1963 to January 1969.
5<•ur.-,·: Codt>d Jnd calculated by the authors from successive volumes of Public Papers of tl1c
f'rc;Jdt"lll.<.
Table 5.7
Minor Presidential Speeches, 1949-1984
Prc~rdort
Total
Truman
39
11
18
30
49
25
22
77
82
78
Eisenh~)wer.
I
Eisenhower, II
Kennedv
Johnson. a
Nixon, I
Nixon. II
Ford
Carter
Reagan
Yearly
ar•erage
Mont lily
ar•cragc
10
3
0.8
0.2
0.4
0.9
5
10
10
6
12
35
21
20
u.s
0.5
1.1
2.7
1.7
1.6
.\iott•: Minor addrt•sses are defined as any domestic public appearance other than major
speeches and news conferences in which a president makes substantive, detailed policy
statements to a major group or forum.
"Includes full term from November 1963 to January 1969.
StJura: Coded and calculated by the authors from successive volumes of Public Pa1•ers of the
Presidt'llts.
270
�Public Appearances of Presidents
n ts, 1949-198-t
Table 5.8
Minor Presidential Speeches by Year, 1949-1984
Nixon, I
rrum.lll
D.l\'S
0
I
:\ppt•aranc,·~
0
2
13
:!C)
q
26
6
9
q
14
13
9
.,-II
-1
14
29
17
21
J<.l4ll
JC)50
)Q5J
JQ52
T,lt,11
8
13
9
9
39
Tt>tal
5
2
2
2
11
Fi"·nh,,w,•r. II
!457"
Jll5R
!959
J<lt>O
T<lt.ll
5
7
2
4
18
l't•nnt•ch·
19M I
J%2
J9o3
-198-t
T,,t,ll
: t'dfill
.\1.•1111:/;,
:·,•r!l\'t'
,; l ·,· rrl,\t'
J()
3
5
10
J()
h
12
0.~
0.2
0.4
()ll
LS
() 5
I.!
35
21
-··.,1.7
2()
l.h
6
7
17
30
j,,h n~Pn
I %3-n4
J9n5
!9t>n
!9n;"
J%R
TPt.11
~,,,,,-, ..
Total
Nixon, II
Eist'n ht~\n.•r. I
J<.J53
1954
JG55
J95n
5
6
10
4
25
1969
1970
1971
1972
11
9
11
4
14
49
12
10
22
1973
1974
Total
Ford
5
36
36
77
1974
1975
1976
Total
Carter
21
15
22
24
82
1977
1978
1979
1980
Total
Reagan
1981
1982
1983
1984
11
27
19
21
78
Total
c,,J,•d ,1nd c.lku!Jtt>d bv the authors from successive volumes of Public Pap,•rs of til<'
l'r!''id,·l/t.•
.
.
•'Pf'<'.lr.lllCt' ntht•r th.ln m.lj,,r
L'S 'ub~t.mti\'t'.
Jl't.li!,•d F'<'lic\·
271
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
Description
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
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Speechwriting Office
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
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Box 3
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-003-003-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/13f64f713711c3dff62e704190e1be5d.pdf
d8d636350a8f1e8d71acf978852d065c
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative inarkerby the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton PresidenthtfRecords
:.~·
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
f.;;
Subseries:
OA/ID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Reagan Team's First 100 Days Record [2]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
----~-
- - - - ------
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTifiTLE
From Tom Walls to John Hart. Subject: Re: Reagan Transition, First
100 Days- Analysis, Recommendations. (6 pages)
I0/31/ 1992
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Reagan Teams First 100 Days
2008-0699-F
bm751
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C.2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
Pl Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) or the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) ofthe PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) orthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information ((b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) orthe FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) ofthe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request
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!172
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unusual lirne1." In summing u11 hi• pro·
11r•m. h~ declared, ··1 pledf!t! you, l1rlecll(e
myself, lo a nf'w deul for lhe Aurrrlcnn
peo11le.''
Nov. H, 1932, eleclion duy
•Se• El.,.·lion of 11132. lrclow.
Jan. 9, 19:13, presidrnll11l elect on cas I hYI·
lois
•lie receh·ed 472 of I he :13 I elec1oral voles
from lhe 48 ahrles.
•Sec F.lcclion of 1932. lrelow.
feb. 8, 1933, eleclor~l vole labulaled by
(:0nJ1reu
• Roost'vcll and Garner wt"le officially de·
dared el.,r.led.
1-'cb. 15, 1933, hl1 auauinalion ullt'lllJJII•d
by GlutrJIIIO Zan11ard, Miauul, H ...
•Zangara, an unem(lloycd llrid.l11yer, &red
ala shoU I rona abunl 12 yards a"·uy. Roose·
,;ell, whu hucl just linbhed Sllt'u~inJI to a
crowd In llay 1-'ronl I' or k, wussillinK in the
!Jack seal of his OJK'n louring cur. lie wus
unlnjurr•l. lnrl live ollu•n were wmuul.,d,
lnc:ludinM Mayor Anion Crnnuk of Chi·
cago. Cermak tlir.d. Mar. 6. Zou11uru wu1
t'811lured al lire scene or lhc assuninuliun
lllt'mpl, wa1lrlc-d, and found Jlnihy ollhc
mu11lcr of Cermuk. Zangolll was elcc·
lroculed al Raiford, Fla., Mu1. 211.
•Thb wu I he only assas1inalion allcmJII on
1 presidenl-elccl.
aLJICTION OP 1932
I
I
II
Soc:lalhll.abor porly, convened, A11r. 311, al
New York Cily, nominated Verne 1.. lley·
nold1 of Nt'w York for 11residenl, John \Y.
Aiken of t.lusaclnurlh for vice prcsiol<·nl.
Soclallel 1••rly, convrne•l, t.f11y 21. ul Mil·
wauke-e, Wis., nominutc·d Normanlluuuus
of New York fur presi•l~nl, jum"s lhulsun
t.faurer nfl'ennsylvuniu for \'ice Jllesi•l.,nl.
Communis& parly, convenrd. May 2/t, 111
ChlcaJIO, Ill., nominuh,d William Zr.lrulun
t'osler of New York fnr l•u•sld•·nl, Jum"s
William t'ord of Alubam11 for vic,. Jllesl·
dl'nl.
Republlun parly, convrned, )moe H. al
ChleaJIO, Ill., nomlnJied llrrht•rl Cl.rk
Hoover nf California fnr pr~·ddl'nl, C:harlt!S
Curlls of Kan111s fnr \'icl' lllf'tillo·nl.
•Tide wa11ho 2111h ll•·•rulollc11n nuliunul con·
venllon. II was lhc- lllh ll"l"'hlinm co•~·
mujor convention hdd in Chicago.
Oemocrallc 1•urly, con•·•·ue•l. June 27, 11
ChiCdJIO, Ill., noouinulo•d Franklin Ucluno
Rooieveh of New Yo• k fur III<!Sitl<"nl, Juhn
Nunce Genwr of Tc•11s fur vicc- prcsillenl.
•This was lhe 2filh J),·nrocralic nalion•l
convenliun. II wns lhc liflh lleouocralic
com·enllon held in ( :hiC"ago; il was 1l1e
l11h mnjor convrnliun lu:hl in ChiruKo.
Prohibilion purly, convened, July 5, ul In·
diuom110lis. Ind., nominuled William David
Upshaw of (;c.orllill for J>rllsi•lcnl. l'ronk
Slrwurl llrllan of llliuuis fur vice presi·
do•nl.
1-'armrr l.alror purly, conv••ne•l. July 0, 11
Omahu, Nrb., nnmlnnlr.d juc1ob S.·d•lrr
C:O•cy of Ohio for l•u·aillcnl,juliusJ. llclirr
o( Miunc.sola for vice ll<eshl.,nl.
l.ibcrlr 1••rly, conveou•d, An11. 17, ul S1.
Louis, Mu., nominull•d William llo1u• liar·
vey of Arkansas fur J•resi•lenl, Fran~ II.
I lt•uornway of Wonhinl(llln for vkt' Jllell·
den I.
t:leclion day, Tueuluy, No•·· II, 11132
l'opulor \'ole: 3!1,7~·1.1i75
1\uoscveh, 22.H2!l.~lll
lluovcr, 1:1,71ill,li!i4
Thomus, llll(IHO
Fosler, 103.25:1
llpshuw,lll,li72
I Iurvey, :13,2H
lleynolds, 34.fi:IH
Cooey, 7,.f31
Elc.cloral vole: :13 I. .fH shrles
olloosevrh, 472, .J2 >lulrJ
(AiuiJOunu, II; Ari:tonu, l; Arkam••. U;
Culiforniu, 22; C:ulurudn, ti; l·lorllla, 7;
(;~nrj!IM, 12; Mooho, 4; llllnnit, 211; In·
dmnu. l.f; lnwu. IIi 1\•uuus. U; Ken·
lucky, II; l.nuho.uoo, Ill; Mou)·lu•ul, II;
1\.lass..dmsclls. 17; MlchiKan, Ill, Min·
nc•olu, II; Miuo"l1•1•l, U, Mluto~ui, 1!1;
Monlana, 4; Ndrrus~n. 7; Nevudu, l;
Nf'w Jersey, lfi; New Meaico, 3; Nc.w
Yurk, 47; Nurlh Carolin•. 13; Norlh
l>ulw111, 4; Ohiu, 26; Okluhumu, II;
Orrjlun. li; m..... ,. hln111l, ~; Suulh
Carolina, 8; St1111h llalo.olu, 4, To•ulll,..
1o•e, II; Tea11s, 23; lllnh, 4; \'lrl(iuiu, II;
WnthlnMIOn, H; Wc·sl VirJIInia, H; Wit·
cousin, 12; Wynmilll(. l)
olluuvl'(, ~!1, sil ....... ,
f( :unnr.C'IIcul, H: U•·lnwMre, 3; 1\.Julu.,, ~;
N1•w ll•mp,hirr, ~; l'ennsyh·uniu, :Ill;
HIE Pllt:SII>I-:NT 132u•h
l"run of ollie c. 1\.Jur. ~. llll:l.lo Apr. I 2. I 04!;
fl2 )'C'iUS, 3!1 tlil)'>l
•lllllolf'\'t'll "''" ll11• lllh of 12 l'"'sl<lo•nlt
"'ho wl!rc t•h•c:h•tl lu !..•~•··nul lcnns.
•lie was lhe I :uh of IIi prcsidcnu who
s~n· ..d uuuc &lmn on•• h·un.
•lie Wih llu· tutl) ll'"'~i·l•~ul wlao wus rlr.ch:d
In ami •cr~•·cllh""' lr'luU.
•lie w;os lire uul)· JUC'Iulcnl who servc.d
murc tluau I wu u·uns.
•I h· "'")lite ural)· pr••:.ul.-ral whu wos cl,.l·lrcl
lu
(ur•rlh l•·uu
d.
Slalc rCI>rl"clllcd N•·w \"oor•
•lie ..... , lho: •i•llo uf ••il(lrl prc1i<lr.nls wlu•
II'JUC'lt!llh'tl N•""' \"uri...
l'ulilical pdtly. Uemocrulic
•llr ""'" lht' niulh ul 12 llll'sltlcnll who
were 1),........ ,.,,._
Til~
COIIK""'''" 7:1ul, 7~1h, 751h. 11oolo. nolo
7111lo. 7!nh
•lie "'a\ lin· nnh"IJil'Siclr•nl ~ hu ,,.,\.-.I'' alia
IUUrt" lltall (mil t"OIII(It''\t')
Adnoiui•lflrlillll>: 37th, 31Uio. :l!lllo,
•Jit:
~OIIIo
\\"il~ l(u• UUI}• Jtrt•:.idt•Ul M'hu lt.ul
llt••lt'
lt~&ul h\'fl aulrnini\llothuns.
A.ce al in~tul(•u•tinn: 51 )·can.
:rJ ,J,n'
llllh uf 21 IUt•iiclt•uh ''·hu '' ,.,..
th.tn lhc·ir \'it.:c 1'"'\iclt·nh II••••'\•'·
•lie~ woe~ llu:
)'UUIII(I'f
\t•h \\"ot'\ ~~~ )fi',U~.
(:
.......,.
fi!J tla)\
)"tUIIt.:t I
lla.tll
ln•uJ(uraliun tlay. Sa~luulll)", '-l.u 1. 1'1 It
•lluC•\t'\ e·lt hh•lc. lin• uorllr of nllic •·. ,,.(,uuu·.
h•rr•al h, Clu•·f ju\lke! Clt:u(,., I· •. .&11\
llutclu•t, 1111 Utt• c•aa\l purlie-u ulllu· I: •• , .... ,)
··J"I,il
w;J",
llu• lit'l ul lluc~t· iu;UIJllll.lll .... , al
"'hidr llul(ho•s ulliciall•d.
:J71h AUMINISTIL\'1 ION
I
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·1·1,e llunclll·<l l>uys··
'Mar.~. uppuinh·•l hi1linl ••·crc.lary olslolr.,
ldlllull; Ill> liul ......... ry of lrc•usury,
c....
William II. \\'oHollin; hi> fi;sl. \C'Cretory of
wAr, C:.·orJic II l>o·rn; hi• Ani ullouu•y
JC•·n•·rul, ll~nn•r S CununinKs; his liul
s•·crel;or)' uf na\')', Clo11ulc A. Swumon; his
6nl l"·•lmu•h·r ll•''""rul, Jumel A l.'u•l•·)·;
lois only '"""'lury uf inh·•inr, llurulcl 1..
I··~"S, loii jj,.J St'Crdury of OJiriruhure,
I h·nry A. Wall.•c••; Ius li ..l secu•lur y uf
c·utniiWJ('c:. I )iluu-1 (: Uu1••"f; tuul his only
lc'l'H·t.uy uf lnl••Jr. 1:rnnn·1 Pt~rkinl
•Wu<Miiu ''"'~ ulli•···. 1-lno ~·~li" ····d.in~ \\11\ llu- li ... t ur lwu fc·uutlc:
•n•·n•hl"U ur llu• c·~•l•iuc·l. 'flu" ull.er wus
U~la.l :ul1>-ll11hl•y.
Mar: fj-!J, hour~ lmlilla)'
•II•· 11\lll'll 11 J•rudonuuliun. t.lur. :\, .whidr
............. u r....... l•• y ...... ~ lmli<lay. Alllruns·
uc·hcUllo It)' hnulu. lru'l nt111p1111irt, &.'JC"'clil
unimu. unci l111ihlinJ(
"······ IUSJlf'IUit•cl Au
lu.an 11\\UCiulinnl
wa• a•lnrt•tl
un lluo C'liM-'1 nJ J.C,ulcJ, \ih·c•r. IIIII I ("tiJff'UCy.
Mar. H. lwlcl lir'l 1111'\\ c un(,•n•nt·c•
•llc· ltJ(fl'c·cl In uu•••l With lht• llft';t.\ twic-e•
Wt•c·U)'. Tlw "ullc·n •Jue'\lluu rule•, iu·
,r
I,
1
I
iiUcl
1'111111111(0
I
I, I,
I l\:,,.,..,,,11'·
uue in~lnrtt·cJ.-l•ul I•·UaJIIIId'iiU}( ""'· nl
lowo••l
•Thii """' llu• liul of lois !I!IA ,,... ., • ooool•·•
''""'' Umin.t h" liul 1er111, l11· lu·l·i :1.11
~udt t"nul•·rc·nn•'
ft.lalf. !J. lint lt'\\ir,n uf 1Jul ( :.uu(l'"'\'
··rhc• urluaiuistrotliuu cunllnll•··l t ... tl• tlu·
s......,,. ••ueltlu· llhu\e nf lh•JUt"·•·llltlht'\
'I l.t• Ur·tuun.th ttuinctl 12 ~·n.•h· ·•••·I !f;
Jluu·.•~ ~··••h Tl ... St·nate (Uti nu-ual·· 1 ' ' • ·•n
ll\h••l ul !i!l Uo•ou•..:roh. :IIi 11··1'"1'1" ·'"'
nu·l UUI' l'nrutt'"f .... &.orilr Tlu· lltoll\t'' I rit
C11mhll•ol11l :113 llo•rnUt:ruh. II"/ ll··loolhh
runt, .an•l li\·c• fuunt•f l.uh.uat• \
~'>~•r. !1, >ij!IIO'll Euu•IKI"ncy ll;uo~uo~
llolu I
A"l
•Tiah ut'l, "hid• 1(11\'t•ltun lucuul th·.• ••·luau
dl)' &K•\\t•l\ U\'C'f buu~h•J( u1ul lltllt'U• ),
"'''' iullu•ltll"t•cl. IUI\!Wtl, Mlltl ~IJ(nnl n• I•·''\
th•u• t•iJC,Itt hmcn ·1 hr se·t·•··lu• )' •·• 11..- II•··•·
ltny \\'liS uulltufllt'cllu Ctall iu oall ._.,.Jtl auul
tc:uld l't•rllii•·aah·~. l.uuuliu.c mul •.• , ...,lu•Jl
.11 .. 1<1 ... ,.,,. jtrululull·•l.
t.l•r. 12. luuoult"il\l hi\ ,il\1 "lit•·-.ulo· tlt.tl ·
•Thi-. \\"it\ ..... lil't ...... , •.• ,..~.,I
1\
lu lh•• ll•llinn thniuj( hh lu'l h 1111 I Ia··
l•ltr;t"'• "lue• .. ith• dml.""lm\ lu ..... allltl•ulc··l
In I ;ulm • lllllllll'lllnh•r
It· ......... .
(J,n
llult Jr•·r • llu·u llu· \\ .t·.lttud•·tl
ua.~u.a.:•·• ul lh•· ( :ul111uln.t lltu .. 1,- ,. hlu:
...............
I' (:
•:~.
• It·'.''
n........
~~~~~ Ltlt•t_ IJ_!!\'111 ll_llft• In ';,.,., . ._,J
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report, Roosevell e•1•lodned, In the sim·
plesl terms, whod was belna done tu end
lhe &nanciul emersenc:y.
•"f.verybndy undcrsluuol him," quipped
Will 1\uarrs. "even tlu! hun~ers."
Mar. 20, sil(nrd economy act
•This act cui vcteruns' pemions, reoluc<•d
fnleral sulurics by IS tlCrcrnl, and reur·
ganlred lt'VerMI sovcrnuarnl agrnl'ies. Op·
IM>K'd by 11 lurll•' bloc of Democruh in the
llouse of lleprrsl"ntaliv<"S, tloe bill pau••d
with the uiol of fill llel'uhlic:un •·otcs. 266138, Mar. II. It passo·cl in thr Scnule, 6213, t.br. 15.
•lie bclievl-d I lab acl would suvc $!'11111,000.·
000; lhc aclualsavlnl( wus about $2~11.01111,·
OliO.
Mar. 22, 1i11111"l beer-wine revenue ad
•This acl amended the Vol•teud Act of
1010, ancl legaliud lloe sale of wine ~ntl
beer that contained no more thun 3.2 per·
cent of alcohol. The 11<"1 went lnlo elfeC'I,
A1n. 7.
Mar. 27, Issued e•«•llive order abulishing
federal furm l.oard
•All federal •Mric:ullnral asencles were con·
solidaled in the Farm Credit Admlnislra·
linn.
Mar. 31. sil(nrol ( :i\•iliun C.cuasr1 vutiun C:.oq>S
llccoautnwtiun lleli..C A"l
•This act C:Jcah·d 2.'W.IIIIO ruud construe·
lion, soil '"osion, OooKI tnnlrol. nutiunal
1••rk, arul reforestation jobs fur youn11 men
between sloe al(es of IH and 25. Thmc "n1·
l•luyf!d '"""h·ed $311 weckly-$25 of wha<h
wu sent to their families. The c:cc em·
1•loyed more thun 2.111111,000 by tloe end uf
1041.
Apr. S, e•leruled •l<"adllne for lurnhtl( In
11olcl coins und certillc111es to Muy I
•Anyone who laad coins or certllicut"s
valued at SIOO or more was rer1uireol to
e•chan11r.them for other money. At uf Apr.
5, abonl $630,1100,0011 In gold or cerllli·
cates had been turn«"d in.llowever, t600,·
000,000 In ceriiDcalrs jJius t400,1JOO.OOO In
bullion and coins still were hoarded. On
May I, tloe hoarded total waa still about
t7UO.OOO,IIOO.
Apr. 12, lois nominee as minister to llen·
mark, Ruth llryan Owen, r:on&rmf!d by
Senate
•Mn. Owrn, lhe danJihler of William Jen·
nlnssllryan, was the lint Cemule American
dlplomahe officer.
,
.4 nr. 19 Pnlrt tlorulard ohanrloned
t"R.tNKUN Ut:I.ANO IIOOSI::Vt:I.T
•This brought about • tlcdine In lhe dollur
v11lue abroad, but conunorlity, stock, and
silver jJrit'es lncreated on American e•·
clmnMeS.
At"· 21, ,conferred with l'riane Minish" ).
llamSa)' Mad)onnld of Grut llriluiol,
White !louse
•This was the first of a series of cunvrrsa·
lions on world economic conditions with
M~cDonuld, Premier 1-~louard Jlcrrlol of
Frunce. and reprrsomlulivcs of Canada, Ar·
&enlinu, Italy, 11111 lllllflt'IUIIS other Cllllll·
tries. The tulks extended over a period of
months.
May 7, jlromised "purtneulolp" of government and Industry
•In a lireslrle chat, he S11lclthe government
would usc the lnllulion lo·llislntlon only to
permit dt•hton to repuy "in the none kind
of dollar •vhich tloc)' IKJrrow<"d. ·•
May 12, signed 1-'ederal Emergency llr·licf
Act
•This act created a nation•l relief syu .. m,
a<lminlslraterl by llarry l.II••Pklm.JI.,If ul
the S~llO,OOO.OtJI) at•luuanlotlon wat allot·
h•d to the slutt:s; loolf wus clistnbuted on
the basis of SI ferlcral aiel for every $:1 of
sinh: or lucal fund• spe111 un relief or uneon·
ployr.d.
tolay 13, signed .'•l(<kulhuul Adjusllnent
Act
•This l('t wu deslgnerlto raise fum puces
by c&Jh substdlea or rentola••rments in e•·
claanRe fur eurtatlme111 nf production and
by elloblishlnll Jllorily poicet for certuin
l1osic commodities. l'oua.J. carne from t .. cs
levied on farm product amJCesson; this lea·
lure of the AAA was declared uncunslitu·
llunal hy the Supreme Cu<ltl, 11136.
May 16, anoj>Oserl International •llurma·
rnenl al(rel.'ment, I real)' ol nun•ggreulun,
lo 54 n11tions
•lie also senl an explanatory special mes·
sDge lo CongreN.
tolay 18, signed Tennessee Valley Authority
Act
•This act authorized the lVA lo construct
dam and power planh and to produce ami
sell rlec:trle power and nitrogen fertilizers
In a seven-stale ref!lnn. 111ls endrd the
controversy that load edended over 13
)'ears about the dbJ>Osltlon of lhe tl65,·
(liiii,OIIO wartime Jmwer and munitions
l'lunt at Muscle Shoals.
Mar 27, ll11ned Feclerul ~eurltlea Act
• Thh act rec1ulred moll new sec:urltlcl II·
ltYlll
ourd to Lu: rr.ljhh,r•l "'illo the Federal
Trude Commission.
fohr 27, aulhorlzrd poslul ••'·lugs system to
tnuchasc t IOII.OIIU.OOII .. c.rth o( 80\'rlll·
"'""'bonds
JuneS. obunclonnll'nl o( ll"l•lslumlurd o·om·
l'lctecl
•lie siflnrtllh" l(ulol rrpl'ul j.olnl resolution
-\\·hich cuncdlo-rl tlor 11<-lol cluuse In all
feclcrul and prh·ulo: olllil(ulions.-ruaking
oil debts Ullll CIUIIrUI·IUIII llflrt'CIIIl:IIIS I'Uf•
alolc In lcl{ul tt•oulcr.
June 13. signed llome o,. nl'rs lle6noncin11
Act
•This act authuriu:ol lloe llome Owners
I.LOun Cuopurolion (ll(ll.l:) to rcliuom·e
nuu(arrn mtniK"II" tlelots. IIOI.C rnacle
luuns un uboul une milium lllliiii(IIKCI by
June. IU:Jii.
June 16. siynetl Nnliunol huluslrlul RccO\'·
er)' Act
•lloisarl rreulrollhc Noliunolllrtovery Adnunislutiun (NIIA)und c>tulolishecl rc11ulo·
lory Jfodes fur tontroluf munerous Indus·
lrio:o. ~mplo)'ers wcce caempted frum
June 16, sigurd cuaerscncy r•il•••n•l ,,,.. .,
ax•rrallon art
•This ••·t c·ocated the ollice uf fo·ol··•··', .... ,
din111ur uf tran~porlulion. "'l"'·•lnl 11..··u·cuplun··· dt~u\e of the~ hull'l'"''·•ltuu
Pt l uf 111211. uud I(U\.'~ I he lnh'l"'l-•1·· l ·.. , ..
lll('fl'l' c .. uuninunl supern~•·m ....... ~. ...•••
huldant( l'ttlll))auu~s
June IIi. ;ollou·alcol S2111.111HI,111NIIu ""' \ olo·
piuhnt•nt for conshuuion uf 3:! Ill'" ',.,.
•••••
Juuc lti, finl scniun
Cuu~u··,,
u.t
'"""""'
June 16, l'ock<"l vetoed omconlnu·nt lu l•·•l
r•r;,l f;&rm luau atl
• 'I his "'''' tlu· li• st of his 6:15 •·c•hw·s. II,.· lio ''
of Ius 21;-) jk>d<rl •·etoo:s.
•R•nnt•,·,·ll , . .,,.,d,•·cltlte \'clo t"n'''' ,... ,,,.
uflt!ll tla .. •• uny ollu.•r Jlrt•siclt•ul. Jl,,,,,., ,.,,
Clo:vo·l•oul ,.cloe<l5/l:llnllsoluriul( lu• o·i~lol
)"I"UU
iu ulfir~
·
Junr 16. cl••t•llll lrtl un finl \·ut'nliuu
•Ill"' lhnk a t111in tu Uuslun. "-1i11\, '' 1••.• ,. In·
IMourclo·cl llu· A rnl•rrjoc·A II ..... , •.• \.Ill r...
( :diUJM•h•·'l••. N~"'· Unuu"·if").. f :... , ... ~;,
aulifruil ICiiun; C:111plurres WtJe SUMf•
anh•ed collct'li\lc l•urgurnlng uml mini·
muon wogesund luours. Tloe second secliun
of the uct cstnl.lishrd lhe l'ublie Works
Aolminhrrulion (I'WAI. whio;lo. provloleol
·euoployuu:ul hy puhlir ..... clu construe·
tio11C· ·•
•NIIA ulfn:lt.-d 6vc huudtt·.llua.,strlllllielch
and lw.,nly·two million cwplo~ees; 11\Y.I\
spent more lhon U,OIJO,Otiii,IIIIO on thirty·
four tlomisund Jluhlic WCJr~ s. II ugh S. JJJIIO·
sun IA'd$ IIJllllliutrd a<lnolni•lf•tor or NHA;
So:creiMJ y ,.f lntcrlur lclu:o was ai'Jiolnted
adJOinhlrulor of 1'\Y A.
•In I OJ~. llor NIIIA wu do·dnrccl uncoosll·
luloon11l by lhc Supreme l:~ourt.
)oone 16. >IRued b•nl<ing oct ul 1033
•The Gluu-Sieiii(OII Ac·t c:ro·c.teol the Fe(leul
llonk l>o•1.u>il lusur•uce l:Orporallon,
wloich guur unlc•col l1u11~ olr•jJOSits under
t5.lllHI, ll!jiLiflllrcl iiiVI'Shut•IJI frorn COrn•
naerclal han~in11 to halt speculutlon wllh
dra>Oslls. •nd wiolo:nr•l tloe puwen of the
f<"dcrul llo•servr llooul.
June 16. >~Knrcl Farm Cr,.rlit Ael
•llais act reur11•nizrd •Kfi('ultural credit ac·
llvilirsto confunn with his exc:cutlve orrler
of Mur. 27, urul ('un•••liolutcd the l'"arm
f:,.•dil Admlnhh11lion, the federal farm
loourd, Pnd lloe fc•olr•rul form loan board Into
a shaMie •Renry .
,,f 73ul
•"Till'
llu•ult~•ollluys"
hoclr·nclo·•l
June 2!1. urrivr•l •t CanljkiiH·IIo
•II•• ,v,u llu~ u~coud of s.-\·enlu•·\ial··uh \\I au
'i\ilt•tl ( :u•••ula wl.il.! in oflin•.
•I Ia•
\YII\
ll1r )iallt ,,(II IJU~\Uit!nh
"lau II fl\
....... uuhiolo• ..... lJ s.......... ill ullio •.
•This Wdl llu: first of his se•\ t'U '•··•h lu
C:unuclo >•loile in ullite.
)ulr :J, u·fll\o•ollu ('UIJUIIillJ.S ru ~··1•1 ,,.,,.J
.....
•In a
111<'1\111(1!
Et'UIIUIUU'
to tloe World Mucu-lwl\· uo11l
c:onfereuce-. IAnulatU, 1•• ;
\lllll
tlu: U.S. wr.ulcl not supjJOrl u c u11 o·n• ) ·
stolulililll( pWJIIUIIJ J>flllk"l'ollo)" II,.· l(•olol
loluc 1ouliuon, Franl"c, llcll(ium. 11..- No lh
c·rlulllls,lluly,l'nlruul. and S\\it~r•rlaoul ....
ucld,·d thai lhe 11ruposal wrn "a l""'·h u1~
ti6c:ial anrl leiiiJIOrary uprrin,..nl. ull...-t·
InK th<· nmnclary eadruiiJI•' uf " 1.... nu·
linus only," ancl '"KIIrsh·ol tlout llu• '""
fcrence luna ilsollf"nliun lu ··uuu•·•··ul.ua•l
l"'rmuno·ul linun.-ial sluloilitr ··
July Y. si~:nt"d tollun lealilr l'llll•·
•This t'tKio• nlmlislll'ol doilcll;olour .•. ,r.ol•lr·lu•ol
the ~ll·lll'ur we«'k liS of Jul)· 17. a111lli .... 1
I he noiuiruoun wro·Uy wnl(r 111 U 2 cu llu•
S.nrlh unrl U3 in the• Nurth
July II. uppuinll"tl a·urmcil In 1 , .. ,, •l•uo~h·
r.-lurloililnliun I'"'IC'""'s
. •Th..- l·nnndl cou,i\lc•d of lht· c o~l.and 1111tl
)
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UWICIIT UAVIU J-:ISt:NUUWt:ll
4112
Term ahOicc:Jan. 20, IU53.to)on. 211, 1!161
(II years)
•t:iscnloowrr was lhr l11•l of 12 a•ro•siolcnls
":ho wru· rlec.·h:d In '''"'u1ul tcrtu31
•lie \VIII ll•f' lau.l of uieu~ &»11~\id•·nll wl.tt
s"rved ,,.... lernu.
•llo wus 1111• l!ilh u( IIi llfl'shl<-nll who
served nunc lhan nne lerm.
•lie was lht' host u( ri11h1 in••shlo•nls who
Krvetl rur eiJihl yunn.
•lie was the linl l""'icJ.,nt whose lcrm of
ollice wa• limited to eighl yean hy lhe
11rovblons of lloe 22ml Amo•mlnu,.ll.
Stale reauo:>cnlcd: N•'"' York
•lla wus llou srvc•nlh of C'IKhl tnt•shll'nll
who relll<'tenh"l No·w York.
•lie was lhe l41h of 15 t>resl&lomiS who
rl'llrCSl'nlcd stales lloul wo:rc not tlocir liD·
lh·e Slult·•·
l'ulilical parly: llepnhlic:an
•llo• """' lhu only llt•pul•h•·•n Jl<eiUicnl o(
liar 2thh c:cuhuy "I"' w•n• h\U lu&~t•"''"''•
•·lc•·liun•
•llr wusiJu, 1311• ~of I~ Jl<.-snlo:nls wl111 w~re
llrpulolicanl
Con,;oe•u•s: Rlrd, 11411., H!'ilh, lllilh
Adminislralions: ~2nol, ~3ul
AKe al inauguralion: fi2 yrurs, OH day>
lnanKurolion day: Tut•sclll)', Jun. 20, lll!ll
• Eiso!nhower hMik lloe lllllh ur ollie•·. oulnoill·
hlert'd hy Chid )mlic·c· l·"t~,.lo•rick M Vin·
sun, '"' I he rout Jl<orlit·<• u( lin! Cupilul
•'fhiJ wus lluJ ••:nunl .. r lwn Jnnutcu•••liun•
ul
which Vi"'"" ollicilolcd.
Jan. 21, appolntL-d his first secretMry of dale,
John Fosler Dulles; his linl set·relury of
tre11sury, Georfle 1\.f llnmplorey; his linl
secrelary n( d..frnse, Ch;ul••sl~. \Vilmu; his
lint allnrney Jlelll'ml, Jlcrht•rt Jlrowndl;
hit only JIUSIIIIDSIN genurol, Arllnu E.
Sununrrlield, his lirsiiC.'crelary ol imcrinr,
Douglas McKay; his only k'crelu•y u(
aaric:ullure, Ezra T. Henson; hlslirsl SI'Crc·
tary or cununerc:c, Sillclulr Wel'l<s; und lois
lint secretary or lubor, Marlin I'
• Wilson rrfused to divesl hiuoso:U u( hb t:c.l·
eral Molon slock, valued at S2.SIIIl,lliMI.
Aner Wilson changed his mind und aJirerd
lo sell his slock, he was couGrmed h)• lhe
Senate, Jan. 26, and took ollice, Jun. 211.
Jan. 26, Issued e•eculivc order e•l•l•lishlng
nine-member lnlrrruolionul luforonuliun
Activities Doard
Feb. 2, dcliverrd hi• lint Slate of I he Union
message to Congress
ot::lsenhower annouuct'd that he had ended
U.S. Navy patrolling of the Formo~ 51 ralls
and ret]Ul'ltrd the e1tcnslon .of ft'llt COn•
trol, P•"•Ko of lhe lluwail slatuhnocl hill
and llnl'ndment• to lhu Taft-llarllcy Acl.
Feb. &, Issued eaeculive ordrr suspending
all wage controb and most consumrr goods
price controls
··
t-•rh. 7 tiJrnM 11'1 l'rPallnll poat o( umler·
n........
tuur ul l~tlln Anu·rina
A1•r. IG, nuulc hi• liul uo.oio~r furcign pnliq·
aultlrc~~. \\' .. ,lain.,:lun. I) (:
·
•II•· prnpcnt•tl II••· iul•·rnuliuuul liuuluhnn
C•l uul1l.aq· lu,c···~. iuh•rtt,thcutllltunhullu
JIIOtuulc I hr. pt·aC'.·fulu,.· .,( ulmuic JU•wc•r,
uuclll ... luuuunJ( ut liuuliug uf ollu•r Wt~&IP·
uns in u 'J""rdtlu tlu• Anu.tricun Suciety uf
N<'W>pupo·r Eo1ih11>
A11r. IH, do•t·iolo•d In pnl up llfe>iolo:nllul
yadol, U'i/liu1111lllul{
•Aller !oc'f\'il'C fur Atu.~rkuu Ut!d <:run t·n·
lt•rlotiniuJ( of wmuulc·d !.t'l vtCt'UW'U, wl.ia·h
o·nolo:ol July 311, lin• )'UChl wus a•ul lulu lhu
"mnlhlo.olllh·o·l ·•
AI"· 27, i>\lu•olo·"'r.ulive ""'''' ellul.lbhiug
nc•w fo•clmul t·n•plnro'e wnu il y
AI"· :IU, a•rul"'"''l $11,51111.11110,11UU cui in
·rnumn• do·fo:n>c und fou·i1111 nid prugr•ms
A11r~IIIU, hsut'd mililury lt!UrJinlli·t;olion pldn
J(i,JlnJI uoldiliunol t·unlrollo civiliun ollicials
o( 1tlero:mc dcponlm.-ut
Moy -4, Jlfct•h'cl -1·1 slalc 1111<1 live h-rrilnrial
f111Vermo'n wl>o mel ul hi• rettou•sl, \Vu•h·
inf!IOII, U C.
M•y 1. sulunolh·d ol..f""''' l1111lflcl lo Con·
' J:rc·•s
•11•·1""1""''" umililur)' houlj!.,lo($~3.2011,·
111111,111111, whid1 "'~' $2.:JIXI,IJllll,lliNI lt'ss
ll101n anupuscd loy Trnnuou.
loloy I!J, sunl SJII'Cial •n•·S>af!c In which he
rc·couum•wlo•cl lu rc•·isiuus lo.l C:UIIJih!SS
•lie ••keel Ullt•n<ionuf lho•o•u·cu Jlroliu laa
.... )'111111 June :Ill, ro·puool u( II .., live perc.·nt
l'nl in L'oupmuhmolull,. s<lwdnlcd for Apr.
I, 1115~; cunlu111nliun of ll11· II llerccnl In·
crc.ueon pcuuunl iucnuoc tuaes; pn>tpone·
menl o( lloe olol·niCc securil)' tou lncreusc;
and t'>lrmum uf ''"""" I•• roles schcdulcd
fur ro·oluclion, Apr I, I!I.'H
M•r 22, •IKn•·ol ulht..,,. ln1uh act
•"lllis acl t·onft.'rro'd lnlc lo suluncqw•l
couslulluuds lu the: slulrs. This ended lloe
tidelands uil olrawsiu cunhoveuy tho I he·
Jlun ,.·hcu l'ro••iclt•nl Fruullin 1>. lloosevcll •
clnimc•d lloc lu111b fur llu• fcderuJ JIIIVI'rll·
lnent in IU37.
Ju11e 2, hsut•tl elt.'l'ulivc order lhat r.sluh·
luhcd lnh•rroulinnnl Or)lunlzullons t.:Sn·
ploycc·• l..uyully lluuul
• Tloia orolcr raleoull'd llu' provisions of lhu
ucw loyally chrt·k syslemlo cover U.S. cill·
I'"'K'""'
TilE -t2nd AIH•IINISTIIATION
19S3
.~
Apr. 12, repurh•ol •PI"'inlnuml o( his
hrulho·r, Millnn S. Ei>cnloo\Ver, us hi11>er·
somal wpu•wnlalivo• In onul<e fucl·linolirtK
•This wos lloe linl Mel hu oiacned.
t"cb. 17, J•lut~d buoiKt'l rccluction uh••o~olof
1111 rdid during linl news conference
t'eb. I !J, (uvurC"tlt:slt~l>lislunent of Air Force
Ac:oulemy, similar lu w.,sl Poinl und All·
nopulis
Mor. 2l, wilh Cuuf!H'I\inuul lcutlt•rs, de·
•·ideollo alluw JIFI: 110 ClJ.•Ire, Juow 311
1\tar. 21i, mut wilh l'rrml~r Ilene Moyer of
Frnnce, WushinJIIOn, ll.C:.
•Additional U.S. uhl 10 linonce lloe Frendo
war lnlndoclolnR w•s ugrced upon in prin·
ci(ldl, since Ei>rnhower con.hlerl'd I he
c:nullicl u pari or Ihe Slrlljl,l(le 81CIIimt Com•
rnunism rather tiJun 1 c:olonlul wou.
Apr. I, i.sued uecnlivu order witholrawlnJI
ci\·il scrvice protucliou from 134,000 lc•l·
erul jnbs.
·
At><· I, tiKnecl acl cro,ullng dca•arlmr.nl of
hcullh, t'Ciucallon 1111d wcllurc
•This wuslloe lirst cacc111lve dr.p•rhnenl es·
loblished In 40 yean. The depurlmrnt of
lubor hutl bt'en cre11ted, Mur. 4, 1913.
Apr. 2, declared he woulcl dctermlnr US.
cnmb111 slrenglh, nul Secrelury of Pdo:nsc
W;isun
Apr.7, welcomecl Chuncellor Konrad Ade·
nauer, White lluu'oC
Apr. II, aJlpoiniL'CIIinl SC'crelory or hcallh,
educ:ulion and wrifure, Oveta Culll llnhhy
• Mrs. llohhy wus I hr. second of two femulf'
rnrn•lu•n of lhe cuhluc:t. The olhrr
w"'
l
.
nntimml UfHMIIi:t:nlions.
)11111· II. th•tlkull·ol home u( l'u·•iolo·ul JJ.,·.,
clurc· ll•tt•h"\'t•ll. SaJ(ounuu~ II ill.·" u.elu•u.tl
slorioll', ll)'h'r Jl;o)', N. r.
June I.a. tl••tumnt.·•·•l '"lmuL. lnllhlfl.~
.tl
ru•uuw•w•·tawnl••••••fi,,.,. U.utu .... ,,(,t ,.J
l•·.c•·. IJ., .... , ,.,. N II
•llu\\·,.,,.,, lu• ,., .. ,,.,,,.,J l 1 t\ l·•loo·l tl 11 t
lutuL\ llaal .uhut·ah·clllec· u\·,·rllatun .. fll11·
KU\'t'IUIU•·nl :o.ltnui,JJ,,• lt'lltU\•••1 ) 1 .. 111 ,1.•1•·
dt•J•oultn,·nl J.lualit•' .. ,.,.,,, ... , Jutw 1/
Junt· 15, "'hte•t.l hut pti,·ah• rt·la,·l •·•II·.
··nu·~· ".,.,,. lht· fiul .uuiJe•c •••ul•·• J.. , 1 111
Vt."hH'.\
)tun• 17. '''PU'S'h"cl up)HJ111utn h• I ··••n·
V;olio·y .\ullll•fil)'
•II.• ~llhllu· fn\"hft•fltlu• t•lultin.alll•ll h( llu·
tl•uum.tul l··•l•·• ul rule· iu TV A. "1 ... J, J,,
l·ih·tlu\ &a priuu: r·c.nuph• ul ··c·tn:pu••: ''•
l'iuh~•n..
·
June 1!1, •l•·ui•·•l lin••l •·l··uu·ru·r a•l•·u f.,,
Julius uuol l·:11td lluwulu·rK
-~~~- UIU) ~JU. Jlu\I"U ..I!IJI ''11101) Jul\1' IUH
clt·nm•·•l lu d.· .. ala •·~ns uf uull.un~ .. , ...... ,
1"1'111 l'"'"l'lt.•.'' lu! iaitl CtUI\kle•d ul ,.,,..
ipiuu•y ht CUIUIUII I'SJii•III&IJ(t" iUUf \11pplr
ill I( ulnonk dulu lui lor. II S.~ II "' l'l'i I llu·
.... , ......... 1( ..
''"''""
.~ ••• , ........... ~ .....~
; ....
~
····~(JII, (J\·.iltiiiJI, N.\· .• thitl 1'\I"IUIIA.~
Jun~ 25. \ii{IU'cJ dl'l J(I&Uihlll( t•llt' uulll••l•
1••1\ln•l' ul \\IU"o~llu l1 itLii\lanl••
\'Oil
•••·•I
·.l.u·
it Ill
June :uJ. "'nl spel'ialau•·~~·•ICI' h• ( :.... J' ..... , •n
whl··h he• .,~~:,~cl aullu•a ity tu .... ,. '"'l•ht\
fcMt~l "'llflltrl (ur tnu~IKI:IIf')
lt'lt••l
lu
(oio•Jully naliuns
Juit• 21, PJ'IK>inh·tl l'•e•i•lo·ul Jl.,., ... , In I:!
llll'lltl•e!l
I'UIUIIIiUiOU UUI(U\ &'111111•'111
t'l''
I
&aliuau
•Tin.• cmuutitlt!t: was luuuc:d h• ~ha•l) lnlrralhun·auuai and cl•·t.:nuiu,. " .. iala ,),.,,.(,(
h., lnlo•u nver Ly slnlu uml loH·.ol ""'., . .,,.
IIU"IIIt
l(tiU\'rl
IU'Cr.JIIt:cl
IJw
tllollflllllll
sloit'. A 1111 Ill.
July 27, koorc,au Wur ., ... 1.,.1
•An &anui1lic·c wus ~ignL•d Ml l'nnUIIIIIJ"'" (,).
rrprc•,••ullalh·r.s ul lhc nutuu.uul~ ul at ••
llnih·tl Nnhuns uncllhe Nurll• 1\.,,,.,, .., ..... 1
(:hitlf•\1• ( AIIIUUUIIi\IS.
II uuln• '''IHU I IQ llu! U111iun. 1••. \a I• I
\\'c• 11111\l llt•l IIU\Y u·Jan UUI I(U ual
•In
nur f"I'U'IW (lUI C&llt•JI
"IJ,,,,,,.._.J,.,ul
llu• t••uuinJ( IHttnlln. deuu•.: u,,. 1••·
UtHI t•l pri,ntwt scre·c•uu•..: .uul t·•
r·ltaUII(t•. u1ul clurinK llu· 1.. ·"•l·h
I""·."' r ~ ,,., j, "f ,.( 1 f,"' •'':'·1 ,, ·'I 1 1 !..!..•-
",
I
�,
i.
• ·.. ( 'r
r.,
• , f•
•
,1
•
, 'I·
I I• i l • .
t ., .
.•
1
: '·:
JUliN tTLLIOt:IIAI.U a.t:NNt:ltY
Faubus, 214,195
llau. 46.478
l>rckcr, 4~.919
llobbs, :IU,:Hl
Oyrd, 116.248 (unpiL-dged Democrats,
Mississippi)
others, 3U,262
•Kennedy wus the 14th of 15 presiolenls
who were elrcled wilhoul receiving a
nuojorilr or tloe popular vola.
Electoral vole: 537, 50 sl•les
• Kennedy. 3113, 22 slulc·s 1
(Arkcmsu•. 8; Connet·licul, 8; Delaware,
3; Gc:urMiu, 12; lluw11il, 3; Illinois, 27;
l..ouisi•uu, 10; M•rylouul. II; Manac-hu·
sclls. IIi; Michlgun. 211; Minnesota, II;
Mluourl. 13; Novaola, 3; New Jersey,
16; Now Melico, 4; New York. 45;
North Carolina, 14; rennsylvaniY, 32;
llhode lsl•nd. 4; Snuth Carolina, 8;
Texas, 24; West VirKinia, 81
•Kennedy abo received I he voles of li"e AI·
abama electors.
• Nixon, 219, 26 si111rs
(AI11ska, 3; Arizona, 4; California, 32;
C".olurddo, 6; l'"luridu, Ill; Idaho, 4; In·
diana, 13; low•. 10; Kansas, 8; Ken·
lucky, 10; M•inc, 5; Montana, 4; Ne·
l•raska, 6; New llompshire, 4; Norlh
Dakota. 4; Ohio, 25; Oklahoma, 7 or 8
voles; Oregon, 6; South Dakota, 4;
Tennessee, ll; Utah, 4; Veronoul, 3;
Vlrginill, 12; Wa,hinglun, 9; Wisconsin,
12; Wyoming, 3)
ollyrd. 15, two slates
(Aiohama, 6 of II voles; Miubsippi. HI
•llyrd .... o recelvrd ll•o vole or one O~i··
hnrnll elector.
Note: S.:n~&lur llarry .... ll)·r.J or Virlllnla tc·
ceivcd the oma>ledged voles of Dc-moc:rallc
electors in Mississippi and Alahama. 11 wcll
as the vole o( one Oklahoma Republicun
elr.clor who defected all hough pledged to
Nixon.
•lie wu 1he second youngest to take the
o11lh of olliee; the yuunge•l was 1l•eodlJie
lloosevelt.
•lie was the 11111 of 21 pn:sidr.nls who were
yuun11er lhom lheor •·kc: l"'"'i,lenll. ICeu·
nedy was eight )'CIIU, 275 doys youn11c:r
than Johnson.
lnauauulion day: frhloy, Jan. 20, 1061
• Kennedy took the oolh ul ollice, admlnlsten•tl by Chid Justice E11rl W•rren, on a
1•latfonn on I he aenovaled eosl front of tl•e
Cdpitol.
•This w;u the second of (our ln•ugunlluul
al which Warren oilici•le•l.
N.tltJ: Kennedy wuthe seromlultwo prcsi:\
denls who donated llu·ir s•loriesto doarhy.
The other was lloover.
·
TilE 4•1h ADMINISTRATION
1961
··n,.,
larue)' general, Robert t'. Kennedy; his
lirsl poslmaSier general. J. Edward D•y; his
only secretary oflnterior, Stewart L.lldail;
his only aec:rcl.ry of af!ricuhme, Orville 1•.
t'reeman; his only secretor)' of c:ommcrrf',
... _,_ -- "A
I• .
I •'
·:'
,.
tiC""""''"'
l'c·ace Curl's
•lie upjKtinl•"l S:uJ(I'lll Sluh·•·r us oh~t·•·tou
llllhL·I't·lll''' Corps. Mar. 4. Shu•·•·• ""'in'
IHulllf'l·in·l:•w.
t.l•r. ti, h, ....,l eu·,·uli,·e urd•~r uu •·•au.al••p
tK•rtuaul)" in gu"•••rntnent ~ll•l•lo)·nu-••• .an• I
KU\·c 1 nnu·nl cunll al·linK
t.lar. H. s••ul IIM:Ci.lluu-nUI(t' tu C:un.:••"\\ 111
,,·hi,·la In· ,.,k,•cl ,,.,,.uulr hill fur 111 •\ uh'
!I
I
I
I
sd1uul lu.ntl
•In
lo t•rnlc·C'l hit ''"'''"'' uhl , •• n
"hid a Wilt tunic I Mllud• 111 ( :.til•••
lit- ci•d•·s 1iut'C' U bMflt!tl •itl tu .......... .
an sc:lauoh. al till' elc:anenhtr)" auul s•·•·untl·
PU ....... '
J(f oun,
ur y lo•\'t'h, "" IUOIIIIII'tl St'IJ;Jrah: I••JII\Iil
I'CUOlll.
J•n. 30. delivcrc·cl his linl Stale uf tloc llnion
linn.
cni'UdKe lo Con11re-s
"'•'· 1:1 ... n·,·rf"'l tr.n·)·rur pl.-n to aui .. t·li\in)(
t'rb. 2. senl •IJC'ciul rncssugr lu Congress on
stunduul\ in t..~~tin Aanrak•
•Thh w11! the AlliKnce fur I'•"M'''" I'"'
econonay
•llc:i.u~rd fur 11n lncc<!ule in ruinhnum so·
ci.li seo:unly lten.-lih l1um Ill to t43.1em·
•lie u•~•·•l Cou111el\ (ur llu• S!\llll.tMlii.IM"I
1><lroU)' edension 11f UJICilllllti)'II\Cill iouur•
&llllouri~•·•l in l!Jiilllor lloc luh•r ·A"'''"'"""
alice (or lonK·Icnn uru·m1•ioyed. a111l au
1-'uml fur Suei~l l'ru11reu. 1\111r I~
in~rease In the ntiuimum wage to t1.15 au
Mar. 2:!, ,, ... , spcdol mcnuKe lui :..,.M ....,, "'
,,.h,.·h lu· 1111(1'11 fnunnlion ol •in11l•· (, ·••·it~n
huur.
rrlt. 3. i>'IIC•I cacculivc uulo-r providinl! ....
ui•l PJ(•'IIl').
.
·: : ' . 11110,111111 f.:do:r~tlauisluur" 111ogram (or C:u·
Mor. :l:l, sl.olo·tlli.S. l"ulllun uu 1...... olu111114
h11n n·fnK••es
lclo•VIU'II IJI'WS L'OU(Crence
• Ahoul sidy-li,•e lhous•n•l ~:uh11n refugees
•II••
soicl:
were ln,·uive~l. alouul holf ••I 'f'hom were In
\V,• .. , .. fpcc•l with 1 clrar 11n•l uno·
the Miami urru uf f'iora•l•. I .
sialt·olthrcal of a ch•nKf' on llu· 111
t'cb. 6, sent SI>CCilll •ne~>•ll" to C".ongress
h:rna,innally 1grrt'd l""ili<ou ul
IU8in11 eslahlishmeul cof 1nugram to en·
1..,,,, Tins threal ruus t'ouulr. lu
cuuroge (oreiKil lr•vd in US. and the re·
the
of lhrl.aulitlll.l"'"l'l•·. """
duct ion or duly·fr"e allu"·onceslor Amerl·
wl\h uuly h> be intiCI"'"'Inol ptul
CMtl·tuuelsU from S:lllll 10 tlllll
po:11h11l. h is puSC'd r•lh•·• lo)· llo•'
t'rlt. 9. 1enl SIM'Cial n•el\o(ltl to Congress in
uultlnoy Ol'•'tllliun of iuh·w·•' •h"'
which lu: 1110110S0:d retlo•rul health insur·
d•·nt rl•·•n""'' dhf'ch••l lrum ""'
ance l""f!r•m lm IMf'd
snl•• tho• country. 11tis •• .. ""' "'"''
•lie 11lso suKK•••h·d fctlerul ldtolarshlt•• fur
ru•l. II l"'"ce is 10 Lr ••·lou· -.·•1 111
mcclu:•l ami tl•:ulul slmh·nll 11ntl lcderal
Smlllor~st Asia.
granll lor me•lir•l • .Jcnt•l, and nunlug
Mar. 24 and Mar. 2R, srnl >tn•nol lnnl111'1
school comlrucliun and lm1nove•nent.
revision IUr'lllll(el to Cuuttr•'''
t'cb. 15. l•lct!l(ctl support of NATO
•lie f'Sihnatrd e•p••ntlihnc'' c•l thll.hU'l.
t'cb. 15. receh·c•l cahle ou cllsurenamenl
01111,01111, with a drlictl u( $:2.11·!1.1-HI,Il•~l
from l'u:mier Khuuhchrv
(or li11'1111061, and SHI,U:IIIIIIIIM•I l\'tlltll
•Th<! 1\uuian h•••lrr said al(rf'enoenl be·
dc·lirilnl S2.1121i.llltii.IKKI fuo li" .llllli:! II••
tween the ll S """ thr li.S.S.Il. on disar·
sllitllh•• Eiso·nhowcr r,lhn~th·• .. 1 \ ;!t.n•••.
ua~&noenl "wuuhl he • Jill'& I joy fur aiii>CO01111 owl SJ,UiH,IIl~J.IIIKJ >uqolu ·•·• ",., ,.
IIIc 1111 earth ........ llreul boon ror the
mislt~lcc·n
•lie asl.t•tluull)' t2.111KJ,IIIl!l.lllllluoull· II••"
whule 11( nuwUud."
t'cb. 20. tcnlsprclllllu<·uuge to C..onf(rf'ssln
Jan. 21, ap110inted hb only secretary of
I alate, Dean 1\uall: hb only secretary of I rea·
lury, Douglas Dillon: his only secretary of
1-··• c u~.,NuaLLonD.MitJ•u•t.:.·.JI.IliJ.•JIOilluiJ:IvuaJ;I·:.__jl!.:.u!!!!ll[!!oe!O!r!..!ll!..:._!l~l~oci!!!R~es!i;~t~•l~s~li~r~•l~ae~c~r~e~t•~r~y::o~f~la~·----~
.
which ht· 1''01"''r'l SS.623,1HKJ.II11tll•·•l··•"l
aitl·tu·c·cloll ulion atrogram
t.t .. r. I. i'~u.-d t•aeC'ulh·e uull"t , .......... ,..
lt 1•aat•t• t:11111\o 11ilnl lliUI(fliiU, '\t'lll "llt"ll·l·
lnc•UaM,I'lU CI•UHieU in which lu- luut•u\t·•l
II"""·
TilE l'llt:Sil)ENT (35th)
Term or office: Jan. 20. 1961, to Nov. 22.
1963 (2 years. 306 •lays)
• Kennedy Will the lest of nine presidents
who served less thun unr term.
•lie was th" lui of Ill presi•lenh who
served one h'nn or less lloan one lrron.
Stale reprc~nlcd: Manachusells
•lie Will the last of fnur preshleniS wloo
1
\ represented Mt~~sachusells.
,Politiul party: Democrallc
.•lie wu the lllh of 121'residenll who were
I Democrats.
.(:Ont(relln !17th, 8Hth
Administration: 44th
1A1• at lnaucuralion: 43 yeau, 236 tloya
•lie was the youngest man electe.J to the
presidency.
•lie was 43 years, 163 days old, when
elected.
hur, A1thur J. (;ohll•crt~.llllll hilfirstaecrclury of hrahh. eduultun ant! welfare,
Ahr11huu1 A. lliloicull
•K•••n•c•ly Will llu• nuly ,,,..,i,leul who •t•·
llnllllctl u Lrulh"r to ll•e cuhht"t.
•lh• waslloe II'Coml of lwn 1ne•idenu who
appointed '""'"""kes lu the c~thincl. "llae
olhcr was Wihnn.
Jan. 25. unnouuc:ed rclt:~&sc ulllll-•711ien hy
lluniuns ul lirsl t>reu cuufr•euce
two alflllCII, C11phiu Freeman Olm·
slcaal un•l C~&pl:tin Juhn Mc·Kt~nl', were the
lllf>'iving crcwmcon of a Jrl reconnaissance
1•lunl' >hoi duwn h)· tlu· lhn•luns 11\·er lhe
ll"rinK Sea. Jul)· I, llllill.
•'litis wuslh•· hnllu•·,iolo·ullt•lllft'51 cunfrr·
enc:e seen amllworcl onlh·e television. The
•udirn•·e w111 ell""""'" al sial)' enillion
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JOliN HT:LI:UI.\I.U Kt:NNt:ll\"
requested hy his auedt·ceuor fur drfcuse
apauoa.rluliuns; pwpo,...d lncr<"asrd l'ol.uis
submarine nnd Mlnuh•aonu ICIIt.l I""'
Jlrams; a reduction of thr 11·711snt•N>nnic
hmuhcr JJiuNru.nl; caucc·ll·•lion uf lh•• nudt•llr J•luuc 111 Ul(rum; llnd ul•••ulunu ... nl of
73 milil11ry hast's.
t.far. 26, mrl wilh Prime Minlslrr Mucmil·
luu of Greul llriluln, Key West, lo"ID.
•ll•er issnetl " Joint •t•tk•nllo thr U.S S II.
fur 1t "cumtrucli.-e ro·ply'" lu Wc.tert•
JlrOJKlsals r.•l(uuling luns.
•lie discusse-d the l.aolinn situation wilh
Jo"orelgn t.linbter Gromrl..u at the White
llouse. 1\.tur. 27.
Mar. :JO. 8JIJ)Oinlcd Vice l'resldenl Johnson
as chairman of National Advisory Council
for l'euca Cora••
Apr. l, 23rtl Amendment to Comlitullon
ntlificd
• Su Constitution, p11JIO tH:'I.
Apr. 4~. nmfcrro"<l will• l'rlmo Mluhh:r
Atotcmlllun, i.. uedjninl stutemenl or "high
level of agriN"meill,"' While llouse
Apr. 11-12, confrrretl with Chuncl"llor
Adenuuer of We•t C:errnuny, \Vhite llnt~~e
Apr. 12, congratulated U.S.S II. on first
m11nned Rixht in eatralerrestriul sa•urc
•1\fdjor Yuri (;.,J!urln was the Jlilutof Vc11toA
I. the &rat mnnned spuct't"uft to 110 Into
orbll around the earth.
Apr. 11-20. llny of l'lgs liu•co
•About fourll·en hundred anli·Custro Cu·
ban eailes, who were lrulnrd and ecluii•Jled
by the CIA,Ianded on th•· ht·aclu•s of west·
• ern central Cuba, al lbhi11 de (;od.inus
Jfll"r of l'ill•l in l.as Vill.u prcwince. The
\lnvJUion Will 11 ,JN'Ctaculllr fuilure; morn
jlhan twelve lnnulrr.l were captured.
lie assumed full rcs1)0nsihility. ·~n,,.rr's an
old uying," he s~tld clurin11 his Atlf. 21 press
1confcrenc:e, '"that victory hMs 11 luuulretl
fathers and ddeal Is au orphYn,'" and
added, "I am the responsible officer nr the
aovernment ...
Nol~t: While Kennedy referred
to the
11hrase, "victory has a hunclretl fathers and
clefl'al II an ora•han," as au old sarlrtJ!. It Is
likely that ho u•meml.oerl'cllt fromth" nut·
llcm plc:turl', ·~rhc o...sert Fna .•• In the film,
the t•lmnr II •·nic-f'CI by l..rc• Carroll, who
Jlorlrayed t'ldol Murshotl C:.. rd von llulltl·
tedt, the World War II c;mcnun c:nm·
rdmling nfticn. 'The De"''' ....... WM' the
l
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screena•luy wu wrlllen l•r Nunnully Jolm·
son.
•On Apr. 2:'1, thd While llumc lsluc.J tl•ls
slnl•:nU."III:
l'rl"siolo•ut Kcmoo·dy '""Unic-oi from
the beginnirtll tlaul •• l'rclioll'nl he
hcun sole rcsponsihility.... lie lo"s
sluted il on ull occu1iun~ ucnl l1e
rcslulcs il nuw .... The l'u:drl.,nt is
llrongl) opposed to illl)"nne with·
In or ""ilhoul tlw udminislr a linn
ullemJIIinRIO shih the ft'>JIIIIISil.oil·
lly.
•Tiois wu' Ihr. wonttldt•ut nfhis otlrnlnillru·
lion. llis Jlrestigc suiTrrt"d immeasuruJ,Jy.
l'rlvutely. ucroltlinRIO lois ••u·clul cuumd,
Thoo.Jore <:. Sorl'nsnn. he suiol:
J low cnultl I huve l•t•en so fur olr
ltuse? All my life I've ~nown Leiter
thun lu tlcpentl uu tho: eaperts.
I low t-oul•ll huvc '"""n su stur•hl,lo
let tlwm J!U uhea.Ji'
AI"· 20-28, discuued C:ubun situullon with
Hcpuhlican leaolr.rs
•lie conft.'rrf'd with furmer VIce l'resi•l••nt
Niaon. While I louse; with Senulor llarry
Gnltlwalu at Camp fJav•tl. t.ltl., Apr. 21;
former Pre•i•lent Ebcnloo.v.,r, AI"· 22;
<:ovcrnor N"lsou llockclcllcr. Apr. 25; and
former Presidenl llou•rr In New York
City, Apr. 28.
Apr. 211. df'd.ued li.S. woulclllnl ""nhnnolon'"
C:uh11 to Communists
•"llul let the rerord sho\V Ihut unr patience
Is nul lnedrnuslible," he ,,,I,Jthe Arnrrican
Society or Newspaper 1-:tlitors, Mtlrli•IR:
Shoulrl il c\·cr IJlpo!llr lhul lim In·
ler·Americun dochlne ol onn·
lnlcrff"rcnce 1ner'-"l)' t•unc•~•ls ,,,
t••culel a course oJ' non·at:tlcon; If
the nations of lhh lu·mispl.~re
should l•il to meet thc·lr cummlt·
menls IIICPhlll outslclo: Cuuuunnhl
penetrutlon, then I wunl It clearly
undenlocNI that this jlnvernmenl
will not l11•slt•l11 In mreting Us prl·
mury nbllflallons, wh""h arc tloe
security of our nalinn.
Apr. 21, announced lint auotrct of l'f'ace
C:orps, roud hullding In Tunf!un)'ilta
Apr. 22. al'l"''"""" Muwt•ll n. Tuylur to In·
vrs1i11111e CIA rule In ( :uhun invudon
Mar :t, t'onfmre•l with l'rmhlenl llubih
llourRusha of Tunhla, While I louse
I :l
JI!I61J
Consultunls on l·"m ctl(n Intelligence
M•r ~. wolcl~t·cl liut luuut:lnng or munned
American SIIPL"I"Cruft, White Jlouse
•I If' h•lrphno•r•l his t:UIIJ!rutululiom to Cmn·
n11111drr Aluu II Sh··a•nul. Jr., whol w•s
uJ..,uul tlw II.~.~ 1~•1~ Cl"""'''"'" ufter
the sul>oul.itullliRiil.
t.ldy II, pu:scuh•d Dishul(nhhed ServiC'e
t.IC'ddl .. r NASA In c ............ Jer Shea•ofll,
While llm,.c
Mar 16-17, m11•lo: stole visit to C:una•l11; ad·
dorssc•l Cuuodi~n l'arl•uuwnl, Ollawa
•Ill! wus tho: J,foh uf sr.-.:n l""sld .. nts who
•·lsited Con•tlu "·bile In ollice.
•lie wut II~<: ninth of II jlff'lidents who
traveled uuhidr the U S. "·lollc In ollicc.
1\hr 211. uulo:u·ol Allnmr)" (:cnrr•l lloherl
Kenneolr ""to tu~e •lluecesury stea>~" alter
Frecdnm llhh·n all•cloc•l an•l he•ten In
MoniKmlu:ry, AI"
•AIIutnl")' <:rnt"fnl K••wu•d1 oulerc:d fuur
lmn~rcol U.S "''" •h~h to tloe Al•l.um•
sl•llf CUJIII•I u111l an Molclitionul two hun·
rhejlmuuhuls. Muy 22.
• An\OIIJI the 211 or mt.rc lnjurrd In 1\lonl·
11umery \'fBi Pre•i•lcnl Ko:uueoly's personal
rf'llfeseulotive. John SI~JI~:IIIhaler,
May 25. tleliverr.tl •J>o'l"ial m~ssa11e to Con·
; . II'"" In v.·l.ic:h lu: ••kt-J lcRislullon lur
· moon prujct·l, r•pllnoletl military slrenRih,
htcu•oll'<l luu·iKn uul
•In whal l1e cullt•tl lois sN~111il ~talc of the
Union rneh~il'". hr suit!:
I
I t ..•lie•·ei tltdl thb nallma should
commit Ihe-Ir In 11rhievlng the soal,
befor c lhis•lrcutle Is out, of laud inK
a mall '"' thr· uauun ami rrlurnlnJI
lahu •uldr lu tlu• rcuth. No slnMie
spuce pruJo•c·t ht this p~riod \Viii be
1nure hnpu·ui\·c In uu•n&cind or
more hu1aortunl lur .the lllral(·rause
.. llon ur ····"''·
1\tayeaplo
26, vciOt.'<lr clad lailllm William Joseph
Vmcenl
•This w•s tlae lint ol hh 21 vetoes.
Mar :111. cunf~rrrd V\"tlh l'rinoe 1\tlulsler Oa·
vld llrn·<:urlnn of luurl. New Yorio City
Mar 31. arrh•o•d In l'uriS. rn route to VIenna
meo•lint( with l'rronia•r Klorushch"v
•lie nn·t ..·Ilia l'u••hlo•nl t:huolo•s ,J,. Goulle
on si• oo·ca•luns dmlnR his threl'·tlay visit
lu l1 aris
•Ill" wos the thirtl ••f fum presltlenls who
•·Jsltr•l f10n•·•· while In ullin•.
•lie ,..., the lihh nf 1evl"n l'resldenls wl•o
•
Juuc 3-...fl. au..-1 wall• l'rena ... r Kl•• u\lu lu"".
Vieunu. A••,tria
"'iU lhe only Jli~Sitl~ul "'l'n "~"•lr··l
·II~
Amtoi:a wlulo· in ollit·"
June ~· :>. \ i>ih•ol l·:nl(l~n•l
•II•• uwl with J•unac· f..liui\h'l t.l.u ltull-•u
utul oh1u·ol with l)uo•o·n Eluulwtl• II
•lit• wu\ llu~ fotull. nl fi\·e Jllt'\ol•le·ul\ "I•••
\ itih"l Eul(lurul \\ loilc in ullin•
··n.u ,,.,n the fjnt uf hh a"'·u 'i'•h I•• I· ua<
land ..-hilo· on ullio·e.
June ti, nuul,~ tt·h·,·isiun •n•l••ulin 1•"1'"•• I uu
Khru~hdu•\' &.'Oilfe•rt!ut·t:. \\•tuh• II•••"•·
•lie suul lln•rf' hut! bt,.:n
... nu eh,•·u•uh•sy, n•• l11u ul h·•n·
Jll'U. nu tl•u·•U nr uhunul11m1 l•r
ritlu-1 sula·: uu ad\· .. nlutt•• •u • unl:t"iliun wMS ~ilh••r K~Aiau·.t ut t(l\'·
ru; nu uaul••r clt·t·i,inn wn\ •·••I.,·•
1111111111"•1 ur laa~t·n; 110 \IM't lu• ul.tt
IUut(rt''·' "·us t•iltu~r udtit"\t'•l
IUt"it'llllt·tl.
111
•lit• euhlt•tl lh••l. "''lailc \'it•ws c·uull••"lf·el
tl••rply. ··ullruo.l llu~ duuuu·lt ••I c·u•uu.uui·
c-aliun wt•t•• "IK'tU:cl uwrc· full)···
Juue !.1. IJot•ttaul U\inl( •·ruldu•t
•II "-'li anuuuucrd th.allac luul , ....i •..-.ll•n
t,,,ck tlurh•A • lrrc-·pltu•linM n•u·uaun\ in
iI
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Ollew• in t.luy llo: ducard•·tl lin• nuhln,.,
Junr 2:1.
J••n~ 12-1:1. cn~eh·••~•l \4llh l'u•tnin An.in·
· louc fotnfunl ul ltul)·, Wluh· lluu\o"
June :lll-:12. o·mor,... ,,.J with l'rronio·r ll111 ~tn
l~c•l• ul J•1•un, While l111n\C
•lit~
&IJUIIkt•llll hSUf"liM joiul
&IIUumn• •"til I'll I
ol lh" ,•,tahhslunl'nl of tho· II~ l•t••n
Cuuunilh•t· on Tnule und F•·•·nuauu·
Alluin.
•u he• ccuupuit•d uf c·.. l·•w·l au•·u•·
hf'n ,,( '"''" ueliuru.
June 2:1. lu·oud ... , ... rt or Arni•K\\ull ....\oil·•
E. Sh•\"t"ll'\1111 un I"CUIII.UIIk PUtl .... htu·ul
cunchliurn In Suulh Anu•riC'd
•Slc:VI"IIIUU. \\·ho hdtl \iSih·c.J II'Ulttllltltll·\,
t~&icl t·ululilioan hud v.·uu•·•u·•l. lltul " l.tlt·
the Alliuu,·r fur Pwl(rt'lt JUt•K'""' ··Mt·
lr•clrd uui•·,.nul rnllnr~i•""':· t 1 ' JM'I'
ulnrlly h•tlsulro·ro·d ht"CUU\1" ul tl··· I: ........
ht\'D1iun.
June 21i, "I'IM•Inlrol <:t·nrrnl
M,,.,.,.u II
Ta,·lnr u\ lait utilahuy u·tn•·"·nlulu•·
•l'aylnr. p ruruu-r c·hit•t ul dull. \ \ I f ' , , •• ··II··· I
hl Mt·th·r ,July.
Juur 26, •l'l"•inh·tl ful"l·lin•linl(l ....... l '" lu
,.r,III(Pir nuuilimt• stu~•·
•II IJUDrh•r uf tlu• nu•ft"huul llo·o·l J,,,J J., o·u
;_II
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Ill Cit.\ UU MII.IIUUS NIX liN
wa1 klll~d. Nllon d~parl~d l•y air bcfnre
the •hoollnll occurred and did not learn of
the auanlnallon unlit he arrived In New
York City early in the afterunon.
1>«. :5, 1963, admillc•cl 10 New York bar,
Albany
Dec. IS, 1963, bccnme senerul partner of
law &rm
•The name of the Gm1 was chansed to
Nixon, Mudse. IInse, (;uthrie and AI~•·
ander, Jan. I, IIJ64.
tolar. 22-Apr. 15, 1964, made round-the·
world buslneu lritl
Julr IS, l!IS.,Inlrudu~~ RellUblicun presl·
denlial candidule, Jlurry Goldwater, lie·
publlcon nullonul convenllon, Sun 1-'ran·
cisco, C:al.
Setll. 4, 1964, reflhll'rl!d as voll'f, New York
Clly
Seplembcr-Novenaber, 1964, camJIBIIIned
(or Goldw111er
•Ito camp&ll(neclln :111 slates, lrav••lo•d mora
than !\U,tkKimlles
Apr. 10, 1965, vhill'd Moscow
Au1. 2S-S~111. 12, 1!165, loured Asia
Apr. 27, 1!166, arl(ut•d first ca~e he fore Su·
l)rernr Court
•Ills cll,.nts, thl' Jumra IIIII fumily of l'hilu·
delphia, l•u•l aued Timl', Inc, fnr iu.,osion
of privacy fullowlnfl thl' 1•ul•licution of 11
plctu1r story In the l'eb. 28, 1055, issue of
Life Ma11azlne. The llill1 wc·•e awardee!
SlO,OUII In compensutury damul("' J.y lhe
New York Court of Appeals. Whcu Time,
Inc., ap1>ealrd, tlae Supreme Court ~II"""'
lo heor the case.
•Nbun UJRlle a St"t.·oruJ ural JUctt·•ataallon
hcforl' the Supll.'llll' Conal In (ktulh!r.
•TI1e Supreme Court dechJ.,cl, S--1, UI(Rinsl
his clil'nls, butulso concludetllhat the jury
laatl bt•en hnpro1H'rly instructed. Nhon an·
noun~•·•l that the tase \Vould he u:lrieol,
bnt •n out-of-court settlement WDS r~oclaed
In 10ti7.
July-August, 1966, with family, made
ronnd·th~·world tri11
Septemh~r-Novcmh~r. 1966, cumpuil{n~d
In 35 slale1 (or R6 llepubllcan congres·
slonal tDndidales
Jan. I, 1!167, name n( law firm daonl(rd to
Nlaon, Mudjlc, IInse, (!uthrle, Aleunder
and Mitchell
.
•Ill• nrw porlner wa,.John Mll•·la,.IJ, "·hom
he lah·r 11ppolnlr-d as lah lirsl allnflu•y Ken·
rral.
Apr. 3-24, 1!167, toau,.,J Asia
Mar 5-16, 1967, toured South Amcllc:a
June S-24, 1!167, llonu·d t.lioldle 1;:.,>1
Sept. :10, l!lli7, lait mntha:r alied
Au11. H, 1968, nrnn1nnled for p1r.ohl1!nl,
lll'pnhlicun nullonul L'Onva:nllnn, l\liaml
llcacla, tla.
Nov. 5, 1!168. election day
• S'e Election of lllliH. loclow.
Dec. IIi, 1968, presidential eleetou cast bal·
loll
•lie ret'clvcd 301 of tin! 5:.18 elecloral vote1
from the 50 Uales.
• See Ela:c:tion of lllliH, IKolow.
l>ee. 22, 19611, with t.lu. Nlaon, all~ndeal
wedding o( llu•lr dnu11hler ,Julie, In 011vid
Eisenhower, Murl1le ColleJiiate Chu1ch,
N"w York City
•lib aun·ln·law was tl.e grandson n( l'rcsl·
dent Eisenhower.
Jan. I, 191i9, nome of luw Grm c:laonRe•llo
MauiR"· llnso, (!nthrlo on1l Alo·•Pruler
Jan. li, l!lli!J, clecloral votes 111lml•ted hy
ConKrt!SI
•Nixon and AJinew were officially do•dnred
elt'cleol.
•llnm .. hrey was the ln>l or thre~ presiclen·
tioal cundhluta:o \\·hu llllielolly annmmccd
the eJ.,ctions nl" ll1cir OIIIIOncnls.
'
tlti.IICTICIN 01' I !168
Republican pnrty, convenc1l, Au11. 5, al
Miami llc.a~h. I'IJ., rmmlnoh•d lliclmrd
t.lllluuu Nlron of New York for 111rshlo•nt,
S1•iro Therwlur" Al(ru:w of l\larylnucl fur
vke preshlcnt
•llois Will the 211111 ncpuhllcon Ill linn•( CUll•
venlion. II wao tlw unly ""l"'hlicnn eon·
venllon held In Mi11111i llcuch; it wao the
only major JIDrly t·oon·ention held in Miami
lluch.
Ucuaocratlc JlDrly, c:tmvenL"<I, AuK 26. at
Chi~o11u, Ill., nominated tluherl llorDiil)
lhuni•l•rey of Minnesotoa for preslolent, Ed·
nuuul Si1tu1 Mmkie of Main" fnr vice
llr<•sidc·nt.
•This wa1 the 3!'1th Uemoc:JMIIC notionol
Clnlvc•ntion. It wn• the lenlh l>r.motr•lic
tnnvenllon hrld in C:hlcofln; It was llae
2!'1th mujnr 11111ty c·unvenllun hdd in
C:lalrni(O.
•Co•ml(c Cnrley Wnllace of Alnl~auua un·
1unu1red hi• canclhlocy, 1-"rla. H, lllfili. Un
0
,.,.
"·
••
1
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I ~IIi!' I
~.
,~;.a,ulidalc'' "'~" c·l•·d•·cl. cn&at.in~ lai111 th&-
llt·moa:a.alir- o·uuolrol•te (rom thai >lult• On
(kt. :), Wull.u·c· u.uauod Curtis Erncnm1
1..-Mooy .,f C1ohl"'""' a• his vke llfi'Sicl•·n·
Juri runnilllllll·''" ·n,., \Vulluce thifiiiMrly
"'on. u•utwd 11,,. ,\u~t·rie•n luclt·lu-nt.lrul
pari)".
•:tc•·tion <loy, Tu··,.l.o)". Nov. 5, lllli8
l'otaular natc: 73.211.!'11i2
Naaun, 31,711!'1, 1110
llnnol'l•u·y, 31,275, lliS
\\'•llaC'c. !J,Illlli.Hl
olh"''· 2H.·IH
•Ni•ou ""'" the '"'' ,f IS l>reslclcnls who
wcr e do·t·kd wall1uu1 receivinK a rnajurily
ul"tlu: 1"'1'"'"' , ..,..,
1-:trchuul •·ute: 5:!11, 511 >lutes omd Dislrkl of
Cuhuultin
• Nimn. :1111, :12 \Inks
(AI1u~u. :1: A ait.unq, 5; Cnliforulu, ~II;
Culur.ulu, li; llo•law;are, 3; Florida, I-I;
lcloalm, -1: m........ 211; lncllmau, ll; lm•d,
~
't ·I
U. ~UIUUI, 7; 1\e.·ultul..), ~1. P.l•··"•llll. l .'
Muuluuu, 4; Ne•IUil\l...t. ~~- ~..... , .~d.• I
N•. ,,. II;UUfl\luu•, ·1. N•·" I•·• ,,.,. I •'
Nt•\\" ~l.•ut.'O, -1; Nut lit I .u••lu•-• 1.' ,,J
1:1 \·ult·s; Ntulh IJaL.ul.l. ·1. C tlu • ·,,_
C1Uuhuum, H; C ,.,.,....... I•. ~-.uti I• • ••
•·lin.•.
H;
s....... u.. ~ ......
II; lit ilia,
L •· ~~~~~ ,
~:
Vc·rm•'"'· :t. \ ,,.,.,1 •. I.'.
\VnL'UU\iU, J2; \\'\ CllltlllJ:. 'It
ollurnl>hH•y, lUI. 1:i \t;ah·, ilurltl1·.l11• 1 .. 1
( :ulnrnlai~
(Cunnt·clir.ul. H. ll•,lri• 1 ul l :.. tuaul·u.
J. lluwaii, 4, M;airiO'. ·I; t.lou' l.u .. l. 1•1.
t.t..,.,sadnuclh, 1·1. ~lulalr.ua. :!1. ~ltu
"'"'"'"· Ill; Nc·w leu~- ·1.1. l'o·uu· ol
\"1111iu, !!II;
J,l.u .. l. I. lo·•·"· "i
m,.,.,,.
\\'•"hinl(lun. Ui
\v,.,, \ u~o:uu.t.
;I
• \\'ull1u·r•, .fli. lin- slolh'\
(:\luha1na. Ill. Arl-.111\;1' h. C;, uq·11. 1.'.
l•mhinnu. IU; t..li"'"'I'Ju. 7J
•\Vull.aC'c uho ·rec:r.h,Td llw , ..... •·I ,,,.,.
Nurllt c.uulinllt•la•t·lt••
I
Tilt: l'lli·:SIUENT (37th)
Ttuia of ullicr.: Jun 211, 10611•Niu>r~ w.l\ the lonl uf 12 Jlrcsldcnls ..-ho
............,.• 1 "'
""·•id!!llll.
•II•• \\aS 1111' s"~'""l uf twu Jllcsiolr.nts whn
l.. ul .,,.,.·iuudy ,,., • ,.,J •• vice JUclid.-nt (or
h~n h·ra•" Till' utl ... r \vu1 Juhn Aol11m~.
•II•• wus the (,.,, uf lorut prtsiclmoll who
... ~,.,.,, alh·r the ··ou ... lelioin or llll'ir vier·
··ic··
,. lll.. ·~idt•ltliitl h'UII).
'•llr: w1u tlu· uuly I" ••oidenl who served
ultt•t hul IIUI illtllt··•ltalf:ly 11..011 lite C'CJUt·
I,Je•uun ,,r lai) ltll't• JU•·~uleuliul h!'Un.
•lie wu• ""' uuly I'II"Siclr.nl "·ho, hovlnR
SC"'f\'l'tJ 01\ \·ice llfc,icle•nl. dicJ UOI 'UC'C'ct•d
tu tlor. l"'''i•l•·•wr "I""• lhe dc11tla o( his
111 •=•ll!t·r~'u' nr ll.c t'un•a,l•·liun of his \'ice·
IUetult·nti.•l l•!••u.
St•lc re1•rc•cntrol: Nc:w York
•JJ,~ wou lht•
lust uf t•itchl lu•·,icl.·ttl' '''"'
"'llft"••·nh!tl Nc~w l:'o•k
•llc• ""ll\ th•• lo"l uf 15 Jllt'\Uit·ul' "1 ... ,,.,,, c•
,,.,,h•cl 'lult•s lhul \vt•••· 111,1 llu u u.llp ,.
,.........
l'ulilii"OJ 1•arty: llcJIIIIoJu·uu
•II,• \\a\ llu.•lu)l of I-IJnt'\ulnth "h" "•·•··
"''lliOioiiC'Uin.
Cuul(rr"co· !11>1, 112aul
A1lmiui\lroliou: •Iiila
AKt" al.inNUI(IU•Iinn~ !lfi
)'t'IU\,
It
clot\\
lu .. ul(ul•liuu tl•y: t.l•tlltl;n·. J;uc ~~·•. l'lt,'J
ur
• Nnuu ""'" lht~ ....... ··llit ................ II el
I•)' ( .l•i•~f ju,licc~ Em I \\';u u·u. un 11,,. , .. ,,1
pl.11a ul till' C:ul'itol
•'llu' wan lhr lasl uf lmu iiMuJC.n• ;tlumo, .al
v.luda Wurft'll ollidutr·cl
Tilt: 46th AUMINISTIIATIUN
1!169
li"t \o'Cicluq· u( hatrra.,r. W.1llo·r I llu I ··1.
hi' lii\IIC"'c·r•·lury of DJCIII·ulhn•· I lall··••l '·I
Jan. 20, Ol'l'"intrcl hi• lint sc•crrldry uf slotr.
Wilhum I' llul(c·u: l1i' first ll'tfl•lury uf
th'U\111)". I lunrli\.1 1\ c·uur·rl)·: lai•lif'l "'"II'·
Jury ,f al··fc·""'· t.lo-h·in 11. l.aircl: lai• lif't
ulluruc·y Jlr'lll'rnl. Jorlou N. t.litdU"Il; l1i• I" hi
• t
, •••
t, •• , ... , ,.
,I
tttj.,f "II ~f
Jll,.onl · l1it
IJ;tulnl; l1i.\ li1'l St-c-rl'lun ••I • ............ ,.
M.uujc·t• II Slolll\; lai\ 1•••1 .,,., •• I u' ..1 It
lam. C;, ... ,II•· I' Sd.uhJ h" •·•·I ..... •• l.u, ..1
lu•;tlllt, rtlunlliun au.l ndlo11 11 ..1.,,, If
l"uu lt. hi' II• ,. \tTII'Inr, ••I
111111 ········•·•llflll'lll.
I•· ..... u, ..• ..... l.u
c:....• ,.. \\' u........ '
�j
··--~ ,.
seo
end his &rst teeretery of lrensporlallon,
John A. Volpe
•All but llickel took office, Jan. 22 The
con&rmellon of lllc~el was ddor~d on
&rounds of doubt ahout his pmllion on the
conservaliflla issue a111l ubout hh rrt>nrl·
rclly close lies wllh thr nil hulmlry. llickel
was con&rnacd,Jan. 2J, u1uJ took oRke,Jan.
24.
Jan. 21, disruned l.alln Amrrlcan proLiems
with Calo l'laza, Srcrelury·Generul of Or·
sanlzallon of Amerlran St•l~s
•llals was Ni1on's &rsl m~rllns wlllo a for·
aljln offichol while In nllir~.
Jan. 23, lssue<l c•erulivr order I hal created
Uri11R ARulu C.ounl'll
•Tius C'<luncll conslslcol of seven cohluel
officcn end the vice 1nrshlen1.
J•o. 23, ll>lkllnted Arthur 1:. lhorm lo
newly-creotr-d 110st of rouns.-lor lo prtsl·
drnl, with cahlnet rank
•Uurna had srf\led as doalronon of the coun·
ell of economic advisors during the Eisen·
hower edmiuls.lrallon.
Jan. 24, rescinclcd President Johmnn's ec·
ecutlve order awardins lram·Paci6c air·
line routrs
•Niconask~<llhd Civil A~rouaullcslloar.lto
resubmit the reconunendations II hacl
mede IO rrcosldcont Johnson. John sun's re•
jecllon of some r~nunendaliom of the
CAR E11mlner and subotlluliun of l'tloer
elrllnes, with "'loose t'lccullves he loud
been on friendly terms, had given rhe to
chergea of "cronyism."
1 Jan. 26, attended lnlerdtnomlnallonal rdl·
alousservh-e conducted by lleverend II illy
Creh11111, 1-:.0st Room, While I louse
Jan. n, held &rst news conference, While
House
Jen. 30, sent lois Out II>L'Cial messuge to Cnu·
gress, requesllns ealr.mlon of aulhnrlly tn
reoraanlze eaetullve ln1nch of JIOVeJII•
rnent
Jan. 31, Issued llalemr.nt endorsln11 con·
sreuional representation for District of
Columbie
•In the hme slatrm~nl, he elso endorsed
the proposal for prevelnllve dell!nllon of
"hard core" criminal '"'I~C:II.
Feb. 2, visited formrr .!'resident F.isen·
bower, Welter lleed lln•t>ital
Feb. S, aenl •1•coclal mrn.. J(r In S..n•le, ur11·
IIIII prompt ralllicaUon of Nuclt"or Non·
l'rolilerallnn Treaty
~···
RICIURU Mll.JIOUS NIXON
wake of the Soviet lnvulon of Czedooslovakle.
t'cb. 7, Dew to Key lliscayn<', Fla.
•Thiswastloe lint of his many visits to Key
lliscuyne while In llllice.
1-'rb. 10, ro•lurned to Wushi<~IIIOn, D.C.
t'cb. I I, received Auu'ficuu tennis teaon
<O·imwu of o.vts Cup, While llouse
•
t'eb. 14, sula1les of cuhlnel officers and
meml""' o( C:ongr<'SI inc1eucd
•The sularics of c:ubinet olliccu were In·
creasrcl from SJ5,11(1(1 to S60,0110 )'t'uoly,
ami those of onemltcn of Con111C>1 frum
SJII.IKIO h• 1~2.~1111. '11or. lucreu1cs loud IM:·
come elre~:live 30 duys aftl!r ahe rcc..111 •
m•:mlullun of l'rc,t.l.,nt Juhn.un.
··~a,. IS, rrnomed lwn J>r•·stdt•nllal yac·hts,
l'o~trlc/11 Mud ju//r, In hunor of his daugh·
len
1-'~h. IS-17, with f01nlly, spcul wcekrncl at
C.:ouup Oavid, Md.
•This was his Onl vt•il to the llresl<l.,nllal
relre•l.
t'ch. 17, couferrecl with Amhussoclor Au•·
tuly F. OoiJJynln of US S.R., While lluuse
1-'cb. 19, sent special meuage to C'.OIIJiress
rc."'Jucsllng eclenslou .. r Economic Oppor·
lunily Act
•Coulrory to his curnpulgn sl1temenh
fll<uulsinJI sweeplntC doougrs, he relauocd
l're>iolenl Johnson's hu•lllo:l re<Jnesl or S2,·
llllO,UIKJ,Clllll for llrOtCrams uf the OEO, lu·
dueling the Job Cuqn und llr.ud Start.
t'eb. 20, Ullpolnted Julon S U. l~henhower as
ambaulldor to llelgiu1u
•The new umLllssurlolr "'"' the snn of the
fnrmf'r prt'sldenl.
··eb. 20, sent II>Ct'l•l noclloJie lu Con11ress
ur11lng conslllullunoal .uncJulmenl to re·
form electoral system
•While the menage <li<l nul c·oll fur ahulitlnn
of lloe colecloral cull"ll''· It did reC:OIIIIIII'Iul
alt<>lllinn of lncllvl<lual clt•clon, allnculum
of eltcloral Volrs wllloln each slate on a
ba•is proportional to the llOJIUI•r vole, and
the reclut'lion from !'iiiJICIC'cntlo .CO I""'
cent of tloc electoral vulr. Jllnrulity re·
quired lu choose • l'"''ult•nl. lu the e•·••nt
no can<lidale rc:c:elvecllht' rectuiu·d •O I""'
<'f'lll, 1 runoiT elcclion bctwren the twu
leDdinll <'Dndid•les W<lt to deciclc un the
basis nf tolul JlOI>ular volt, rulh"r lhnu tin!
currcnlly·•l"'dlied cloukt' by tho lluu"' uf
llrprcsentutivts.
Feb. 23, clt•pouted on eiKhl·duy tour of live
•lie was the lu't of II pu:si•lcnU who trev·
l'le•l outside th" II.S whil<· In ollicc.
t'~b. 23-24, vl•ilr<l ll•·l11ium
•lie cnnfcrrcd willo Ki1111 ll•uoluuln I and
l'rcmicr (;"""" E)·,k,•us iu llruucl..
•Niann "'"' tlu• lu•l coli ill<'<' t"•••idrnls who
•·i•il••ol lldgiuuo wl.il<: "' ullin:.
•lit• wus the ~;,., .. r WVI'II pwsidrnls who
•·isitr•l Eurcopc whole i11 nllice.
1-'~b. 24-26. 'idh"l 1-:nl(lnll<l
•II" coufo·rrcd with l'ri11u: Minhlrr Jloroi<l
\\'olmn lootlo ul Llu•IJII>'r> uucl at No. 10
UuwninM St ..·e:l. lloe ulli•·i11l resid••ncl'l of
tloc 111iuu: wiuhh:o Tul(o•Jiot·r, thcy '"""'
louu·hcuu l(nc·>U eol (.h"'''" Eliuloc:th II.
Niaun uhu •·hilt·• I tlw II"""' of Cunuunns.
•II•· wos tlo•• only ,.,,.,;,l,·ut ,.·hu vhlh•cl lion
lh ilblo l'urhuuu·ut wlotlo• l11 ollit·e.
•lie wu~ the lnsl uf lin: l"•·sidtnls whn
•·idtc<l E11111dml ..·loil<' lu ullin•.
··llois wu tin: fi,.t .,f J,i, tl,,..,. visits lo EnK·
lon•li.." lulc lo1 nllit·c
Fch. f&. •·isitcd West (:crmuny
•lie ;t·eonferoed with l'rcsnlent llelnrid1
l.u11b~e und Cluuocellor Kmt (~c:OIJI Kies·
iugcr in limon.
•Ni•ou ""' th" lost c.f livo· Jl•esldtnls who
visitcol (:erruauy ,.·hil•! iu ollice.
; reb. 27, vholl'<l Wc>l llrolua ·
l:eb. 27-28, visilo·<l ltuly
•lie cuulerrcol with l'rcsitlt'lll CluseJli>C
Snr•K•I In Jluonc.
". '
•Niauu wua the lust ul 1h 11reJhlenls who
11i•lt1"l ltuly whil" in ,n;, •··
• Thb "'"' lloe liut of his fuur vlslls to ll•ly
wlulr. '" ullicr.
Frio. 211-Mal. 2, 11hllcol Frunce
•lie c:uuleru:<l with l'1e\icl~nl C:ha1les <lc
t:aulle In l'uris. lie uho nod wllh llcury
Cahut l.oclflt', ll S •·hirl n<'JIOtiulor ul the
Vietuuno l'<llll'C: Inih, ""'I Suulh Vil'l·
"'"""'" lcu<lrrs. iroduollntC Vice l'rrsiolent
NJ1uyru C:uu Ky
•Niaon was tlor lost uf fnur prcsldc:nls who
\'isilt'd Frunc:r. while in ollicc:.
•llais'was the lir>l nfhislwnvlsits to 1-"rance
while: in ullin•.
M•r. 2. ro·turuo•1l lu ltuly luo merling with
l'ujlc 1',1111 \'I, \'Dikon City
•Ni•on was thr lui uf livr presldcnll who
IIIC'I wilh 1'"1'"' wloil<· In uffice.
•This '~"' tlu· lif\1 ,f hi• two meclhlMS with
l'ullt' l'nul .. hil•· In ullin·
•This wo\ tlu! "·nnul ul lois four vlsill to
hnly <O·hllr In ulli1·c·
~-·••••••••••••••-------------------------------~~-__:~_:~_ _ __:·~·-~"~'_-_'·' ;... ,,.,,,
I) C.
P.t•r .... In· I• I 5~ nainulC' T\'-ra•liu u •. ,,' , ......
lcrenn• rqca~tlnofl Ius 1-:urut"'a" II it•
Mar. 5. nu·t wilh l'rr•i<l•·nt l·: .. ulo· ll··.tu•
Zntt.•Ju ul llnlunlu")', \\'lult• If,, ......
Mur. 1, t"•'WIIh••l M,•,lnlul ll·•u·•• '" It••• ··
Artny ,-nl•,t•••lna••n v..utnulnl 111 \ •• In'"'·
Whih:ll~t~o··•·
ttJ.r,
J:J, \\iU•t( C"UUM,IUhllilliull\ lu ,\1"'1/·
1
'J
••SIInunuh un spl;nlulu'"·u
•Th··•··n •i.•r tui~"•un ,,( al\llun•u•h J.uw ·.. \
"h'Un oil, llm'<•ll I. SdoW<'IC'~al I ouul l>,o
viol II Snoll '""''"f"ll)· lo·,IJ•tlllu· ol• • ~ 1101(
I'IIJUIIJihli••' uf tJu• I11Uill IUtHiul,• . \j~o•/1,, 'I
uuult· 1~1 u•\nlulnun uf lh•• e·,alllt .,, • • ••
JU"riutl uf 2-11 lunU\, un•~ nunul•· 1\&h·U
Jllnhe·cl llet• IUh\11111 GS ''la'll tl.n \ IJ,.al
lluall•·•l tlu• wm I• I "
"'••• 14. IUifiUtllll"l"tJ tlll•lttlll uf IUO••Itlu·ol
Sc·ntiu.-1 uutihullhtil" ani,,il·· .p1u.,.• 11111
• Tlu· Ill"\\" I•IUKIIUU. \\ )uc·(, lu• ,,,.,, 11l•·•l M\
11 ''sult•l(tmul ')')h•ua." \\t1' cl•·\l)(lll"tllulll"·
te·c·t ll S anlcsilc· "h"l r.ulu·• 11 .... , th••l•••
pupulaliuu ,-,•uh•l '· U\ l.aullwt·n llw ,.:••ulc,J
the OJiKiuul S.·utulf"l !t)"\h·ru u·c 11111111• wlt!d ltv 11 11"\tdt•nl Juluucua.
t.far. 17, r ,.,~•·h·t'el 'u~.le•nliuh ul au-'\ Ur •1•·-1.
~analm,, •• ,Jur. Juhn Fr..-t.•annn. \\"l,ah· II-,,,,,.
•As •·clallu "1· tl••• Nc·u•
I· a•·• .. ,.. ,,
h111cl uun~ "-littc.•n tlual ~tr Nau.u \\ "" ··u
....... ur ... ~ a•riuci .. lc \\•l.uhnt•\ •••..
t.t .. r. 19. \'i\ih.•d furnu•r l'u•,ul•·ul l.a···u
s,,,,,.,,.,,,,,
luow.·o, \Y.,Ito·o ll1·1·•l Aunr 11"'1''1"1
ft.taa. 1!1. ltu,h•tl 2Chlt unuln"l\111\ aluuwt •·I
C:lnn•·•lo•r unci Moudoilll( ( :lulo, \I'J,.h•
linus"
··n,.,r·lul•.luuouh·•l iniU·IUior 151"·'1"'"'"
lt••tJul,lu·nu
IUI'U&IM•U
uf the· hltlh ( "uu·
R••·u. i\ c·u•npo"~•l of -4U nu·thlu·n "hu
cllhrr pre• ur \\'ru• uu•auiH·I\ ••lllu- lluu'-t"
of Jlt'J•II"It'lll&lli\'1'1 IJe \\'USB c·h.ttlt·t 1111'111
1.....
t.l .. r. 21. with t-.ln. Ni•un. ,-htlnl lt~auwt
l'rc•titlt·nl unci t-.lu. Tnuaun. lu•l··•"·u
,
•AI thr Truonun l.ihra1y, lor l'""·o·nll·ol tlu·
lur~aer t•n·sidrul wilh lhr !'lh·un' ··~· l""''u
on "·hid1 Trumou had fl•·•t•wuth· 1•1 ....,.,,
'"I h1• "h"uuri Wullz" '"hilo- 111 tlu· \\'lnlo111111"'· II·· pluyc·ol II fr ..-l ..n' ul ""' "•n,:l· ,,
lhr Tr•nnouu unci utlu·u. A'- 1..- '-·•• tl n\ u •••
tlu•J'iauau.ltC!'f"1l'luin~cl: ··tpl.•) ,.\,'l)tl•iu~
In tin• .,., ul (; hr c·ur ..
M••· 21, ll•·w In I :nlilurnuo
•lit· auul ~In Nuun ltud lh•· ""'' ulu t•H\ dl•
c·stuh·.lu.uu·cll••• tht· "•·•·L··•ul. "' ·..... c lorne·nll•. "lu·retlu·)· wc•rc• lau•n,ul .. l••' '-•··-~
......,.. "'"
1
�S91
I
'
II
I
lug a plot'e lo use as a VIIColiun Wlollc
llouwe. While In Californio, he maelt• a hr.li·
coa•t~r lour of ihe Sunla llarbaru beuch
damog.,el hy lenlca(le fruon an niT>hurc nil
wdl and visited lhe mission of Sun Juun
Capistrano.
Mar. 23, '"horned lo W"doinglon, I) C.
Mar. 24, t'1111ferred woth l'rime Minister
l'ierre Ellioll Trudcuu o( Cunaolu, While
llouse
•This WMJ lhe &rsl ollicial visil or Niaon's
adminislrulion.
• An official vlsll is a full-scale •·lsi I by a for·
r.i1111 hl'od co( Rnvermou•ul al the nlliciulln·
vllollon or the pre>itlo•nl.
Mar. 26, se•nl Sj>eclal uu,ssugc lo Congress
requ~SIIOIC One·yC'Df e>II'IUion of 11!11 pt'f•
cent lncume lax surdonr11e
t.hr. f7, sil(ned reor11••nizulion 11cl
•llco elrojljM'el lhe (UPI'Iit-r. or usinli u 1111111·
her or J>r.m lo sl11n ollicoul P"l"'"· r.a1oluln· '
lng thol lo do •o "'""" his si11nnlure "so
K'rllmblccl" as 10 be uurecognizPble. lie
conlinu~l lhe cuslom of giving souvenir
pens lo gul'sts al signing cer~monics.
Mar. 28, formrr l're>iclrnt Ei~nhowcr died
•In a Sl>e<"ial meuugr. lo Con11rrss, Niaon
offici11lly announced llol' elealh or (;encrul
Elw.nhowr.r. lie procluimed Mar. 31 as u
natlonul duy of mourning. In a slul<•menl
Issued by lh" While llouse, he clcscribecl
I hi' rormet prrsitleul 81 a llllln ""'ho Sj>Olce
with a moral authoril)' seldom eejuuled in
Am~rlcun puhlic life." Afler cunco•lling ull
ai>I>Dinlnll'nh lor llor. neal live clt~y•, he
drove 10 Woller Pt•eol Army lleospilul,
where he join~l mr.mbcn of llu• 1-:isc·n·
hower runuly.l..aler. h~ wcnl hy hdicoplt·r
lo Camp Ut~vicl, Mol.
Mar. 30, ddi\'Crecl eulogy for founcr I'Jo!sl·
denl EiSt·uhower, Ca,lllol llnluno.l11
•Nhon hod been scll'(:lf'oi lo clelover the
eulo11r by Grneul l':i•o•nhower.
•lie wos the only l'""itle·nl ... ,, .. <lo·livcrecl
lhe ~ulogy for onolhrr preslolcnt.
t.hr. 31, e<mfern!ll willo l'resicll'nl Cluorlr.s
de Gaulle ul lo'runce ..... 1 Klnte lls~~tluuin I
of Ul'l11lum, Wloilo I house
t.far. 31, alll'ndecl funeral services for for·
mer Prl'<illf'nl 1-:lso•nhower, Wa•hhiKinn
C'.alhedral Church or St. l'eler and St. l'uul
t.hr. 31, gave• recejlllon fur fnrcigncliK"itur·
les who Gllf'nclro.l Eise-nhower fmu•rnl
Apr. I, mrl lndlvlclu .. lly with 12 folrt'IRn
. le•den
0 111. lhe Order or apJX'SrMJICe, lhe)' Were
.;,.~ ;·~··t~
~L
;,, • i
119691
IIICIIAIIIl MII.IIOIIS NIXIlN
I•.....
i.
Premier t.ft~olauo llu .. our uf llul)·; F·or<"il(ll
Minislrr Jo"'l'h l.u11< uf The Nethe.l;uuh;
l'rione Minister jolon C. Gurlon o · Am·
huliu; (:J.uncellnr Kurl Gt·c•rK 1\it"sintct•l .,(
\Vesl <:.,rmany; l'rcom<·r Clnnogll ""'""of
Sontlo Kurt,w; l'remio•r M.ort'<"llu (:Ooet•nu of
l'orlugsl; Vice l'resicll'ul Nl(uyeu Ctu Ky
or Soullo \'irlnom; Sh;~h Mohonunell ll··•a
l'uhlo;vi or lrau; l'resiol""' lluhih ...... ,.
11uilo• of Tunisia; l'rr.si<lo·lll F"rcilnunol E.
t.furcos of I he l'hihppillo's; l'rcmier Sulcy·
ruon Dernirel of Tanker; ami former
l'remler Nolousulc" Khloi of j11pun.
At"· 2, •llenolecl Fiscnlmwer lnulul
vir'"'· Aloilr.nl!, Kun
Ajor. 2. llew lo Key lliscuyn<', Fla.
.
•lit• ami lois f11onily 'I"'"' I lou E11sler w.,d.
c11d In ""r lllscuync.
At"· •. commerce depurllnenl announced
lljljlllinlnu·nl or loi• luullorr, l•:.lwurd
Niaou, B< cluolr mun of fctle·rul field eonunll·
lcr for dcvc·lutmWhl j>louunll(( In Alu,.u
•I lis brother dcrlinl'd I loll post "for penonul
rrasons," Apr. 8.
At"· S. uppoinlcd flve-mun aol\'isory council
on Rovernrnm•l n·urt~anilalion
AJit. 6, rct11rued lo WushiloKIOn, D.C.
Apr. 7, ullrouled opcninte Ka•ne c.( busei ... U
seouon, Washin111on. 0 C.
•lie lhrew oullhe fir>l hull of lloe Wouhing·
lon Senulon-New York Yunl.t:es g•mc·
•lie was the last of II t•rtoslrlt!nls who ulli·
cit~lly opene·d husrh;oll "'"''"'s.
Ajlf. II, conferrt•d with ICing llussein of Jnr·
dun, While llou>c
Apr. 10, addressed N.\TO Council, Wuh·
lnglon, DC.
•The meeting or fort'iKn and olo:fense minis·
len of NATO notions eunuu.,moralc:oltloe
211tlo anniversary of lhe siRninK of lht'
North Allunlic 1'11:n1r. Apr. ~. IIH!l.
Apr. II, ou111nunced u·,·i>eol """""' c.r linus·
l'ueilic airlino: roulo'l
At"·
st:nl spt•ciul
outlining
dnmeslic plans lu Cr"'ll"''"
•The me ..oge outlult'll u h:ol-jlllinl l~gisla·
live j)rOI(rusn lhrll lno·loul("d un lncu·n<O! in
snciol "'Curily bm ... lih; ro:nrKnnlnliun uf
lhc j"IOSI ollice dct>arhnenl; lua rr.lnrm;
anlkrilnr. measures; and home rule fur I he
llislrlct of C:ulumhi ...
•lie had decided •Knlmt ddivcrlng o Stule
or lhe Unlun IIICSIUICI! uml lnfurnu·d Con·
gro:ss In gcnr.rul lt•nou of loh tlnnu•slio:
ll"uls.
Apr.
addressed Orguniullou of Ault'rl·
l"llll St•tc:l, \Vu,l•iUJIIHII, U.t:.
•In lois &rslmujor >p<•<"rlo unl.alin American
olfaiu, he· >uid the Aliouno:c lnr l'ru111rss,
lunoulo·ol In IUiil loy l'u,.iolcnl Kenno•dy,
wus a "gr<"•l o:ono·ept.'' bul that it hool
fuilt·tl to iliuaulultt tullicicnl econu1uic
11•owtlo. lh uo·cumphshmenls, he adolt·d,
were "diseun<"erling."
Ajn. IS. sen I 'l""·iullnull(o'llllt:S>uKe IO Con·
c.
1•.
1•.
JUUt(ldfH'
l(fCU
•llr. 1""1)1"'"1 u lnuiKI!I n( II !l2,901l,OIIO,·
IJUO, "·loich wnulol re>ull 111 11 surplus of 15.·
IIOII.IJ{MJ.IIIIU. pru•·hlrol I he len percent in·
cunu: lu• )tlfclt•UI(t! wu1 ealr.nalrcl.
Atn. 17, l'"'olio·lo·oldl'l"liun of wuman l"<'si·
olcnl willoin ........ :Ill r•·urs" during l~sl
llOtuu ft!C"•·pliun f,u I ~~~auo uf Won•en
Voten, Whilt· llm11c
Apr. Ill, onnuunced c ... olinuollon or recun·
nuhsomno Jlil(lols uff Nurlh Korl'u
•A N""Y 1-:1:121 d"o:lronle inll'lliKence
t•lanu with :11 nu-n MIKl,•rd wus shut dnwn
loy Norllo !'or eon jo·h, Al'r. 15. US. r•tlur
lndir.ul.,ol lhul lloe t•luuc was 90 miles off
Norllo kou•n at tho: lime.
A~. 21, scul Stlt.'dalouessnge on lu reform
1~ Cun((reu
·
•lie prOjMISC'd 111111 lho: 1<'11 pert'enl iuCOIII"
l)u surd111rKc loe rc<lu<·e.t 111 ll\·e 1>ercen1,
)on. 1: 1970, l"ovidrd suloslilule revenue
1·ould ''" IICIINUII'ol throu11h JejJeal nf lloe
srvru t>ercenl iuvc>luoenl ·lax cscdil lo
tnu.itu-ss.
·
Apr. 2:1, sent Sjlt'<"ial "'"""Ke on oqcanbed
1.,,.
criuu~ to Cuntcreu
,,
•lie o>kl!d fur $61,11llO.tK~f
"""'"II"
I
••·• .. .1 ,.
~ t'~''-' ~I_
t.l.,· l. •llcntlc·cl Krnh~t·k)· ll··••••. I .... ,.
nllo•. Ky.
•lie \4'11' tlae only prt•sitlt~nl '' 1... .-u,·wl.-.1
tluo Kt•uhacky Ut.•rhy. lie• 11l\•t ull•·111l•··l ,,
lll"rh,. 111 \'icr J•u·sitlt·nl
t.lat ti, c·oult!rrt·cl "·ilia l 1ri1nr ~luu•t• • J.. J.. ,
(; (;tuluu u( Ausllulu&, \\'luh· lla·u·.. ·
t.lay fi. )rnl sJu•rialnu·"••M•" prupan.u•,.~ \ l,
UCKI.IIIIII,IMHI inrrr'"" in (,,j,·o.ol l•••l uul
f"d
legislotlon
JUBicinH ol a fcrlo:1ul criuo<' lo engage in ma·
J'!r illicit sumhliug operulions.
A,u. 24, sr.nl sprcoal uotnuge requesllng
poslol rule iuercosc lu CunKJess
•lie. su~t(eUcd 1111 inq '"'"'' f, um sh lo seven
crniS for liosl cluss mull uml f1om live lusi•
t'enll for first clu .. jJolllcurds. os well DS In·
ne11Scs in St"o·oml uo11l aloud doss ul<·s.
At"· 21i. I"WWIU•tl olullt(lolc-r, Triciu, queen or
Azul''" Fellovul, Nuofulk. Vu.
Apr. 29. '"""'"""' l'~o·•iol,.ullol Mc·olul of
t'rl't·<lum In l·:th•·urol Kl'nnroly ['Unlce'l
1-:llinKIOn. White llou<t• duull'f
•l"l1c IIUIIkillii·C'CUUikJ\t•r WaJ bUIIOJrd OU
his 7111h hirlllllay 1-:ilinfllon's r ....... , hid
om·c lk'cn u •••rHino<" huller 11 the While
lluone.
•1loi< \VIII llot• liul 1-'rrr.dum Me•l•l. lhe
loil(lu··· dviliunmt•olal.presenlecl by rresi·
dt·nl Noamo .
t.l•r
ltJ t:UIIJ(It"n
1~. f"lanlt•u,·d
"ilia t:,•nt•ra•l l ····•,.c.l•t .. n
\Y. AbrautS, US. cuan1nntul•·• 111 v,, laa.uu.
Wloilr. lloouse
P.,la,· 12, hh .,..,.un•l fin;.aau 1ul 'llult·•n··•al
ro·lo·o"'''l loy While lluu\o'
•lin n•·l wurll• "'"' lbh·tl ••I 1-.~u. ~ftiU lin
lutula•'i ...·h. dai•·nr u.·•l •. , ....... "····· h-1· .1
n1 SIIIIII.·IIKI; loh lluholilh·•. S"l'tl.~oo•l. 1"'
1nnrily n••lel. loans 11ul uuul~••t<•''
•Tlu• "tate-uu·nl hulkuh·•l lla.al lw 1.... 1
"M••·•·•IIu ,,.JII•h Nt'w Yur"- ( :rt)· lll'•••hw·ul
rur
S:l~fiJkMI.
uucl .............. , ................. .
prt•)lt'll) Jn Snn Clt'llll'nlr, ( :..,1. Ina t) Ill.
(KHI. T:•l' putcluue prk•~ uf ,,.,.,, l.•ttl\•'' 111
Key lli•"·'l"nt•, l·la. was Kivo·n as \~~.:!.11>"'
P.,lar 1:1. u~nl SJ»eCiol rnt•UAI(r lu ( .·un~'.l•"·\
Utl(illtc adupliun u( lultc·r)" '~ \lnu i••t
'''""
•'l"lu• pruputt'"t.l syllern wuulcl luaail l.dl•al•lr
lullu· olrafllu 1 OIIC·)'o'ar jH'Ji>Hi f,.U .. wm•~
a 1"""'11 man's lOth birtholay 111 llw ,.,,j ool
a l'trll•·te•· tlr·lrflnent. Or .. ll prluril~· ""''1.1
h.: o·>l;ol,lo•h··d loy a lulto-ry dru" i1111 luou·<l
onolu11•s ol loirth.
May H. nuule noliunllliy·ldo••·•"·ol ""t••ol
fUI
\'it•IJUUU \Var
•llr pruaK•u·•l a l(radual ancl
uu1h1ul "•• Ia
dru\\'ul luun St•Uih VirhlBIU uf nil I••Ct"IJ1.11
II
indudinll those of tlw ll ~ •n•i
Nurlh \'u•h•PUI.
t.l•)' 15. MC'l't'(llt!d ICiiHUithnu uf A\\ ... •••I•·
Juslil •~ F'ort11s
•Furlu' hoc)IJc·t~U urulrr hl<·u·u,Jul( J'lt'\'•"1''
lu ft'\iKn hcacuus.~ ollab 1\\nt lnll• 1 11 "alit llu·
\Y,,Ihun FtHUilllllion. in,·ul\'lut( lu\ .. .,,..,.
""I''·
""'""I''
uu·nl lu
a fo·c ul S:lii.INKI ""·''" j.,,
lilt·. 1-'tulul ft'l'l~h·l!tl nn•• l'11n1..-u1 ul ~ 'ti_INHI in J.. nutuy, I Utili. u•ul r..tuaau .1 11 iu
llr·n•n•l.t•t, IU1i6. afl('l l.aru" \\".,11·••11 "'"
h•·io·r illllit'll'ol fur lind fououl
• Fur In< \vus lloo: nnl1• Justin· uf llu· \utor•·no•·
Court tt1 r.~sitcn tnulrr JUt'\\ltl ,.
P.,lar 17. ul11c•n·•·cJ Arnu·cl 1-'uu •·• I) .. ,.'"" .. 1
('t•••d""' lrurn al.ourd II.\.\ ,\nr,JI••,.,••. ••II
Nurlulk. Vu.
May IH, woll·lo.-tl lounclo uf .it•·//.• /II ""
�~
~.
su
JUliN t'll'<I:Gt:IIAI.J) Kt:NNt:Ur
l'auhus, 214,19!1
llau, <41\:11 8
u~ckr.r. 45,91U
Uobln, :I!J.!HI
llyrcl, 1111.248 (unplcdRcd Ocmocrall
Miuiuippi)
'
others, 3!1,262
•Kenu~dy wus the lflh of 15 presiolenls
.-ho wen· ~IC"Cted willao111 rec~h ins 1
na.Jorily of I he popular vote
t.:lcclural vole: 537, 50 sliales .
• Krmll"dy. 303, 22 slutc•s
(Ar~unsn~, 8; Connecticut, 8; Url .. wnre,
3; Geurl(to, 12; lluwaii, 3; lllinuis, 27;
l..ouisiMno, 10; Mur•·lancl. 9; Massat"hu·
sells, 16; MichiRan. 20; Minau.•sotu II·
Mluouri, 13; Nevauln, :t; New
y:
16; N,w Medro, 4; New York, 45;
North Curulina, 14; l'o•nnsylvuniu 32·
l~hodc lsluml, -4; Suuth Carotin~.
leaas, 2-1; West VlrKinla, IJ)
•Kennedy 11lso received the voles of live AI·
abarna eleclnu.
j,.;,..
• Nlao~. :liD, 26 •1•1<-s
(Ala•~•. 3; Arb011n. ~. Cnlif~rnla 3!!;
l~aloruolu, 6; l·lmulu. tu; lcloho, ..; In·
dtuu•. 13; lowu, Ill; Ka11sua, 8, Ken·
lucky, 10; Maine, 5, Muulonu, ~; Nc·
brnska, 6; New llolllpsl.ire, 4; North
Do~kota. 4; Ohio, 25; Oklulaomu, 7 or H
voles; Oresou, 6; South lhkolu 4·
Tennessee, II; Utah, 4, \'eranonl' 3:
VirKiniu,l2; Wulaha 11 ton, U; Wiscon~iu'
12; Wyoming, 31
'
•llrul, I:S, two slates
(;\lllloum•. fi ot' II "ulcs; Missiuippl 111
•llyrd also recei"ed the vole of une O~lo·
homu elector.
Nlll~; So:uulor llorry F. ll)·ul of VlrKinla ro:·
CCIV<.-d the IIIIJIJetJscd votl,lllf De,noc:ralic
electors in Missluii'Jii ouul Alahaanoa, u well
the \IOiu of one Oklohomu llcpuhllcan
el~ctor wl&o defected ahhouKh pledsed lu
N1rt1n.
8;
81
TilE Pllt.:SIUEN"f (3~th)
Term of offire: Jan. 20, 1001, to Nov. 22
1963 (2 rears, 306 days)
•
• Ke nnedy Will the last of nine presidents
w 1ao servc·d lr.s thun one term.
•lie was tht' lui of IU 1•resiolenls ..-ho
served on" lo'rou or leu tlann one lea an.
Stale rrt>retcnlrol: Mnssadauti!IIS
•Jie WUS tlae lust of four (Uesldo•Jih who
represenleal l\lussoeluuclls.
Pulllleal party: Ocmncrolic
•lie wast he lith of I2Jaresitlcnll wlao we a~
aOeanuc:rals
11ongresaea: H71h, 8Hth
~dminislration: Hth
11 inaiiJIIIUiion: -43 yean, 236 alays
lie w•s the ynunJiesl rnan eleclt•ol lo tlae
J•rtslclr.ncy.
·~1 e wna 43 yeun, 163 cloys olol wlaen
e ected.
'
'ICe
1
•lie wtJJ the second youngesl to toke lhc
oulh of ollice; the youngest was llteo<lore
lluosevelt.
•lie wau lhe lui of 21l'rt'siolo,nh who were
,-uunJier lhlln their •·ice Jlfr•ulenls. Ken·
IICIJ)' WU CIJdll ye11 rs, 275 oJ:t) I younJit'r
llaan Jolunon.
ln•u11uraliun day; Frioluy, Jou 211, 1!161
• Keauu,dy touk the Udlla ul ulloce, udminls·
krrd by C:lalef Justice E11rl Wurren on 8
l'!lll~orrn on the reiiO\Ialed o!UtlfrOnl ~f IJae
t:upotol.
·
•ll&is ~as lhc second ur f,,.., hauuguralions
til wh1c:h Warren oOiciuletl.
·•~r.: Kennedy wu tlae ~ccorul of two presl-
G
lt.nts who dunotetltlae-tr s•l~riesto claurlly.
he olla'lr was llouver.
Tilt; 44th A UM IN ISTIIATION
1981
Jan. 2l, 1 11110inled his only lf't"rclary of
ala to, l>ean llonk; his only ,.:crr.l~ry of Ire·•·
sury, DouRias Uillon; his only •et"rt'lury of
defense, Robert S. Mt'Namura; his only ul·
I
loruey senerul, Robert F. Kennedy; lals
first JM>slrnaslcr g~nerul, 1 Eolwurd l>uy; his
only secretory uf mtrriur, Stcwurl 1.. llolull;
l•_ls only set"U'Iary uf UJirkuhurc, Or•ill•• 1.
l·reeluun: l•is nuly sc:t:rrlury of culnnu!U"t:,
l.ulher II. llrMIJCcs; his lint •rt"rclury nflo·
. ......
:.•·,
ll!ltitH!I611
hor. Arthur J (:olollocrJI, uoaolhis lint so·o·rc·
1&11~ u( hc•,•llh. rchualiuu untl wc:Uu1r,
,\l•r,aluun A. lhluc.·ull
• K•·u•u•cly wut lh~ uulv pr•·,ult·ul whu uppuinlrd 11 brutln"r lu alu~ ... ,.hi•U~I
•JII' WPS the St'CUJioJ of IWII prc•i<J<"nll who
•1•poiult!d nunu-!loatl..e• In llu· &.·uhinc•l. "ll•e
other was Wahun.
Jon. 25, aauauuut·col ro·l•··"'' ,,r 1111 H llirrs hy
lhhsiuns ul liut Ill•')\ ..... ,,t,·ft"Hl.:'t'
•The two auuacn, Cut•la&n Fr.,c&nan Ohn·
sh•aol un•l C;apto&in Jnhu t.l• Kon.,, were Jim
l'h"\'"lllt~ll uf P J•"l ICl"tUIUPinuuCC
t•l.ull! )hOI ti11WU l1)' tlu· lta1uiant U\"CI 1he
IIIJ\"i\·inK
llo•rinl( S.•u, Jul)· I, l!llill
• Tl1it wotS 1lu~ lint IJit"ti&l,·ulit~l ptt:)S C"OIIIL·r·
rucc lt·cn &nul ht•dul••u ltn· h·lc,·biun Tht"
autlicut"c wus rstimnh·ol al sial)' milium
IM'UOIIS.
Jon. :10. aldi••r.ro·ol lau f,r Sl Stutc of I lac Union
nu•uagc tu Cllnl(fC)I
r~b. 2. sent ., •.,ciulnu·\..IRC to CongfeSS on
t•nnamuy
•lie u>~ o·tl Cur uu i11rro•:"" In minimum >O·
ciulso·nrril)'l"•uo·hh lr~om $:.tl to a~3. h·m·
pur_;.ary ealeJui-na uJ un••tuplu)·ant~nl hnur·
un~~~C for lonR·Il!llll ouu·&upluycol, an•l au
lnlreou! in tl"' miuinunn wu((C lo S1.1 :Son
lunar.
Ftll. 3. i>mcal cao·r·uth·c orolo•r providing $4,·
OUII,Iltlll fcJ.,aol oS>I>Iuau·., I""Jir•rnfur Cu·
bun rcfugo·es
•Alatau! sialy-li•·r. lhua~>au .. l Cuhun rdu)(res
\t"t!'fC inH•h·~·l. uiH•ul h.alf ufwlllJIU were in
tlae' Miumi ore·• of J·l<oraol~.
t'tb. li. s~ul •1"-'caul '""""!(" lo C:nn)(rru
ur M"'t< .-,l&ahlislunC'ul ,.( au•t.c•una In rn·
("UUroll" fool~'i((n lru••o•J Ill ll !1. DUd lht' re•
tlucllolu nf duly·fre,c •lln•~uuc:c• Cur Amcri·
t•untuuri>ls from S~lllllu $1110
1-'c:h. 9, sent •p••dul IIII'S'ni(O: lo CongfeU In
IA·JaicJa h" JIIU)IIl\l'ol frolo!tol hruJth Jmur•
a.u·e 1•n•t<r.aan fur llt(t·tl
•II•• olsn lull&l''''''tl lo•tl.,raal •~:holarslaips fur
uacolacul uml olo·ulol sluolo·nll und leclo-ral
MIIUtll lu1 IUt•clh·.~l. tlt·nlatl. aucl nuninK
'dtuol cuu:.lrth ht•ll t~ud i•na•ruvt~lnf"nl.
f.,h. IS. !•lo·oll(t"olsup 1oual ~of NATO
t"-tb. 15. u·•·••u•·•l t· .• hl.· un tlisoruuuncnl
from l'ro·mit•r Khrmluln·v
•The llu>\iun lr•uoh-r \.airl uJirrcmenl he·
'"'eru I lao· US. u111l tlu· ll S.S.II. on di•ur·
uaatnu•IU ''v,mulallu• '' JH•"••I jny fur •II IK"U·
t>lo• ou o:urth, u111l u Kr<'PI huon fm lhe
wlwlt· uf uutnldaul"'
··rb. !lU, wul 'l"·dnlnu·"ul(r to C:on((ri'U in
"·hu·t, ht•anupuu·tl S5.625.UIIUJtl"' J, .a,.,,,J
auti·IU ctlul"&llion
JUdl(lllltt
t.l••· I. h"u•d
1'\t't·ulh·c· uul•·• ••• .1luh.'
J't:.u·t• ( :u111~ J•ll•tl JU Ul(loUII. '\1'11l I'""• loll
IIU''\\111(1' lu (;uut(r•·-.\ 111 "'hu·hlu·J••·•t•···•·•l
lli!fiii•UU"UI t•t!oll"l' (
:u1pi
•lit• "l'l"'iuh•tl So.rKt•nl Sl.rin·r u' ••••··• lor
uf lltt·l·t·.at·t.• Cur1•l. fllur. ~ Shu~• r ''·'' I•"
hr ullu-1 ·in law.
f\IJlf, li, h"'lh"tl t!'U·t·uli\"c uult·r uu •''1''·'1 •·I'
purlunrl) in K''''t•Jtlllll"lll t•n•t•lt•~uu·ul .• aul
.I
II
KO' ••eeuu.•ral t:unl r at"li••K
r.ter. H. ~··ul IIH!("I.IIIIu"~'a,.:•· lu ( :...... ,, .._, •u
whn·h h•· 11\l..t•cl u·p;uuh: lull lur I"'' ··•··
I
I
\c·luH·Ilu.lll~
•ht uu t•lft•ll to p1oh·L"l hh it·lu.,.,l ••·I p1u
K•urn. "hwla '' u• uml••f ~~ollut·ll 111 ( • •II au
lie du·l•·' ~•nl"•· il h.tu•·•l .ai•l h• ... ,., 1•• o
un sd••K•I' ul 11 ... t·l•·•n••ulau ~· nwl , •.• , .... t
Uf)' h·~·t·b. he• IUhl"'•u•tl lt"tt.uuh· I•· a:• -1.&
.I
hun.
t.hr. t:l. uJII,.rd h·n·y.,ur (llun In''""' li' in~t
ll•uulduh in l ..tlin Auac·uc11
•l"l•i!l wa"t tlu• Alllarnc·r.: fur l'rnJI.I'"'' a-•••
t(IIIUI
•II•• "'~•·•I Cnni(II'S5 lur lin· S~IKI,IMH&.IMKI
u.utluuu•••l•n ltlfiU ltJt the lnh•• Ar•wru uu
Funol Cm Sut'iul l 1rul(h''•'· Mur 1·1
t.ler. 22. s•·ul 1fW1 ialnwuuK•· In (:.. ,,._~,,.,,au
\YI1ich he• tUKt'tllurruuliun uf srut(k l·••··it(ll
llitl DH,•~Ut.")"
"'••· 2:1. sl;~h•tllJ S pultllnn on l.u••-. .lu1i111(
h·l··~·iu·d uc~" 1 t·uu{e·u·ncc
·LI
•lie '"icl:
\\1.~ ut•• (un·al W1lh • dt•dl uu·l ·•II•'
si•l•·•l llu•·a~l ul u ch.u•K•' ut al..- ua
h•rualiuua.lly Ul(rl't·d IJtl~lh•tll ul
l.ta(l\. ·1 lais tlu•~•• lUlU c uuuh·a ht
tha• W11luf llu• I "'utiun pc·upl•·. u lu•
\\u,h uuly ht IK• in•ltltot•Jiil•·ul .• wl
u.·utrnl h h p••\t•d rullu·• 1,~ tlw
uulilury Oltt•r.aliun of inh'lh.tl th ... i·
••i
II
:I
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tla·ul ,·le•JUl'Uhi diu•ch·tl h••lll ••Ill
s,ul•· tl••• •·uunlt)". Tlnl h "1 ... 1 u•u"l
lu ht• aut. ... , .-.I "'
Suut lu·.nl A"·'
Mar. 2~ oml M•r. 211, so·ut '1'•·••·•1 ln~oll(•·l
•·aul. il ,._ ..., .•. ''
u·,·uima lltt"Uatf(•·~ to Culll(l''"
• lit• ,•,tieunh·d •·•au~ucliluu•\ •·I , ·u lli!t:l,
llllll.lllnt, '"'It u rlo·li.-il ul 1.!.11·~11Maol.t~lu
lu~ lho·ul I !IIi I. uaul $111.·fJ:I.IIIIIIIIIIII, \\lila u
tldi.-il ul $2.1121i.IIIIII.IK11llua li" .al I !II;.• llo·
~atitltlw l·:,,,.uluawt•J t•,lim•th·, ul ~ 7!J.tJCIII,
111111 unol U.~fiH.IIIIII.IKtll ""l').,,n ,.,.,,.
nthlula•·n
•lit• p\~o·ol m•urh $2.1MIII.I"IIIIIII'I .,, .. ,.. lla•u
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JUliN tTr:LGt:lt.U.U Kt:NNEUY
526
re'luested by his predec:•·nor for deft·n•e
•a•anopriulions; anoposed incrt,asc-d Poluris
sulmuarinc- und Minulc-mun ICIIM pro·
Jl:ru.nu;. fClhu-liun
or the·
U·7U
IUih'UlllliC
bo01h<'f llfOJiflllll; CIIIIC:clliolion ul the- IIU•
c:le&&r a•lome a•rol(flllll; "'"' uhouuloounenl uf
73 tnililllrf loiiOI'I.
Mar. 26, mel wilh l'rlane Minister Muc:onil·
llln of <:re11l llutuin, Key \Yesl, 1'111.
•They i~ued o joint •a•aoc-nllo lhe U.SSII.
for a "c:osnlr~~t:livc- rca•l~··· lo Westers•
l&ropusuls rt'jiUICiinll I nos.
•lie- disc-m•ccl the l.aoliuu silnuliun wilh
l-"or&•l1111 Miuhh·r <:ruan)·l-u ul lin' Wlolh•
llmosc, Mur. 27.
Mar. 30, ua•a•olnlccl VIce l'u•sirlcnl Johmon
as duairm•n of NMIIooual Advisory Cuuuc:il
for l'r11C:e Corps
Apr. 3, 23rd Aoncmlmenl lo C:onsliluliun
ratified
•SN Conslllullon, 1'"11" 64~.
Apr. 4-8, eonfeued with l'rime Minister
Mnc:miiiHn, issurd jolnl slnh•onenl of "hillh
lt"vel ur IJifC't'nn•llt," While llousc
Apr. 11-12, conferred wilh Chancellor
Arlenauer of Wesl C:ermony, While llouse
Apr. 12, c-ollgruluhitecl US S.ll. on lint
munned llighl in e•lr~tlcrrr.Urlulsa•uce
·~t.Jor Yurl (;UJIUiin was till' aoilnl or
I, lhe linl 111111111ed spocec:rufl to go lnlo
orbll around the earlh.
.Apr. 17-20, II••Y or Pigs liucn
•Aboul fourteen loundret.l anii-Castro C:n·
han eailes, who were lralned uml ecaulpped
by I he C:IA,Iancl•'d on the l~t·aches uf wesl·
ern central Cuho, al llahio de Codoiuos
lll•r of l'is•l In l.as Villus pro•·inc:c. The
Invasion wus u •t>ec:hoc:ulur fuilurco; mure
lll11n IW•·Ive huoulrecl werr. c-uplurcd.
•llf assumed full u·sponsihility. ·~n.ere's an
old saying," he sooid duth&K 1.11 Apr. 21 pr,•u
c:c~orercnc:c, "thol victory h11s a h•md•~·l
fathton and def.,ul Is an orphan," and
added. "I antlht' responsil•le officer or I he
JICV'ernment."
v..,,,
Nolt: While Kt•tmedy refe-rred to lhe
phrase, "vlc:lory lu•s a hundre-d falhc-n ond
dereal Is an orphun," u au old sayin11. it Is
llkt'ly I hal he rememl.cred il from I he motion plc:lure, ·~nu• Desert Fo•." In the lilon,
the phrase Is volred by Leon Curroll, who
porlrayf'd Jo'll'ld t.lunloul <:c-rcl von Ruml·
11ed1, lhe Wurlol War II (;,.rmun com·
rnandinR oflic:c:r ..,.he l>escrl Fo1'' Wilt I he
atory of t'leld Murshallrwln llonuncl. The
I
sc:reenplny wus wrillen by Nououolly jolm·
son.
•On Apr. 25, thu Whilo: lluo~>c "'""'I &lois
st .. acanent:
Prcsidenl Kennedy loas sluleol (rum
thto bcsinulns thul as l'u·•hl••nl he
hr•rs sol<' rcsponsihilily .... lie has
Uuled il on ull oc:c:udullS 11nd he
rc>tulcs il now .... The l'u·•ident is
slron1d) oJII)Qsed to auynnc wilh·
iu ur willuml tlu: ucluoini,lrllliun
ullo•mplinl( to shill thr oo•opunsiloil·
lly.
•This wu• the wunl defcolnl his onlminillru·
lion. I lis pseslige sulTcred iuum•u>nroobly.
l'rivuh•ly, uc:cordinKill lois •P•·ciul clnmsd,
Thcodore C. Sor~nson, he sui.!:
I low could I huvc
Ill fM oil
lmsc·~ All my lifo l'vr luom~n l•ertcr
th1111 lo clcpeml on th•· rxpcrls.
I low couhll hove been so Sll•t•id, lo
1••1 lhem RO 11hc-aol~
AI"· 2U-2H, discussed Cuhun •iluollon wllh
1\epuh)oc:an leaden
•lie c:o111ferred wllh former Vice Preslclenl
Ni•on, While llume; will• Senutor llarry
Cold.-•uler 11 C:uma• David, Md., Apr. 21;
(onner Preshlcnl Elsenho.ver, Apr. 22;
Governor Nelson Rockeft•ll"r. Apr. 25; and
(ormer President lloover In New York
City, Apr 211.
Apr. 20,&lcdared U.S. would nul "uhundon"
Cnbu to Cuomnunisls
•"llul let the record show I hal our patience
Is nol incthauslible," he sc.lolthe American
Society ol Newspaper 1'-lllou, adding:
Sloould II ever •PI'""' lhul llu• in·
lcr·Atnl!ric•n doclrinc ol non·
inlerference merely cunce•ls or
e•coses a course of non·llcliun; if
the nalions ol lhis hemisphere
should foil lo mecl their tununll·
meniJ llJiainSI outsidll Conununisl
1•rnetralion, lhen I wunl II c:lr•rly
uculc:nloud lhul lhls ll"v'"'"'"'"'
willunl hl.'silnlr In nll•rlh•k ih 111l·
nuuy obllgullons, whh·h ar•· thr.
scc:urily of our nullon.
Apr. 21, announced lirsl JI<U)t•cl of l'eoc:e
Corps, road bulltllng In TunJionyiku
Asn. 22. •s•poinlcd Mo1well U. Taylor lo in·
Vl'SIII!nln CIA rule In C:ulmn lnvudon
May 3, c:unlrrred wllh l'rcddenl lluhih
lluurllulha of Tunisia, Whilr I lou•"
Mar 5, reac:livuu·d Preshlo,..l's llourcl of
a.......
IIY61I
June 3--t.
111 ,-1
w11h l'u:lnit·r .Kt.ru\l•• 1,,·\ ·
Comoltanll ou Foocisn lootclligenc:e
Vicuna. Au~lral
t.lor 5. watched lirsl lanndoiug uf manned
•Ill· Wil\ lh•· only prcsialc:ul "lu• '•··••···I
Aml'ric:un spuco·croh, Who~<" llome ,
Au,liiP wlule- iu ollit·•··
•ll~ h•let)hOiu·,ll•il t·,lnM,rutul.tlhnli to (.n•u·
Ju•'.: 4-5, "'''"''' 1-:ntehuu~
uumoler Alun II !il ... l'ulll, Jr., whn WMS
•lit! nu•l \\·itlt l'riuu~ t.luu,lc·r .._, .. , 1u•ll• 11
aml<lm···l "olh ().,,.,." t-:li•uh<'lh II.
ulouord the V S 'i '"''"' Clulllll'luln aller
•lit! wu.S 1h1~ (hUrlh ul li\tC l•u•,iakuh '"''"
lloe suborbllalllil(hl.
r.hr H. suesenh·•l Oisliuttuhhcd Service
•·hill•d 1-:ool(btlll while in nllic:o•
11
Mrolal of NASA lu Comuo;&oulcr Shepartl,
•This "'"' '"" lint of hi• 1.-u •·i-ih '" I >'.
Wloile lluu•e
lanol whih· in ollke.
Mar 1&-11. muole slalc 'hil lu Cuuaola; ad·
June li. lnoul•· l··h-vi,iun •n•l rw~hu ••·p·ul •u•
d 11•urd Cunaoliun l'•rh•"'"'"'· Ouawu
Khnn.hl'ht"\' nml•·u·ncr.. \Vhah· lluu\1'
•IJI' Will lho• liftlo uf SCVI'Il l'll'lid<•niS whu
•II•• llltUtl lht•u• luul lwC'tt
\'itilc'l Cunutlu \\ hilc in ulli,:•··
un tli\t'U\Uh'')'• no ian\ ul h·•••
•lie wul the 1nnlh ul II ,,,.,;denU .who
l"'ll, uo 1hrcuh ur ulhuualuau\ l,)
trooVcl!!d ouUiol•• lh" ll S. wloile In ollic:e.
c·illu•r sitlt·; uo u•lvuntuge Ul c·t•n
r.toy 20. oulcfl"l Atturul')" (:o•uecol l~.uiM'rl
cc•ninn wul eilltcr teuina:d ur Ml\'
K"ucu•dy "to 1u~e ollon!C:t'>U<Y sleJ>I uller
t•n; nu uuajur tl•·l"isaun v."dJ •·•I h··•
Frcc•lom llhlers alluck•••l unol he-olen In
t•l .. nnt·d or lulu·n; Itt.) 11"_-chu·ul.u
,. utc.u·~\ ""'MI c·ilh•·r .du•·,·nl 111
Monll(utucry. Alo.
1
•AUurn~)" Geucual Krnau•tly urtlcr~&l (our
l""h·oulcol.
.
hundred II.S. nllu•huh lu the Alaborna
•lie ... hlt•ol lhol, while VII!""' ....,.,,,"'''''
slnlr col'ilol uoul on oololiliuual IWO hun·
sluuply ..... 1 ,,... ,, tlu· d 1u. 1uwb hi ~~uu•natnll·
clrecl morshuls, Mu)' 22.
c: 11 t•••n well• ut.enrcl more holly
•Amons the 211 or more uojure•! In Monl·
June !l, ),.•Jl•n usinl( rrult '""
un 11~r)' ... ,., l'rc•lolenl K.... ,.,.,lr s personal
•II \\-"liS annnunc•·d Uull he had sll•uu·•l ltu
re urseutolivc, Juhn !io<'l!enllonler.
Iouck tlurinl( 11 lrcc-·tllunling c·•·u·moonr '"
1
Mar 25, delivered •tteciulnu!U~8e lo Con·
ouawu in Muy. lh· tlist:orolc·d llu· Cllllt ......
grcll .In which he usked l_egulutlon lor
June 23.
June 12-13, ~,mferrcd "''ilh l'""nirt .\ouill·
1noo•f'I""Jcc:t, c•pauded mihlory slrenglh,
lou• l~unlunl of Jluly, While llun•••
increased (oreiKII aoJ
•In what he culletllob SHUIIII Stale or the
June 20-22. C'UIIfo!rll'd wilh ru•mi&•r ll.opol"
Unldn uwnu11c. he said:
lko:•la ul J•t•~n. While 11•111\l'
I b.!lie\·e lhul thh nollon should
•lie aud llu~•ln iuau·d 11 joinl annuuu~ ,., ...... ,
cununil Itself 10 IIC:hieving lhe goal,
of tlu! esl:ohlislnnenl or aloe "· s , ..... ..
11111
hc(m e 1his drude is oul, of loinding
C"''unill•!•" un ·rratlc 11nd 1·.•·••11 "
•
a 1uun on the nao011 uml u!turninl
Alhsin. ,., .... CltiUIMJiCd
loim •ul<·ly 10 the eurth. No sin11le
111•n nl l10th notions.
.
s 1tul'l! proJcc:l In lids l'•·riud will he
June :1:1. h~ut•lsraonrl uf Ami••""''"' :\•II••
ore
hnl'reulve
to
munlo'"d
or
t:. SII'Yt'I"UII uu t'CUitUIUIC: ... c~ .............
111
more ,imatOriMnl fur lhr luntl·range
c:uouliliuns in Sonlh Amcrlc:a
•Slt~v..-u~na. "·ho luul visih..~ len cmau\1 , •. ,,
eal'lurohun of spdce.
. .
Mar 26, vetoed rchd billloo W&lham Joseph
s••i•l cuoulihuns h11d worscm·d. '""' '"~~·h·
lloe Alliom·e fur rrullrCII )ll~ll(lalll ~··
Vinc:enl
.
•This wu lhe liul of his 21 nines.
tu.:tetl uui\•enal rnlhusill\111,' ll ~ .1"'1'·
M•r :10, conlcontl with l'run•· Minlsler _J>•·
ulaoily hm•l•uliru·d b•·CIIlli<' ultl~t· l.ulom
vi<l 11<-n-Guriun uf hruo·l, Nrw York Clly
lnvusluu.
11 11
Mor 31, arrl\•etllnl'dtb.••n runiC' 10 VIenna
June 26, at'l"'iuto·•l (;,·m·ral "'""""
sneeli1111 with l'ro·uuo•r Klormhchev
Ta~lur •• 1,,. miliUr)' rraurS&·nloll\·o·
•lie mel with l'r•''"'""' Ch•rlcs de Gaulle
•To) lor, n lurmec doic-f ol slolr. wa\ ,..,· .. 11•·•1
1u Mcli\·r ol11ty.
011 511 ol'c:aslom tlut ill I( his thrt"e·dlly vlsol
June 26. DJ'puinl~l\ (act:fintliul( l•••llltl ht IU
to l'•ris
•II•· wus the lhiul ul four presidents who
vrslljlutr UMrllinu• sluke
•A cauoolc•• ulthr uwn:hanl llo·o·l luooll .. ·o·n
visilr•l Foon<"<" whllr In nllke.
•llr was the lihh of •rvru prcsldrnls who
hll•• sim·r Junc 1!'1.
visited a·:uropr while in ullice.
i.
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
DATE
SUBJECTifiTLE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
001. memo
From Tom Walls to John Hart. Subject: Re: Reagan Transition, First
100 Days- Analysis, Recommendations. (6 pages)
10/31/1992
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Reagan Teams First 100 Days
2008-0699-F
bm75l
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -(44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(l) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�f•l) 02 0['~
(
October 20, 1992
TO: John Hart
FROM: Tom Walls
RE: Chronology of Reagan First 100 Days
The following chronology is a compilation of resear.ch done by
Matt Mahaffie, Mark Gerchi~k, Greg Wortham, Roger Ballentine,
George Kopp and me. I divided the first 100 days among them and
have integrated their notes in to this document in a way that I
hope
i~
con~istent
and coherent.
A lesson: All four of these people did a good job, but three of
them were late to one degree or another and all devia~ed in
various degrees from the format instruction I gave them, which
resulted in my retyping and/or reformatting everything they gave
me, and in the process defeating the purpose of-dividing the
work. So it took forever.
This document contains so much information, it could be analyzed
and mined for patterns, pitfalls, lessons,. etc. for weeks. The
chart I am doing for Reagan will summarize some--of this but only
in a cursory way. Reagan had a most eventful first 100 days .
.....
As you will see, it was an action-packed few months.
1
�-······
·-··•••·'"
-.- .•:'~'''-'~•·
L:.~.-.
(
REAGAN'S FIRST 100 DAYS: A CHRONOLOGY
January 20, 1981
- Ronald Reagan ("RR'' sworn ln. Inaugural speech sets for1h clear
direction: smaller, weaker government. Firat official action: federal hiring
freeze.
-Sources say RR
name James Mahoney to EPA, despite some Senate
opposition .
• Senators Helms and Eaat vote against confirmation of Weinberger as
SecDef, pledge to do same to Carlucci as Deputy.
- Donovan nomination for SecLabor l:s In trouble; rumors of payofta re;
labor disputes.
• Moscow silent on Inauguration, Beijing calla for broader relations.
Iran releaaea l'loatagea.
will
January 21, 1981
- RR administration acknowledges It Ia bound by Carter-negotiated
hostage agreement, but will review lt. Rumors _tt.et RR will abrogate
agreement.
·
- Slookman aaye adm•nlatratlon will move quickly to decontrol gasoline
and crude oil prices, and freeze Implementation of all now federal rogs,
says revenue loaaea of tax cuta will be paid for by "mafor surgery" on
domestic programs.
• Sen. Hatch says FBI has not substantiated charges against Donovan.
• Leaders of Korea and Jamalca_.ylslt RR.
·
- Many key posts still unfilled, wllh ·carter appointees as acting
Secretaries, etc.
- RR backs away from pledgEt to abollah Council on Wage and Price
Stability.
• RR requests resignations of off non-career senior execs.
• RR will replace 1!5 Jn:spec:tora General In executive branch, accused of
polltlcl.zlng office of JG, hints he may rehire some of them.
- Four RR nominees Confirmed: Halg as Secretary of State, Regan as
S.c:Treasury, Brock aa US Trade Rep., Schwelker as Secrotary of HHS.
January 22, 1981
- RR meets with S DemocrAtic Houae commltt98 chairmen. continues
rhetoric against big spending, regulations.
- Oema note RR Ia falling behind schedule for submlt11ng economic
recovery program.
- RR names Bush to head task force on reform of federol roga.
• RR Jaaues order to reduce travel by federal officials, reduce use of
consultants and cease purchase of furniture, office equipment, etc.
• RR orders Cabinet not to redecorate offices, criticized as Nancy
redecorates White House.
• RR talephonea greetings to various foreign leaders, first trip will be to
Canada, In next month.
• RR will laaue 10 executive orders Implementing Iran hoatago agreement.
- Halg sworn In; Helma, rlght·wlngers object to moderate subappointments at State; Halg resisting RR pressure to appoint Wm Clark as
Deputy Secretary.
- Weinberger speech; mus1 "rearm" America.
• Eight RR nominees confirmed: Watt at Interior. Smith at Justice, Block at
Agriculture, Baldridge at Commerce, Pierce at HUD, Lewis at
2
�(
Transportation, Bell at Education, Edwards at Energy •
• RR meets with pro·llfa groups; pro-lifers angry at RR for skipping "March
ror Lite.·
- Greenspan calla tor delay In tax cuts•
January 23, 1981
• RR nominates Judge Clark as Deputy Secretary of State. Halg now
enthusiastic. Meese had pushed for Clark, despite lack of credential:. .
• RR appoints MuiTIIy Woldonbaum as Chair of Council of Economic
Advlaera, Edward Schultz 'as Deputy A.G., Richard Lyng as Undersecretary
of Agriculture, John F. Lehman as SecNavy; John 0. Marah as SecArmy,
Verne Orr ae SecAir Force .
• Administration will announce appointments prior to completion of FBI
confllct-of-lnteraat checks .
• RR has breakfast with Republican Congressional leaders. Bob Michel
aaya RR won't touch Social Security, but will cut other antltlementa .
• RR holds cabinet meeting r_,; economy.
• RR has lunch with Regan, Volcker, Weldenbaum- at Treasury.
January 24, 1981
.....
• Halg to meat with Canadian foreign mlnlater.
• Carol Schwartz named acting Associate Director of Office or Presidential
Personnel.
• OMB backdates hiring freeze to November 5, Job otfera withdrawn. Some
oxcoptlona •
• RR, top aides attend Alfalfa CW..~ ~~nner.
January 25, 1981
January 26, 1981
- RR meets with Congressional leaders re: economic package and foreign
policy.
- Helma applauds appointment of Fred lckla as No. J at Defense.
• Watt flrea all but one of departmental agency chlafu at Interior, they are
told to get out by 4 p.m. Transition had said they would have at least
three weeks.
January 27, 1981
• RA wolcamoa hootagoa, warne of owlft and offectfvo rotrfbutlon against
future violators of International low.
-White House announces proposed sale of MSO tanks to Marrocco;
Algeria, key ally In hostage negotiations, Is upset.
·Stockman plan calla tor about 25% cut In food stamps. RR has not yet
committed to Stockman plan. Farm bill laopardlzed by food stamp cuts.
-White House announces new nominations: Donald Hovde aa No. 2 at
HUD, Donald Hodel as Undersecretary at Interior, Donald W. Moran as
Dlroctor of HHS at OMB, William Leahor asa OMB Director of Economic
Polley Analysis and Budget, Dennis Thomas aa Asst. Secretary of
Legislative Affairs at Treasury. (Announcements had bean held up
because of hostage return.)
·White House announces plans to remove remaining federal price
controls on US crude oil, accelerating planned phase-out of controls.
Stocks rebound.
• Stockman confirmed at OMB, Casey confirmed at CIA.
• Administration warne against travol ta Iran.
3
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January 28, 1981
• Halg press conference, says terrorism Is priority, downplaya human
rights.
Saya he will form Interdepartmental group.:s to reformulate entlr• foreign
policy, but RR and National Security Adviser will have last word.
- Stockman calls for massive cut In foreign aid, amy bring clash with Halg.
·Energy Sec Edwards announces decontrol of gasoline and crude oil
price controls.
• Prau aae hiring freeze causing havoc In agencies. OMB.
- Jamaica Prima Minister Seaga visits RR emphasizes anti-communism In
Caribbean.
- RR appolnta: John Svahn to hood SS admlnlatratlon, Malvin Bradley aa
Senior Polley Adviser.
,
• SecTransportatlon Lewis has press conference, says administration will
go slow In aiding auto Industry re; lmpona, regs, financial asslatance, will
honor commitment to Chrysler, will not seek Import quotas from Jepanaae.
• Regan seeks Increase In federal debt limit.
- Block says Reagan will review grain embargo against Soviets.
January 29, 1081
- RR announoea 60-day freeze on now rags., to counter 1 19 raga, drawn
up by Carter people on way out the door.
- RR abolishes Council on Wage and Price Stability, but retains 35 staffers
to aaalat OMB with regulatory reform~
- RR waffles on pledgee re; draft registration, grain embargo, dairy price
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supports, schedule for tax cuts._.
- AR declines to give timetable for promised abolition of Depts. of Energy
and Education.
- RR trRshes Soviets, sRys detente Is "one-way street." State Dept. llmtta
Soviet Ambassador Dobrynln's access to State Department.
- RR rules out •revenge" against Iran.
·
• Senate Labor Committee approv&a Donovan by 11-0 vote with 5
abstentions.
·Block shelves gasohol loan guarantees.
- White House calls for EEOC to raise evidentiary standard tor snowing or
discrimination.
-Appointments: Fr-.d Fielding aa W~lte House Counsel. M. Peter
McPherson aa Administrator of Agency for International Development,
several others at second and third level posts.
• Senate confirms. Kirkpatrick as UN Ambaa-dor, 81-0.
• Israel cites RR comments on terrorism to Justify rolda on Palestinian
bases ln Lebanon.
January 30, 1981
• Halg counterpunches against Stockman's plan to cut foreign aid, after
allies. some congreaalonal Republicans protested. Cabinet postpones
daclalon.
• RR places Investments In blind trust worth $740,000.
• RR announcoa new preaa conferonco procedures; que~tlonera to bo
chosen by lot. Will have Informal weekly moetlngs with groups of
reporters.
• Soviets complain about RR's comments about them.
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January 31, 1981
·Foreign aid cuts to be scaled back due to Halg realatance. Halg and
Stockman struck deal attar Intensive negotiations. Many allies, others had
balked when administration hinted It would not meet International aid
obligations to World Bank. Administration affirms It wJJI meet International
obligations. Halg/Stockman compromise reflacta RR and top advisers'
desire to ua.e foreign aid as foreign policy tool, rewarding rrtenda, avoiding
multilateral organizations. Deal waa precipitated by leak of OMB memo .
• Sonata Labor CommiHee Iaska new charges against Donovan, by FBI
Informant.
February 1, 1981
• Kemp -ye RR will announce 30% In lncomo tax outa ovor thr.. yoara,
retroactive to Jan. 1.
- Baker eaye economy Ia worst Its been In 30 years.
-House Budget CommiHee Chairman Jones aaya RR should approach
arma control agreements as a way to limit defense spending.
- Inspectors General fired by RR criticize wasta In RR administration.
- Baker explains RR comments re; Soviets, terrorism; says RR will take tough
line. RR has requested contingency plans re: potential International
Incidents.
• Helma announces that conservative Wm. Ayres will be head of Veterans'
Administration. Helms had promoted him.
• Poll Indicates Americana believe RA can't rbreconomy.
• State announces all politically appointed ambassadors will be replaced,
except for Mansfield In Japan. ....:.:
• E. Dole says Reagan will fill Carter:Created post of consumer adviser to
President.
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February 2, 1981
- RR meets with S. Korean Premier Chun, signals support, downplays
human rlghta concema. RR rejects Carter Idea of US pullout from S.
Korea.
Admin. had asked Congreaa to delay release of report on S. Korean
human rights abuses. Chun commuted aentence of opposition figure,
denies deal with U.S.
· Senate Democrats criticize Judge Clark for Ignorance of foreign affalra.
- Admin ellmlnataa bilingual education raga. Hispanic leaders angry.
• RR makea several second and third level appointments at State.
- Block says admln. will seek elimination of '1arget price" programs of
farm subsidies In '151 form bill, calls for end to grain embargo.
- GOP Senators assail "false" charges against Donovan.
-Admin. hints It will rescind some Carter Executive Ordera re: EPA, which
are being Implemented by EPA. Protest from Congress and some In
Industry.
- State danlea that U.S. Amb. to El Salvador John White waa fired, despite
signa to tha contrary.
-RR and Nancy nama Muffy Brandon as White House Social Secretary.
February 3, 1981
- Weinberger preaa conference. Indicates greater US willingness to station
troops In trouble spot abroad, Including Israel. Weinberger sympathetic to
deployment of neutron bombs In Europe.
- White House considering cuts In many popular programs,laaks proposals
for cuts In Medicaid, food stamps. FHA. TVA. NEA. NEH, child nutritional
programs. unemployment benants. Proposed cuts are to be "offset" by
5
�reductions In "benefits to wealthy and bualneaa•.
·Senate confirms Donovan 80..17.
• Foreign relations CommiHee approvea Clark aa Deputy S.Cr9tary of
State.
• RR meets with black and union leaders, promises to ''preserve safety
nel" Leaders reserve comment.
• VIce Admiral Bobby Inman approved as Deputy Director of CIA by Senate
Select Committee on lntellloence.
·Sources say RR will announce sale of F·16a ·to S. Korea.
• House Ways and Means committee approves $50 billion Increase In debt
limit, with ouppor1 of Regan and Stookman, RR promlaes notwithstAnding.
• Admin. to Issue orders to agencies to ease rc.gs.
-Treasury Undersecretary-Designate Beryl Sprinkel aays Admin will feel
free to advise the Fed on monetary policy.
February 4. 1981
• Wash. Post reports RR to seek deregulation of natural gaa by Sep. 30.
• White House Indicates budget cut decisions to-be made In next week or
two.
·
- Admin. aaya grain embargo will remain In plnco, doaplte RR promlaea.
Admin Ia considering broadening embargo to Include some technologies.
- Public Citizen upset that Dr.F. Gilbert McMahon Is baing considered to
head FDA because they see him aa r(faletlng pro-consumer Initiatives.
- Treasury Secretary Ragan named US. Governor _of IMF, International Bank
for Reconstruction and other International development Institutions•
• RR names Seeley Lodwick to " Undersecretary for lnt'l Affairs at Ag.,
Robert Carlson as Special Asst. to Presld~~t for Polley Development.
• Sources aay far-right Erneat Lafever will be Aaat. Sec. for Human Rights
at State; seen as another bona thrown to right wing.
• Career diplomat Fred Chapin named acting Ambassador to EJ Salvador.
• WhHa House downplays reporta of American woman on trial In Iran,
backs away from earlier remarks by Halg calling her a "hostage".
_ RR a big hit at Washington Press Club dinner.
February 5, 1981
• RR TV speech In prime time, calla economic problems worst since
depreaalon, propoaaa cuta In most programs. promises to protect "oafety
nat". Suggest means testing. Proposes 105 tax cut. Offers few details;
Conciliatory toward Congress.
·Admin reported conalderlng $17 billion cut In :aoolal aarvlcoa for '82
budget. OMB had resented them to Congress earlier this woek,
Democrats object that those moat In need will be most hurt.
• Congressional Repuba. reluctantly back Increase In debt calling.
- RR attends annual prayer breakfast.
• Dole aaya RR will nn graln embargo: White House noncommittal.
- Inman confirmed as Deputy Director of CIA.
• Hodel confirmed as Undersecretary of Interior.
• "Religious" source~ say US Is roaa:Jurlng Nicaragua to halt flow of arms
to leftlata In El Salvador.
• Stocks rally In responaa to RR speech on economy.
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February 6, 1981
• Admin criticized for aoon-to-be released ''rosy scenario" economic
forecast.
• US district Court ordera 3 workera to work despite hiring freeze, In .auH
by National Treasury Employees Union.
• Senate approves debt ceiling Increase, but dams. vote •no" to force
Repuba. to vote for Increase, than dams change votes to yes •
• RR gains farmers' aupport budget cuta and continued grain embargo.
Farmers suggest broadening embargo to other producta .
• White House denies that Halg told European allies to disregard
Weinberger statements re: deployment of neutron bombs.
• RR will honor diplomatic commitments to PRC .
February 7, 1981
• Stockman has circulated documents to congressional leaders detailing
cuts Reagan Will make across broad spectrum, Including :school aid, child
nutrition programs, abolition of Economic Development Administration,
transportation programs. Major congressional resistance.
·Senator Hatch agrees to reopen Labor Committee Inquiry on Donovan, In
light of problems In FBI Investigation.
- RR nominates Frod lkle as Undersecretary of Defense for Polley.
Sources aay Holms pushed lkle and dropped opposition to Carlucci In
return.
Fobruary 8, 1981
• RR reported considering cuts In Postal Sorvlce and Amtrak. according to
OMB documents.
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• Wash. Post roporto Interest group·s- gottlng organized In opposition to big
...
proposed cuts. Byrd and Baker preparing to fight cuts.
• Senate Energy Committee resisting RR proposal to deregulate natural
gaa.
February 9, 1981
• Meese says RR Is planning additional tax cuts.
·House Dems warn White House not to cut synfuels.
• RR will koep Jones aa Chairman of Joint Chiefs, despite con:svrvallvea'
objections.
• Appointments: Christopher T. Cross. former Hse. staffer and opponent of
creation of Educ. Dept., to be underaec. of Educ. Cheater Finn, Jr,
Moynihan aldo and oduo. dopt. trana toam momber who alao opposed
Educ. Dept., will be aaat. sec. for planning and budget. William B. Clohan,
Hse. staffer and trans team member, to be GC at Educ.
• Reagan names three woman to Wh. Hae. stan positions.
• State Dept. releases annual human rights report. It was delayed during
S. Korean Premier Chun's visit on Feb 2. Report Is highly critical of
Chun's govt., and others.
• White Houae aide wavers on claim that gas prices would only rise 3 to 5
centa after decontrol, Prlooa have already rloen 8 to 10 canta.
- Trans. Sec. Lawla proposes 1 yr. delay In Implementation ot flrst phaoe
of alrbag/ seat belt regs. Seen aa first step towards killing them.
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February 10, 1981
• Brady says Stockman told cabfnet meeting that list of programs to be cut
Is 90% ready. (List to be announced by Reagan on Feb. 18.) In keeping
with Reagan's pledge not to cut programs for truly needy, 7 programo are
safe: SS'a baalc retirement, medicare, supplemental security Income,
disabled veterans' benefits, free school lunch and breakfast programs,
Operation Head Start (aid to Inner-city preschoolora) and summer JObS for
youths.
· - Treaa. Seo. Regan tall• National Pro- Club that two tax billa are ready.
The first bill Ia limited to 10% tax cut .In each of next 3 yra. plus Increased
depreciation allowances for bualnesaea. The 2nd bill would Introduce
other measures. Has proposed two billa ao Important parte of tax out plan
could be Implemented quickly and not have to waH for debate on many
other minor Items to be In second bill. Dole s.ya members of Cong. with
pet tax billa would not want to walt for second bill. Stockman says Ita
unlikely that Cong. will pass two tax bills this year.
• Stockman tells American Business Cont. that he plans cuts of $50 billion
In '82.
• Reagan hosts governors and labor leaders In continuing otfort to secure
aupport for econ. package. 14 Gova., 8 oro dema., say they aupport
Reagan's plan to cut fed. spending even though It would place a heavy
burden on states.
-Weinberger again aaya he ravors deploying Neutron warhead:. In europe,
he says he speaks for himself and not Reagan admln.
- Admin. flies orders for publlcajJ.on In Fed. Reg. sidelining two raga: One
was to lncreaso salaries for employees not allowed overtime undor the
Fair Labor Standards Act. The other would have required specific
Identification and labeling of hazardoua aubstances In the workplace.
• Budget documents show big proposed cuts In support for science.
Science leaders shocked and disappointed. Cuts are to affect NASA,
National Science Foundation and National Oceanic and Atmo:spherlc
Admin.
• Environmentalists object to John B. Crowell, Jr. aa aaat. sec. of Ag. He
Is GC for Louisiana Pacific Corp. which Is a leading cuttor and purchaser
of fed. lumber.
- Enorgy Sao. Edwards to move quickly to eetabllah permanent storage
altes for nuclear wastes. He does not believe that governors should hovo
power to veto aoloctlon of altaa.
February 11, 1981
- Reagan admln~ scales back forecast of beneficial effect of tax and
spending cuts. New forecasts show lower growth and higher Inflation.
New forecasts aald to be result of skepticism within admln. about "supply
aide" economics.
• State Dapt. oxpels Cubnn Diplomat for trying to convince American
buslneaaes to trade with Cuba.
• Admin. Ia considering asking Congress to eliminate "marriage penalty"
from tax coda In second tax bill. Other aecond tax bill Ito~: tuHion tax
cradHa, daductlona for charitable contributions even If other deductions
aren't ltamiZod, "amelioration" of double taxation of dividends, separattt
taxation or Interest Income, R & 0 tax credit, tax rallef for Americana.
working overseas and corp. tax reductions.
-Appointments: Carol F. Dinkins, a Tawas lawyer, as asst. AG. T. Timothy
Ryan, Jr., a Washington Labor Lawyer, aa Labor dept. Solicitor. Thorne G.
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Auchter, a FL conat. contractor, aa asst. sec. of labor for OSH. Albert
Angrlsanl, of Chase Manhattan Bank, as asst. sec. of labor for employmant
and training. William Gene Lasher, a former aenate alatfer, oo aaat. ooo. ot
Ag. of economics. John B. Crowell, Jr., GC for major lumber cutter and
purchaser, as asst. sec. of ag. (see yest.). James L Malone, Washington
lawyer and trans. team advisor on arma control, aa asst. aac. ot atata tor
oceans and International environmental and aclentlftc atfalrs. Phillip D.
Wlnn, Colorado real astRte developer, aa aaat. sec. of HUO and as federal
housing commlaaloner. William A. Wilson, member of "kitchen cabinet" as
president's personal rep. to Vatican. Church-state separatists had urged
that position remain vacant.
- State department calla new settlements on West Bank "unhelpful" to
peace prospects.
-Leonora Annenberg, wife of former Amb. to Great Britain and close friend
of Ron and Nancy Reagan, appointed US chief of protocol.
February 12. 1981
• White Houaa sources say Reagan will seek atiU-deeper apendlng cuta, of
$45 billion, than thought.
·
• Admin. haa decided to ond antl-tru:at onforoement by FTC over next thrqe
yeara by ceasing funding of Its Bureau of Competition; Illustrates dealre to
shape regulatory policy through OMS. FTC official calla It "administrative
repeal" of Clayton Act and Roblnson-Patman Act;·
• OMB aaka Consumer Product Safety .Commission to find cuts of 30%.
- Appointments: Angela Bucha11,1~. sister of Pat, to be Treas. of US. Lionel
H. Olmer, Motorola Inc. Exec. an~ fo-rmer Ford and Nixon lntoll. advisor, to
be undersec. of comm. for International trade. John B. Chapoton, Houoton
lawyer and former tax lawyor at Treas., to ba aut. Trans. aac. R. Tenney
Johnson, longtime official In Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon and Carter admlns.,
to be Energy Dept. GC. T. Kenneth Cribb, Jr., legal advisor during
campaign and transition, to be asst. dlr. ot otflce of cabinet admln. Don
Shasteen, former newsman, Hill aide and Nebraska Sen. candidate, to be
underaec. of labor.
• US to send Military unit to Oman, first ever, to aet up tomp.
communications faclltty for Rapid Deployment Force.
- Reagan paya tribute to Lincoln (on Llncoln'a birthday).
• Wash. Post reports large corporations to be hurt by cuts In aid to ExportImport bank vow to fight them.
• Calltornlana protest Watt's plan to allow drilling off coa:st.
• US to sell Saudis new equipment for F·15s. Israel to be given additional
planes and equipment too.
• Reagan expected to propose deep federal job cuta, layoffs of as many as
60,000.
February 13, 1981
• Reagan admln. to try to prevent Increase In milk price supports. Dairy
Interests will right lt.
• Admin., convinced Cuba Is aiding leftists In El Salvador, will lncrea:.o aid
to El Salvador. Details to be revealed by Halg next week. Protesto
expected rom liberals and Catholic church.
-Appointments: Donald J. Devine, U. of Md. prof. and head ot OPM trans.
team, to head OPM. Loret M. Ruppe. co-chair of Reagan-Bush cmta. In
Mich., to be hoad of Paaca Corps. Dr. Edward N. Brandt, Jr., U. of Texas
oft., to be HHS asst. sec. for health (to be redesignated undersec. for
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haahh In pending reorganization). Dr. C. Everett Koop, from children's
hoep. In Phil., to be Brandt's deputy. Carolyne K. Davia, U. of Mich.
official, to head health care financing admln. at HHS •
• rn an effort to deflect criticism that It favors the rich, Reagan admln. to
put off, for the time being, cut In minimum tax rate for unearned Income •
• Admin. may dissolve Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms at Treaa •
• Some conservatives on Hill unhappy with Reagan mllhary spending, they
are concemed about efficiency and value of high tech weapons systems .
• Admin. ralaea steel trigger prices, pleasing the steel Ind. (Uoed to
monitor Import prices.)
February 14, 1981
• Reagan spokesman said Reagan would seek "quick action- from
Congress on his tax and budget cuts In his speech to Congress thla week.
- Wash. Post reports Reagan has withdrawn 33 budget raaclsslona sought
by Carter In his final days. (resclsalons allow exec. not to spend funds
already allocated unless congress obJects wlthlrr45 days) Reagan wants
to convert them to referrals (which would postpone allocations until next
budget yr.).
February 15, 1981
- New York IJmea reported that the Prealdont will set up alx (6) cabinet
councils 'lhe moat structured system or cabinet orgzmlzatlon In the
modern presidency". Reagan considered a plan·to have cabinet
secretaries take offices In the EJecutlve Office Building aa they would be
•politically and psychologically clOser to the President". That Idea was
abandoned In favor of the cabinet councils> The councils would be:
National Security Economic Affairs, CommaR:e and Trade, Natural
Resources and Environment, Human Resources, and Food and
Agriculture. These were formally announced on
February 20.
February 16, 1981
- Reagans dine with Speaker Tip O'Neill and Mrs. O'Neil at White Houae.
- New York Times reported that the President Ia about to reverse the order
of Prealdont CArter restricting tho export of hazardous products that are
banned or controlled In the U.S. Industry had strongly opposed the Carter
order. The President reversed the Corter policy on February n 17th.
February 17, 1981
- RR laauea Executive Order 12290, regarding Export Administration Act of
1979, Executive Order 12291 requiring central OMB review of all oxacutlve
branch regulatory activities.
- RR laauea proclamation 4820 ending all emergency building temperatura
roatrlctlona.
- RR announces he will not seek salary Increases for federal executives,
Congress, and the judiciary.
- Wm. Howard Taft, IV named to be General Counsel of DOD.
- G. Roy Amett named to be Asst. Secretary of Interior for Fish and
Wildlife.
- RR maata with R. Vlguerle, conservative leaders.
• RR meets with stat chairs of Reagan-Bush campaign.
• Halg and Block meet with several congressmen re: grain embargo.
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February 18, 1981
• RR tranamHa legislative package re: hla Program for Economic Recovery,
dellvera televised address proposing $695.5 billion budget for FV 1982,
Including a 445 billion deflclt. Asks for cuts In 83 programs, totalling $41.4
billion, as well aa tax cuts. Tax cuts Include a cut of about 10% for
Individuals over three yoam. Only military spending would lncraaae.
- Democrats object to cuts disproportionate Impact on poor, offer
altornatlvoa .
• RR meets with Congressional leaders re; economic package, prior to
speech.
• RR meela with National Security Council.
RR laauea statement affirming US obligation to honor terms of Iran
hostage agreement, but emphasizes that he would not have negotiated
and that thla ahould not be viewed as a preceaent.
February 19. 1981
• RR travels to Santa Barbara.
• RR submitted to the Senate Charles Llchtanateltt to be Alternative
Representative to the United Nations. Llchensteln, a confidante of Jeane
Kirkpatrick, Wa3 an officer In the CIA and ghoat wrltor for former Prasldent
Richard Nixon.
• RR makes brief remarks to a breakfast for newspaper and television
news editors on hla Program for Economic Recovery.
• President made brief remarks to service personnel at Point Mugu Naval
Air Station, Cllllfornla on his flrsj_Je_l~rn to the state since his Inauguration.
·New York Times editorial gives qualified support for Economic Recovery
Program and concludes the Reagan plan deserves "o chance". Other
artlclaa rapor1 buiDinoaa loadors ara "onthual·aatlc'' and supportive of the
President's plan.
February 20, 1981
• RR still In Sama Barbara, California.
• Nominations: Judith T. Connor to be Assistant Secretary of
Transportation (Polley and International Affairs); Arlene Triplett to be
Assistant Secretary of Commerce (Administration); Raymond Waldman to
be Assistant Secretary of Commerce (International Economic Polley);
William Morris to ba Aaalatnnt Secretary of Commerce (Trade
Development); Ernest W. LeFever to be Assistant Secretary of State
(Human Rights and Humanitarian Agencies) (withdrawn by the President
on June 16); Rudolph Giuliani to bEt Associate Attorney Conoral: Theodora
Olsen to be Assistant Attorney General (Legal Counsel); William Francia
Baxter to be Assistant Attorney General (Antitrust Division); D. Lowell
Jensen to be Assistant Attorney General (Criminal Division); Michael
Cardenas to be Administrator of the Small Business Administration.
• RR announces the establlsh~nt of a federal on-site task force to
Investigate the disappearance and death of youngsters In Atlanta
• RR announces that he has Invited the Prime Minister of Japan to vlalt
Washington. Principal topics; military burden sharing and Japaneae auto
exports.
- RR announces that the Administration was lifting the prohibition on U.S.
Government financing of exports to ChUa. Note: Cong. Tom Harkin (D.
Iowa) stated reversal of Carter Administration ban makes " mockery of the
campaign agalnat International terrorism".
- Administration Issues a memorandum asserting that "Insurgency In El
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Salvador has been transformed Into a textbook case of Indirect armed
aggreaalon" by Cuba with active support of the Soviet Union, East
Germany and VIetnam.
- VIetnam veteran John Behan would be nominated February 21 to be
Administrator of the Veteran's Administration. The nomination of Mr.
Bahan, a double amputee, was purportedly Intended to blunt the criticism
of the departure of Max Cleland, the highly popular Carter Administrator.
(Behan was naver nominated and on April 30. Robert Nimmo's nama was
submitted to be Administrator of the VA.)
February 21, 1981
• RR atUI In Santa Barbara.
-Anna Gorsuch nominated to be head of EPA; John Hernandez to be her
Deputy.
- White House announces series of press conferences by cabinet
members from Feb 23 to Feb. 27 "To croate public demand" for passage of
the tax cuta and spending reductlona.
• New york Times reports President and Mrs. Reagan are unconcerned
with crltlclam of the coat to the taxpayer of their California mini-vacation.
Crltlca claim Reagan& ora axpondlng largo 11umsa In transportation .and
support while asking the poor to absorb large program cuts.
February 22, 1 981
• RR raturna to washington.
February 23, 1981
·Emanuel Sava to be Aa.at. Sec1otary of HUD (Polley Development and
Research).
· _.._ · • Roscoe Egger to be Commissioner of lnt,mal Revenue
• Robert Blanchette to ba Administrator of tlie Federal Railroad
Administration.
• RR maats with aome members of Congress.
• RR laaues Executive Order 12292 making changaa In prior executive
orders necessitated by the Foreign S$rvlce Act of 1980.
- RR la.auea Executive Order 12293 to provide for Administration of the
Foreign Service of tha U.S.
- RR laauea Proclamation 4821 - Save Your Vlnlon Waak.
- RR m111kea brief remarks on tha Economic Racovary Program at a White
House meeting of the National Governor's Association.
February 24, 1981
·.John S. Shad to be Chairmen of the Securltlea and Exchango
Commlaalon.
- Louis Giuffrida to be Director of FEMA
• John Fowler to be General Counsel to the Department or TronsportaUon.
-Thomas Pauken to be Director of the ACTION Agency.
- RR meets with the Republican Congressional leadership.
• RR meets with Israeli Foreign Minister Shamlr.
• RR received the diplomatic credentials of the Ambassadors of Jamaica,
Kuwait and Barbadoa.
- RR telephones King Juan Carlos of Spain to discuss the previous days
failed rlghtJst coup.
• RR hosts dinner honoring nations Governors (Governors had earlier this
day voted 36·2 to endorse Reagan's proposal to cut grow In Federal
spending).
- RR Issues Executive Order 12294, suspending litigation against Iran,
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White House announces Ita attention to Implement clalma settlement
agreement with Iran.
• RR laauea Executive Order 12295, which contlnuea nuclear eooperatlon
wtth the European Atomic Energy CommunHy (EURATOM).
- RR message to Congress transmitting us-Norway Fishery Agreement.
• RR preaenta Congressional Medal of Honor to Roy Benavidez.
• RR pledges support tor El Salvador.
• Ad Hoc Committee on Human Rights condemns choice of Ernest Lefever
to Human Rights post at State.
Febt"Uary 25, 1981
- RR meeto with Forolgn Mlnlater Francola-Poneot of France
• RR meats with Prime Minister Thatcher of the United Kingdom
• RR meats with two Senators.
• RR meets with Economic Advisors to dlscuaa OMB's finding that the
budget outlay figures had been underestimated by several billion dollars.
Meeting reautta In RR ordering $3-6 billion In additional cuts.
February 26, 1981
•
John Chapoton to be an Aaalatant Secretary of the Treaaury
Paul Craig Roberts to be an A.salatant Secretary of the Treasury
Albert Angrlsanl to be an Assistant Secretary of Labor
RR meets with Congressman Trent Lott (R.Misa) and the Republican
Whip Statf
• RR maeto with the Cablnot
- RR hosts State Olnner for Prl'lW Minister Thatcher of Unltad Kingdom
- RR formally announces creation
the following l'lve (5) cabinet councils:
Economic Atfalrs, chaired by Secrt:!tary of Traaaury
Commerce and Trade, chaired by secretary of Commerce
Human Resources, chaired by Secretary of H.H.S.
Food and Agriculture, chaired by Secretary of Agriculture
Natural Aeaourcea and Environment, chaired by the Secretary of
Interior
(The serving Executive Secretary of each council would be a member of
the White House Offlco of Polley Development. In addition, there were two
pre-existing Cabinet-level groups, the National Security Council and the
Trade Polley Committee. Note: The cabinet councils would meet 129
tlmea during the first year of Reagan Presidency, 12 Umea with President
attending.)
• New York Tlmee article enelyzod how tho Admlnlatratlon orrod In
estimating the budget figures.
or
February 27, 1981
• William Baxter to be Assistant Attorney General, Anti-trust Division
• RR meats with National Security Council re; military aaalstance to El
Salvador.
• Cabinet Council on Economic Affairs to discuss the underestimate of
budget outlay figures. President decided on additional budget cuts of
$10-13 million.
- RR meets wtth Senator John Tower (R. Tex), Representative Henson
Moore (R. La) and Representative 8111 Frenzel (A. Mlnn).
- RR Issues Proclamation 4822 • Red Cross Mon1h
• RR announces the appointment of Wendy Borchardt as Aaaoclate
Director of Presidential Personnel
• RR announces the establishment of a cabinet task force on Immigration
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and refugee policy
• New York Times reports national coalition of trade unions, civil rights
groupe, rullgloua organizations and aoclal welfare agenalee planned to
battle Reagan budget cuts •
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February 28, 1981
• Gerald Carmen to be Administrator of General Services Administration
- White Houaa announces the assignment of U.S. military personnel to El
Salvador • a alx man Navy team to train the Salvadoran Navy In coastal
patrol•
• Congraaalonal opponents to U.S. Involvement In El Salvador
acknowledge that they do not have tho votea to atop tho President's
policy.
March 1, 1981
- No significant events.
March 2. 1981
• Jamea Malone to be Assistant Secretary of State for Oceana and
International Environmental and Scientific Affaire- 11m Ryan to be Solicitor for the Department of Labor
• Judith Connor to bo an Assistant Secrotary of Transportation
• Lee Veratandlg to be an Aaalatant Secretary of Transportation
• RR moela with Senator Robert Packwood (R.Ore); Senator Henry
Jackson (0. Waah); Rapreaenlatlve Silvio Conte (R. Maaa); Reproaonlatlve
James Broyhill (R. NC).
• RR announces he has astablltY!ed the Prealdont's Economic Polley
Advisory Board to advise the admfrirstratlon on domestic and lntomatlonal
economic policy, to be chaired by George .Schultz.
• The WhHe House announces II will expand military assistance to El
Salvador by sending an additional 20 military advisors and $25 million In
equipment.
• RR addresses mld•wlnter Congressional City Conferoncoe of the National
League of Cltlea, aaka Urban executives and administration to help secure
passage of hfa economic program. The League endorsee Reagan's ·now
course" but queatlona Ita Impact on the cities.
• NY Times editorializes against Reagan nominee Ernest Lefever for the
post of Aaalatant Sacrotary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian
Agenclea.
·
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- Tlmes urges Reagan to retain the Council on Environmental Quality.
March 3, 1981
·Paul VanderMyde to be Assistant Secretary of Commerce (Congressional
Atralra)
• Lawrance Brady to be Assistant Secretary of Commerce (Trade
Administration)
• Richard A. Dol.auer to bo Under Secretary of Oefanao (Research and
Engineering)
-William Clohan, Jr. 1o be Under Secretary of Education
- Dorcas Hardy to be Aaalatant Secretary of Health and Human Servlcea
(Human Development Services)
·John Knapp to be General Counsel to H.U.D.
- James R. Harrts to be Director ot Office of sunace Mining Reclamation
and Enforcement, Department of Interior
• Robert Burford to be Director of Bureau of Land Management,
Department of Interior
.
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• Myer Raahlah to be Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs
• Robart Hormats to be Assistant Secretary of State (Economic Affairs)
• Cheuter Crocker to be As:sletant Secretary of State (African AffAirs)
·John Holdridge to be Assistant Secretary of State (East Aaian and Pacific
Affairs)
• Nicholas Vellotes to be Assistant S.Cretary of State (Near Eaatam and
South Aalan Affairs)
• Roger Mehle to be Assistant Secretary of Treasury (Domestic Finance)
- Philip Johnson to be Commissioner of Commodity Futures Trading
Commlaalon
• Lynn Helma to be Administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration
• RR meets with the Automotive Task Force; Former President Ford
- Reagana dina With Mr. & Mrs. Howard Baker.
• RR laauea Proclamation 4832 • World Trade Woek
- White House announces that It would not accept the previously agreed to
Law of the Sea Treaty
• RR gives a wide-ranging Interview with retiring CBS Nawa Anchor Walter
Cronklto In which he stated that ha saw "no likelihood" of U.S. combat
troops going to El Salvador.
• RR will seek a $38 billion Increase In military spending, Including $1
billion for the Rapid D~ploymenl force.
- Congressman Roatenkowakl will support an early offecllve dote for
bualneaa tax relief.
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- Times also reports that "privately Democrats believe that Reagan
commands much public support and are fearlul of opposing the President
outright on hla budget cuts."
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March 4, 1981
• Stephan May to be an Aaalatant Secretary for H.U.D. (Legislation)
• Arthur Teele to be Administrator of Urban Masa Tranaportatlon
Administration, Department of Transportation
• Lawrance Eagleburger to be Asslatant Secretary of State (European
Affairs)
• RR has breakfast meeting with froahman Republican Members of the
House
- RR meats with the National Security Council
• RR announces that the following be designated as Acting
Chairman of tholr ro~poctlvo agenclee:
Clay Smith- EEOC
Lealie Kanuk ·Federal Maritime Commloalon
oavld Clanton • Federal Trade Commission
Joaeph Hendrie - Nuclear Regulatory Commlaalon
Note: Hendrie was ramoved as chairman by President Carter In
wake of the Throe Mile Island accident
Frank Barnako • Occupational Safety and Health Review
Commioolon
Philip Loomis • Securities and Exchange Commiaaion
• New York Times reports Reagan's first congressional victory when the
Senate Agriculture committee approved hla proposal to freeze the level of
dairy price supports. The Times also reports that leaders of organized
labor testified In the House that Reagan budget cuts are '111-concelved"
and dlsaatroua to working Americana.
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March 5, 1981
• RR nominate• two Aaaoclate Judges to the Superior Court of the District
of Columbia
• Angela Buchanan to be Trea:surer of the Unltod States
• Thome Auchter to be an Assistant Secretary of Labor
• Don Devine to be Director of the Ottlce of Personnel Management
• RR meets with Anne Gorsuch of EPA
• RR meets with members of the Louisiana Congreaalonal delegation
• RR maeta with the Cabinet.
- RR attende a breakfast meeting with the Congressional Conservative
Democratic Forum. Note: Thla group was formed by Representative
Charleo Stonholm (D.TX) to puah a oonaervatlvo agonda In the House.
They gave Reagan a suggested list of $11.2 billion In spending cuta
Including reductions In Foreign Aid and repeal of Davis-Bacon.
- President announces federal aid In the amount of $979,000 will be
directed to Atlanta In wake of child alaylngs.
- Reports President Reagan plans to eliminate
$321 million In funds for the Legal Services CorpOration, virtually
terminating that agency.
March 6, 1981
-Charles Z. Wick to be Director. of International Communication Agency.
- David Swoap to be Under Secretary of Health and Human Services
·C. W. McMillan to be Assistant Secretary of Agriculture
• RR meets with midwestern governors and senior staff re: auto Industry.
- RR announces he will sell 62 'i;.:~ ~ j~t fighters to Saudi Arabia.
Congreaalonal Democrats protest.
• RR announces he was replacing hla temporary federal hiring
freeze with a now permanent calling to reduce federal employment by
37,000 Jobs by Sept. 30, 1982 at a projected savings of $1.3 billion.
• RR announces appointments of Anthony Dolan, Dana
Aohrabacher end Marl Maseng aa Presidential apeechwrltora.
of
• RR announces that Benjamin Huberman would aorve as Acting Director
the Office of Science and Technology Polley, Executive omca ot rhe
Proaldent.
• RR holds a nationally televised ne~s conference announcing a plan tor
reduction of non·dafense personnel In the federal govemrnent.
March 7, 1981
• RR at Camp David.
·The White Houae announced that EPA will propose o change In the
Cloan Air Regulations to ease restrictions on emissions for now Industrial
development. Note: There was quick, negatiVe reaction rrom the Sierra
Club which termed the action aa "the first attempt to demolish the Clean
Air Act."
• The White House announced It was replacing the Law of the Sea
negotiators.
March 8, 1981
• RR returns from Camp David.
• The White House announced that the Law of the Sea delegation would
be headed by James Malone, Assistant Secretary or State-designee.
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March 9, 1981
• Marc Loland to Deputy Under Secretary of the Treasury (International
Affalra)
• Robert Odie to be Asalatant S.Crotary of Enorgy (Congro8Sional)
• RR meets whh leaders of Jewish organizations
• RR meets with Foreign Minister Hans Genschar of the Federal Republic
of Germany
• WhHe Houae announces that It has frozen grant applications by U.S.
Cltlaa.
- Janet Staiger will serve as Acting Chairman of the Postal Rate
Commlaalon.
• RR mekoo brief remarks to tho National Aaaoclatlon of Counties.
• Reports that RR will retain the Council on Environmental Quality.
- New York Tlmee editorial urges the President not to scuttle the Law of
the Sea Treaty.
March 10, 1981
• RR departe on state visit to Canada. Widely heckled. Firat foreign trip of
Reagan Presidency, although he visited Mexico-while President-elect.
• RR transmHa Message to Congress reporting budget recessions and
doferrala
• Message to Speaker transmitting proposed supplemental appropriations
and amendments. In this message, the President submitted to Congress
more dutalla or hla Program for Economic Recovery, outlining 200
additional budget cuts and nacal 1982 budget revisions.
• House Oema agree to prompt ..t<?onslderatlon of FY 1982 budget, but
leadership acknowledges that RA has the votes to get his budget c&.no,
puts them on •fast track. •
• ~ouae Education & Labor subcommittee "chews up Idea of
school lunch cut".
• Senate votea 68-24 with Reagan's position to defeat an amendment that
would have restored the oil price controls that Reagan removed .January
28.
• House subcommittee on commerce Investigations (e.g., Rep. AI Gore)
criticized Reagan's freeze on approval of new genertc drugs.
• Administration defends Its llftlng of sanctions on
Chile.
- State Oapartmant announces that any aummlt with
Brezhnev will not be held until at least "lata summer".
- Secretary of Transportation announces "ffrm commitment"
to 75-omlle Metro rail eyatem for Olatrlct of
March 11, 1981
• Reagan concludes state visit to Canada, Reagan's flrst trip abroad as
President. Reagan algns two noncontroversial agreements: re NORAO
and uoclal aecurlty reciprocity.
• Secretary of Health & Human Services announces that 1 In 6 families on
welfare will be forced off welfare by Reagan's budget cuts.
• Congressional response to first day of review of
Reagan's budget: doubb that apondlng cut:a can bo achlovod, nceuaatlona
of •smoke and mirrors", etc.
• Director of the Office of Management & Budget Stockman
testifies before Congress re budget cuts.
• Administration announces plans to Increase funding for Voice of America
radio propaganda against Soviet Union.
• Ousted U. S. ambassador to El Salvador (under Carter
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Administration) testifies at Congress In criticism of Reagan Administration
policy In El Salvador.
• Deputy Treaaury Secretary asks Houae Banking subcommittee to ,..duee
funding to World Bank and other multilateral development banks.
,
• The Washington Post reports CIA position that Reagan will "ease curb on
domestic spending".
• Secretary of Energy advocates free-market approach to gasoline/oil
prtcea and allocation .
• Director of Regulatory Reller Task Force announcaa Impending release of
"50 major federal regulations In the environmental, health and safety
areas" that Taak Force "lntend:a to subJect to atrtct regulatory revlaw_.
-Administration announces the October 1 closing of the National
Aquarium (Commerce building, D.C.)
March 12, 1981
• Reagan rejects projections of the number of persons to be adversely
affected by budget cuta.
• Reagan announces "conditional agroament" to-attend North-South
Summit In Mexico In late 1981. Meeting, scheduled for June, will be
pootponod "for several months" to accommodate P.
• OMB Director Stockman testifies before hostile Senate committee.
• Secretary of Labor announces that "1 mUIIon people will be denied
benenta In whole or In pan next year" by Reagan'o budget c:uta and
proposed rules changes.
• World Bank executive dfrecto~Leslgna In response to Administration
plans to cut budgets for multilateral· development Institutions.
• Director or Regulatory Relief task Force .ennounces Administration's
Intent to d.centrallza regulatory functions. ·
• State Department spokesman, In background briefing, seeks to ahlft
media attention away from Administration's El Salvador policies.
- Nation's mayors announce opposition to Reagan'a budgot prapo:w~lo.
• Senate committee deliberation Ia heated re Reagan's environmental
budget.
• Reports of staff appointments made at the U.S. Agency for
International Oovelopment. The Washington Post roveals speculation re
other pending appointments at other departments.
March 13, 1981
• Reagan announces U. S. will give Atlanta $1.5 million to aid In the
Investigation of ongoing ourlal kllllngo of Afrlcan·Amorlcan children. VlcaPresldant Ia dispatched to Atlanta to assess lnvoatlgatlon.
- Reagan orders $100 million purchase of military strategic stockpiles -- 62
minerals, metafa, and other Items •• to maintain U. S. defense and Industry
In the evant of a war.
• Secrotary of State warns Soviets ra military exarclaes In and around
Poland.
- In the previous week, Roagan and Sacrotary of State had top-laval
discussions re U.S. relations with Taiwan and the People'3 Ropubllc of
China.
• Budget documents emerge In OMB Director Stockman's congressional
testimony that show "an estimated 3 million households would lose' all or
part of their benefits" under Reagan's budget cuts.
• OMB Director Stockman tells Senate Select Committee on Small
Bualneas that Administration prefers to help aucceseful businesses rather
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than those needing low-Interest government loans.
• Aaafstant Secretary of Treasury agrees with Ways & Means Committee
that Gny tGX cute approved thla yeGr should be ett.Gtlve no later than
March 11, 1981.(1.e., retroactive)
- Secretary of Energy announces the termination of the Carter
Administration's nuclear fuel reprocessing program.
• CIA director tells Senate Committee that he does not favor domestic
spying.
-Reagan appointe former D. C. ochool superintendent as Department of
Education Aaalatant Secretary for elementary and secondary education.
VIncent Reed le Afrlcan•Amerlcan.
• Reagan appoints campaign communications counsel Mark Fowler to
chair Federal Communications Commlaalon.
• Reagan appoints Daniel Oliver, former executive editor of The National
Review as FCC general counsel.
• Reagan appoints Reagan fundralser and former Nixon aide Pater
Flanagan to presidential advisory board on economics.
• The Washington Poat editorial labels Balanced Budget Amendment "a
fake".
March 14, 1981
- Reagan makes first presidential visit to New York CHy. The Washington
Poet raters to vlalt as having the appearance ot-"prlmarlly a luxurious
holiday."
• VIce Prosldent In Atlanta meets
with city officials and families of the
.II••
victims re aerial killings of Afrlca·n·A'merlcan children.
- The Washington Post reports that a major Spanish magazine has
crHicl:z:ad the Admlnlatratlon for Ita "alow •nd lukewarm" roaponaa to an
abortive February 23 coup In Spain. Magazine claims U. S. response
lagged behind other Western nations.
• The Washington Poat editorials on Administration policy:
1. Questioning practlcalhy and desirability of shifting programs
trom Federal to State governments.
2. Criticism of lame-duck perk binge by some outgoing Carter
Administration ottlclala.
March 15, 1981
• Reagan In New York City. Reagan announces small Urban Development
Action Grants to NYC projects. Reagan attends aon'a debut with
Metropolitan Ballet. Reagan announces the following appolntmenta;
Ambassador to Organization of American States
Aaalatant Secretary of defense for public
affairs
Aaalatant Secretary of Defense for legislative affairs
Aaslatant Secretary of Agriculture for food & eonaumar affairs
Aaslatant Secretary of Energy for administration, procurement,
comptroller & finance
Aaelatant Secretary of Commerce for tourlom
- VIce President announces In Florida that Administration would like to
send back "undesirable" Cuban refugees.
-The Washington Post carries the following editorials on Administration
policy:
1. "But It's Not 1933": Reagan Administration
Ia moving too fast, economy Is not In Great Depression condition.
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2. Criticizing Administration for proposing "make-work" welfare
reform Jobs while Administration cuts other, Democratic Jobs
programs tor being "make-work- programs.
March 16, 1981
• White House rebukes State Department official for advising medla to
downplay Administration's El Salvador policies. White House aaya El
Salvador Is still a "Very Important" Issue •
• Reagan hoata lunchaon for women membera of Congreaa re budget.
- Congreaalonal Budget Office tells Congress that Administration has
underestimated spending by $25 Billion.
- S.nato Finance Committee and House Social Security Subcommittee
preliminarily approve Reagan's proposed cuta In Social Security "and '
other basic programs for the poor and unemployed". Figures approved
match Reagan's proposed numbers •
• Senator Glenn delays confirmation hearings for Raaoan designee as
Assistant Secretary of State for oceana and International environmental
and scientific atfalra (oversees nuclear nonproliferation Issues).
- Aaalatant Secretary of Troaaury announcora Admlnletratlon'a call for
repeal of two taxes on gamblers: occupational tax for "profeaslonal"
gamblers and a 2 percent wager tax.
• Administration announces an Immediate han In the college basic
educational opportunity grant program, pending Congressional action to
reduce the program.
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• Nuclear Regulatory Commlsalo1.· relaxes disposal rules for certain
laboratory waatea by reclassifying certain. types of low-level radioactive
waatoa.
- Cabinet aecrotarles made the following appointments to their
departments:
Bureau ot Reclamation director
Department of the Interior, Aaalalant Secretary for public affairs
Health & Human Services, head of Social Security's Omce of
Family Aaalatance
Deputy Commissioner of Social Security
• Tha Washington Poet editorial crltlcl:zoa CIA tusk forco proposal to.
remove curbs on domestic spying. ·
Maroh 17, 1981
• Reagan denounces CBO budget nguroa aa "phony· In m-tlng with
Republican Congraaalonal leaders. This Is Reagan's second visit to
Capitol Hill In two months.
·White House announces that Reagan will aak Japanese to limit auto
exports to U. S.
• ReaQan makes the following a ppolntmanta:
Ambassador to Ireland (announced by Reagan at
Irish Embassy • Happy St. Patrick's Day!)
Chairman of Federal Home Loan Bank Board
Member of U.S.·Canada International Boundary
Commission
• While House Oftfca of Public Liaison Omce head Elizabeth Dole
announces mlacallaneoua staff appolntmenta within her Office.
- Senate votes against Administration 53-45 on a preliminary price
support measure. Administration favorod a position to limit prlco
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supports.
• Houoe Education and labor Committee rejects "almost every dollar" of
Administration's proposed $14 Billion In cuts within the committee's
Jurladlctlon. The Washington Post refers to the vote as "one of the flrat
Congressional rebellions against the Administration's proposed budget
cuta."
- White Houao Counaol Moeao announce& that the Admlnlst,..tlon will
!:!!!.!.!!! curba on CIA domestic spying.
• State Department downgrades Its concerns over Soviet/Warsaw Pact
military activity In and around Poland In the midst of Polish labor unrest.
- The Washington Poet publishes analysis of Reagan'o Congreaalonal
liaison staff: •rave reviews".
March 18, 1981
...
- Gallup Poll reports 59 percent approval rating for Reagan, lower than tor
any recent elected President after hla first two months In office.
Equivalent percentages at same point: Ca.-ter 79%; Nixon 65%;
Kennedy 73%; Eisenhower 67%.
- White House discounts Gallup Poll results.
• White House (on orders of Chief of Staff Baker) cancels fundralalng gala
planned In honor of Reagan by "Independent" Reagan supporters, due to
etrong-arm 1undralslng tactics and complaints-from solicited business
leaders.
• White House says ''Voluntary" .9.r "Informal" restraints by Japan on
Japanese auto exports to U. S. ira ·preferable to mandatory quotas
Imposed by U. S.
·
-West German offlclale warn U.S. that any ·reatrletlona on Japanelmporta - even voluntary •• could cause an International trade war.
• Reagan hosts White House breakfast for freshman Republican Senators.
• Senate Budget Committee balka at cutting Social Security coat of living
Increases, but nevertheless the Committee proposes $2.4 Billion !!!2!! In
budget cuts than Reagan.
• Waya & Meana Committee question• Administration's economic
asaumptlona. but broadly supports with the Administration's proposed
budget out amounto.
• Secretary of State tella House Foreign Affairs Commlttoe that U. S.
troops may be placed In Sinal to facilitate Israeli withdrawal and that U.S.
troops might be used to protect U. S. lntareata In the "atatua quo"' of
Middle East oil fields.
• Underaecretary of State announces that Administration Ia considering
military action agalnat Cuba to halt flow of arms from Cuba to El
Salvadoran Insurgents.
• Reagan nominates California venture capltallet William Draper aa
chairman and president of the Export-Import Bank.
• The Veterans of Foreign Wars criticize Reagan's proposed funding cuts
for Veterans Administration facilities and services.
• Chemical Bank lowers Its prime Interest rate to 17%.
• The Washington Post reveals that Reagan will meet with loadora of the
Trilateral Commls:lion at the White House during tho Commission's
Washington meeting, March 29-31.
• The Washington Post publishes two adltoriRls on Administration policy:
1. Criticism of Administration's college aid cuts.
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2. Criticism of Administration bowing to aviation lobby and
trimming planned tax hikes on aviation sector.
March 19, 1981
• Secretary of State requests that Congress end ban on aid to Angolan
rebels•
• Senate Budget Committee completes Ita work an Reagan's proposed
budget In 3 daya by proposing $2.3 Billion .mgm In cuts than P.
- OMS Dlractor Stockman announeaa AdministrAtion review of ttM
neceaalty of contl"ulng Federal Housing Administration mortgage
Insurance.
- Whlto Houae -- on ordens of Chief of Staff Baker - kUla overzealoua
fundralslng unit (Coalition tor a New Beginning) that had been responsible
for previously cancelled gala.
- The Administration's auto Industry taak force urges Reagan to take
action to encourage Japan to Institute voluntary curbs on auto exports to
the U.S.
- Houae Agriculture Committee votes 25-16 wltlf"Reagan to cut milk price
support Increases scheduled to go Into effect April 1.
- Secretary of Interior (Watt) flroo 51 otoff attorneys and clerical workera.
- Reagan appoints Arizonan Bob Jantzen to be head of the Department of
the Interior's Flah & Wildlife Service.
- The Washington Poat publishes column by Joaepn Kran (at A23)
recounting Reagan's nrat 60 days In office: Administration "has started to
loae definition and momentum'".JI:", • _.
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March 20. 1981
• Reagan addroaaea his vlalon for tho future In a speech In D.C. to the
National Conservative Political Action Committee.
- Reagan has asked Senator Jacob Javlta to serve aa U. S. ambaeaador to
the United Na.llona, but Javua· acceptance Ia reportedly uncertain.
- Houaa Budget Committee chairman James Jones crltlclzea Reagan's
military salary plan, wherein a D.C.·basod Army lieutenant colonel would
be paid more than either the Secretary of the Army or a Mombor of
Congraaa.
• The President of Nigeria erltlelzea Rengon Administration ahlft toward
South Africa and Administration's Intent to ahlp arma to Angolan rebels.
Other leaders of black African nations have begun to criticize Reagan
Admlnlatratlon for Increased support or South Africa and for other African
policy Initiatives.
·The Washington Post reports that the Administration lost week asked the
European Community to withhold aid from Grenada In doferenca to U.S.
policy.
- Reagan budget Includes a ban on tha uae of Federal funds for abortions
even In tha caae of rape or lncaat. Only a threat to the life of the mother
would justify an expenditure of Faderal funds for abortion.
• Reagan announced Urban Development Action Grants while In New York
City but did not Inform Stockman at al of policy to support UOAGa.
Maanwhlle, Stockman's testimony before Congreaa has been hostile to
UDAG program.
·The Washington Poat reports that U.S. allies are confused and annoyed
at Reagan proposed cuts In U. S. space program.
·The Administration plana to aell 1/3 of the U. S. sliver stoc:kpllo (roughly
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50 million ounces) to pay for Increases In U. S. strategic stockpiles.
- The Washington Post publishes editorial critical of Reagan's proposed
"voluntary" quota plan to Umlt Japanese auto exports to the U. S.
March 21, 1981
- National Security Advlaar claims that western alliance Ia threatened by a
'"grave economic crisis" In Western Europe.
• The Washington Post reports that the Administration has "added a broad
amendment to Ita ravlaed budget for next year that would eliminate or
reduce In scope mora than three dozen energy programs Congreaa haa
enacted over the last seven years. •
- The Waahlngton Post reports that Secretary of Education Ia under White
House preaaure to dismantle the Education Department, and that
Secretary has ordered elimination of approximately 3/4 of the 955
employees aaalgned to collect defaulted student loans.
• Reagan Administration supports an unusually rapid approval of a sale of
Israeli fighter aircraft to Ecuador.
- The Washington Poat publlahea an editorial crnlcal of the
Administration's shift toward support for the Argentina regime.
March 22, 1981
• OMB Director Stockman aaaerta that passage by Congreas of only 75
percent of Reagan's budget cuts Ia "not acceptable" to Administration.
-The Waahlngton Post publishes an analyolo ot·dloarray In Administration
policy ranka: Admlnlatratlon'a policy roles need to be revampod, defined.
Sourcea Indicate that VIce Pre~dent will be In charge of a new structure
for national security crlala management. White House aldoa will become
directly responsible for coordinating pallc.y preparation for presidential
foreign travels, basad on WhHo House dlaaatlatactlon with State
Department handling of the Canada trip.
·The Washington Poat publishes editorials questioning the equity of
Reagan's tax bill and Reagan's paahlon toward South Africa.
• Arat-claaa mall rates Increase form 15 cents to 18 cents.
• Secretary of Transportation announces that Reagan's taak force on auto
Industry haa agreed on the need for "voluntary restraints" on Japanese
auto exports to the U. S.
- U.S. apakaaman pledges $225 million In U. S. old to ZlmhAhwa, pending
Congreaalonal approval.
- Secretary of Agriculture confirms that Admlnlatratlon will delay raleaaa of
Ita 1981 Farm Bill, due In part to potential adverse Impact on Statea and
dlatrlcta of Mambara of Congreaa whoae votes are needed on the dairy
price support bill thla weak.
• State Department confirms that U. S. Ambassador to the United Nations,
Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, mat secretly last week with the head of South Afrlca'a
military Intelligence.
- Secretary of Energy appoints a former aide to Pat Nixon as DOE
Secretary's top apokesperaon, and appoints the Director of Public Affairs
for the Department.
• Senate conflrma Donald Hovda as Undersecretary of Houolng and Urban
Development and Donald Devine aa director of the Otflce of Personnel
Management.
• The Washington Poet publishes an editorial crltlclzJng Reagan budget for
failure to give "a fair shake for the unemployed".
March 23, 1981
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March 24, 1981
• Reagan meets at White House with VIce President and Japanese Foreign
Mlnlater re auto Imports, other trade Issues.
• Attar reading The Washington Post account of Administration policy
shake-up, Secretary of State today publicly complained of his llmhad role
In Administration policy and crisis management. Secretary of State was
"put In his placag IaUer In the evening by presidential order, with White
House announcing that VIce President would be In charge of crtsls
management (International and domestic), with Vlco Proaldont to be
aulsted by National Security Council. Haig threatens to resign .
• Reagan signs executive order traneferrlng 99 USDA poattlona trom Civil
Service to Aeagan'a direct political patronage: 50 State directors of the
Agrlcuhural Stabilization and Conservation Service and 49 State directors
of the Farmers Home Administration.
- Secretary of Labor backs off of the Administration's plan for a youth
subminimum wage, In testimony before Senate Subcommittee on Labor
Standards.
• Secretary of Defense gats asuurances from West Garmany that the West
German government will lncraaae Ita military apendlng.
·House Appropriations Subcommittee approves by 8-7 vote
Administration's El Salvador policy to awltch $5 million from goneral
roralgn aid to military assistance, In first Congreaalonal test of
Administration's El Salvador policy. • Administration haa notified legP.h:!g Members of Congreas that the
Administration may ask to send U.S. troops to Sinal as peacekeeping
force.
• The Waahlngton Post roporta that tho Congraaalonal Budgot Offlco will
release an analysis ahowlng that the Administration haa underestimated
the projected daflclt and Ia otherwise falling short of Its budget goals.
March 25, 1981
- Reagan raaaaurea Halg that Secretary ot State remains Reagan's primary
foreign policy adviser In effort •• In The Washington Post's words - .,o
smooth over the most public and embarrassing dlapute of hla
Administration."
• VIce Praaldant announeoe 27 moro Fodoral onvlronmontal And Job- uafoty
regulations that have been earmarked for Administration review and
probable substantial revlalon.
• Secretary or Stale has taken charge or .Japanese auto Import talka, to
"consternation" of U. S. Trade Raproaentatlve and to bewilderment of
Japaneae Foreign Minister.
• Senate Democrats tentatively agree to Reagan's budgot cut numbers but
are unable to agree on specific programs to cut or to protect.
• Waya & Means Commlttaa members aay Reagan's tax cut proposal~&
cannot pass In current, and request Republicans to help draft workable
anernatlvea. In reaponae, Secretary of Treasury calls a news conference
to defend Reagan plana.
• Department of Transportation offlclal tells Senate Commerce Commlttoe
that the Administration wants to Immediately dlamantle Conrail.
• Deputy Secretary of State designate William Clark Ia sworn In today.
• Former LBJ Undersecretary of State Eugene Roatow has accepted
Reagan's appolntmant aa hAad of the U. S. Arms Contr(lll and Olurmam4nt
Agency.
24
�... -.......
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• The Washington Post reports that more than SO Joba In the
Environmental Protection Agency press office and otftce of public
awareneaa wfll be eliminated.
• Government Accounting Offlce has laaued a report criticizing the only
energy conservation project !!2J cut by Reagan's budget as -not an
effective uae of Federal funds when compared to other DOE conservation
programs."
• Soviets accuse U. S. of attempting to create a "military hysteria• to
distract from U.S. domestic problems .
• The Washington Post reports that Algerian officials claim the
Administration Ia mlealng an Important opportunity to Improve U. s ..
Algerian relations.
March 26, 1981
- Reagan announces formation or President's Council on Integrity and
Efflcloncy to ollmlnate fraud and waote In Federal programs.
• Reagan wams Soviets re military maneuvers amidst Polish unrest, noting
that any external Intervention In Poland could hiiVe grave consequences.
• Reagan's "kitchen cabinet" reluctantly disbands, having •outlived Ita
uaofulnoss". Factora loading to domlao lncludod bolng oustod from Ita
offices In the Old Executive Office Building, having nominations
recommendations vetoed by White House staff, and being told by White
Houae Chief of Staff Baker lo terminate lla Coallilon for a New Beginning
tundralalng operation.
- A split develops In the Senat~_.between moderate Republicans and
conservative Republicans. Moderofea want to focus energy on budget
matters by keeping controversial social laauea (abortion, school prayer,
busing) off the agenda.
·
• House concurs with Senate to approve Reagan plan to kill a scheduled
April 1 lncroaaa In dairy price supports.
• OMB Director Stockman tells House Budget Commlu- that Reagan will
veto any tax bill that makes tax cuts for only one year.
• Although supporting Increased spending for the Strategic Petroleum
Reserve, White House failed to object to action today by Senate Budget
Committee to sharply cut Strategic Petroleum Reserve funding.
- Seeretary of lntarlor promlaaa to opan wlldemaas arasa to mineral
exploration activities.
- Republican S.natora prevail 56-44 In support of Reagan In maintaining a
$:)00 million c:ut In politically popullllr veterans' health prograrna.
• House Social Security Subcommittee upholds Reagan proposals to
phase out a minimum monthly benefit guarantee and a student benefit to
aave $450 million a year, although Reagan had proposed version resunlng
In $2 Billion annual savings.
- Secretary of Health and Human Services tolls a House Commerce
Subcommittee that the Administration's plans to give States more
flexibility In Medicaid expenditures Include giving States the authority to
eliminate patlent'a freedom to chooaa hoapltala and phyalcllllna.
• A coalition of roughly 40 women's and public Interest groups attack
Reagan budget proposals, charging that they wlll"erase years of gains
made by women."
• Secretary of Agriculture appoints director of the Food and Nutrition
Service.
• Gallup Poll finds that 2/3 of Americana believe EJ Salvador will become
25
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1 1.1 1_1 ~
1_11
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•another VJetnam".
- The Washington Post reports unrest among U. S. farmers concerned
about proposed Reagan cuts In Farmers Home Admlnlatratlon programs.
• The Washington Post publishes editorial commenting on Reagan's
handling of the Secretary of State, VIce President, and crisis management
lasuea: "Tfrat real crisis of the Reagan Administration."
• U. S. haa resumed efforts to return Haitian refugees.
- CIA Ia seeking an exemption from the Freedom of Information Act for all
CIA flies •
• U. S. Ambassador to Japan will Inform the Japanese government next
w-k that the U. S. expoota Japan to reduoo Japanoeo auto exporta to tho
U.S. to 1.6 million, down from 1.9 million In 1980.
March 27, 1981
- White House backs otf ot tax bill veto threat Issued by OMB Director
Stockman.
- Administrator of the Occupational Safety & Health Administration
qnnounces Reagan Administration review of ''h~entlre list of Federal
standards limiting worker exposure to poisonous substances:
- Japanese trade official bloeka the 20 pereent reduction In Japaneae auto
exports to the U. S. sought by Reagan.
- Senate Republican maneuver (by Helms) results In transfer. of $200
million from foreign aid budget to child nutrition programs.
·The Washington Post publlahoa detailed list of-the Reagan
Administration's "Regulatory Hg J,..lst".
·
• The Washington Poat reports t~at "OSHA Ia expected to laaue an
administrative order favorable to the textile· Industry re the much litigated
standard limiting worker exposure to cottori dust.
March 28, 1981
- White House National Security Adviser labels Israeli raids Into southern
Lebanon aa legitimate hot pursuit end labels the Palestinian Liberation
Organization a terrorist group.
• Senate minority Leader Robert Byrd says Democrats may raise
controversial social Issues that the Administration and Senate Republicans
prefer to poatpone.
- Government aoureaa reveal that a draft CIA roport dlaputea the
Administration's position that the Soviet Union Is a key supporter of
International terrorism.
- The Prime Mlnlater of Zimbabwe aaya tho Reagan Admlnlatratlon muet
chooM between South Africa and black AfTica.
- The Washington Post publishes an editorial In support of the
Administration's Poland policy.
March 29, 1981
• Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense, on separate tolevlslon news
Interview programs, wam Soviets re show of force and military exercises
In and around Poland.
• Tho Waahlngton Poat publlahea oxtonalve Interview wtth ROGgan re flrat
two months of the Administration. Reagan vows to maintain the embargo
on grain sales to the Soviet Union. Reagan agrees with Senate
Republican moderates that consideration of controversial social laauea
ahould be postponed at least one year, In order to focus attention and
energy on budget laauea.
- Reagan Administration will maintain the Carter Administration policy In
26
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support of International negotiation toward an Independent Namibia.
- The Washington Post reports diplomatic campaign by tho
government of India to block U. 5. arms sales to Pakistan.
- The Washington Poet publishes two editorials on administration policy:
1. Criticizing tho State Department's bureaucratic
Imperialism In now usurping lntamatlonal energy policy
from the Department of Energy.
2. Crltlcl%1ng the Administration for termination
of the CETA Jobs program.
-Rep. Lea Aapln criticizes the Administration's requests for Defense
budget lncrea8ea by claiming that there Ia sufficient waste In Pentagon
expenditures to negate any need for Increased appropriations•
March 30, 1981
• Prealdent Reagan Ia wounded In aaaaaalnatlon attempt at ~ashlngton
Hilton. Three othara are also wounded.
·Before VIce President Ia flown back from Texaa. White House staff and
Cabinet members go through an awkward "whets In charge?" stumble.
Halg makes '1'm In control here: gaffe. The Washington Poet notes later
that tho eplaode "revealed coneldoroblo confuolon In the While houoe over
the line of authority In the event of a national crisis."
- Prior to notification of aaaaaalnatlon aHempt, Sonata had rejected 55-39 a
Democratic anampt to restore $800 million tor con11nued funding of
minimum monthly Social Security bonoflta. The Senato aloo rojoctod 71-23
an effort to restore $1.5 Billion j.o fiJI the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.
spending to fill the Strategic
Reagan had roquested $3.8 BilliOn
Petroleum Reserve, but the senate Budget:Commlttee had already cut $3.0
Billion of that amount. Senato auopended work upon receiving notice of
the aasaaalnatlon attempt.
- Prior to the shooting, The Washington Post publfahes an extensive article
on the VIce Praaldent's significant level ot Influence within the Reagan
matters.
Admlnlatratlon and hla role In policy and crlals management
I
• The Washington Post discloses report which shows that Reagan
"Workfare" program failed In California.
- Dollar plummets on newa of assaaalnatlon attempt.
fn
·. ·•·
March 31, 1981
• Reagan seen as out of danger. White House announces "bualneaa aa
usual" policy.
- VIce Praaldent assumes full alate or ceremonial proaldentlal duties.
White House streaaee that VIce President has not assumed the powers of
the Prealdency.
• Secretary of Agriculture unveils Administration Farm Polley before Hause
Agriculture Committee.
·Sixteen Democrats Jain Republicans In Senate to give Reagan "ono of hla
clearest victories yet In the Congressional budget battle" by voting 59-40
to reject restoration of $973 million In proposed Reagan cuts to various
social programs.
• House Social Security SubcommiHee agrees to shift the data of the
Social Security coat of living adjustment from July 3 to October 3 to save
$700 million for the fiscal year 1982 budget.
- Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs tells NATO allies that
rho U. S. Ia ready to roturn to talka alrned at limiting nuclear woapona In
Europe.
27
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- Environmental Protection Agency approves "bubble concept• for air
pollution control aa part of Administration's plan to reduce government
regulatory lmpac:ta and c:oete on bualneae.
Aprll1, 1981
·Senate Armed Services Committee rafuaea to go along with
Administration proposal to taka aircraft carrier •oriskany" out or mothballs.
The Washington Post calla this "first big flinch on defense spending since
the November election."
- Senate rejects proposal for change In Social Security coat of living
adluatrnant that would have saved $2.6 Billion. In ao doing, The
Washington Poet reporte that Senate waa "marching In lockatop with
President Reagan on budget priorities. • Proposal waa defeated 86-12.
- Senate Budget Committee Republicans suggest to Secretary of the
Treasury that Reagan's proposed tax cuts should be spread out over three
years. Secretary of the Treasury neither rejected not endorsed the Idea.
• State Department announcea withdrawal of U. S. aid to government of
Nicaragua.
• State Department announco• that 100 Gr..n S.rata and aU. S. Navy
destroyer will be sent to LiberiA aa a ahow of support for Liberia's military
govomment.
• White HOU$8 announces the ronowlng oppolntmenta approved by Reagan
prior to aaeaaalnatlon attempt:
Aaalstant Secretary of gorense for manpower ·
Assistant Secretary of the Army for civil works
Chairman of The Washington Postal Rate Commlaalon
Aaalatant Secr~ttary of Enargy for nuclaar anargy
Deputy Director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency
General Manager and Chief Executive Offlcer of the
New Community Development Corporation
- U. S. Ambassador to the United Nations Kirkpatrick calls flap over
maotlng with South Africa's top military Intelligence official "highly
traumatic".
- The Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs will travel to Africa In
May to test the waters for Adm•nlstratlon policy Initiatives.
April 2, 1981
- Senate approves $36.9 Billion In budget cute for FY 1982 by 88-10 vote,
with moat Democrat& Joining Republlcana In aupport.
• Secretary of defense says that Soviet Union has slgnlflcantfy enhanced
Ita ability In the past 48 hours to Invade Poland, and Secretary considers
the situation "Very aarloua''.
·
• Secretary of Energy reports that he has Initiated a departmental overhaul
through ahlfta In organizational responsibility. Secretary complains that
the Ethics In Government Act Is hampering his ability to fill tho
Undersecretary of Energy position, to which he haa shifted significant
reaponalbllltlea.
- Congreaalonal Budget Offlce announcoa that Inflation may add $136
Billion to Reagan defense costs over tha next five years.
-White House announces the following nominations:
Edward Noble to be head of Synthetic Fuels
Corporation
Assistant Secretary of health & Human Services for legislative
29
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affairs
Aaalatant Secretary of Health & Human
Servlcea for public affalra
- The Washington Post reports Reagan's popularity rating Increased 11
points from Sunday to Tuesday, following shooting, based on Washington
Post-ABC Poll.
·The Washington Post publishes two editorials on Administration policy:
1. In support of White House response to crisis
and raaeaurance In the wake of the assassination attempt.
2. Criticism of OSHA cotton dust decision.
April 3, 1981
·People's Republic of China Invites Reagan to vlalt China.
- Secretary of State departs for his first overseas trip aa Secretary of
State: a 9-day, a-nation tour of the Middle East and Western Europa.
• Administration Is "proposing severe cuts In welfare benefits for two
previously undlacloaed categories •• pregnant women and the. destitute
aged, blind and disabled."
• White House announces the following appointments:
John Gavin as Ambassador to Mexico
Assistant Secralary of education for educational research and
Improvement
Deputy Undersecretary of Education for-planning and budget
Deputy Director of ACTION
April 4, 1981
·Secretary of Defense (In Europe)" Issues statement hinting U. S. will arm
China If Poland Ia Invaded.
·
- Senate Majority Leader crltlclzea Secreta,Y of Slate and Secretary of
Defense for both leaving U. S. while President Ia hospitalized recovering
from aaaaaslnstlon attempt and Soviet/Polish conflict appears highly
likely.
• The Washington Post reports on policy disagreement batwe6n Secretary
of State and Secralary of Agrtculture re French grain sales to Soviets.
• Administration's designee as Director of ACT10N says Administration
plana to phase out VISTA program.
-The Washington Post reports what It calls the Administration's "grim"
plana for Rural America.
- The Washington Post publishes f'lvorable edltortal ro Improvements In
outlook for Admlnlatratlon'o African policy.
April 5, 1981
- Secretary of Defenaa (In London) warns Soviets ro Poland.
• Secretary of State (In Jerusalem) tells Israeli leaders that u. S. has
mounted an International diplomatic campaign to atop the fighting In
Lebanon.
- The Washington Post publlahaa articles ra Administration's plans to
rewrite, at the request of the auto Industry, dozens of current and
propoaod auto safety and auto pollution control rulea.
....·~·
April 6, 1981
....
- House Democrat loaders propose an alternative to Prealdenrs
economic program embracing tnree-rortns or Prealdenra spending cula
and much smaller tax cuts. Administration responds that Democratic
proposal Is "unacceptable".
- George Warner, a aenlor AID offtclal, pleads guilty to Illegally accepting
29
�a $1 0,000 bribe.
• Ambaaaador to El Salvador named; Assistant Secretary for Houalng and
Urban Development namod; Aaalatant Secretary for Energy and Minerals
at the Interior Department named; Deputy Under..cretary for
Intergovernmental Affairs at the Department of Education named;
Aaalatant Administrator for External Affairs at AID named •
• Confirmation hearings for Ann Gorsuch moving forward after 6 weeks.•
• Navy Secretary announces that Navy Ia considering buying from foreign
ahlpyarda. Announcement Ia severely criticized by Congresa.
·Nominee for Secretary for African Affairs leaves on diplomatic mlaalon
deepHo laok of oonflrmotlon. Confirmation held up by Joe- Holme.
• Secretary of State Halg meets with King Huaaeln Jordan.
Budget director Stockman criticized by Claude Pepper, Chairman of
House Committee on Aging, for Impact or budget cuts on aentor citizens,
criticizing particularly the admlnlatratlon'a proposed cap on Medicaid.
• VIce President George Bush, In charge of the administration's
regulatory reform taak force, announces that lhe administration plana to
eaaa, drop or postpone 34 additional environmental and safety rules for
11utomobllea 11nd tnlcka. [Comment: This WitS part of tha major
regulatory rafonn effort of the Reagan admlnlatratlon within the first 100
days. Tbe regulatory rafonn aaaaull was accomplished primarily through
~Order'a.)
April 7, 1981
• House Budget Committee r~~cta Reagan budget. Democratic
alternative roatoroo funding to"noclal programa and leaaens tax cut.
- Seventy-eight House members, both R$publlcan and Democrat, criticize
administration proposal to sail F·15 pana·and AWACS to Saudi Arabia.
• Chairman Jack Brooks, and senior Republican Frank Horton, of House
Government Operations subcommittee, criticize admlnlatratJon refusal to
allow a higher lnOotlon estimate for defenue budget purpoaea.
[Comment: Thla waa part of general crltlclam of Reagan dafanao
program that Its coat projections were ovarty conaarvetlve.J
- Executive Director of administration's Regulatory Task Force teatmea
that administration would like Consumer Product Safety Commission to
loae Ita Independent status and coma under Cablnot control.
April 8, 1981
·Administration endoraea Caribbean environmental protection program
aet-up by C111rlbbeon states, but declines to commit any tunda to project.
- Prasldant aatabllshes a Presidential Advisory Committee on
Federalism. The panel Ia made-up of Federal, state and local offtclala aa
wall aa private cltlzena, and Ia meant to advise the Prosldent on
Implementation of overall •new federalism" policy. [Comment: Tbla also
Ia an example of the Ideological vindication of the ReaQan flrat 100 daya
plan and Ia another exampla of Raegan'a unpracodented U88 of
e.cuthra Orden.)
• Houoe Budget Committee Chairman lashes out at administration
criticism of Democratic budget alternative, In turn criticizing •egotism" of
the administration.
-LabOr Socrotary Donovan Is subpoenaed by Senate Labor Commtnee
for previously requested recorda that the Department of LAbor had on
the Teamsters.
• House backs administration plans to continue to provide mllftary aid to
30
�El Salvador.
• House retuaaa to go along with administration's efforts to alaah funding
for enforcement of aome rulee governing oil companlea.
·Three health groups sue HHS Secretary for not enforcing drug
company regulations. [Comra~nt: Regulations wera held up becaa.a of
Reagan Executive Order treeztng all new regulatlo118 pending coal·
benefit evaluallo... Thla too Ia prim~ example of the Ideology of tht ftnd
100 daya).
·Administration makes first major statement on monetary policy, urging
the Fed to atop paying attention to the Interest rates and to concentrate
on tho monay aupply. [Comment: Thle w. . eomewhat unuaual for •n
admlnlatnltlon to urgatha Fed to focua on money supply. However, the
Reagan emphaala was on anti-Inflation.)
• Washington Poet editorial criticizes ract that onty one out of nineteen
)oba at the Department of Energy that require Senate confirmation have
been fllled.
- The House moves to block appointment of 0:- Everett Koop aa Surgeon
General of the United States because of hard-line anti-abortion position.
·Confirmations approved for: OOA Undersecretary tor International
Affalra and Assistant Secretary tor Economics; DOC Deputy Secretary
and Aaalatant Secretary for Trade and Development; DOT Administrator
for FAA and Administrator for Traffic Safety Administration; Federal
Home Loan Bank Board Chal£!'8n.
"'-·.-.
April 9, 1981
-Senate Budget Committee votes down-Reagan's 1982 fiscal plan;
Housa Budget Commlttae acalaa back Raagan'a tax cut and protects
many social programs. In the Senate, conservative Republicans
abandoned the President beciuse of deficit concerns. (Comment: This
w- the ftnsl major aa1 buck for Reagan's economic package. T1'le Whhe
Houaa lnaeructed Houu Republicans not to accept any amendments on
1he budget, and thla lead to -vera partisan raac:tlon and complaints of
arrogance.)
• House Budget Committee approved Democratic alternative budget.
House Ways and Means Committee outlines one year alternative to
Reagan three year tax cut bill. House Republicans, In consultation with
White Houaa, Introduce modified budget plan.
• Interior Secretary Watt freezee funda for malar California park, setting
off controveray; area now open for development.
- Secretary of State Halg visits Spain amid controversy o\ler hla
statement that coup attempt was an "Internal mattor'' for Spain.
• Justice Department's Antitrust Chief pledgoa to vigorously pursue the
breakup of AT&T.
• A House Foreign Affairs subcommittee severely criticizes Reagan's
foreign military sales program, which would provide low Interest loans to
countries aeeklng to buy U.S. weapon~. The provi.:Jion for such loana
was deleted from pending bill.· [Comment: Thla waa one of several
challenges ralaed to Reagan's foreign policy requaat, Which gonerally
sought to shift toratgn policy power from the Cong1'88S toward the
Praeidant.)
• A House Foreign Affairs subcommittee cuts large chunks out of
admlnlatratlon'a request for military-related foreign ald. [Cornrnont: The
31
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amounts weN largely roe!orod by the Republican Senate.)
-House Budget Committee cuta $6.65 billion from Reagan's $226.25
billion defense budget request.
April 10, 1981
·Administration announces appointment of VIce Chairman of Import·
Export Councn and Assistant Secretary of Education.
• Interior Secretary Watt announces speedup of sale of offahore gas
leases.
• Secretary of State Halg sends envoy to Iraq to attempt to reopen
relations.
April 11, 1981
- President Reagan leaves hospital.
• Secretary of State Alexander Halg enda nine nation, eight day trip to
Middle East and Weatem Europe. reomrnenr. Beeauae Halg Vlafted
England. he waa forced to add Franca In Germany to the trtp after
complaints by those natlona that they were being snubbed]
- Secretary of State Halg trias to minimize cont~overay over apparently
different approaches he and Secretary of Defense Weinberger were
taking agalnat the Soviet Union. Halg suggested hardllno ataneo while
Weinberger exhibited a detente stance.
• Secretary of State Halg otiina support for .formation of multinational
peaca-kaeptng force In Lebanon.
April 12, 1981
• House Budget Committee Chairman aaya that admlhlatratlon unofficially
agreed to accept House one ·~··
year 1ax cut as opposed to three year tax
cut.
April 13, 1981
·President refutes Houae Budget Committee Chairman's Statement that
administration agraed to compromise on tax plan. Reagan lnalats that a
thr. . year tax cut must be paeaed.
• Aa of thla date, no Assistant Secretaries of State for any roglons have
been confirmed, and some have not yet been nominated. £Comment:
Reagan had gnNII dlfftc:utty In· nominating perwona to foreign policy pold:B
becauae of Jeaae Helma.)
April 14, 1981
-Administration announces that ft wlahaa to delay final resolution of the
International Sea Law Treaty.
April 15, 1981
• At this point Reagan has nominated 91 out of 250 cabinet and
subc:ablnet poattlona, and 15 out of 170 nominations tor Independent
agencies.
-Congressional Budget Office study shows that at least 20-25 million
people would loose Income under Reagan economic plan.
• President Reagan pardons two former FBI officials convicted of
authorizing Illegal break-Ins during the Nixon administration. The breakIna were part of Nixon's search for radical opponents to the VIetnam
War. [Comment: Thla action received much negative press attanllon.]
• Reagan appoints two Aaalstant Admlniatratoro ro~ AID, Assistant
Alrtorce Secretary, and Assistant Secretary for Department of Education.
• Reagan uaea tax day to stress that Congress Ia holding up hla tax c:ut
plan. White ~ouaa raafflrtna that It will not compromlae and warne of a
veto In the event of Congress approving a smaller cut. [Comment: AJ the
32
�aame Uma, however, Republicans In Congress ware wortdng on a
compromlae, praaumably wnh the support of lha White Houae.)
- Thirty-nine organizations, rnalnly womono groupa, hold newa
conferences attacking administration as highly sexist, focusing on
administration budget cuts.
• Treasury Department releases study ahowlng minimal benenta fi'Om
Reagan tax cut plan.
April 16, 1981
• Administration, under pressure, postpones declalon to sell mllhary
aircraft and aupplloa to Saudi Arabia.
• Administration nominee to be Aaalatant Secretary of HHS tacee chargao
of anti-Semitism•
• Administration releases report countering
report which outlined
harmful effects of Reagan budget propoaala.
- The Sierra Club begins petition drive seeking ouster of Jamea Wan.
ceo
April 17, 1981
• Administration hints that It will lift Soviet grain embargo.
- Administration reverses long-held Government poaltlon and supports
lnduatry In Suprama Court caoo over regulation protecting work•,. from
lead poisoning.
.
·Administration plans "southern blitz" In order to gain support for Ita
stalled economic recovary plan. This majorpotltlcal offensive Involved
oendlng surrogates throughout the South to promote the plan.
[Comment: In a pragmatJc effort to gat tho loglslaUon paaad, lhla
political offenatve waa carefullY designed to promote the "positive•
-pacta of the plan and did not attack ~mocrata.)
• Reagan ehooaas Ambassador to Auatralla. Reagan alao announces his
nominees for Administrator of National Ocaanlc and Atmospheric
Administration; General Counsel to HHS; Assistant Secretary of Air Force
for Financial Management; and Assistant Secretary of Labor for Labor·
Management Relations.
.....
April 18, 1981
·No significant events.
April 19, 1981
-Administration's Special Trado Roproaentatlvo announces plana for
multilateral negotiations aimed at Increasing American exports of
services.
April 20, 1981
• Firat quarter economic figures show· very high growth, but the
administration warns that they expect alugglah performance of economy
In the near future. [Comment: Clearly the administration wu trying to
dlmlnlah axpectatlona.)
• Juatlee Oap•rtrnant 1-uaa new rule allowing Foder•l ng•nclaa to hire
privata collection agencies.
• Reagan administration embarks on public relations campaign against
"waste, fraud and abu::.e". fgr example, lhe Prealdent announced a
moratorium on new audiovisual materials and publications by Federal
agencies.
• Prealdant makaa more phone calla to members of Congress In support
of hla economJc program.
• Treasury Department commfaalona Internal atudy to determine whether
the World Bank haa encouraged Socialist governments.
33
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April 21, 1981
• Secretary of State Halg, following talks with Pakistan, announces
progreaa toward resuming close relationship with that country.
• President meela with eight Republican governors oooklng their •upport
tor economic program .
• Prealdent withdraws fisheries treaty previously negotiated with Canada.
-President telephones Democratic House member panlc:lpatlng In radio
talk ahaw In home district In order to secure that Member's support for
the Reagan budget •
• White House announces final decision that It would seek to sell AWACS
and parte for f·15'a to Saudi Arabia. [Comment: The White House did,
howeYW, delay "pre-notfftcatlon• to Cong..... of th.. eaa. ao - to dolay
an actual vote an the sale to give the administration time to win votes.)
- Administration sends fiscal 1982 community development block grant
proposals to Congress.
April 22, 1981
• Senior Soviet official criticizes Reagan administration for heightening
tensions over Polish situation.
• Israel sharply criticizes administration's decision to sell AWACS to
S.udl Arabia.
• President announces nominations for Director of Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency. Reagan also appoints wife of Governor du Pont to
be Aaalutant Administrator of AID. Praaldent alao nomlnalee several
Inspectors General, and Assistant Secretary of-the Army, Assistant
Commerce Secretary, Aaalstall~ Secretary of Treasury, and Director of
the U.S. Mint.
,.. ·-·Senator Garn threatens to cut the EPA .fUnding because of "radtape".
·Administration endorses legislation that·could open S51.4 million acraa
ot national forest to lagging and other development. Environmental
groups protest
- Reagan administration announces end to eighteen year old U.S.
Nuclear Cooperation Agreement with India.
• White House reassures Israel that It will meet any preaelng Israeli
needa for defense.
• Wall Street economist Henry Kaufman sharply criticizes Reagan
proposed tax cuts.
April 23, 1981
- Administration, In an effort to counter criticism of record of appointing
women and minorities, announce& a atudy ehowlng that the
administration was ahead of Jimmy Carter's pace In placing women and
Hispanics In high level jobs. Administration admits that It Ia behind In
appointing blacks.
April 24, 1981
- Reagan nominates two o111clals to NASA and appoints Ambassador to
Korea. Administration Ia sued by group or congresaman claiming that
Administration unlawfully froze Jobs In the Veterans Administration.
• Washington Post poll ahowa moat Americana admire Reagan and hi:.
popularity remains very high. However, moat In poll felt that budget
proposals were untalr.
• Newspapers report that Reagan plana to lift Soviet grain embargo
today.
·Reagan's nominee aa asalatant HHS Secretary Is withdrawn after
complaints of anti·Samltram.
.....-
34
�(
April 25, 1981
·Labor Secretary Donovan personally leads raid on China Town sweat
shop In New York.
April 27, 1981
- Speaker Tip O'Neill states that he believes that Reagan budget will
paaa•
• Reagan announces nomination to head of IMF, Administrator of Energy
Information Administration, Aaalstant Secretary of Commerce, Aaalatant
Secretary of HHS, and Aaaoclata Attorney General •
• OMB Introduces law meant to crackdown on bad debta•
• Admlnlatratlon aaka Congress for $100 million In aid for Pakistan.
• Foreign Affalra Subcommittee In Houae rejecta edmlnlatratlon requoet
for repeal of law banning U.S. to anti-communist guerrillas In Angola •
• The Republican Agricultural Committee rejects moat of administration's
agriculture program, nearly doubling the administration's requested
spending.
April 28, 1981
• U.S. Trade Representative Brock flies to Japan In an attempt to resolve
the auto crisis.
· Oemocreb Introduce alternative balanced budgat.
• Japan sharply criticizes lifting of grain embargo.
• Reagan nominates candidates for Aaalatant Administrator for AID, and
public printer.
• Defense Secretary Weinberger, In .anticipation of upcoming summit
meatlna. praaaaa Japan to provide much mora for Its own defense.
• Trade deficit reaches loweaf4avel since 1975.
-Treasury Secretary Regan outlines the. free market, hands-off policy for
aavlnga and loan'a.
- Senate Foreign. Relations Committee favorably reports three State
Department nominations despite bitter opposition of Jesse Halma.
• Senate Sudget Committee reveraee Itself and approvea Reagan fl3cal
1982 budget resolution after only minor alterations.
• House Foreign Affairs Committee reinstates much of the damage done
to Reagan foreign aid roqueat by subcommittees.
• Praaldont addresses Joint session of Congress on economic lssuaa.
Pre•ldont puehoe for passaga of compromise Rdmlnlatratlon budget
Introduced In House and aaka for support of tax•cuttlng proposal.
April 29, 1981
• House Foreign Affairs committee votoa to bar U.S. military advloora and
military aaalstance to El Salvador pending proof of human rights
standards.
• House panel rejects administration 'a attempts to alash unemployment
Insurance program.
• Admlnlatratlon abruptly rallavea two arms control officials.
• Deputy Defense Secretary aaka Congress to loosen restraints on the
Pentagon's purchases of goods and services.
·House Democnita drop balanced budget plan and submit now
alternative budget.
• Administration aenda to Congress a proposal for a major shift In
national education policy that would, In part, result In Jeaa money tor
poor atudenta In large Inner-city schools. The bill reduces Federal aid to
education by $1 billion.
·Senate Commerce Commlttoe passes administration's plan to slash
35
�•
•
•
•
&
.-I.·
I
r 1.11 ·~ 1.11 ·~
.'l"f
funding for Amtrak, after personal lobbying by President Reagan.
·Senate Commerce Committee cuts In half the administration proposal
to tund airway system approprtatlons through the Airport and Airway
Trust Fund. [Comment: The admlnlalratlon approach here waa lo
minimize budgetary Impact by uatng the trust fund to fund normal airway
appropriations.)
- Senate paaaae funding bill for World Bank attar Joint latter from
Socrotary of Stat• Halg and Treasury Secretary Regan asking for prompt
pa888ga of the legislation.
April 30, 1981
• Admlnlatratlon exerta "strong diplomatic etrorta• aimed at restraining
Israel from further escalation of fighting In Lebanon.
• Praaldant Reagan conducts an emotional White House ceremony In
memory of Holocaust victims.
·White House nominates candidates for head of Veterans Administration,
Chief U.S. Arma Negotiator. Aaalatant Administrator for AID, aanlor
Department of Energy otrlclal, and Chairman of the TVA.
- S.nete Agrl~ultural Commltt- reJocta admlnlotr41tlon budget and
paaaes spending Increases! .
·A House Agriculture subcommittee rojocta admlnlatratlon'a apandlng
callings tor food atamp program, bUt want along with other
administration coat-cutting proposals.
• House Appropriations Committee paaaea Reagan appropriations bill
Increasing defense spending ancf'reduclng other apandlng. [Comment:
Reagan had requaatad $12.4 billion In dafanaa spending; House paaaad
$11.2 billion.]
·
36
·
�r
(
TO: John Hart
1_11.1.:.
1_11_1 ~·
October 28, 1992
FROM: Tom Walla
RE: Reagan Update ot"Flrst 1oo
pays Chart"
This nat Ia to be a new column In the chart we got from George Kopp. It Ia baaed upon the
chronology that I sent you earlier today. It contains all tha Items on the original llat exoopt for
one, following "vacations," which was Illegible on my copy. I added three categories: Massages to
Congress, Preas Conferences and Executive Orders. I think this llat Is virtually Inclusive; any
omissions havo rosuHod from omlaalona In tho pre•• accounts at the time or judgments made by
the researchers about the significance of the events.
Aa we dlscusaed, you snould find some computer wonk to assemble the updated chart with this
data. If not, let me know and I'll take a whack at lt.
I'm tending you some other Information on various Firat 100 days events form CQ, etc.
Jt~
.• -.
�• ·.·
.'I .' '.' 1 .' I •1 I ~ 1't
t' IJ IJ :: IJIJ :.
REAGAN FIRST 100 DAYS: Update of Chart
Commander-In-Chief
n/a
Granting Reprieves, Pardons
4/15 Reagan pardons two FBI agents convicted for Illegal break-Ins during Nixon
administration
Extraordinary Seaalon of Congress
n/a
State of Union
n/a
Treaties
3/11 agreements wtth Canada re: NORAD, Social Security Reciprocity
4/21 Reagan withdraws Fisheries treaty negotiated with Canada
4/22 Reagan announces end to Nuclear Cooperation Agreement wltll India
Receiving Heads of State, Foreign Ministers, ate.
1/28 Prime Minister 01 Jamaica
2/2 President of s. Korea
2/24 Israeli Foreign Minister Shamlr
..... . _
2/24 Receives credentials of new ambassadors of Jamaica, Kuwait, Barbados
2/24 (Telephones King Juan Carlos re: attempted coup In ·Spain
2/26 Foreign Mlnhator Poncet of France
2/26 Prime Minister Thacher (State Dinner later)
3/9 Wast German Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich Genscher
3/24 Japanese Foreign Minister and VP Bush re: auto Imports, trade issues
VIsit Agencies or Depta.
1/23 Lunch at Treasury
Moot wtth Congrosalonal Leaders
1/22 House Committee Chairman
1/23 Republican Leadership (breakfast)
1/~e Congraaalonalleadershlp re: economy
2/16 Dinner wtth Speaker & Mrs. Tip O'Neill
2/18 Congressional leadership re: economic package
2/23 various members
2/24 Republican leadership
2/26 Trent Lott (R.-MS) and Republican Whip staff
2/27 Sen. John Tower, Reps. Henson Moore and 8111 Franzel
3/2 Sans. Packwood and Jackson, Reps. Conte and Broyhill
3/3 Dinner wnh Senator and Mrs. Howard Baker
3/4 Breakfast with Republican House Freshmen
3/5 Breakfast with Conoraaslonal Conservative Damocmtlc Caucus
3/5 Louisiana delegation
3/181unch with women members re: budget
3/18 broakfaat for Republican Freshman Senators
4/20 phone calls to various members re: economic program
Meet with Interest Groups
--·-
-
------·
�• .·
.'I .' 1•1 I
:• i :• i ·~
14
F·oo:. oo:.
3/20 a·peech to National Conservative Political Action Committee
3/30 Reagan leaves hospital after shooting
4/16 remarks re: holding up or his tax cut proposal
4/28 Joint session of Congress re: economic program
4/30 White House ceremony In memory of Holocaust victims
TV, Radio appearances
2/& re: economy
3/8 televised press conference
4/28 joint aesalon of congress
Vacations
2/19. 2/22 Santa Barbara
3{7 - 3/8 camp DaVId
Overseaa mlsslona of members of Administration
4/4 Sec. of Defense In Western Europe tor weak
4/4 Secretary of State In Europe, Middle East tor week
4/10 Halg aanda envoy to Iraq to try to Improve relations
4/28 US trade Rep to Japan re: auto lmpon•
Scandala
4/8 Senior AID official pleads guilty to taking bribe
...,o;: .•••
Press Conferences
1/30
. .;,
3/8
Messages to Congress
2/18 re: economic package
3/10 re: budget rescissions, supplemental appropriations
Executive Orders, Proclamations, etc.
Several large arms sales.
1/20 Fedetal Hiring Freeze
1/22 Announces aeries of orders to Implement Iran hostage agreement.
1/29 eo day freeze on new regulations
2/17 re: Expon Administration Act
2/17 requiring central OMB review of all executive branch regulatory activities
2/17 proclamation endlno Carter llmlta on thermostat settlngo In federal
buildings
2/20 lifts prohibition of federal financing of exports to Chile
2/23 re: Forolgn Service Act
2/23 re: Foreign Service
2/24 re: suspension of litigation against Iran
2/24 re: cooperation with European Atomic Energy Community
2/27 proclamation re; Red Croaa Month
3/13 US to give Atlanta $1.6 million for child slaylngs case
3/13 Reagan orders purchase of $100 million of minerals, metals, etc for strategic
stockpiles
'3/24 transferring 99 USDA Jobs from civil oervlce to presidential patronage
3/26 forms Council on Integrity and Efficiency
4/8 forma Prealdentlal Advisory Committee on Federalism
4/24 Reagan lifts Soviet grain emDargo
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
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41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Reagan Team's First 100 Days Record [2]
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
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Box 3
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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12/29/2014
Source
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-003-002-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/d3123fd455b67c6b16f6ce8d90ed00ed.pdf
096bcb4219e216bc6dfec3c0bdfefce8
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton PresidentialRecords
.
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Series/Staff Member:
Speechwriting
~
·~
··'
Carter Wilkie
..
Subseries:
'I
·'tr
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Reagan Team's First 100 Days Record. [ 1]
·.i
Stack:
Row:
Se,tion:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
/
�/' ..
{
7:-iE ::?.ST :00 0AYS
TABLE OF
I.
II.
Summary Char~
(by function)
Chronology
A.
Carter
c.
~:ixon
jFl{
:s •
D.
E.
F.
III.
CO~TENTS
Ike
FDR
From The Book of Presidents
(Legislative & Po~CY .. Outlin~!
7he First Twenty Days
Prepared by:
~ I£A,AA
Davie Gergen -- General Supervi
Jackie Tillman - Coordinator
Ben Eschelman ·
Barry Berginer
Joe Cannon
Mary Gall
Dodie Kazanjian
�CO~S'I1:1:7'Z.C~~AL
.RES:?ONSIB !LIT~::S
I
IKE
FDR
I
JFK
NIXON
I
CAR!ER
I
ander in
f
Korean 'lo:ar
I
::.ng
-::ives
Bay of ~igs
II
ViecNam; ordered
Cambodia bombed
j
'
i Pardoned
'
Refused to.
pardon ?.osenbergs
~
i
I
I
-r·
i.
· cirait evat
commuted (
Gordon Lie
sentence
-~
~
I
I
------------~----------------+-----~--------~·---&.·~.-~--------~·-----------------;-----------
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I
.
~-; i:gex~~~-J
I
...
I
'oary sessio. 3/5
1
: ~ of Union
2/2
1/30
(dec.!..::.:.1ed to
give)
:;ties
2/16 mutual
defense agreement ..:ith \.:est
Indies
3/13 nuclear
prol.::.feration
ratified
proposed
minor
1
___ j
L_
�::iving heads
S:ate,
-
Fo=-
~:.~ister~,
4I
21 ~~acDonald
from Great
Brit ian
4/25 Bennett
frcm Canada &
Herriot from
F:ance
5/6 Jung from
F:ance
5/12 Schacht
3/2 Faisal fro, 2/14 Prime Min- 3/24-25 Trudeau
Saudi Arabia
1 ister from Den- frnm C:;:an~da
3/26 Xayer fro= :ark
4/8 Hussein of
France
2/1i Foreign
.lot"dan
4/7 Ader.auer
Mi~ister from
Germany
from Ge~any
3/5 Eden & But- 2/20 Diecenbake
ler fr Gt Br
from Canada
2/21 Secretarv
General ot NATO
...
::or: Ge r:=any
2/'2.4 P:i:::e ~:.n5/!S Soorg £::-otiJ
i~rer nf Austral
China
j
lia
5/:5 Assis frol%1
3/3 PrimP. 'l-1i.n3:-azil
; c;c er of !~ew
6/3 Torres from
Zealand
Chile
,.
3t7 ··Pakistan
Finance ~l.~nis tei
3/8 Nkruman frau
Ghana
3/20 'Pr'i.mP. Minister of Greece
3/24 Sukarnn
from Indonesia
3/26 Had1illian
from Great
Brit ian
2/14 Por·
from ~lex:
2121 !rut
from Can.
3/2 :Song
Gabon.:.
317 Rubi
Israel
31 S . i\T:n.n
Ger.Soc..:
3/9 Pak~
from i\or
3/1 O.. Cal
from Gre
Brit ian
3/14 Kre
from AU£
3/14 Ger.
from Ger
3/16 For
of Ireh
3/21
Fu~.
JaDan
4/25 Hu~
from Jor
----------~----------~----------~----------~------------r---~
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!-~::::~;Gs ~·--··
.i...;.::
\.e!-~!O~S
Gi\Ot:"'?S
I
.•
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FDR
and ::Jeps.
IKE
JFK
N/A
N/A
I
I
II
I
I
I
'
I
.
t•
1/29 State Dept 2/9 Q & A
erce and L
employees
employees
1/30 Justice
2/10 Treas
1/31 top offs.
and
HUD e!!.
Defense
2/3 top offs.P.UD 2/16 HEW c=
Agriculture employees
_:T-2/3
- I
; 2/18 Briei
2/4 tO';) offs.
! Interior
:I Labor
I 2/6 Post Office I 3/1 Q & A
I' employees
i 2/7 top offs.
Transportation
2/7 Com.~erce
2/11 Trans. emp •
2/14 HUD empls.
2/14 top offs.
Treasury
2/19 Interior
employees
3/7 top offs.
CIA
I
I
I
.
!
....""-; .. -·
...
....
-
Mts. ;.·;'Cong leaders
avg. l/week.
six meeti·
(1/29 visit to
Sen foor & lunch):
?-fee 'W/Ford, Dirsen 1/28, 2/5,
3/11, 3/18, 3/25
:- e.ss ior-.al
frequently &
.consistently
(ab. 3x month)
ers
2/9, 3/23' 4/23
t
TC
I
I
i
'
I
I
I
I
CARTE:
I
N/A
-
NIXON
ia1
lnterestj~/27
United Autci3/23 Jewish
:orkers
leaders
5/4, Banking &
Currency 1eadersu/7 met w/Scc.
Gen of "'orld Vet
rr>ns Assoc.
I
I
I
I
I
I
2/7 Wilkins of
NAACP
TC
I
..
3
-
-··-
--
-··-·····
3/10 Ad H
it ion of
3/20 Nat!
men's Pol
Caucus
4/6 ?-!eany
ocher lab
leaders
�FDR
.
I
IKE
I Met
::gs .... i th
-: ?resident
andidates
N/A
NIXON
..,·/Truman
did not
'(!l.a te TC)
:/17 met .,..ith
.:::tevenson
I. (Bay
~
I
ever~: Tuesday
anc Fricay at
:!:00 p.~.
2/2 met -...·: :h IKE
3/21 met 'Jith
4/20 met:\.·ith
Nixon
1
!4/22 met "With
!IKE
I
·- ..
CARTE!
'
1 Truman
J
of Pigs)
met w/Cabinet
6 times in
3 years
1
1
usually ....
(haci ]3 rr
TC
__!
TC
:I
k111 ltr to t::ovs 127 telegra~ to (3/1 ?A': ~bcon
/ 6 Gov. Confer•
"-.
,'inviting the!!! to ov. of AL on
haci Gov. Wives
nee a~ \HJlte
Conf.
'isaster aid
lunch at ~'H)
5
3/1 Natic
Governors
t~inter
l-Ie
/16 telegram to
ovs urging publjc
I
orks
f/3.avorstele~::-zm
I
N/A
: i c a l Pa r
:ion
r=ban
~/24
"•P· !<omen l/2:
Spring Conf.
t '\'
.<ioout
rene ...·al
to
N/A
~:a
Der:1o.
tl. 1/21 \..'hite House
Co;:-..7.i t; tee, Cook Reception for
fount:y, Chicago Camp. \..'orkers
? Rep. \;omen's
Demos.
Leaders
r2S
N/A
2118 Bre.
mE-eting ·
E:» ec u t i v,
ance com•
o! DZ.:C
2/28 lun
D~C
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--------------------~------------------~---------------------------------------------~-----------------~-------
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4•
entertained
4/24
enterta
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FDR
. ign T:-avel
(none)
JFK
NIXO~
(none)
(none) but
uent to Korea
be£ ore Inau2.- .
urated
1
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2/23-3/2 Ernssle:: bose)
Great. E:-iiian,
Italv. Germanv.
France
I
i
;
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scic T::avel
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t
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etc.
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Aca-
.
2/2 SP: Interde:n\'
national Christ
5/4 SP: to US
ian Leadershin
Cham of Co:n:nercE 1/5 '?: A.!Der.
Retail Found.
3/14 SP: A.mer.
(more TC)
Medical Assn.
3/lR ~'P: Dept.
of Commerce
~/7 S?: United
Defense Fund
4/16 SP: Amer.
Society of
Editors
I
3/16 Cl.i
3/17''\.ies
ginia
3121 Cali.:ornia
I 4/26 Vi.==:inia
- r·
I
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-.
I
I
l
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l 3/21 ~issouri.
I
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Inter- 1/30 S?: 17th
1/26 S?:
national Christ annual ?:-esiden-·~ton P:-~
ian Leadershio tial Prayer Brea.k~/27 SP:
2113 SP: Natl.
fast
ate and
Industrial Con£ 3/15 S?: ~~atl.
Praver E
Board
Alliance of
1/27 Q &
3/13 SP: ".!.llia nnsinP-ss::en
sylvania
nee for Progres~" 3/15 S?: .!..'ner. High Stu
at '..'hit:e House j Lei? ion
2/9 SP:
3/14 S?: ~::-;an.,;/2~ 5?: ~atl.
Iexr~le
of ~=er. S:a:es Assn. c: 3road- 3/16 To~
4/20 SP: A.'ner.
caster!';
Clinton.
Soc. of Ne~s4/14 SP: Or2.an. 3/17 Q c
oa~er Editors
Amer. S~ates
Ener~v F
4/25 SP: Natl.
4/29 S?: Chaober 3/19 SP:
of Cor=..-:erce
Grid iror.
Acad e=y of
4/10 SP: ~TO
Science
3/25 Q ~
Co~era:ive Ses. Publishe
4/27 S?: A.iler.
1\e·.;soaoer Pub.
itors an
Assn.
casters
4 I 14 SP:
Ar.ler. Sr
4/29 S?:
ton Cant
As~;n.
5
�FOR
?.ac io,
3/5 Radio to
Veterans
3/12 "Fireside
Chat", radio
5/7 radio
"Fireside Chat"
IKE
NIXON
JFK
Garrol'I
2/1 Radio:
Am Legion
"Back to God 11
Program
1/31 Dave
\Oa\' :or !"-~ Gen.
Hosoi tal
2/26 TV, R. Frolt
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3/5 Radio,
on CBS witl
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4/18 TV adr
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3/23 for news
"The E:1er2·
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reels on
lahor disouc:.e
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Carious crusies 2/26-3/1 golf
bn Seauoir on
Aususta, GA
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3/12-3/21 golf
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2/16 Camp David 2/25 Camp
3/8 K~y Biscayne f!+/8-10 Ca.
3/29 C.:::-:rp .L::avid
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26 nations
C:hAr"
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CARTER
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NIXON
JFK
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3/14 Cable to brip to Korea
1/20 Frost at
II 2/17 oet
3/5 Lette:
54 nations abou:~/19 Air Force ~nauguration
urban affairs
Soviet dL
disar;;:ament
~caderuy to be
1/21 E~:ecutive
'coalition
on hu:::an :
conference
;ormed
!order for r.aedy 12/7 ]969 Senate 2/11 ?res:
~/9 !-!adame O'liang 1/24 food for
; you~h par:'icipa1t~ trust fu:
4/12 .~.ppointed
~ai Shek at
lpeace
'12/7 NAACP
!text rele<
Ruth Brvan Owen ~~ite House tea !1/26 First woman 2/19 Boy of Year12/25 Finai
ministe~ to Den-~/28 Reopens
r·1lite Rouse
a"Ward
records o:
mark, lst female ~~ite House for !physician appt. 13/25 Letter to
inet rele<
Am. diplomatic ~aster egg roll t2/17 President.ia1student at 'l'Uami 3/2 state
--officer
p/25 r.1emo endin~Youth Fitness
,:i'Teenage Rally
local off:
Fegregation in ~Council
:for Decency
to be inc:
rilitary post
i3/l Peace Corps
lin agency
schools
p16-Ecual EmDlograms
f/18 Donated
~~ent 'oppor.· exj3/1~ 20m:
~residential
~cutive order
co~rerencL
•acht to Red crcs!s3/2~ telegram
.
ene;rgy
For 'l.'ouhded
bn evic·t-ion of
3/21 5 far
~ervicemen cruis~eedy f amilie_~
to lunch c
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Amer. Agr:
tt k · g Commun ~/ 28 ~!SG to Cor..r.1~n
Day
ac ~n
~ivil RTCS Thirdj
~nnual meeting
.
:Jn school in
.. ransition
!
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Sta~/8
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Food for Peac~l/30 Col. 7:-ank 1/23-2/2 }.
Davis ;:o Gane.·a sen fact-find- iersonne1 ;:a L.A. Boreman good 'WiL to West. i.
ng mission to
/16 Rusk to
to West. Europe and Japan
Disarmament
Conference
~urope
eato
2/17 Rockefeller 2/1-2/10 Y
/12 Milcon
/28 P.arriman to good ~ill to L.A to Tanzani
isenho~er ?res.~urope
Nigeria
:lersonal rep. to
3/25-4/1 V
act-finding in
to USSR
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2/3 Cliffe
Turkey, Cy
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/9 Dulles
l.
~/12 GOP Chair-
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ees ·..·hen not
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~/27 IKE says
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to Greece,
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SP Msg ~
wage/price
to Congre s
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Eco Growe
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recess to
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Remarks
Baptist ..
World
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WH
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remarks
issued
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Remarks:
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dissident:
human rights
priority estb
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Msg to Cong Remarks:
minimum
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Dept appts
Cabinet mtg
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employees
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additional
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1st Conference, l/27, 3 days after inauguration
2/6, 2/~2, 3/4, 3/14, 4/18
8.in 1st 100 days
•
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IKE:
1st Conference, 2/8, 20 days after
2/23, 3/9, 3/24, 4/15, 4/22
6 in lst 100 days
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lst Conference, l/25, 6 days after inauguration
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FOR:
1st Conference, 2/17, ~7 days after
3/5, 3/19, .3/26, 4/2, 4723, 4/30
ina~guration
in 1st 100 cays
•
•
1st Conference, 3/8,
5 davs after inauqu=ation
FDR gave at least 13 conferences h±s first
100 days;
a week.
he scheduled them at least
t~ice
�~00
,....:.~'T'~":'.
'-··-·- -·llo.
I: ..~.. Ys
January 20
Inaugural Address
Submitted r.ames of all cabinet selections, UN &
o~m,
Council on Economic advisors.
Videotaped speech on U.S. Foreign Policy released to
26 nations.
...
Pardoned everyone who violated Mil~~ary Selec~ive
, ,.. . Servic2 Act between 8/4/64 and 4/23/73, ( ~ilatary
personnel evading the Vietnam draft) .
~~nounced
Stat;
nominations of 10
Depar~ment,
~ncluding
pec~le
for
5 Assistant
pos~s
in the
Secr;t~ti~s.
Januarv 22
Announced Mondale trip to Europe and Japan.
Meeting of National Security Council.
Januarv 23
Mondale leaves for Europe and Japan.
Swearing in Ceremony of the following Cabinet
members: Cyrus Vance, Michael
El~enthal,
Harold
Brown, Cecil Andrus, Sob Bergland, Juanita Kreps,
Particia Harris, and Brock Adams.
1
�-c.::. ·.:2.=···
- .
?irs~
::abinet
Resci~~ed
~eeting
amend~ents
.Ford originated on gasoline
price controls and reinstututed controls.
Januarv 25
:.!et ·,;it.h Democratic Congressional .leaders to discuss
~ccr.o~ic
stimulus program, re-organization and energy
legislation.
_:;nnc'.!.;.::ed lJar.ce to, go to the. :-!iddle .::as t.
Elliot~
........... -·
,.
Richardson nominated for
and S9ecial
Represen~ative
-~~assador-at-Large
of the President :or the
Law of Sea Conference.
Sweari~g
of HEW Secretary Califano .
.::anuarv 26
Req~est
to Congress for Emergency Natural Gas Act of
1977 and
~ews
briefing.
Sweari~g
in Ceremony of Attorney General, Griffin Bell.
Speech at the Washington Press Club dinner honoring
new
~embers
of Congress.
Januarv 27
Spoke at U.S. Senate and House prayer breakfast
groups.
2
�-
-- .... . ·--....
·.::··--...-;-,..
- .vc c.- - .• -:
·.~.:
-··---.
c:~
::a
i
~
Question and Answer with students from Stetson Jr.
High School, West Chester.
Januarv 28
Januarv 29
~ajar
cabinet
Announced UN
,.
....;w.
~eeti~g
en energy
.~bassador,
shor~age.
Andrew Young to visit
. ....
Tan=ania and Nigeria.
Januar·1 30
Traveled to Pittsburg, PA. for
q~esticn
and answer
session vii th v;estionhouse plant •..;orkers.
Sweari~g
in Ceremony of Andrew
Y~ung,
UN.
Januarv 31
Cabinet meeting.
Message to Congress, on Economic Recovery Plan.
Februarv l
Announced John O'Leary to head Federal Energy
Administration.
Welcomed VP Mondale home from his European and Japan
trip.
3
�Firs~ ~ajar
Vice
television address, a fireside chat.
?r~sident ~on~ale
conducts
pr~ss
briefing on
his trip.
Signee first bill, :::mergancy
~aminated
~ratural
Gas Act of 1977.
Cilfford Alexander Secretary of the Army,
Paul C. Warnke Director, U.S.
~rms
Control and
Disarwarnent Agency.
?ebruarv 3
Announced Clark .M. Cli.:::ord trip t:o Greec~, 'I'ur!.t:ey and
...A. •.• - .
Cyprus.
·
....
Announc2s formation and twent-person
Presiden~ial
Advisory_Soard on
merr~ership
of
~~assadorial
Appiont:nents.
februarv 4
Letter to
Presiden~
ion plan for
o£ Senate and S?eaker on reorganizat-
Execu~ive
Branch.
Februarv5
Letter
~o
Soviet dissident established human rights
major tenent of administration foreign policy.
4
�:
:::::-·..:~!7·.·
-
Februarv 7
Cabinet meeting
.;nnounced Stanfield Turner Director of CIA and Peter
Bourne Director of Office of Drug
~~use
Policy.
?e!::ruar·: 8
:irs~
press conference
Supreme
,.
Cour~
and wives to
~~hi~e ~cuse c~n~er .
......... .. -.
Februar·r 9
Speech to American Tex-tile Hanufact"..!re=s, ::1c.
Spoke and Question and Answer ssssion to
e~;~cyees
at
Labor and Commerce.
Februarv 10
Question and Answer session with Department of Treasury
and HUD employees.
Februarv 11(25th Dav)
Press o£fice released text of Carter's personal trust.
Message to Congress on progress cf Cyprus crisis .
. Established selection committee for FBI Director.
FebruarY 12
5.
�.:: ·.:::
,
.
':)
- .... - .. --------.
-··-:-,
-
~res~cen~
c=-
-~nc~a.
..
Vacation to Plains, Gaor;ia for weekend of February
11-13.
Februar-: 14
Cabinet meeting
Firs~
foreign Head-of-State visit,
?or~illc
~~-
Jose Lopez
f=om Mexico.
Official State dinner for President Portillo, exchanging
toasts.
~aminated
.
... •
Depart~ent
Thomas Ross,
..
....,.. .. ...
~ss~stant
,.
Secretary for the
of Defense .
Februarv 15
Transmitted to the U.S. Sana te t::.e u.S. on
Execu~ion
ot Penal
~!exico
Treaty
Sen~etices.
Established U.S. Circuit
~udge
Nominating Commission.
Februarv 16
r1et \vith the employees at !:EW and t:.e Environmental
Protection Agency.
Februarv 17
Joint communique with President Portillo
issued~
Established President's Commission on Mental Health.
Established the Commettee on
6
Selec~ion
of Director of
�.:.
::::.:::.·:._
Spoke to breakfast
~eeting
of the Sxecutive Finance
Committee of the DNC.
Brief at the
Depart~ent
of the
:~te~ior.
Februarv 19
Met with
:ecie~al
qroup of University Presidents to discuss how
==~~~aticns
affecting
ecuca~ional
i~sti~utions.
Februarv 20
..,__ .. -:ebruarv 21
Message to Congress transmitting four international
fishing agreements to Congress to today.
P=i=.e
Ministe~
?ier~e
Elliott
T=~ceau
of
C~nada
arrives
for second foreign Head-ot-State visit.
Februarv 22
Message to Congress on final FY 1978 budget =evisions
( economic stimulus plan and deleting funds for major
water projects).
Februarv 23
Press
Confe~ence.
7
�: ==
=·..:~::··
- "':
~~ncunced
t~e
=~turn
provided fer his
of
~nused
~ransition
$ 350,000 in
f~nds
team.
Februar-: 25
Released financial records of Cabinet
Memorandum to Depart=ent heads to review all Federal
Advisory Committees.
~!omir.a~ed
~hn
M. Sullivan, .:..5si.stan-c S::cre'=a.!:'y for
Depart=ent of Defense, :avid E.
~cGri£~er-c.
~ssiatant
.
Secretarv- fer Defense .
To Camp 'bavici, :.!aryland •fo·r ·weekend
Feb.!:'"..larv 26
Februarv 28
Cabinet meeting
U.S. Canada Reciprocal Fisheries Agreemen'= sent to
Congress
8
----- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - '
�...... """"'""" -..-!::. c:-'-'·"~---,:)
:epart=ent of
-----
C -~:-=.
~~ergy.
Spoke and Question and Answer session
from the
Depart~ent
wi~h
employees
of Defense.
Instituted a hiring limit on federal employees.
Dinner speech to National Governors Winter Conference.
March 2
~etters
t=
ci~~=ans
~~
~~e
U.S. asking
~~em
to write
back t.oli th their advice in the formation of energy
policy.
Memorandum to depart=ent and agency heads asking them
~o
include state and local officials in administrative
programs when possible.
Met with El Hadg Ornar 9ongo, President of the Gabor.
~epublic.
March 3
:-laminations announced of Bette B.
to the
Depar~~ent
~.nderson,
Undersecretary
of T=easury, Gane Godley, Assistant
Secretary for the Department of Treasury.
March 4
Message to Congress asking for reduced federal regulation in airline industry.
3rief staternentand question and answer session to a
9
�-..
-- ---
.
..,_ -··=-..:,.-':'
:.-- -----··---,
~
~alephone
call-in
-
.::==~=.=:::..~~===·
?rogr~u
on C3S radio
net~ork
with
:-;alter C.:-onki te.
Patricia :1. :erian Coordinat:or for Euman
~iomi:1ated
and
~umanitarian
Affairs for
~hr
Cepar~~ent
o£ State.
March 6
:·!arc!'l -:
?'~r~al
s~ate
:srael.
C.inner =·=>r ?=i:::le Hinsiter
,.
...-~
Y:.~zhak
Rabin of
... -·
!·1arch 8
~epor~
to Congress on Health.Activities
~ederal
~et
~ith
~r.der
~~e
Ccal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969.
Willy 3randt, Chair:::lan o£ the
G~r~an
Social
Jemocratic Party.
aarch 9
?ress Conference ( transmitted to Congress a Youth
~~ployment
Program as
par~
of his economic re-
covery package} .
. S•...rearing in of Stanfield Turner as Director of the CIA.
~et
with Pak Tong-Chin, Foreign Minister of the Republic
of Korea.
10
�.
- ·-
:....
: ......._.,~._
·--··
=---
?'J~:::al
·:J=
---I
=...',
----- -.-----
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- =,....
:?::.-:.::::: :··!:..n.:.s-=a= _..._
·:.=..llc::.~l':an
3ri tian.
Spoke
representatives of Ad Hoc Coalition
wit~
~or
~vomen.
Sent Congress legislation to extend appropriation and
authorization for Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.
~·1arch
ll
Announced :ormation o£ 20
2 w·eeks
~o
mini-~onferences
ever the next
gather info.rrnation on national eners-y policy
by ll.pril 2 0.
........ -·
r-1arch :2
'1
.
~arc~
,~~
~
:1arch 14
Cabinet meeting
. Met Chancellor Bruno Kreisky of Austria and Foreign Minister
~ans-Dietrich
.
~aminated
Genscher of the Federal Republic of Germany .
Daniel H. Brill Assistant
Sec:e~ary
:or Treasury.
March 15
March 16
.
To~m
meeting in Clinton, Mass •
. Met with Dr. Garret Fitzgerald, Foreign Minister of Ireland.
11
�::.:..::=-: -·
-.
:·..::s-:i:::
.
::.:.s·=·...:.3.:s:...:n
Charleston,
Wes~
~-
Virginia on Energy.
March 18
Nominated Roger C. Altman,
Treasury,
~~i1liam
~ssistant
Secretary for
J. Beckham, Assistant Secretary for
Treasury .
•f
.
.·.arcn
i 0
.:~..t"t:enC.eC.
annual Gridiron Di:mer--a t
Hotel.
~..,.
C~pi tal
Hilton
... -·
:·!arch 2 0
~arch
21
'Cabinet :-!eet:ing
:or:nal st:.ate C.inner =or Prime
~!iniste!."'
':'a.keo Fukuda of
Japan.
Lunch for five farmers at the White House on
~~erican
Agriculture Day.
March 22
Message to Congress
Joint communique at the conclusion of visit of Prime
!.Unister E'ukuda of Japan.
12
�....
·-----·
:.
-~
3rief
on
~ews
c~nference
on the Presidential Commission
inericans Hissing and unaccounted for in Southeast
.il•.
Asia.
r·tarch 24
Press Conference (views on the Presidency)
Vance ,reques"t. for Sovie-= Cnion t::cay for talks on a
nuclear
,. arms aareement.
.,
......... -.
Interview and question and
of publishers, editors, and
answ~r
session with a group
broadc~sters.
Left for Camp David , Maryland.
!1arch :5
March 2i
March 2a
. Cabinet meeting
Transmitted legislation authorizing Foreign Development
Assistance.
March 29
Executive order establishing Interagency Committee for
13
�---
.--·-
-..:J-
C
T~
1.-
•
-.
March 30
Question a.nd .:;.nswer session with reporters regarding sAL·.
negotiations with
Sovi~t·union.
Spoke briefly with National Women's Political Caucus at
Corcoran Art Gallery.
Transmitted to Congress the
u.s. -
Canada Transit Pipe-
line Agreement.
:·!arc!"l ,; . :.
~laminated
Joseph Laitin, .-As.sistant Secretary at Treasury
;..ppionteci
~-!ichael
olul11.enthal, Ju·ani ta Kreps and Bert
Lance to Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental relatic
Acril l
~omina~ions
Deanne c.
Siene~,
General Counsel of the
Departillent of Denfense, Russell Murray II, Assistant
Secretary of the
Depart~ent
of Defense.
Acril 2
Acril 3
Carter and Vance held a question and answer session upon
Vance return from Soviet Union.
Acril
~
14
�i·ielcorned President _:l_.,war al-Sa.dat of :2gypt •
.;cril 5
Signed Reorganization Act of 1977.
Acril 6
Sent to Congress legislation to crea-te .il.gency for
Consumer Advocacy.
~et
with
G~orge
Meany and other labor leaders.
.......... ··-·
,.
.;cril 7
~amed
9 ?eople for Ambassadorial Posts
based on !?resi-
dential Advisory Board on Ambassadorial Appicntments).
Question and Answer session with reporters on nuclear
90wer ;clicy
~allowing
a review of U.S. policy .
.:l.oril 8
Left the White House for a weekend visit to Calhoun, Ga.,
visiting his son.
Brief question and answer period with reporters, on
arrival.
Acril 9
Acril 10
Carter returned from Calhoun, Georgia.
15
�~eeting
. Cabinet
Memorandum
~o
depar~~ent
heads en briefing service
for high officials on ?Olicy changes.
Acril 12
Commuted G. Gordon Liddy's prison sentence
.;,cril 13
' Acril 14
,.
~eleased
....,. ... Economic Stimulus Package
Spoke before the permanent Council of the Organization
of
-~ueri=an
States.
Press Conference
Transmitted to Congress report on progress in Cyrus
negotiations
Acril 16
Acril 17
April 18
Cabinet meeting
Transmitted t'-to treaties to Senate, tJ. S. - Canada
16
treaty
�..... "': .
--=::::.-··--
~-.
s.
-
0
•
.:-!'O::la~
cas~ar
,
.orcac.•
live on celevision and radio .
.!\.oril 19
Aoril 20
Major speech to Joint Session of Congress putlining
National Energy Plan.
, ., ,
.
..;). or~-
......... -·
•·
.l.oril 22
P::-ess Conference
.:l.pril 23
.;oril 24
Aoril 25
Cabinet meeting
Greeted King Hussein I of Jordan
Message to Congress on new health care legislation.
Aoril 26
Spoke briefly with reporters following Kings Hussein's
departure (no joint
co~munique
17
was issued).
..
�.
.
.
.-.?~:...:.
.,
-
-.
::essage to Congress on nuclear
Aoril 28
. Brief luncneon speech at the
Democ=a~ic
National
Committee
Aoril 29
~=~nsmitted
National
~nergy
Pl~~
to·congress
Ga,te inter..Tiew to board members of t!le Radio:ele~ision
News Director Association
Spoke· at the White House
....:a.,
18
Oor~espcncen~s
Association •
�...· -- ..·.· - •.••' ..
""'\
----: .:. :. ~.;.
ill - Januarv 20
. Inauguration Address
. Nominated 12 Cabinet
~embers
1.12 - Januarv 21
WR staff swearing in
NSC meeting
WR rece?tion for 1300 campaign
Met
~it~
w~kers
Gale Plaza of OAS on Latin American issues
il3- Januarv 22
11
Cab:~et
~embers
sweari~g
......... _,.
Yost at UN and Mayo,
.,,,_
in
Budget Director,
Nomina t ad Char 1 e s E . Wa 1 k e r
secreta=y
also sworn in
as T r e as u r y
under-
ff4- Januar•; 23
Established Urban Affairs Council
Announced withdrawal of Johnson appoin:ments not
yet confirmed by Senate
115 - Januarv 24
Sweari~g
.
in Hickle at Interior
Memora~dum
to all departments regarding budget cuts
. Arthur Burns appointed counselor to President
tl6 -
Januarv 25
. Disaster assistance to Mississippi
tl7- Januarv 26
1
�·-··--··
..
.
.. E -
.
'-'9-
.:anuar..,~
..;.
-~-
~et
28
with Dirksen anci Ford
;ilO- Januarv 29
. Remarks
to State
Depart~ent
?ersonnel
f.lll- Januarv 30
. Announced good will tour of Frank Sorman to Europe
. Remarks to Justice Department employees
. Message to Congress requested 2 year extension
of Reor;anization Act of 1949
Directed Defense
end draft
Depart~ent
co develop plan to
Joseph Sisco nominated as assistant Secretary of
State
.-..-...- .... _.
ill2- Januarv 31
·~·
. Special message to Congress on DC re:
devastated areas
. Remarks
ill 3 -
::- e b r u a r v
to
riot-
top Defense Department officials
1
1114- ;"ebruarv 2
. Met with Ike,
issued remarks
filS- !='ebruarv 3
Remarks to
top HUD officials
Remarks to Agriculture Department employees
. Created study group on effects on economy and
budget of end of Vietnam war
2
..
�Swearing in o; ~ ::1e:bers ot !xecu:!ve Office
?resident a.nd ~--~ ----~
o~
~~..=..-_
Remarks to
top officials at Labor Department
:'117- Februarv 5
. Urged Senate to ratify nuclear nonproliferation
treaty
Announced end of postal patronage system
Continued advance payments to participants
Grain Program
i~
Feed
.
I n c r e as e d ex p end i t u r e c e i 1 in g t o ·lta t i o n a 1 S c i en c e
Foundation
~et with Dirksen and Ford
!118- Februarv 6
Press Conference
...
Remarks
to Post Office "Be·p.artment employees
1119- Februarv 7
. Remarks after meeting with Director of NAACP,
Roy Wilkins
Remarks to participants in 1969 Senate Youth
Program
Remarks to major appointments a:
Department
~ransporta:ion
. Remarks to Commerce Department employees
t/20- Fe'bruarv
!121-
·a
to Key Biscayne·.- ith Rebozo
F'ebruarv 9
t/2 2- Februarv 10
1123- Februarv 11
.
Remarks to Transportation Department employees
(} 24- rebruarv 12
3
�:: 2 s -
: : : =·~ .: :.- ·.· : 3
...• as!l::..::.gc:::.
. .
·- c£
?.:::a rk.s
J.S
:::26- Februarv 14
. Executive Order establi~higgjQffi~e.df~lnte~
governmental Relations
. Remarks
to HEW employees
. Remarks to top Treasury personnel
. Executive Order creating special assistant to
President for liaison with former Presidents
;::21- Februarv 15 -- Called
.ltion
j28-
F~bruarv
rreaciy
16 -- To
Ca~p
for ratification-of Nuclear
Non-Proli~
David
!!29- Februarv 17
!: e t
•.., i t
.......,..
t A:up a s
Rockefel~er
h Sov i e
Announced
America
s ad o r Do b r y n in
good will trip
.-.... _
#30- Februarv 18 (Pat Nixon luncheon
wi~h
~o
Latin
Cabinet ~ives)
1131- F'ebruarv 19
. Remarks
to Interior Deparccenc employees
Xessage to Congress extending life of OEO
:1 3 2 -
Feb r u a r v
20
Recommended revision of Presidential election
procedure
tl 3 3- F' e b ru a rv 21
i/34- F"ebruarv 22
. Press Conference
. Appointed Special Coordinator for Nigerian Civil
War civilians' relief
4
�.:
: ·.:.::.. _.....
~·
~~=arks
a:
fo-: =:u.r::?e
~n~=~~s
~!r
:c::a
~zse
en
~epar:~:e
To Brussels
436- ?ebruarv 14
To
~or~h
Atlan~ic
Council
~~
3russels
. To London
. Special message to Congress on national debt
fl37-
Februarv 25
Remarks to staff at American
~=bassy
in London
Visited British Parliament
Visited British Cabinet
Requested legislation oR eliminatio~ of ?~~ronage
in P o\s t 0 f f ice
""· ·- ·
'.!38- Februar·., 26
. To Cologne
. Spoke to Bundestag
113 9 -
: e b r u a r v 27
To
wes~
Berlin
To Rome, met with Italian ?resident
f/40- Februarv 28
To Paris
. State dinner with Presiderrt de Gaulle
. Meeting with South Vietnam Vice President Ky
~41-
March 1
(Pat Nixon entertains Gov's wives at WH)
t/4 2- March 2
. Met with Pope Paul at Vatican
s
�.. - -._
"":
_:-~.,..
::=.unchin~
c..;..l.--
::(...::,_ ::.:.:c:!-1
~
. Press Confe::ance
tl 4 5 -
~·!a r
c: h 5
Established Office of Minority Business enterprise
. Presented Robert H. Goddard Memorial !::ophy to
Apollo 8 astronauts
Remarks co top C!A officials
i,! 4 6 :.i4
7-
~·!a r
ch 6
'f
•
: . .l:'C:l
I
;.!48- >!.lrch
s
!,!4 9-
a
~·!arch
--
!:0
K.:y 3iscayne
,.
50-
~·!arch
10
151-
~arch
11--
!}
~et
...,.; ..
-.
with Dirksen and Ford
i!52- March 12
!# 5 3 -
~·!a r
c h 13
Reorgani:ed Manpower Administration at Labor
De par t :n en t
TelegraQ to Apollo 9 crew
(.!54-
~1arch
14
Press Conference
Announced modified deployment of ASM system
;! 5 5 - :·!a r c h 15
Remarks to 2nd Annual Meeting of National Alliance
of Businessmen
f)
56- :-!arch 16
6
_,
-----------
�..
.J
7
-
·.~ ~
-: .. ,- :
..
ss-
• q
>: :l !' c:: _..,
:i
59-
~·! J.
t.:6o-
r c~
~·!arch
1
9
20
i/61- March 21
. Trip to Independence,
iiorn High School
.
~et
~issouri.
Spoke at \Tan
~ruman
with President and Mrs.
at their home
. !rip to Point Mugu Maval Air Station,
To Santa Barbara,
O:amage
:J 6 2 -
~!a r
Calif.
to
Oxnard,
Calif.
inspect o,rt spill
c h 22
. Statement on campus disorders
....,.. .. -.
{}63- March 2.3
._}
,.
fl64- March 24
. Proposal to Congress to restrict one-bank holding
companies
.
~iet with Trudeau of Canada
March 25
.
~etter
to student on ~iami Teen Age
Decency
. Met with Dirksen and Ford
U66- March 26
. Asked Congress
to extend lOh
~ally
for
income tax surcharge
f167- March 27
Signed Government Reorganization Act
. Appointed Comission on All-Volunteer Armed Forces
~emorandum
E~ployment
on Equal
Opportunity
1168- March 28
. Statement on death of President Eisenhower
7
�., ___ :,.,_
.. .;;. .....
-c
~
- ..:
~.-
:. ::.
eulcgy at Capitol ac State
President Eisenhower
Jeli~ered
~uceral
of
::11- :·!arch 31
:.!72- Aoril 1
{.174- Aoril 3
f/75-
.~.ori1
4
To Key Biscayne
Issued executive orders co
;?ayments
im~rov~
balance of
:.:76- ..:..oril 5
:t7i- ..:..;,ril 6 '
.......... -'
ti7 8- Aoril 7 ,.
1179-
Aoril 8
. Announced program for rehabilitation of urban
areas damaged by riots
. Met with Hussein of Jordan
f.!SQ-
~.oril
9
. Established Office of Child Development
:; 8 1- Ao r i 1 1 0
!182- Aoril 11
Approved certain international airline routes
• Announced cutback in Job Corps
~rogram
f/83- Aori1 12
. Approved changes in 1970 budget and announced cuts
{.184-
Aori1 13
. To Camp David
8
�ii86- .!.oril 15
:: 8 i - Ao r i 1 1 6
(Pa
t:
~ i x on
en t e. r
t
a in R e p .. :; o :::1 an ' s Con i .
a
t
WH )
#88- Aoril 17
!189- Aoril 18
• Press Conference
. Memorandum on employment o£
the
~andicapped
iJ90- Aoril 19
Car.1p David
:192- Aoril 21
t/93- Aoril 22
tl94- Aoril 23
·-~·
Special message to Congress on i:creased federal
drive ·against organized crime
i/95- Aoril 24
£f96- Aoril 25
. Trip
I~ 9 8 -
AD r i
to Azalea Festival in
~ortolk,
Virginia
1 27
tl99- Aoril 28
Letter to de Gaulle on announce~ent of his resignation
. Pat Nixon lunches with Senate wives
:!100- Aoril 29
Letter to Chair~an of President's Commission for
Observation of Human Rights Year 1968
9
�.: ::- .··.: ::' i:
_,.......,
~
-
4
____ _
:-
-·-
~
::86- Aoril 15
::: 8 7- A or i 1 16
(?a t
~; i x on en t e r t a. in ?. e p .. :; oman ' s
Con f. • at WH )
#88- Aoril li
:]89- Aoril 18
. Press Conference
Memorandum on employment of. the handicapped
(.f9Q- Aoril 19
'.'9l-
Aori~
::o
C.:i:.p
David
}92- .\oril 2l
f.1 93- Aoril
.,.,
i,f94- Aoril
23
....,..~ .. -.
Special message co Congress on
drive against org~niz~d crime
,.
incr~ased
federal
;!95- A.oril :!4
'.f97- A.oril
25
. Trip
f.f98-
co Azalea Festival in Norfolk,
Virginia
Aoril 27
(199- Aoril 28
Letter to de Gaulle on announcement of his
nation
. Pat ~ixon lunches with Senate wives
~noo- A.oril 29
~esig
. Letter to Chairman of ?resident's Commission for
Observation of Human Rights Year 1968
9
�_.:-.. :.
-· ...
::::..s~
::.Jo :.!_Ys
Inaugural address
Robert Frost prepared dedication for the Inaugural ceremonies.
Nominated cabinet oembers plus Stevenson as Chief Delegate to U. N.
i!2 - January 21
First Executive Order on expanded program of food distribution to
needy
Exchanged greetings with Soviet leaders
Cabinet members confirmed
Sweari~g-in
ceremony (: hours after
Spoke to meeting of
D~C
!.13 - Jancz.ry 22
Established
'.'>iJt'o''
confi~ation)
...___ .i:..
Gover~ent
Ethics Committee
:!4 - January 23
f.!S - Januarv 24
Statement on Food-for-Peace Program Task Force report
Sent ~emorandum to federal agencies on duties of Director of Food-for
Peace Program
Executive Order amending prior Executive Orders to provide for the
responsibilities of the Director of the Food-for-Peace Program
Executive Order on inspection of income, estate and gift tax returns
by the Senate Committee on Government Operations
116 - January 25
First press conference (first presidential press conference seen
1
�- .:.·.·c
~-
... _
.....
.:. •• .J ..
::.::
:. .: ••.:':1
?:~ss:..a
Lette= to ?resident of the Senate and to the S?caker ci :he
urging enact~ent of a distressed a=ea re-development bill
Announced ?resident's meeting ~~th S?ecial
conditions and balance-of-payments p=oblem
cc~ittee
~ouse
on economic
Announced appointment of panel to review data relating to agreement
on discontinuance of nuclear ~eapons tests
Announcement of emergency food program for the Congo
117 - January 26
Appointed Dr. Janet G. Travell ~~ite House
:o serve as ~nite Souse ?hysician
p~sician;
first woman
flS - Januarv 27
Letter to Secretary Ribicoif :-eques:ing him to und'ert.ake direction
of Cuban refugee activities
,.
....,._ .. -'
f/9 - Januarv 28
··.·
Exchange of greetings with President Sukarno of Indonesia
f/10- Januarv 29
Swearing-in ceremony and reception for Presidential appointees
llll- Januarv 30
State of the Union message
f/12- Januarv 31
Interview with Dave Garroway recorded for the 150th anniversary of
the founding of Massachusetts General Hospital
I ...
_
2
�--- .
.
.
.
.
:~::~:.=·~:-:.::.::...:..
C:r-
•. -::::·c :-:
·-~-
:~- .... ~---··
?:-ess Conference
f.!l4-
?ebruary 2
Special message to Congress on Program for Economic Growth and
Recovery
Remarks on greetins representatives of 3aptist ~orld Alliance at
w1lite House
1115-
February 3
Statement following conference with Secretary Ribicoff on Cuban
refugee problems
:elegram to Mayors oi U.S. cities urging increased urban
activity
1116-
rene~al
February 4
......... -·
·~
1111-
Februarv 5
1118-
February 6
Letter to President of Senate and Speaker transmitting bills extending unemployment benefits and providing aid to needy children
Special message to Congress oo gold and balance of payments deficit
1119-
February 7
Letter to Congress transmitting a minimum wage bill
Announcement concerning the tariff on iQporcs of hard fiber cords
and twines
#20-
February 8
President's new conference
'
3
,.
�.
.
::.::- ::==
-
:~ace
'
.
:-.:~s:.:-.;
-
==c~rac,
.
_::;.::.s
c:r~
:o
-~•nounce~ent concer~ing
~a:ya
date of
disconti~uance
of comwercial opera-
:ion of :he Panama line
House release concerning acceleration of payments to farmers
for storage of crops under price support loans
~nite
121
Februarv 9
Special message to Congress concerning federal health
gram for the aged
i~sruance
pro-
Remarks at dedication breakfast of the International Christian
Leadership, Inc.
J22
?ebruarv 10
Letter to President of Senate and Speaker proposing creation of
additional Federal judgeships
Statement announci~g appointment of consultants on gqvernment organiz.ation and operations
.Jt-,. ..• _ •
.!_'lnouncement of ceremony to Dark the departure of relief food for
Congo
Order abolishing certain committees on government organization and canagement improvement
~xecutive
J23-
Februarv 11
#24-
Februarv 12
025-
February 13
Letter to the President of Senate and Speaker cransmitting bill to
?rovide health insurance for the aged
·'
\..
Address to luncheon meeting of National Industrial Conference Board
4
·--
�.........
;
-~:::c:::e:a~end
:o ..... c !-:--::s:.:.en: c: 3ena:.e .:lnc S?aa.&\.er
:=a.ns=i~:~:'l~
bi.l.i t:o
Social Securi:y Act
Letter to Speaker transmitting Distressed Area Redevelopment Bill
Joint statement following discussions with
of Canada
Pri~e
Minister Diefenbaker
Special message to the Congress on federal aid to education
1133- ?ebruarv 21
Remarks at presentation of Medal of Freedom to Secretary General of NATO
Remarks to delegates of Youth Fitness Conference
f.!34- Februarv 22
t.l35- Februarv 23
Special message to the Congress on natural resources
Announcement on
appo~ntment
of Committee of the ?ine Arts Commissio.n
for tJhite House
....... _.
Remarks for news reels on the settlement of airway labor dispute
1.136- Februarv 24
Statement b7 the President following the settlement of the airway labor
dispute
Joint statement following discussions with Prime Minister o£ Australia
Letter to President of Senate and Speaker transmitting bills on health
and hospital care
Letter to the Speaker proposing reduction in duty-free allowance for
returning .~erican travelers
Letter to Spe~ker proposing exemption of foreign central banks from
income on interest on government securities
i/37- Februarv 25
Message for the Commission on Civil Rights' Third Annual Conference on
Schools in transition
6
�___
.__,.,_
.. ·'-""''""".:II
::JS- : .;:;,:-ua:·.· :5
?..emarks recorded for television program "Robert :rest: .!..werican Poet"
and t=ibute to Robert Frost
:/39- ?ebruary 27
Telegram to Governor of Alabama upon
in that state
designat~ng
=ajor cisaster areas
Remarks at meeting with Board of Foreign Scholarships and the U. S.
Advisory Commission on Educational Exchange
tJ40- Februarv 28
Special
~essage
·-
.
to Congress on federal highwaY"?rogram
Statement recorded by the President ior openin£ of Red Cross
Announcement of
i~crease
c~mpaign
in 1962 budgea for Treasury Dept.
f/41- March 1
....... t·.
Press conference
.·.•
Executive Order on Peace Corps in the Department of State; -- statement
by the President upon signing the Executive Order establishing the Peace
Corps;
speci~l message to the Congress on the Peace Corps
/142- ~1arch 2
Remarks recorded for television program marking 25 years of publication
of Life magazine
//43- March 3
?..emarks at
d~dication
of the National Wildlife Federation Building
Joint statement following discussion
~ith
Prime Minister of New Zealand
Announcement of appointment of task force to study national aviation
goals
1/44- March 4
7
�S:a::.=::nt .:oncer::::..::.; .:on£ e:-ence on d.:.sc:m::i::::ance ·:·f :-.uclea.:-
~.-eapon
~ests
Special message to Congress requesting appropriations for "InterAmerican fund for social progress and for reconstruction in Chile"
. Statement concerning appropriations for purchase of oral vaccine by
Public Health Service
f/55- March 15
• Press conference
• Statement concerning supplemental appropriations for Commodity Credit
Corporation and for unemployment compensation benefits
if56- :".arch 16
. Special message to Congress on agriculture
1157- March 17
......... -·
. Announcement of termination of Foreign Communist Propaganda Interception
Program
{158- March 18
. Executive Order abolishing President's Committee on Fund-Raising within
the federal service and to provide for the conduct of fund-raising
activities
if59- March 19
/160- March 20
1761- March 21
. Remarks on meeting of President's Advisory Committee on Labor-Management Policy
• Statement on President's Committee on Equal
9
E~ployment
Opportunity
�(
S?~cial ~~ssa;e
:he
f:~=~:ion
~o
c: a
c~~~:sss c~ncer~!~; ~~rei;n
=~~~~= =~=ei;~
aiC
a1:,
a?ec!~!cally ~=;ing
a~ency
Signed bill providing for emergency feed grain program
Letter to President
rank
Eisenho~er
U?On signing bill restoring his military
Statement on supplemental appropriations for unemployment compension for
railraod workers and for aid to dependent children
1163- March 23
Press conference
Statement follo~ing ratification of Convention establishing Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development
Statement on situation in Laos
Young American Medals for Bravery to two persons
. Executive Order abolishing the
ing prices and costs ·
~
Commit~!3.
?.n Government Activities _a.ffect-
1164- March 24
Signed Temporary Extended Unemployment Compensation Act
. Special message to Congress on budtet and fiscal policy
Executive Order abolishing Government Patent Board and providing for
the performance of ics function
t/65- March 25
(}66- March 26
Joint statement with Prime Minister
of views on Lao·s
~~cMillan follo~ing
an exchange
Telegram to Kenosha, Wisconsin housing authority concerning an action
for the eviction of needy families
10
•·
�..
::::.
!'Ore::.gn
:' 68-
:~r
c.h
!-~:.nist:.er -~:-o::::yk.o
__
..
at
.
c.:..s~:.:..:;sac
_; !\.
t~e
__ ,c;:
_..- ___--....
~
....,
~-.;
;.;:'"lit:.e House
...
.... --··
:::s
. Special Qessage to Congress on defense budget
#69- March 29
Letter to President of Senate.Bnd S?eaker transitting House and Urban
Improvement Bill
• Statement on progress of Food-for-Peac.e Program in Latin America
Statement following ratification of the 23rd amendment to Constitution
• Executive Order amendment to Executive Order establishing
Council on Youth Fitness
Presiden~'s
i/70- March 30
Announcement of appointment of members of Peace Core? National Advisory
Council
Y~·
. Easter holidays (MarcH 30-April 4) wit~~£-~ily at Palm Beach. Note:
Since January 20, JFK has played tYice at ChevyChase Country Club and
once at Burning Tree
/}71- March 31
i/72- Aoril ·1
#73- Aoril 2
!.17 4- April 3
Recorded greetings to the President and people of Brazil
. Announcement of members of President's Committee on Equal Employment
Opportunity
117 5- April 4
Letter from President of Argentina concerning the proposal for an
alliance for progress in Latin America
11
�.\:·ril 5
:J76-
.·
.
~1essage
to meeting of the conference of Chiefs of State of African
nations
fi78- April 7
• Telegram to annual conference of the Council on Consumer Information
fJ7 9- April 8
• Joint statement following discussions with Prime Minister
and remarks at reading of joint statement
~cMillan
#80- Aoril 9
Statement abolishing 41 interdepartmental committees
t.181- Aoril l'l
-,
t·
Remarks at opening sesssion of
~ilitary
Committee of NATO
f/82- April 11
Remarks at first meeting of Pres. Committee on Equal Employment
Opportunity
#82 - Aoril 12
News Conference
t/83- Aoril 13
Joint statement after meeting with Chancellor Adenauer of Germany
...
)
12
·-····
�-
.
!".. ~~: ::S
C.':
- - .. - ---. --··
...
.
----OJ'-""'-.;.-;
.:..an S:a::as
:.:86- ..:..oril 15
. Reception marking African Freedom Day
#87- April 16
1188- Aoril 17
• Bay of Pigs fiasco (April 17-20)
• Letter to President of Senate and Speaker transmitting farm bill
#89,_.. Aoril 18
Letter to President of Senate and Speaker recommending an additional
Secretary HEW
•
r·
Leete~ to President of Senate and Speaker
Depart,tnent of Urban Affairs and Housing ·
c:ansmi~ting
bill for new
....... ~ -·
Message to Chairman Krushchev concerning the meaning of events Cuba
1190- Aori1 19
Announcement concerning membership of Commission on Civil
Rig~ts
• Retnarks made during an interview for British television
f/91- ..;.oril
ZO
• Address before the American Society of Newspaper Editors
. JFK confers with Nixon concerning Bay of Pigs invasion
• Joint statement following discussions with Prime Minister of Greece
Special message to Congress on taxation
Memorandum on racial and other discrmination in Federal recreational
associations
{_ ..
{192- Aoril 21
• Press Conference
13
------ · -
�. • .J~ - -
. -.....
-.
..; ~;..
:::.·:id
conc.err:.i~g
:.: <9t.- ,:..oril 23
.
. . ......
,,
,.,.orl.J.
Letter to President of Senate and Speaker proposing extension of Federal
Airport Act
Letter to President of Senate and Speaker concerning secret service of
persons in line for the presidency
Remarks of welcome to President Sukarno of Indonesia at Andrews Air Force
3ase
i' 96- Aoril 25
,.
Letter to President of Senate and Speaker on Nat~~nal Defense Education
Act
............. -.
Remarks before the Na~ional Academy of Sciences
'
Joint statecent following discussion with President Sukarno of Indonesia
issued
Signed bill amending the Aeronautics and Space Act
1.197- Acril 26
1/98- April 27
. Address "The President and the
Publishers Association
Press" before the American Newspapers
Special message to Congress on ·conflict-of-interest legislation and
problems of ethics in government
. Special message to Congress transmitting reorganization plan number 1
and number 2 of 1961
14
�- --
- -·
::'?9- . •......
i
... ~
_...,
::.-:::::arks
::~co::-cied
:o::- brcaci:ast during the an:1ual civi.!.
C.efe::::~.se
e.."<ercises
. (.1100-Aoril 2 9
/!101-Aoril 30
of app~in~men~ of Council of Administrative Conference
of the United States
Announce~en~
;.
....4ltl!l; •• - ·
15
�vc:
""'"'
-·- ·- -:"'.!
-·-·""'
:'! 1
-
_; .3.:lua r-:
0
o
20
Ike sworn in as 34th Pres.
Cabinet appointments submitted to Senate.
t/2 - Januan· 21
0
Senate confi~ed Cabinet, Cabinet sworn in.
0
~nite
House aides sworn in include: Asst. to Pres. - Sherman Adams;
Press Sect. Hagerty; Spec. Counsel to Pres. - Stephens and appts. for
military aides.
113 - ..ianuarv 22
0
Defe~se
Secretary - ~ilson nominated .
. Ike submits other nominations to Senate (undersects, etc)
t/5 - januarv 24
•·
.·.·
o
&•nounced Pres.'s Advisory Committee on Government Organization.
116 - Januarv 25
117 - januarv 26
&•nounced President's Committee on International Information
Activities & 9 Member Board.
o
118 - Januarv 27
0
"Diplomatic Circle" for chiefs of 76 foreign missions and their
..,.ives.
::9 - Januarv 28
1110 - Januarv 29
o
Accepts Honorary Chairmanship of American National Red Cross.
Cll - Januarv 30
1 .
�#13 - February 1
a
Recorded message for American Legion "Back to God" Program
a
Joined Wash. Natl. Presbyterian Church
f/14 - Februarv 2
a
Delivers State of Union Address to Congress.
a
Messages to Heads of State in Europe re:
storm disasters
1115 - Februarv 3
t~ree
a
Announced appointments of
Special Asses. to Pres.
a
Statement on policies re:
a
Curbed hiring of new govt. employees, initiation of new govt.
buildings.
........ , __ . •·
a
Directed agency heads to keep spending rates·. down and submit by
March 2 recommendations for cutting Truman's $78.6 billion budget.
budget revision recommendations issued.
1116 - Februarv 4
a
a
Announced sub-Cabinet level appointments of Interior, Commerce.
ODM & DPA and appointed Economic Stabilization Agency Admin.
M~rged
1117 - Februarv 5
a
Spoke at Dedicatory Prayer Breakfast of the International
Christian Leadership.
illS - February 6
a
0
Appointed Cabinet Committee on flood relief in Br. Isles and Western
Europe.
Executive Order removing all controls on wages and salaries.
1119 - Februarv 7
a
Message for Boy Scouts of America 43rd Anniv.
2
�-
.: :. ;::e·:. .
.-. .::.:-.:~
--.:;
.
- ----'
-.
::::.:= o:
:c::
/.121 - rebruarv 9
with GOP Congressional Leaders, resulting in 11 point legislative
program at wnite House
~et
~et
with Dulles and S:assen re: fact-finding trip to
~estern
Europe
#22 - Februarv 10
#23 - Februarv 11
Declined to set aside death sentences of Rosenbergs, spies
1124 - Februarv 12
GOP Chai:rman Roberts accused of i:nproperly taking lobbyist fees
when not registered
#25 - Februarv 13
....... _ .. -··
\
....•.
•·
-
Pope Pius XII senas appeals for clemency he has received to the
White House, but does not personal appeal--Jar Rosenbergs
•
Februarv 14
#27 - Februarv 15
#28 - Februarv 16
#29 - Febuiarv 17
First Press Conference
Stevenson visited Ike to discuss world tour
#30 - Februarv 18
Postpoined Key foreign trade policy decision
Ofs. of Price Stabilization ended price controls on goods and
services accounting for $50 billion in sales annually
3
�-~-~:1ounceci
0
favors establishment o: .!.i= ?c:-::e .!..:ade:::y.
032 - Febrcarv 20
Urged Congress to join him in a resolution regarding subjugated
people; attacking communisn.
o
/..'33 - :e
~ b ruary 21
113' - Februarv 22
o
V. P. Nixon presents Freedom Foundation Awards.
035 - February 23
#36 - Februarv 24
0
Message to UN Assembly opening.
t•
#37 - Februarv 25
o
Press Conference
#38 - Februarv 26
o
Statement on need for Presidential Commission on federal-state
relations •
.
o
Flew to Augusta, GA for 4 days of golf.
1139- Februarv 27
#40 - February 28
#41 -
Narch 1
o
Recorded remarks for opening of Red Cross Campaign •
. Resturned to Washington from Augusta, Ga.
4
�- . .
=~:.sa~
--
ti43 - March 4
#44 - March 5
o
0
o
Met ~~th British Foreign Sect ~,thony Eden and Chancellor of the
Exchequer Butler on British economic problems
Received proposals for reducing tariffs from commission headed
by ex-Treas. Undersect. Dan Bell.
,
Sent expression of sympathy statement to Russia on Stalin's illness.
!!45 - March 6
0
o
I
Press Conference
...... ,_ -·
Spoke to American Retail Assn
..
\~
° Condolences on death of Stalin
/146 - Harch 7
o
(147-
March.S
0
(148 -
Nomination of Arthur Burns to new Council of Econ Advisors
Met with Elliott Newcomb, Secretary General of the World Veterans
Federation.
March 9
0
White House tea for Madame Chiang Kai-Shek
f! 4 9 - ~!arch
0
Bill signed raising Federal Housing Administration authority
f/50 - March
o
10
11
Met with Dutch Foreign Minister Luns
5
�S?ecia1 ~essage :c Congress creati~g :he Dept.
c.::c :·:el:are (-='.eorgani::a:ion Plan 1 of 1953)
fi 54 -
~1arch
o~ ~ealth,
E~ucation
14
Spoke to members of House of Delegates,
~~~erican ~edical
Assn.
I! 55 - !iarch 15
056 - March 16
Proclaimed Armed Forces Day
!!57 -
~arch
17
, fl 58 -
~arch
18
........... _.
Spoke to Business· Advisory Council of the Dept. of Commerce
·~·
f.l 59
-
~arch
19
Press Conference
(!60 - !-l:arch 20
(.161 - March 21
Statement by Mamie to representatives of the American Red Cross
#62 - Harch 22
1!63 - March 22
!164 -
~arch
2:
Steps taken to strengthen and improve National Security Council
~et
with Congressional leaders, agreed to let the RFC be terminated
by June 30, 1954
6
�- - ......
....~-
=~=sc F=esici~nc
to be given Danish Orcier
~=
Elephant
~essage
to British sending condolences on Queen Elizabeth II's
grandmother (Queen :!-1ary) death
li64 - March 25
Submitted to Congress Reorganization Plan II Dept of Agriculture
~emo
~o
improve the
ending segregation in::lllilitary post schools
fl65 - ~arch 26
?ress Conference
~!eets
with French Premier !'!ayer
1166 - March 27
'
GOP Cq~irman
quits post due to siandal.
own decision, whi"ch he called ''l..ri~e~"
·~····
(Ike says Roberts mage
1167 - March 28
Statement reopening
w~ite
House Grounds for Easter egg rolling
1168 - March 29
1169 - March 30
Special message to Congress recommending establishment of
commission to study Federal -State and local relations
1170 - March 31
1171 - April 1
Executive Order withdrawing civil service protection from 134,000
federal jobs
Signed act creating HEW (first executive dept. created in 40 years)
7
�Declared he, not Sec. of !Jef.
stre':"lgt:h
~.,'ilson,
·~·ould
cete::-:-:ine co:::oat
Message to Congress, Organization of the Executive Office of the
President (Reorganization Plan 02)
1!73 - Aoril 3
1174 ...; April 4
Bill signed extending the missing persons act to Feb '54
075 - Aoril 5
Family attends Easter services at National Presby Churcy
#75 - .!.oril 6
Easter egg roll at White House ·
!.176 - Aoril 7
~essage
to !'1ernbers of 'the
UN
Cd'i'nrn-:i:ssion on Human Rights
Chancellor Adenauer visits White House ..:·
Remarks at the meeting of the United Defense Fund Organization
Message to Congress recommending renewal of the Reciprocal Trade
Agreements Act
IJ77 - Aoril •8
.·
Endorsed nomination of Leonard Hall for GOP Chairman
!!80 - .!.oril 10
Pledged support for Hall
Alf Landon says Ike "bungled" most issues first 3 months in office
~essage
to Senate transmitting agreements vith Germany on settlements
of debts and claims
8
�::
----
.. - .
~,
_::::~:s
- -.- -··
··---.'
f.i82 - A.oril 12
O=gani~ation
Spoke to Council of the
of American States
A?pointed brother ~ilton as personal representative to make
fact-finding tour of Latin .~erica
Hoover says Ike doing a "great job"
f/83 - Aoril 13
Augusta, Ga for vacation
#84 - Aoril
~4
S?ecial ~essage to Congress reco~ena~ng legislation for the
cisposal of govt owned synthetic rubber facilities
!.!85- Aoril
~:::
t•
·~-
1186
-
Aoril 16
.·.·
Flew from Augusta, Ga to deliver a major foreign policy speech,
"The Chance for Speech" to American Society of Newspaper Editors
IJB7
-
Aoril 17
t/88
-
April 18
Ike, through ?ress sec, announces will give Presidential
yacht to Red Cross for cruises for wounded servicemen
f!89
-
Aoril 19
fl90 - Aoril 20
Message to Congress on Justice Department (Reorganization Plan 3)
9
�,: 'J,
-
.:... :. :-:.::
.., "-
-
~~ C:
-
.
: -:: :s
::.: :: • --- c
. 92 - ..!,.aril :2
Letter to Congress recorr~ending emergency legislation for the
admission of Iron Curtain refugees
093 - April 23
Press conference
Exchange of letters between Queen Juliana of the 1\.:the·rlands
concerning refugees
Presented GOP Congressional leaders with plans drafted by his
Government Reorganization Committee
States his support for joint ~~ s:ate and Canadian St. Lawrence
hydro-electric project to be developed
f/94 - Aoril 24
Letter to Sen Foreign Relations Committe-e s;t.:ppor::ing completion of
St. Lawrence-Great Lakes Seaway
..... ___ .
,.
;
...
Letter to Sen. Anderson urging prompt
oil bill
(~
pass~ge
ot the off-shore
Remarks to GOP Women's Spring Conference
!195 - Aoril 25
096 - April 26
097 - Aoril 27
Executive Order establishing new federal e~ployee security program,
replacing Truman loyalty-security program
f.i93- .:..oril 28
t/99-
Aoril 29
Memorandum convening President's Conference on Administrative
Procedure
(.1100-
f:pril 30
:-tessage to Congress on Ex-Im Bank, (Reorganization Plan 5)
Xessage to Congress, Dept of Defense (Reorganization Plan 6)
Press Conference
10
�i!2-
Attends church before I~auguration
Inau~u~al Address
Cabinet submitted & s~orn in
March 5
Calls the Congress into Extraordinary Session
Met with Governors to discuss banking problem
A radio speech to vete=ans for cooperation
(13-
March 6
Met with governors to discuss interlocking problems of government
Address before the Governors' Conference at White House.
Receives resolution of support from the Governors' Conference
Senate confi=med Roosevelt subcabinet appointments.
?reclaims a Bank Holiday. (Gold and silver exports and foreign ~x
change transactions prohibited~)
#4-
March i
. .I'-,...~ ... -
~·
115-
,.
March 8
First Press Conference
Orders Federal Reserve Board to check up on gold hoarders
116-
March 9
Pro~oses legisl~tion to Congress to control the Resucption of Banking.
Sends Message and Bill to Congress asking for dictatorial powers to
handle banking emergency
Signs Emergency Banking Act (at 8:37p.m.)
Proclaims an extension of the Bank Holiday.
117-
March 10
Executive Order relative to the reopening of banks.
Proposes cuts·in Veterans Pensions and Federal salaries
118-
March 11
Statement by the President on the method for reopening of banks
l.
�:-he .fi:::st "?'i=eside Shat: - on banking
?residential ~essage, codi!ication of Volstead Act
Signs act legalizing sale of beer ••• (generally =ecognized ~~ ~ ?=elude to the end of Prohibition)~
Appoints three Ambassadors: to Great Britain, France,and Mexico
i110- March 13
1111- ~arch 14
!.112- March 15
Third Press Conference
Discussed Senate participation in patronage
Farley, former campaign manager
~atters
with
1/13..., March 16
Message to Congress recommena1ng the Agr~cultu=al Adjustment Act
Entertains members of the Supreme Court with Mrs. Roosevelt
.......... ~ ...
-·~
/114- March 17
Confers with Congressional leaders and asks Congress to forego recess
to act on Emergency and Permanent Legislative Programs.
1115- March 18
/)16- March 19
Attends church
1117- March 20
Signs Economy Bill
Discusses extended session with Congressional leaders
/118- Harch 21
Message to Congress on Unemplo)~ent Relief
Meets with Cabinet
Entertains with Mrs. Roosevelt I.J. Padere~sky at dinner
2
�:::-----..,;
....1 ~,.a.
no-
~arch
:3
/J21- ·March 24
Proposes legislation to protect investors
Begins plan for ins:itution of Railroad co-ordination
022- March 25
f.:23- Harch 26
Executive Order abolishing the Federal Farm Board
f.124-
~.arch
27
Executive Order and message to Consilidate Federal Farm Credit Aggncies
Discusses coal probl~m with United M~rie"Workers (U.M.W) leaders and
Perkins and Ickes
025- March 28
Executive Order establishing the Rio Grande Wild Life Refuge
Sends a letter on the Celebration of Army Day
fl26-
March 29
Recommends federal supervision of Investment Securities in Interstate
Commerce
Statement on the proposed securities legislation
Holds seventh press conference
fJ27-
~rch
30
028- March 31
Signs Legislation establishing Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC)
3
�:o s~are ~~e S?irit o~ sacri~i=e
:::.xecu:i::e Orcier :·.;tti:lg c=:::.pensation to war ·:eterans by core than
$400 ::.illioo.
~assage t= ~eter~=s
· 1130- APril 2
1131- APril 3
Message for lsgislation to save farm mortgages from foreclosure
i732- APril 4
Issues invitations to foreign nations to take part in preliminary
discussions to World Economic Conference
ff33- APril 5
I
o
Executive Order ~plementio.g Civilian Conservation Corps
Statement on the return of hoarded gold to the Federal Reserve Banks
034~. April 6
.....,...; ·-·
Invitation to British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald to visit the
United States
1135- April 7
Tenth Press Conference
f/36- APril· 8
1137- APril 9
1/38- Aoril 10
Message to Congress recommending legislation to create the Tennessee
Valley Authority
4
�f:
'")Q
- . ~.: :-:.l 2.1
.. 'r.
~·- \.'
.!...;:?oints ;-.u:.:; 3::-yan ·.>.-·ens ::::.:ns::e:- :c ~:::1:-::ark . .:..s: .~_-:Jeri-::an ·~·oman
:::~c~at:.c o:r1cer
3egins iz?le::lentatior:. of Guoc-~eighbor Poli.:y
Urges states to adopt Min~um.Wage legislation
Attends the opening game of ~he }~erican League (baseball), between
the Washington Senators and the Philadelphia Athletics
•
•
..
0
...
-
0
1/41- April 13
Message asK1ng for legislation to save small home mortgages from
foreclosure
#42- Aoril 14
t/43- Aoril 15
:f44- Aoril 16
Attends Easter services at t.\'ashington Cathedral::--i/45- April 17
·-
Sends greeting to Daughters of the American Revolution
i/4 6- Aoril 18
Message and bill to Congress seeking credit relief for small home
owners
if47- Aoril'l9
Thirteenth press conference
Abandonment of the gold standard
1/48- Aoril 20
Executive Order permitting transactions in foreign exchange under
governmental supervision and extending the gold embargo
Drafts bill granting powers "controlled" i.nflation
r-1essage requesting power to reduce size of the army and cut budget
(_
t/49- Aoril 21
Confers with Great Britain's Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald on
world affairs
Beginning of International Conference with delegates from Great
Britain, France, Canada, Italy, Germany and Argentina
5
�:: 5:)-
·-- ..
..... ---
--
-~..,-
.-~
_
...
?JF..-~·!acDooa.id
is sued j o iot s -:a r..:::::.en t.
::'51- .!..oril 23
Second joint statement ~ith ~acDonald issued after more meetings
Takes MacDonald on a cruise and party on Potomac
!I 52- April 24
Third joint statement with
~cDonald
issued
· 1153- April 25
Fourth joint statement with MacDonald issued
Attends tea for Canadian Prime Minister Bennett and French Premier
Herro it
Attends state dinner for Herriot and MacDoriald
t/54- Aoril 26
Fifth joint statement with ~acDonald issued
Attends state dinner for Herriot
....,_ ... -.
;.
f.l55- Aoril 2 7
Joint statement with Prime Minister Bennett.of Canada issued
f.156- Aoril 28
Joint statement ~ith Herriot issued
Second joint statement with Herriot on objectives of the
World Economic Conference issued
State dinner fer Bennett
f/57- Aoril 29
Second joint statement with Bennett issued
with Macdonald, Herriot and Sir John Simon of Britain to
discuss upcoming World Economic & Monetary Conference
~eets
C.
6
�:·~
::-
'.' =.,
('59- ··-"
-'"!
.
.
.
l-.::;:ncis C. :..:::-.er for ..:..::..:::assa::or ::..::breton
#60- Hav 2.
. Attends State dinner for G. Young of Italy
1161- Mav 3
. Dean Acheson appointed Under Secretary of Treasury
1162- Mav 4
• Message on Emergency Railroad Legislation
Addresses U.S. Chamber of Commerce
in recovery program
on:~boperation
. Calls Banking & Currency leaders to White House to
help frame legislation for solutions of the
banking problem
063- Mav 5
.......... ~-.
t•
/164- Mav 6
·.:~·
. Joint statement with Finance Minister Jung of Italy
on World Economic Conference issued
f/65- Mav 7
Second "Fireside Chat" - "What We Have Been Doing
and What We Are Planning to Do"
#66- Mav 8
. Completes draft of National Industrial Recovery
Act
067- Hav a
/168- Mav 10
. Holds 19th press conference
White House statement promising review of Veterans'
Regulations and Schedules
..
·/
7
�~~nc~nces
?Os~:~c~
[.S.
c~
:o
:bser~e
=~=~::s
~cra:o=~~~
a~th=r~:ed
~n6~r
on :he ~~
:he Fer:
070- Mav 12
. Joint statement with Doctor Schacht of Germany on
economic monetary problem issued
• Signs Farm Relief Bill.
Mortgage Act
Signs Emergency Farm
• Signs the Unemployment Relief Bill (Federal Emergency Relief Act)
tl71- Mav 13
.·;_
FDR meets with Cabinet members and congressional
leaders until midnight on draft for the National
Recovery Bill
#72- Mav 14
......,..:. ... -·
1173- Mav 15
•·
. Attends White House garden party-~·
··~·
1174- Mav 16
. Appeals to the nations of the world for peace by
disarmament and end of economic chaos
.
~essage
to Congress informing of his appeal to
the nations of the world
07 5- Mav 17
to Congress to enact the National Industrial Recovery Act
~essage
. Appoints Stephen Givvons,
the Treasury
• Appoints Federal Judges
8
·•
Assistant Secretary of
�;, 7 6- :·::::. \'"
:.
s
:~;~s
=~~
.e~~~ssee
:cir.t s:a:e=ent
China issued
~i:h
~alley
Aut~ori:y
?~r.ance
Act
~inister
Soong cf
Joint statement with Finance Minister ?ani of
Mexico on London Conference
1!77- Mav 19
Appoints A. E. Morgan to be chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority
Appoints Harry Hopkins to be Federal Emergency
Administrator under the half billion dollar Wagner
Relief Act
{.!78- Mav 20
Requests federal
dustry
tl .
legisl~tion
to help
the oil in-
Ma v 21
,.
Cruise on the Potomac with Senator Johnson of
California to discuss London Ccinference
/18.- May 22
. Cruise on the Potomac on the Sequoia
fi8CJ- Mav 23
#81- Hav 24
. Meets with Viscount Ishii of Japan to discuss disarmament and trade policies
Attends luncheon for Japanese mission
/182~-
Ma v
25
. Executive Order for
Federal Agencies
the First Consolidation of
Joint statement with S. F. de Assis Brasil of
Brazil on economic problems issued
9
�l
::3!.-
~~a.·.: -~C·-
..
Jis:~sses
~;co~in~
Cc~~~essional
~o=l~
~eaciars
~:onc=i:
a~C
Cccf~rence
~~=n
aides
Signs Truth in Securities Act and issues statement
Discusses Congressional adjournoent with Seaate
Democratic floor leader Robinson
Joint statement with Viscount
~shii
of Japan issued
/186- Mav 28
.
Cruise on the Potomac
1187- Mav 29
Cruise on Potomac on Sequoia
1!88- Mav 30
1)89.- ~av 31
. At t e n d s d epa r t u r e o f US d
omic Conference in London
:i eg. a
t
i on t o
wo r 1 d
E con : .
t/90- June 1
. FDR addresses US Naval Academy graduates
1191- June 2
f/S2-
June 3
. Joint statement with Senor Torres of Chile issued
1193- June 4
. Cruise on Potomac with Senator Robinson to discuss
legislative program
f.!94-
June 5
Executive Order abrogating the gold clause in
public and private contracts
10
�:..·hi:c ::ouse
~et~rans'
s~at:::::::n:
a.~elicra~:.~n
~
v
.
a!lc~a~ces
1.:96- June 7
Meets with Congressional leaders and trims legislative program in order to seek Congressional
adjournment
f.!
9 7- June 8
!!98- June 9
. Issues commentary on the Four Power Pact
/}99- June 10
Ex order consolidating and abolisning many
governmental agencies and issued a white House
statement
Discusses adjournment with Congressional leaders
•·
/1100- June 11
........ ~ .. -.
Urges Congressional leaders tq- adopt his legislative
program and to adjourn the 73rd Congress
11
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
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41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Reagan Team's First 100 Days Record [1]
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 3
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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12/29/2014
Source
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-003-001-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/85811a7b7d81301782ee0b7738c6a0a6.pdf
30a27b76ccc601c1be863dc6dd2975a0
PDF Text
Text
2008-0699-F
FOIA Number:
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker ;by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton PresidentialRecords
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
.·~·
t;\·
·~
Subseries:
4273
OA/ID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Piece on JFK for Life Magazine
Stack:
Row:
Se1:.tion:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
-
---
------------------'
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT!fiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
08111/1993
P6/b(6)
002. letter
Carter Wilkie to Mark (1 page)
09/07/1993
PS
003.1etter
Personal (Partial) ( 1 page)
09114/1993
P6/b(6)
004.1etter
Carter Wilkie to David Dreyer ( 1 page)
09/16/1993
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA!Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Piece on JFK for Life Magazine
2008-0699-F
'm492
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -(44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) oftbe PRA)
P2 Relating to tbe appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) oftbe PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of tbe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between tbe President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of tbe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) oftbe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) oftbe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE: WHITE: HOUSE:
WASHINGTON
July 20, 1993
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
Mark Gearan
FROM:
Carter Wilkie
(JJ}
SUBJECT: UFE magazine request
Is this still on, and if so, may I proceed?
enclosure
�. ·-·
··-·
-·------·-
•
Time Inc.
Life
Time & Life Building
Rockefell&r Canter
New York, NY 10020
212·522·1212
April 14, 1993
l
t
[.
Mr. George Stephanopoulos
Director of communications
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, o.c. 20500
To·.~~
~... ('&
LJS ~-- ~
'"- ~L
Dear Mr. Stephanopoulos:
@
We are indeed very pleased that President Clinton has agreed
to write a piece for LIFE to tr.ark the 30t.h anniversary of
President Kennedy's death.
As we discussed, I hope that the President will write between
1500 and 3000 words on what JFK meant to him as a teenager,
and what he means to him now as the President. Though I fully
expect that President Clinton will want to address the political,
social and even psychological legacy of JFK, I hope that he
will feel comfortable including personal though~s and memories.
To be blunt, I think that readers are more likely to believe
that he (and not a speechwriter) wrote the piece if its tone
is personal. And to be presumptuous, I am attaching to this
letter a list of questions that President Clinton might like
to consider; if nothing else, they may give him a better sense
of what we're thinking about here.
To meet our November deadline and to allow ourselves time to
produce the piece with elegance, we need the manuscript by the
beginning of August. If this is agreeable, our next step would
no~ally be to settle on a fee and produce, a contract--all
o£ which seems a bit odd. Please let me know how you want to
handle the legal matter: All we need to know now is that we
can have the piece exclusively. As for the fee: We can pay
the President as we would any author, or we can make a donation
in his name. Again, just let me know.
I look forward to hearing from you soon. With many thanks for
all your help.
Best,
,.
/~ ~#"·---~.
)
,
'
Susan Bolotin
Sen.ior Editor
A :-:,.,,
War~er Comp:::~~y
�r.1
.... \._..--
,
"·
Time In,,
Ufe
Tima & We Building
Rockefeller Center
New York, NY 10020
I
212..s22-12t2
Stephanopoulos/page 2
1. The obvious: Where were you when you heard that President
Kennedy had been shot? What was yo~r immediate reaction? What
did you do?
2. I know that you shook hands with JFK. What was the situation?
What were your thoughts and feelings at that time? And, now,
as you look back on that moment ••• ?
3. Were you, as a teenager, influenced or mov&d by the Kennedy
administration--its policies, its problems, its dreams, its
glamou.r? Do you, in any way, hope that your administration and
your White House emulate JFK's? Are there mistakes that he
and/or his administration made that you partioularly want to
avoid?
4. Why did you decide to use JFK's desk? What did you think when
you first sat down behind it? opened its drawers?
5. Are there places in the White House that you particularly
associate with the Kennedys?
6. Do you ever wonder what things would be like for
for the country--if President Kennedy had lived?
you-~and
7. Have you read much about JFK? Did you see the film JFK?
If so, what did you think of its premise? Would you havethought the same way 20 years ago? And wh~t do you make
of the whole mythmaking process? What about our apparent
need to build heroes up and then deflate them?
8. How do you, personally and as a statesman, make sense of
those Kennedy policies--perhaps the Vietnam War, or the Bay
of Pigs, or whatever--that seemed wrong to you in the '60s?
Do you see things differently now that you're sitting in his
chair?
9. A let of people compare you to JFK: Are you comfortable
with the comparisons?
I
I
I
I
I
I
10. What is the most important part of the JFK legacy to you
as a person? to you as President? to the United .States?
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECT!TITLE
08/11/1993
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
RESTRICTION
P61b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Piece on JFK for Life Magazine
2008-0699-F
'm492
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA[
b(l) National security classified information [(b)( I) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA[
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�'·
8/11/93
David Dreyer
I would appreciate your calling me with your thoughts and to
discuss any revisions before you send this to the President.
f:, . = ·.:ps}Q?)(S) '· ': j; or page me: 4144. (I cannot be reached at this
remote site via All-In-One.)
Also, please pass along the attached memorandum with the draft.
Thank you,
Carter
cc.
Steve Cohen (for Mark Gearan)
�.
•tt
·.,
The President of the United States
[working title only: What JFK Means to Me]
for LIFE magazine, November 1993 issue
John Fitzgerald Kennedy, our nation's 35th President,
remains a triumph and tragedy unique in American memory. He was
the youngest person elected to the Presidency and the youngest
President to die in office. He was our President for only a
thousand days, but no one can deny that he changed America, the
way we think about each other and how we view our future.
* * *
My most vivid memory of President Kennedy will always be
meeting him at the White House in the summer of 1963. I will
never forget my feelings on that day.
I was sixteen years old, about to start my senior year in
high school, when I went to Washington as a delegate from
Arkansas to the American Legion's Boys Nation program, which
teaches young people about our government during a week in the
nation's capital. I had never been to Washington before.
Our group was taken to the White House and told we might
actually see the President. We were lined up in the Rose Garden,
just outside the Oval Office, when President Kennedy came out a
doorway, walked down a few steps, and began to shake our hands.
Immediately I realized how special this was -- a high school
student from an ordinary background, a long way from home,
standing at the White House shaking the hand of the President of
the United States. I was enormously impressed by the encounter.
President Kennedy inspired me to pursue a life of public
service for a very compelling reason. He had convinced me and
millions of others that taking responsibility for moving our
country forward is the highest challenge and the noblest
occupation any of us can face, that the efforts we undertake can
be exciting and engaging, that democracy, at its finest, is a
wonderful adventure.
Kennedy dared Americans to join him on that adventure. He
called it the New Frontier. When Democrats nominated him as
their candidate for President in 1960, he said, "the New Frontier
of which I speak is not a set of promises--it is a set of
challenges. It sums up, not what I intend to offer the American
people, but what I intend to ask of them."
Many rushed to his challenge when he created the Peace
Corps. It enabled thousands of young men and women to serve on
the edge of the New Frontier, helping people in remote regions of
the world, delivering a message by their very actions that
America was a great country that stood for freedom and human
�.,
2
progress. The Peace Corps tapped the excitement the President
had stirred throughout our country. Perhaps more than any other
accomplishment of the time, it defines the character of his
administration to this day.
In his three short years in office, President Kennedy opened
doors that would allow us to reach a host of new frontiers -- the
exploration of space, a world free of Cold War fears, .health care
security for the elderly. He even uncovered a tolerance dormant
in the American heart.
No Catholic had ever occupied the White House when Kennedy
launched his presidential campaign. More than a few people at
the time felt this meant he had no chance, but Kennedy's family
had confronted the religious hurdle before. His mother's father,
John F. Fitzgerald, had become one of the earliest Irish Catholic
mayors of Boston, a city governed until then almost exclusively
by wealthy Protestants.
Running for President in 1960, Kennedy told us that each
American is valuable to another, not for what sets us apart, but
for what we share in common. Speaking to Baptist ministers
assembled in Houston, he said when intolerance is turned loose,
"today I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you, until the
whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped."
His administration came at the right time for our country,
for it helped to heal the bitterness left over from the Red
Scare, and, in a sober way, it confronted deepening divisions in
American society.
By the summer of 1963, the violent denial of the basic civil
rights of millions of black Americans prompted the President to
go before the country on national television to put the power of
the bully pulpit and the moral authority of the Presidency on the
side of new civil rights legislation.
"It ought to be possible," he said, "for every American to
enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race
or his color." A full century after Abraham Lincoln had signed
the Emancipation Proclamation, America was once again confronted
with a great, moral issue, the President said. "This nation, for
all of its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until
all its citizens are free."
"A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is
to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive
for all."
Two months later, our Boys Nation group gathered in
Washington, where one of the issues we considered was a
resolution against racial discrimination. I can still remember
�l
3
the debates we had about it, how they lasted late into the night.
This was the most important issue of our day, especially to those
of us who had grown up near the turmoil and understood the pain,
the cost, and the incredible waste in human potential this had
caused. At the time, the nation's governors had just adjourned
their conference early .to avoid the troublesome issue. When our
Boys Nation delegation showed up at the White House after having
passed that resolution against racial discrimination, the
President told us that we had shown more initiative than the
nation's governors. There was a bit of impatience in his voice.
When Kennedy took office, the pace of government, it seemed,
had not kept pace with great changes in American life. The
bureaucracy that the new President had inherited seemed to be a
holdover from an earlier era, slow, and lacking the energy and
the imagination to tackle new and unmet needs. President Kennedy
started a dialogue about a new role for government. He did not
see government as a savior for every problem, but he did not see
government as a sideline spectator either. He knew government
could be a constructive partner with people and a catalyst for
action.
At Boys Nation, in 1963, one of the resolutions I sponsored
was a piece of President Kennedy's unfulfilled agenda: to create
a new federal department of housing and urban development. There
was a great need for such a department to help guide the historic
transformations occurring in America's cities, but heavy
opposition to the idea arose in Congress because Kennedy's likely
cabinet nominee, Robert Weaver, was a black man. My proposal
failed to pass at Boys Nation. The President's proposal would
not make it through Congress in his lifetime.
The history of the Presidency teaches us that enduring
change comes slowly. Abraham Lincoln, for one, understood this
well. He began his administration questioning the spread of
slavery, later adopting as his cause its abolition, and, by the
end of the Civil War, he began to prepare the way for black
Americans to move from slavery to citizenship. The life of an
administration, as Lincoln knew, is a marathon, not a sprint.
Kennedy would learn this lesson in the White House, if he
wasn't already aware of it when he took office. In his Inaugural
Address he had said the mission of his administration "will not
be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in
the 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even
perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin."
On Labor Day weekend in 1963, Walter Cronkite interviewed
the President for the first half-hour evening news show on CBS.
Cronkite asked how the civil rights dilemma could be solved,
given that conservative opposition was entrenched and civil
rights activists were growing frustrated with the pace of change.
�4
"It is going to take time," the President answered. "I think it
is finally going to be done, but we are trying to do something
much more difficult than any other country has ever done." Some
people, he said, "have no comprehension of what a difficult task
it is that faces the American people in the sixties." It was an
amazingly prophetic statement.
America was being challenged from within, and we faced
daunting competition from abroad, in contests like the
development of space technology, even in the development of
nations, where communism tested the fundamental value of
democracy. President Kennedy did not want America to match the
competition. He wanted America to beat it. A visionary, he
understood that only with an overriding sense of purpose, drawn
from their history and cultures, can great nations rise above the
daily tyranny of the urgent to construct their security, build
their posterity, advance their interests and reaffirm their
lasting values.
"No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings," he
said at American University in Washington in 1963. In a speech
that many regard as his most thoughtful, he outlined lessons to
be learned from the Cuban Missile crisis defused only months
before. Looking for an eventual resolution to the Cold War,
President Kennedy foresaw an inevitable triumph of human reason
over reckless emotion. He spoke of "a gradual evolution in human
institutions," one that is "dynamic, not static, changing to meet
the challenge of each new generation." He asked America to see
peace not as some unattainable ideal, but as "a process, a way of
solving problems."
He reminded us that solving problems of
human making is indeed a process, a path of trial and error,
where only progress -- not perfection -- can be the ultimate aim.
President Kennedy had a talent for getting Americans to
visualize progress through the scope of their own lifetimes.
About eight weeks after I returned home from my trip to
Washington, the President came to Arkansas to dedicate a dam
launched during the New Deal at Heber Springs, about an hour's
drive north of Little Rock. The visit caused a lot of excitement
in Arkansas at the time.
The President asked Arkansas to remember the hard times it
had survived during the depression, when crops dried up and farms
blew away in the dust. He asked Arkansas to consider how much it
had developed in recent years: the new homes, the secure farms,
the new schools and new hospitals. Arkansas had come a long way,
he said, not by chance, not by accident, but by efforts like this
dam, built by people who knew they could make a difference in
future lives. Effort was paying off. He noted that Arkansas was
growing faster than any other state, buying cars at a phenomenal
rate from Detroit, which made Michigan grow too, and as Michigan
grows, so grows America. "A rising tide lifts all boats." It
�5
was one of his fondest sayings.
People in rural areas and out-of-the-way places all across
America were touched that a scion of one of America's wealthiest
and most powerful families could be as concerned with their wellbeing. John F. Kennedy was blessed with the fortune and fame
that would have given him the most comfortable and secluded life
a person could choose, and still, he pursued a life in service to
others, bearing its burdens with drive and wit and humor along
the way. This is what I think endeared him to strangers. It is
why, years later, his picture has been found in frames atop
television sets in the Irish wards of Boston or Chicago, or
pinned to a wall of a humble house in the hollows of West
Virginia or the hills of Tennessee.
* * *
Visitors who come to see me in the Oval Office today
occasionally recall with fondness photographs of President
Kennedy at work at his desk, with his young son playing
underneath. Around the Oval Office and throughout the White
House there are many reminders of earlier Presidents. I am proud
to have several mementos of President Kennedy's time here, most
of them sent to me as gifts from others. And when guests in the
Rose Garden ask me to point out the spot where I shook President
Kennedy's hand, I have a hard time believing that was a full
thirty years ago. It does not take long to live a life.
Last January, on a cold morning one day before I was
inaugurated, I went to President Kennedy's gravesite at Arlington
National Cemetery in respect and thanks for what the President
had given to me and to so many others in his days in office.
There, engraved in stone carried from his native New England
coast, were words from his Inaugural Address, imploring America
to join in a long "struggle against the common enemies of man,"
where human energy, faith and devotion can genuinely "light the
world," an eternal reminder that "here on earth, God's work must
truly be our own."
We can never expect too little of ourselves. We must never
demand too little of each other. We cannot afford to see the
future as out of our hands. In our lifetimes there will always
be times of growth and decline, times of joy and sadness, times
of triumph and tragedy, and times of ordinary getting along.
Much of what life brings is a matter of circumstance beyond our
control. Yet, always, our will can make some difference, and,
sometimes, our will can make all the difference. John F. Kennedy
taught us that.
Of all the memories and hopes and challenges that President
Kennedy left behind, none is more important than his summons to
each of us to become engaged in the incessant "contest between
�6
the comfortable and the concerned. Between those who believe we
should rest and lie at anchor and drift, and those who want to
move this country forward." That contest is not over and it
never will be.
�....
I'
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 17, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Carter Wilkie, Speechwriting
SUBJECT:
Piece on JFK for LIFE magazine
In November, th+ee decades after the assassination of President
Kennedy, LIFE magazine will publish a personal, anecdotal piece
on what John F. Kennedy meant to you as a teenager and what his
legacy means to you now.
After President Kennedy's death, then Assistant Secretary of
Labor Daniel Patrick Moynihan recalled on Washington's WTOP
radio, "Mary McGrory said to me that we'll never laugh again.
And I said, 'Heavens Mary. We'll laugh again. It's just that
we'll just never be young again.' "
I have tried to construct a fresh and relevant perspective of
President Kennedy that deliberately avoids the "one brief shining
moment" approach made famous by Teddy White in LIFE's memorial
edition along with any preoccupation with the events of November
22, 1963. This is less a lamentation for President Kennedy than
an exhortation to fulfill his promise.
For this draft, I took direction from Norman Cousins, who warned
us in the Saturday Review two weeks after the assassination, "If
the impact of John Kennedy is confined to the circumstances of
his death, then the tragedy is indeed a total one." Cousins
wrote that there is nothing to stop the American people from
assigning immortality to Kennedy's ideals and purposes. "This,
then, is the time for brave men to come out of hiding. And this
is the time to put ideals to work."
cc.
Thomas F. McLarty
Mark Gearan
David Dreyer
�,, .
s.
The President of the United States
[working title only: What JFK Means to Me]
for LIFE magazine, November 1993 issue
John Fitzgerald Kennedy, our nation's 35th President,
remains a triumph and tragedy unique in American memory. He was
the youngest person elected to the Presidency and the youngest
President to die in office. He was our President for only a
thousand days, but no one can deny that he changed America, the
way we think about each other and how we view our future.
* * *
President Kennedy inspired me and millions of others to
pursue lives of public service for a very compelling reason. He
said to Americans that taking responsibility for moving our
country forward is the highest challenge and the noblest
occupation any of us can face, that the efforts we undertake can
be exciting and engaging, that democracy, at ·its finest, is a
wonderful adventure.
Kennedy dared Americans to join him on an adventure he
called the New Frontier. When Democrats nominated him as their
candidate for President in 1960, he said, "the New Frontier of
which I speak is not a set of promises--it is a set of
challenges. It sums up, not what I intend to offer the American
people, but what I intend to ask of them."
Many rushed to his challenge when he created the Peace
Corps. It enabled thousands of young men and women to serve on
the edge of the New Frontier, helping people in remote regions of
the world, delivering a message by their very actions that
America-was a great country that stood for freedom and human
progress. The Peace Corps tapped the excitement the President
had stirred throughout our country. Perhaps more than any other
accomplishment of the time, it defines the character of his
administration to this day.
In his three short years in office, President Kennedy opened
doors that would allow us to reach a host of new frontiers -- the
exploration of space, a world free of Cold War fears, health care
security for the elderly. He even uncovered a tolerance dormant
in the American heart.
No Catholic had ever occupied the White House when Kennedy
launched his presidential campaign. _More than a few people at
the time felt this meant he had no chance, but Kennedy's family
had confronted the religious hurdle before. His mother's father,
John F. Fitzgerald, had become one of the earliest Irish Catholic
mayors of Boston, a city governed until then almost exclusively
by wealthy Protestants.
Running for President in 1960, Kennedy told us that each
American is valuable to another, not for what sets us apart, but
�...
2
for what we share in common. Speaking to Baptist ministers
assembled in Houston, he said when intolerance is turned loose,
"today I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you, until the
whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped."
His administration came at the right time for our country,
for it helped to heal the bitterness left over from the Red
Scare, and, in a sober way, it confronted deepening divisions in
American society.
By the summer of 1963, the violent denial of the basic civil
rights of millions of black Americans prompted the President to
go before the country on national television to put the power of
the bully pulpit and the moral authority of the Presidency on the
side of new civil rights legislation.
"It ought to be possible," he said, "for every American to
enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race
or his color." A full century after Abraham Lincoln had signed
the Emancipation Proclamation, America was once again confronted
with a great, moral issue, the President said. "This nation, for
all of its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until
all its citizens are free."
"A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is
to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive
for all."
My most vivid memory of President Kennedy will always be
meeting him at the White House in the summer of 1963.
I was sixteen years old, about to start my senior year in
high school, when I went to Washington as a delegate from
Arkansas to the American Legion's Boys Nation program, which
teaches young people about our government during a week in the
nation's capital. I had never been to Washington before.
At that Boys Nation conference, one of the issues we
considered was a resolution against racial discrimination. I can
still remember the debates we had about it, how they lasted late
into the night. This was the most important issue of our day,
especially to those of us who had grown up near the turmoil and
understood the pain, the cost, and the incredible waste in human
potential this had caused. At the time, the nation's governors
had just adjourned their conference early to avoid the
troublesome issue.
Our group was taken to the White House and told we might
actually see the President. We were lined up in· the Rose Garden,
just outside the Oval Office, when President Kennedy came out a
doorway, walked down a few steps, and began to shake our hands.
Knowing we had just passed that resolution against racial ·
�3
discrimination, the President told us that we had shown more
initiative than the nation's governors. There was a bit of
impatience in his voice. I was enormously impressed by the whole
encounter.
When Kennedy took office, the pace of government, it seemed,
had not kept pace with great changes in American life. The
bureaucracy that the new President had inherited seemed to be a
holdover from an earlier era, slow, and lacking the energy and
the imagination to tackle new and unmet needs. President Kennedy
started a dialogue about a new role for government. He did not
see government as a savior for every problem, nor did he see
government as d sideline spectator. He saw government's
potential to be a constructive partner with people and a catalyst
for action.
At Boys Nation, one of the resolutions I sponsored was a
piece of President Kennedy's unfulfilled agenda: to create a new
federal department of housing and urban development. There was a
great need for such a department to help guide the historic
transformations occurring in America's cities, but heavy
opposition to the idea arose in Congress because Kennedy's likely
cabinet nominee, Robert Weaver, was a black man. My proposal
failed to pass at Boys Nation. The President's proposal would
not make it through Congress in his lifetime.
The history of the Presidency teaches us that enduring
change comes slowly. Abraham Lincoln, for one, understood this
well. He began his administration questioning the spread of
slavery, later adopting as his cause its abolition, and1 by the
end of the Civil War, he began to prepare the way for black
Americans to move from slavery to citizenship. The life of an
administration, as Lincoln knew, is a marathon, not a sprint.
Kennedy would learn this lesson in the White House, if he
wasn't already aware of it when he took office. In his Inaugural
Address he had said the mission of his administration "will not
be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in
the 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even
perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin."
On Labor Day weekend in 1963, Walter Cronkite interviewed
the President for the first half-hour evening news show on CBS.
Cronkite asked how the civil rights dilemma could be solved,
given that conservative opposition was entrenched and c-ivil
rights activists were growing frustrated with the pace of change.
''It is going to take time," the President answered. "I think it
is finally going to be done, but we are trying to do something
much more difficult than any other country has ever done." Some
people, he said, "have no comprehension of what a difficult task
it is that faces the American people in the sixties." It was an
amazingly prophetic statement.
�,~t.•
••
4
America was being challenged from within, and we faced
daunting competition from abroad, in contests like the_
development of space technology, even in the development of
nations, where communism tested the fundamental value of
democracy. President Kennedy did not want America to match the
competition. He wanted America to beat it. A visionary, he
understood that only with an overriding sense of purpose, drawn
from their history and cultures, can great nations rise above the
daily tyranny of the urgent to construct their security, build
their posterity, advance their interests and reaffirm their
lasting values.
"No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings," he
said at American University in Washington, in that summer of
1963. In a speech that many regard as his most thoughtful, he
outlined lessons to be learned from the Cuban Missile crisis
defused only months before. Looking for an eventual resolution
to the Col_d War, President Kennedy foresaw an inevitable triumph
of human reason over reckless emotion. He spoke of "a gradual
·
evolution in human institutions," one that is "dynamic, not
static, changing ·to meet the challenge of each new generation."
He asked America to see peace not as some unattainable ideal, but
as "a process, a way of solving problems."
He reminded us that
solving problems of human making is indeed a process, a path of
trial and error, where only progress -- not perfection -- can be
the ultimate aim.
President Kennedy had a talent for getting Americans to
visualize progress through the scope of their own lifetimes.
About eight weeks after I "returned home from my trip to
Washington, the President came to Arkansas to dedicate a dam
launched during the New Deal ·at Heber Springs, about an hour's
drive north of Little Rock. The visit caused a lot of excitement
in Arkansas at the time.
The President asked Arkansans to remember the hard times
they had survived during the Depression, when crops dried up and
farms blew away with the dust. He asked our people to consider
how much our state developed in recent years: the new homes, the
secure farms, the new schools and new hospitals. Arkansas had
come a long way, he said, not by chance, not by accident, but by
efforts like this dam, built by people who knew they could make a
difference in future lives. Effort was paying off.
He noted that Arkansas was growing faster than any other
state, buying cars at a phenomenal rate from Detroit, which made
Michigan grow too, and as Michigan grows, so grows America .. "A
rising tide lifts all boats." It was one of his fondest sayings.
People in rural areas and out-of-the-way places all across
America were touched that a scion of one of America's wealthiest
and most power~ul familie$ could be as concerned with ~heir well-
�....
""
,..
5
being. John F. Kennedy was blessed with the fortune and fame
that would have given him the most comfortable and secluded life
a person could choose, and still, he pursued a life in service to
others, bearing its burdens with drive and wit and humor along
the way. This is what I think endeared him to strangers. It is
why, years later, his picture has been found in frames atop
television sets in the Irish wards of Boston or Chicago, or
pinned to a wall of a humble house in the hollows of West
Virginia or the hills of Tennessee. He remains a bright beacon
of inspiration for many people whose lives he impressed if only
as a memory.
* * *
Visitors who come to the Oval Office today occasionally
recall with fondness photographs of President Kennedy at work at
his desk, with his young son playing underneath. Around the Oval
Office and throughout the White House there are many reminders of
earlier Presidents. There are several mementos of President
Kennedy's time here, most of them sent as gifts from others. And
when guests in the Rose Garden ask me to point out the spot where
I shook President Kennedy's hand, I have a hard time believing
that was a full thirty years ago. It does not take long to live
a life.
Last January, on a cold morning one day before I was
inaugurated, I went to President Kennedy's gravesite at Arlington
National Cemetery in respect and thanks for what the President
had given to me and to so many others in his days in office.
There, engraved in stone carried from his native New England
coast, were words from his Inaugural Address, imploring America
to join in a long "struggle against the common enemies of man,"
where human energy, faith and devotion can genuinely "light the
world," an eternal reminder that "here on earth, God's work must
truly be our own."
We can never expect too little of ourselves. We must never
demand too little of each other. We cannot afford to see the
future as out of our hands. In our lifetimes there will always
be times of growth and decline, times of joy and sadness, times
of triumph and tragedy, and times of ordinary getting along.
Much of what life brings is a matter of circumstance beyond our
control. Yet, always, our will can make some difference, and,
sometimes, our will can make all the difference. John F. Kennedy
taught us that.
Of all the memories and hopes and challenges that President
Kennedy left behind, none is more important than his summons to
each of us to become engaged in the inc·essant "contest between
the comfortable and the concerned. Between those who believe we
should rest and lie at anchor and drift, and those who wan~ to
mov~ this country forward."
That con~est is not over and it
never will be.
�The President of the United states
(working title only: What JFK Means to Me)
for LIFE magazine, November 1993 issue
John Fitzgerald Kennedy's Presidency remains a triumph and a
tragedy.
He was the youngest person elected to the Presidency
and the youngest President to die in office.
He was our
. President for only a thousand days, but he changed the way we
think about our Nation, its possibilities, and our
responsibilities for its future.
When President Kennedy was killed, the great Israeli
statesman, Abba Eban, said, "tragedy is the difference between
what is and what might have been."
The more we work to narrow
that difference, the more we ensure that the enduring legacy of
John Kennedy is one of triumph.
* * *
President Kennedy inspired me and millions of others to
pursue lives of public service.
He urged us to take
responsibility for moving our country forward.
He convinced us
I
that our efforts would be exciting and engaging, that democracy,
at its finest, is a wonderful adventure.
Kennedy dared Americans to join him on an adventure he
called the New Frontier.
When Democrats nominated him for
1
�President in 1960, he said, "the New Frontier of which I speak is
not a set af promises -- it is a set of challenges.
It sums up,
not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend
to ask of them."
Many rushed to his challenge when he created the Peace
Corps.
It enabled thousands of men and women, most but not all
of them young, to serve on the edqe of the New Frontier..
By
helping people in remote reqions of the world, they delivered a
powerful message that America was indeed a qreat country that
stood for freedom and human progress.
The Peace Corps tapped the
excitement and commitment the President had stirred throuqhout
our country.
Perhaps more than any other accomplishment, it
defined the character of his administration.
'
In his three short years in office, President Kennedy opened
I
other doors that would allow us to reach a host of new frontiers
-- the exploration of space, a world free of Cold War fears of
nuclear destruction, health care security for the elderly, civil
rights for African Americans.
He also uncovered a tolerance for reliqious diversity too
I
long dormant in American life.
No Catholic had ever occupied the White House when Kennedy
launched his presidential campaign.
2
More than a few people at
�the time felt this meant he had no chance, though American
Catholics had cleared other political hurdles.
Kennedy's own
maternal grandfather, John F. Fitzgerald, had become one of the
earliest Irish Catholic mayors of Boston, a city governed until
then almost exclusively by wealthy Protestants.
And in 1928, the
Democrats nominated for President the Catholic Governor of New
York, Al Smith.
Still, in 1960, Kennedy was subject to a torrent of
destructive fearmongering: if elected President, would his first
loyalty be to his church or his country?
Would he take orders
from the Pope or follow the dictates of the Constitution and his
own conscience?
Kennedy told us calmly but firmly that each
American is valuable to another, not for what sets us apart, but
for what we share in common.
Speaking to Baptist ministers
assembled in Houston, he said when intolerance is turned loose,
"today I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you, until the
whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped."
By the
narrowest of margins, his argument prevailed.
Because Kennedy was the first Catholic President, the first
President of a new generation, and an authentic war hero, he was
able to lead us beyond the politics of the '50s.
His
administration helped to heal the bitterness left over from the
McCarthyite Red scare, and, in a sober way, it confronted the
deepest divisions in American society.
3
�By the summer of 1963, the violent denial of the basic civil
rights of m1llions of black Americans prompted the President to
go before the country on national television to put the power of
the bully pulpit and the moral authority of the Presidency on the
side of new civil rights legislation.
"It ought to be possible," he said, "for every American to
enjoy the privileges of being American without regard
or his color."
t~
his race
A full century after Abraham Lincoln had signed
the Emancipation Proclamation, America was once again confronted
with a great, moral issue, the President said.
"This nation, for
all of its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until
all its citizens are free."
"A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is
to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive
for all."
My most vivid memory of President Kennedy will always be
meeting him at the White House in the summer of 1963.
I was sixteen years old, about to start my senior year in
high school, when I went to Washington as a delegate from
Arkansas to the American Legion's Boys Nation program, which
teaches young people about our government during a week in the
nation's capital.
I had never been to Washington before.
4
�At that Boys Nation conference, we passed a resolution
against racial discrimination.
I can still remember the heated
debates we had about it, and I was proud to be one of the
Southerners who voted for it.
At the time, the nation's
governors had just adjourned their conference early to avoid a
similar debate and vote.
We were taken to the White House to see the President.
After we lined up in the Rose Garden, just outside the Oval
Office, President Kennedy came out to speak to us.
Knowing we
had just passed that resolution against racial discrimination,
the President commended us and told us that we had shown more
initiative than the nation's governors.
That remark got him in
trouble with the governors, but he made a lasting impression on
us.
Thirty years later, I still remember the encounter vividly.
When Kennedy took office, the pace of government, it seemed,
had not kept pace with great changes in American life.
The
bureaucracy that the new President had inherited seemed to be a
holdover from an earlier era; slow, and lacking the energy and
the imagination to tackle new and unmet needs.
President Kennedy
started a dialogue about a new role for government.
I
He did not
see government as a savior for every problem, nor did he see
government as a sideline spectator.
He saw government's
potential to be a constructive partner with people and a catalyst
for action.
5
�At Boys Nation, one of the resolutions I sponsored was a
piece of President Kennedy's unfulfilled agenda: to create a new
federal department of housing and urban development.
There was a
great need for such a department to help quide the historic
transformations occurring in America's cities, but heavy
opposition to the idea arose in congress because Kennedy's likely
cabinet nominea, Robert Weaver, was a black man.
failed to pass at Boys Nation.
My proposal
The President's proposal would
not make it through congress in his lifetime.
The history of the Presidency teaches us that enduring
change often comes slowly.
this well.
Abraham Lincoln, for one, understood
He began his administration opposed only to the
spread of slavery, but later adopted as his cause its abolition.
By the end of the Civil War, he began to prepare the·way for
black Americans to move from slavery to citizenship.
over a
century later, we are still engaged in the work for which
President Lincoln gave his life.
The march of progress is a
marathon, not a sprint.
Kennedy spoke of this lesson in his inaugural and learned it
anew in the White House.
In his Inaugural Address he had said
the mission of his administration
first hundred days.
11
will not be finished in the
Nor will it be finished in the first
thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even
perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.
6
But let us begin."
�On Labor Day weekend in 1963, Walter Cronkite interviewed
the President for the first half-hour evening news show on CBS.
Cronkite asked how the civil rights dilemma could be solved,
given that conservative opposition was entrenched and civil
rights activists were qrowing
fru~trated
with the pace of change.
"It is going to take time," the President answered.
"I think it
is finally goinq to be done, but we are trying to do something
much more difficult than any other country has ever done."
some
people, he said, "have no comprehension of what a difficult task
~~ i~ t~~t Z~ces
the American people in the sixties."
It was an
amazingly prophetic statement.
Just as he urged us to face our present problems with vigor,
President Kennedy understood that America could prevail over the
long haul only with an overriding sense of purpose and a constant
willingness to pay the price of time for enduring change.
"No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings," he
said at American University in
1963.
Washinqto~,
in that summer of
Looking for an eventual resolution to the Cold War, and
outlining the lessons of the cuban missile crisis, defused only
months before, President Kennedy foresaw an inevitable triumph of
human reason over reckless emotion.
He spoke of "a gradual
evolution in human institutions," one that is "dynamic, not
static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation."
He asked America to see peace not as some unattainable ideal, but
7
�as "a process, a way of solving problems.•
He reminded us that
solving problems of human making is indeed a process, a path of
trial and error, where only progress -- not perfection -- can be
the ultimate aim.
President Kennedy had a talent for getting Americans to
visualize progress through the scope of their own lifetimes.
About eight weeks after I returned home from my trip to
washington, the President came to Arkansas to dedicate a dam
launched during the New Deal at Heber Springs, about an hour's
drive north of Little Rock.
The visit caused a lot of excitement
in Arkansas at the time.
The President asked Arkansans to remember the hard times
they had survived during the Depression, when crops dried up and
farms blew away with the dust.
He asked our people to consider
how much our state developed in recent years; the new homes, the
secure farms, the new schools and new hospitals.
Arkansas had
come a long way, he said, not by chance, not by accident, but by
efforts like this dam, built by people who knew they could make a
difference in future lives.
Effort was paying off.
People in rural areas and out-of-the-way places all across
America and around the world were energized by his belief in them
and their future and touched that a scion of one of America's
wealthiest and most powerful families was concerned with their
8
�well-beinq.
John F. Kennedy was blessed with the fortune and
fame to guarantee him a comfortable and secluded life.
Still, he
pursued a life in public service, bearinq ita burdens with drive
and wit and humor.
This is what I think endeared him to ordinary
citizens like me and my family.
It is why, years later, his
picture was found in frames atop television sets in the Irish
wards of Boston or Chicaqo, or pinned to the walls of humble
houses in the hollows of West Virqinia or the hills of
~enneasee,
or in villaqe huts in Latin America.
He remains a briqht beacon of inspiration for those he
impressed if only as a memory.
Visitors who come to the OVal
Office today occasionally recall with fondness photoqraphs of
President Kennedy at work at his desk, with his younq son playinq
underneath.
And when questa in the Rose Garden ask me to point
out the spot where I shook President Kennedy's hand, I have a
hard time believinq that was a full thirty years aqo.
Last January, on a cold morning the day before I was
inauqurated, I went to President Kennedy.ts qrave site at
Arlinqton National Cemetery in respect and thanks for what the
President had qiven to me and to so many, others in his days in
office.
There, enqraved in stone carried from his native New
Enqland coast, were words from his Inauqural Address, implorinq
America to join in a long "struggle against the common enemies of
man,"; reminding us that enerqy, faith and devotion can "light
9
�the world," and that "here on earth, God's work must truly be our
own."
We can never expect too little of ourselves.
demand too little of each other.
future as out of our hands.
We must never
we cannot afford to see the
In our lifetimes there will always
be times of qrowth and decline, times of joy and sadness, times
of.triumph and tragedy, and times of ordinary getting along.
Much of what life brings is a matter of circumstance beyond our
control.
Yet, always, our will can make some difference, and,
sometimes, our will can make all the difference.
John F. Kennedy
taught us that.
President Kennedy's life and work continues to have an
'
impact today, perhaps most clearly in our Administration's
efforts to launch a program of National Service, to give young
Americans a chance to help solve our problems here at home, just
as the Peace Corps gave them a chance to help people around the
world.
In a larger sense, my determination to move America into
the 21st century still the world's strongest and freest nation,
to move beyond the prejudices of partisan politics as usual to an
honest confrontation with our biggest prqblems -- this
determination is fired in part by the
President Kennedy.
10
cl~ar
and moving memory of
�Of all the challenqes that President Kennedy left behind,
none is mora important than his summons to each of us to become
enqaqed in the •contest between the comfortable and the
concerned.
Between those who believe we should rest and lie at
anchor and drift, and those who want to move this country
forward."
That contest will never be over.
The best way to honor the
life and leqacy of John Kennedy is to make the same choice he
did.
11
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Information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
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-----
---~-------------------------------------------____.J
�Time Inc.
·.
Life
Time & Life Building
Rockefeller Center
New York, NY 10020
212-522-1212
September 14, 199 3
Mr. David Dreyer
Communications Office
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear David:
I'm enclosing here a rough draft edit of the President's piece. In an
attempt to limit the number of times we're going to have to go backand-forth on this, I have taken great liberties with the text. I have
rearranged the piece, to give it the feel and structure of a magazine
article. I have, particularly on the first and last page, indicated
passages that I think would be helped by additions from the
President. I have even (and these passages are underlined) gone so
far as to put thoughts and words in the President's voice. I certainly
do not mean to suggest that these are the words that I think he
should use, unless he wants to; rather, I thought it would save time if
I indicated to you the kind of additions that might enhance the
article. It goes without saying, I'm sure, that these are nothing more
than suggestions.
As I mentioned on the phone yesterday, we have moved the piece
from our November to December issue, which goes on sale in the
middle of November anyway. This eases the time pressure
temporarily, but I will still need to hear your reactions to the edit
pretty quickly. All of us here are hoping that you'll find this a doable
project, and I will do everything that I can to make the process as
easy as possible. I will work with anyone you tell me to. I can do the
work by phone or fax. I can come to Washington if that is simpler~
just let me know.
A Time Warner Company
----------
-------------
·.·.· · : ··"lr:ri.~tl.ftww·.~. ,.._ _ _
----------'-~-' ____ .:·-".-~
-
--
·---~~--~···
__.
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RESTRICTION
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Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Piece on JFK for Life Magazine
2008-0699-F
"m492
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�'j
·-
Time Inc.
Life
Time & Life Building
Rockefeller Center
New York. NY 10020
212·522·1212
Dreyer /page 2
I wil1 be out of the office on Thursday; if I don't hear from you
tomorrow, I'll call you on Friday.
With many thanks for all your help.
Best,
I
(l0J~~ f$&
1-·-·--·
Susan Bolotin
Senior Editor
A Time Worner Company
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�Thc same ronfli.l"t t'onfrunts him i
Washingto11
1>lhcr fronts: taxes, conservation,/
farm polic~·. labor policy, military
. P'--•hry, agricultural policy and mone-!
ta r:o-· policy 0\'<'r:<eas.
\\'hat he think!! is dc!"irable or e\·en
e:<s<"ntial i~ politically impossible.
Cons<"qU('ntly, while he and his
a~sociates go on talking publicly
pr~ent.
.
about thr progress they ha\'e made,
• He bet on pra;;malism. He scorned
pri\·att•ly they are beg-inning to fear
the soul-savers and the idealists
that. t::ivcn the cxistiri~ form of
i who thought that amending a few
American !"orkty and the existing
jlaws
"·ould
soh·e
everything.
balance of rolitical power, the evils
Change the !ltylc. he said, face thP.
they complain about simply cannot
facts, and all will be well.
1
1
But the facts have proved to be II ~ be remedied.They admit privately that they
! much more stubborn than he supare
confronted with radical ecoposed. He mad£.. speeches on the •
theme that .. th.,-l!! no slavery but
nomic, social and political problems,
but they are afraid of adopting tn
1 Ignorance; liberty is the child of
• a Presidential election year radical
intelligence"; but the Cont::ress anrl
policies to meet these problems.
, even his own Church would not ac·
The result is that thPy talk r.~od
: cept his education bill to support
crately
and optimistically in public
; this thesis.
'
and radically and pes.c;imisllcally in
pri\·ate.
This poisons the atmospht're In
\\'a,..hin~;ton and deba.c;cs the whole!
j political proccs~.
Th~,;
8::: tht!<
•~
JU~t
the point. Very 1
s=:-ad:;a:!y the drt'adful thought is J
~gu~r.m;: to cinulate around h~re,
H~ 1:1 the White Hou:<e. that r:tay;,e
\\ t' d ..n~·t ha\·e tht' fmal answers to.
I
\~·hat The~· Say in Public
and in Pri\"ate
t'\~ythmh.
Tbr
By JAMES RESTOS
WASHINGTON, Oct. 24-The dif'etence between what public men
tere say In public and what they
1a)· In private is greatet" today than
1t any time alnce the war.
Their public statements are optlrttstic as usual-We are winning the
old war: Listen to the alienee in
:urope, Africa and the Middle 'East.
J"~ are gaining In the economy at
O!"e: Look at the record df the
~ss National Product and the
~~ring 111tock market In Wall St~ec-t.
·~ are e\"en gaining pn the race
·oblem: Considet" the ~rogress In
ablic school lntt'gratlo In Atlanta
td many other commu Uea In the
d ·Conr edt' racy.
But the prh·ate conversations of
oughtrul men here In \\'ashington
t quite diHerent. For the first
ne sinn• the war one begins to
ar doubts that mortal men are
pa ble of ~olnn~; or en•n control~ thf' politlral. ~ocial and economic
1 blem~ life has placl"d before them.ronically, nothin~; hall f""O\'Oked
~ pe~samistic note more than the
ttical PiUc•·e~~f's of the last few
r!l. For these successes in the
I war. in the economy and In the
1tlons between the races at home
e bt't'n so .dramatic but hav~
·ed so little that evt'n the mo~t
ent and philosophic officials here 1
be~inning to wonder whether
1
. rrally ran rontrol ennts.
hi~ 1~. flf ('OIJr!l(', a downri~ht:
·rr~i \ e t hous:ht. The .4rurric ln as 1 :
)()St'd to do the amproba ble im- ' ,
mtely and .tht' impo!"!"lble fa\·£'· 1
j:
D~ppoiotmf'ots
The t'conomy i~ bettrr than offi- i
~·•ell!< here dart'd hope it might be a!
yt'a:- a;:,,_ but :;.o stron~: is the pres- I
,.1:~ o! mdu:-;tnal automation and a:
"t«ply nsang popu~tion that lhr.y ·
1
fmc1 thf'mseh·es stall in a higher rate
••f \ont'mplo~·ment than any otht!r lndu~nal nation In the world.
The more pro~ress they ha,·e.
. madt' in the cold war in Europe, th.e
more the allies ha\·e rebelled against!
carrying on the \'ery coopeQjltive
pohcaes that ha\'e made the progress·
pos."ible.
The :;.amt' prublc'm arfccls Latin ,
AmM"ka. The Alhance fur Progress
:• r· •t _a fa; lure. lt nas done many
r'!r• t.\f' thm,::s an man\' t'rountnes.
,..r !he hrnu ... pht-rr. but thf' pnpula·:
: ... ~ tJ! ~hr arr·a nt•W mrrt'RStnJ: 1
. !a•t•·r bfo:·.•rrn the Hw c;rande and 1
:he
Panama Canal than 111 anv
,
. other I
a~ra C>f tht' world
as dt\'HhllJ: thc 1
.\::aan•,. a!t•l I!' tllttrunnang thf' l'rog-;
tt'!IJ
i
A:i th:• ha' rrratr.J a ptohkm 1
hrr?
fnr the Adnnm~tratwn anct the I
1
l!•·pubhLtn orpocation. Thr·~· bnth .
..-",,_,.d,. th:tt thn· don't kn.m· all'
~ ~·· a:-.' ,\t·rc; tn three f'JIU''tllln<; bnt 1
1
: ~··r J:fl ••!t pr..lrn•hnJ: th.tt tho•y d ...
I
l
I
cTc':tttn;:: a maJor pn,b:,·m for l'rc·:-t•lt'nt Krnrwd\'. Ht' ramr
tu ;,tftn• a" :ho• :'\o·w ~tan aq.:uim.:;
:1 I! Rill:' t t Itt• IIIII" lf'ln<; Of t ht• J':l:'t.
Ll't u .... hl' :':11•1. oppu:'r thr outmoded tht•orio':' of thr olrl da~·!l and
deal with thl' hard realitirs <•f tht•
I
!
1•!1
1,
I
!
I
I
.
I
'
~--~===~
�Kei\D4!dy at the 1960 DemocratCon,·entlon. Mr. Kennedy
came ott ~eU by turning the
othn cheek to Mr. Johlulon'a
ferocious assault! Mr. Lasky
tells us ln.stead that "superman
bad more than met his match
tn Big Daddy." For support, M
adduces an unfortunate piece by
Murray Kempton, wbo offered
the view that "LyndoD Jotm.son,
aay of him what you wtll, lB a
Ic
man; Jack Kennedy Ia a boy."
For or acalDBt Mr. Kenaedy,
does anyone now t.hink Mr.
Kempton was rtgtal that day!
Mr. ·Laaky comes out swtngtnc ID his openiDc pages. He
attacks one WOllam Walton, a
W ashlngtoD artist and friend of
· the Keanedys-but Dol for bad
lnfJuence on the flrst famUy. or
aayt.hlnc relevant; rather, he
quota Whitaker Chamben's
"Witnese'• to alJege that Mr.
Walton. wblle a Ttrlw magulne
Uon." That one not only I'M'll
the Presklent but "Ubft'al Democrats." too.
Agatn, says Mr. Lasky kDowlngly, "the succession ts already
taken for granted bJ U.O. on
the lnslde." The succeuor wW
be Bob Kennedy 1D 1N8. but
wbo "th~ on the lDs..S." 8ft ts
not stated. Moreovft'; LyndoD
Johnson wiD DOl be. asked to
niD qaiD nea In 1114-and
the latter atat.emeat b CfYeD oa
the aut.bortty of that tnskler
frotn The Cblcaco Trtbune. Walter Trohan, wbo wrote that It
waa '"DD aecret." Well. both predictions could come trve, but
11r. Lasky aets tbaD stand . .
11\atenenta of fact.
One c:ould go on, for Mr. Las-
ky's research la prodlcklua. but
It la a curtoua II:IDd of reearcb
-Df'WIIpaper quotes mostly. aad
theM prtmarUy from UDtl1eDC!Iy
aources. Theft 18 no ntdt'Dce
~rtft',
bere of ortgiDal rnearcb. copious lntervlewtftc, obJtcUw dlJ-
AT
gtnc. ~P analyUcal radlneln the Wvltab&e &CC'OUftl. tor
IN~. of the reporta that
Mr. Kft\IM'dy onee waa marn.d
to Dune Malcolm. Mr Laally
adda not orw llqle ract.
not one rww doc\&nMDt to Uw
tnsulfldft\t .. ~ .. l'lUBUnc.
llul be leaYft Uttle doubt In a
too-cnodulous nedft"a miDd that
Al wu trve, all trve.
Far mo,.. than bll1f OW book
ls di'Yotf'd to tM 11"'-PraidntUal Kft\IW'dy But Mr ~J'I
last ch&ptH1 on the YOW\I P'noe~t C~r moaUy on Uw Bay ol
was duped by CommunlaU In ~ mid-torUs.
&DOlhn' polnt. Mr. l..&akJ
quotft Ja.rnft M. Bums on KenM'dy, as follows: "By 1~ and
1961 Kennedy wu conststently
supporting tM UbtnJ o.m~
craUc posttloD OD welf&ft lsaueos and OD ciYU liberties and
clvU rtghts." Then he adcla. on
hla O'lllo'n, ""11\us Kennedy. who In
the -rly ntues had been publicly decrytng. '11\e all absorbIng hand.t of lbe vat lev\alh&D
~-the state: began mo~ and
more to advocate statism u the
solution for tbe Ula of tM na-
�,
•
.
�The Necessary IUajority: In short, if President Kennt'd~·
was going to do what he said he would do, he had
first to win over a popular majority. The majority had to do
more than like him. Thev had to follow him. Unless he
wuld bring that about, h~ must lay aside, or at least tune
\\'ay down, the promises to promote economic growth and
to carry out innovations and reforms. As a result, during
thew two years the economy has been growing at an embarrassingly slow rate.
Until the current session of the new Congress adjourns,
"e shall not know how successfully the President has been
ahlt> to make converts to his principles and his plans. Thus
Ltr. the Congress, wHch is controlled by a coalition of
Hepublicans and Southern Democrats, has refused to open
thl' New Frontiers. In this refusal Congress has, I believe,
rt>llected the opinions of the majority. Thus, while there
i\ much sentiment in favor of the domestic innovations
and reforms, the sentiment, by and large, is passive and
diffuse. The people arc not passionately excited about
t·dut·ation, medical care, t·onservation, and urban developlllt>nt. Under these circumstances. the opposition of the
highlr organized political groups-the Roman Catholic hierarl'hy, the American Medical Association, and the farm
lobby-has been very effective.
Furthermore, many people are angrily opposed to the
high taxes, especially the highly visible income taxes. Yet
they have believed that to open the New Frontiers they
mu~t either reduce their private spending in order to pay
higher taxes or have their money lose value by inflation.
Thus, the Administration was caught in the dilemma of
pri\ ;ltc versw public spending. The official view of this
dile·rnma is that it should not exist. It can and should be
dis~.,Jved by taking measures to induce the economy to
npt·rate at full capacity. If this were done, the country could
produee something like ~30 billion to $40 billion more wealth
Jan~11ry
2i, 1963
ennedy at Mid-term
never been in active politics. Except for Rusk, !vfr. Kennedy
chose Republicans for the key posts: Douglas Dillon for the
Treasury, Robert McNamara for Defense, John !t.lcCone for
Intelligence. \Villiam McChesney 1-.lartin Jr., who if he is
·not a Republican can pass for one, was encouraged to remain
on as chairman of the Federal Reserve Board. The management of our international payments problem was entrusted
to Republicans. For a long time the President tried to find
a Republican to manage foreign aid. He has put General
Eisenhower's Secretary of State, Christian Herter, in charge
of tariff negotiations under the new Trade Expansion Act.
And at the center of high policy-making in the \Vhite House
itst"Jf, he put ~it-George Bundy, the biographer of President
lloover's Secretary of State, Col. Henry Stimson, and a
lifelong Massachusetts Republican.
~lr. .Kennedy reached out further still for Republican
support. To a critical degree he did so in matters of fiscal
poliq·. This is the field where Republicans have always
wntended they hold the sound views, and the Democrats
thl• unsound ones. During his first year and well into his
st'<."Ond, there were no. sharp differences in fiscal matters
between President Kennedv and General Eisenhower. The
Prt>Sident made a few speethes, notably the one at the Yale
commencement in June 1962, which General Eisenhower
n·~arded as horrifying and heretical. But in his actual
nH·asmes, the President stayed within the bounds which
''we acceptable to Eisenhower Hcpublicans. For he felt
himself constrained not only by his narrow majority but also
br public opinion, which on most issues was a great deal
doSt>r to Eisenhower than to his own campaign speeches.
����
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
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1993-1995
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
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Piece on JFK for Life Magazine
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-015-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/3925a3a6740e3bc48d57842c57c3eab2.pdf
ad9181c0a5d204ee540b212188ed3538
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker.by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clint~n Presidenthi~;Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
.
Subseries:
t
·~·
~~.
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Middle Class
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
re: 1994 Campaign (5 pages)
10/06/1994
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
.~.
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Middle Class
2008-0699-F
"m491
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - j44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act -(5 U.S.C. 552(b)J
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
Pl Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency J(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose Information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA(
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
10/06/1994
re: 1994 Campaign (5 pages)
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Middle Class
2008-0699-F
"m491
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Retords Att - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Att -[S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Seturity Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal offite [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disdose trade setrets or tonfidential tommerdal or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disdose tonfidential advite between the President
and his advisors, or between suth advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security dasslfled information [(b)(l) orthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disdose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disdose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would dlsdose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disdose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�44
THE" BOSTON GLOBE • WEDNESDAY, JULY 27, 1994
A REPORT ON NEW ENGLAND'S GROWING COMPANIES
Middle class is saddled with the New Economy
don't know many people who are taking real vacations this year. Sure, my friends and acquaintances are squeezing in a week here, a weekend
there. But a real vacation, at least to anyone born
before 1970, is two weeks-to a month. And it has to
be away. Down the Cape. Up New Hampshire. Camping in Canada or canalling in France.
Today, if you have the time for such a jaunt, you
don't have the money. And if you have the money you
don't have the time, because you and your spouse are
juggling two careers and can't get your vacations coordinated, not to mention the kids' camp schedules.
It's fashionable these days to bemoan the Death (or
at least the Never-Ending Tribulations) of the Middle
Class, and the vanishing vacation seems like yet another episode in this sad tale. Maybe it is.
On the other hand, the middle class as we knew and
loved it was an artifact of the Old Economy, that placid
bygone era when American business dominated the
world. When the Old Economy died and the New E~n
omy took its place, our ideas about middle-class life
turned out to be like beach cottages built on sand. They
had no solid underpinnings.
Note that I'm talking about ideas, not money. Mid-
I
die class isn't just an income level. Whatever the income pyramid, it will always have a middle. Middle
class is a set of expectations, about who you are and
how your life will unfold. Psychologically, middle class
includes the vast mlijority of Americans.
Twenty or 30 years ago those expectations were
pretty clear. A consultant named Edith Weiner enumerated them in a speech I heard not long ago, and I
·
can't improve on her list:
• Education: Get a good education and youil get a
goodjob.
_
• Employment: Get a good job
and you'll have it for life. • Retirement: Work all your life_ . · · · ·
and you'll enj~y a secure old age.
• Econormc progress: Each generation will do a little better than the B ,. ~._ C
lasl
_
y "OrtiA ase
Just to list them is to see how
shakY these expectations have turned out to be in today's world. The career ladders and corporate structures that once made them plausible guides to reality
have crumbled. They couldn't stand up -to global competition and new technologies and all the other econom-
(Ill
JH
(- p J
1 01
ic tirestorms of the past 15 years.
The question now is whether middle-class people
can forget the loss of those comfortable (and comforting) assumptions and get on with the businel!ls of building new ideas about life - ideas that fit with the realities of the New Economy.
Frankly, I'm not too sanguine about this prospect.
Or maybe I'm just impatient. So far, most of the pundits who have pontificated .on the subject have turned
out to be whiners, bewailing their losses and blaming
Washington for their ills. Politicians up to and including
the presideni pander to this attitude.
But it's not bani to imagine a new set ofassumptions - a set that builds on Americans' traditional ideas
of strength and selt:.-eliance rather than our current
groveling dependence upon the bureaucracies of government and corpOration.
Education will still be one important element - not
so we can slide int-o a secure job but so we'll be
equipped to cope with the pace of c~ge. Education
used to provide union cards in the fonn of diplomas and
degrees. Now it has to provide tools for living.
Instead of employment, more and more of us have
to realize that we're in business for ourselves, perma-
nently. Employers will hire our services from time to
time. But the job may last no longer than a consultant's
job for a clienl
As for retirement and economic progress, the simple answer is that the New Economy offers no guarantees. Our fublre is what we make it, not what we rely
on someone else to provide for us.
The New Economy is a world unlike the one most of
us grew up in. It's fast-ehanging, fiercely competitive,
challenging. Security has gone out the window. In its
place we find an always-variable mixture of threats and
opportunities.
Maybe, over time, we can mitigate the threats. A
comprehensive health care plan would help. So would a
public-education system capable of teaching kids how
to live in this mercurial new environmenl And maybe
we can learn to take advantage of the opportunities
.-better than we do now.
-Like it or not, though, this uncertain New Economy
is here tO stay. We in the middle class better get used
to it- even if we can't get away to the beach this summer.
John Case is a senior writer at Inc. magazine© The
Goldkirsh Group Inc.
.
,
�Help Those Whom NAFfA Will Hurt
An American victim of a shooting war would
In 1986, while working to elect Gov. Robert
receive the full attention, aid and comfort our
Casey in Pennsylvania, I met a community of
folks known as "Seamless-Garment Catholics." country could muster. NAFTA is the first salvo.
These remarkable people held as a basic tenet
of the modern economic war, and its victims
that life is a "seamless garment"-that for every deserve no less. Today, in the Midwest, folks 10
choice made, the accompanying responsibilities · feet underwater aren't dismissed as "unfortunately displaced victims of meteorological distur- ·
are as much a commitment as the choice itself.
bances." They're real people w~ want_:and are
Because these Catholics were "pro-life.~ they felt
morally obligated-to help.
a heightened obligation to support and defend programs that aid children and mothers: prenatal nutriCorporate America; editorial writers, Republi- ·
tion, infant immunization and Head Start, for exam- ean cronies and elites in general have taken to
ple. While I do not agree with everything these folks
lecturing us on how beneficial NAFTA will be
regardless of the victims it claims. They ought to
advocate, I'm still impressed by their conviction:
their obligation to support in real ways the conse- be lecturing as vociferously in favor of the
quences of their choices. Just as a seamless garment
programs in the president's budget that address
is woven from a single piece of cloth, so too is the
the consequences of free trade. How different
.argument that addresses its conclusions.
the debate would be if politicians, corporate
For many of Washington's power-brokers, supexecutives and political consultants were among t
the "displaced" in pursuit of the greater good.
porting the North American Free Trade AgreeSome argue aid programs designed specifically
ment is such a choice. With their vigorous and
influential supPQrt of NAFTA, opinion leaders for workers left jobless by NAFTA will be help
must recognize that with its passage, some eno!Jgh. They do not understand that the presi- ·
medium-to low-skilled American workers will
dent's plan and even NAFTA itself are only the
lose their jobs in the short term. They assume a
first steps toward a fundamental shift in the
moral obligation to support the president's eco- global marketplace.
"·•
I.:
nomic progiams of worker retraining, extended
Political opponents of NAFTA will feel
of 'tens of millioDs of dollars over the
~
worker displacement benefits and aid to SiDall strengthened if the president's plan is defeated in
years in order to protect ,
loopholes for ,· .·
business. These powerful Washington insiders the Congress. But they miss the point. As the
wealthy corporations.and individlials who wo~d .:
have an unqualified responsibility to support the
United States moves toward a global economy
benefit from NAFTA. ·
...
... _.;' . :~~
extension of the Earned Income Tax Credit-an and free trade, the president's investments in
The GOP supports an agr~t that would
initiative not included in either Rep"blican budg- ·education and efforts to train and relocate Ameri- · throw thousands of Americans out of work, and ''
et alternative. As the "pro-life" Catholics under- ca's workers becOme' n!)t political issues, but · calls for slashing funding for retraining these ·
· ·
stood that real lives are affected by their posi- moralones.
people. And the RepublicanS tell me I Should be ·
tion, so too must the pro-NAFTA forces take
So too dOes the health· care debate assume
afraid of 1994?
.
.
. .
.
responsibility for the real lives that will be greater urgency. In a changing economy-where
. Like my friends in Pennsylvania. Washingtoo's,
displaced and disrupted.
American workers are forced to move to a
decision makers and agenda setters must underFor a nation to prosper in the 21st century, it different state or switch careers midstreamstand that with choice comes obligation. Bill
must be an active p;irticipant in the global econohealth care that follows them and protects them ·Clinton's assurances to the working people of
through transition is essential. With the passage America that sacrifices for the long-term ·
my ·and an open market for the world's goods.
But with the lowering of trade restrictions comes of NAFTA comes an irrevocable obligation to
strength of our economy will not be borne by ·
support comprehensive health care reform.
'economic -hardship for some working Americans.
them alone is a perfect example of policy that
The first step toward international free trade is
Let's be clear as to what the stance of the
understands its implications. I hope the lesson of
before Congress today-in the form of aid proRepublican Party is: They have a strong prothe "Seamless-Garment Catholics" will not be lost
grams put forward in the president's budget.
NAFTA plank in their platform. At the same
on our nation's leaders on the Hill, at the papers
That some members of Congress (including ev- . time, they unanimously oppose the president's and in the board rooms.
ery Republican in both houses) will choose to job retraining and worker displacement proignore the short-term consequences of long-term
grams, as well as the EITC and student loan
The writer, senior str~tegist in the Qinton
proposals. They call for cuts in existing programs
growth borders on intellectual dishonesty.
campaign, is an adviser to the administration.
tax:
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�OF THE PRESIDENT
Volume XXII, Number 26
August 27, 1993
"'l? P. ~lES
tiP 0 1 \993
T
~1-ld~t~a~1
Be
--------e-e~the~~-a_.M_a_~_~~-d-2-oa-14---------------------------po·~
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Published by the American Political Research Corporation
7316 Wisconsin Avenue
--~
Telephone (301) 654-4990
SPECIAL ISSUE: THE SURPRISING POLITICAL·
ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK OF THE 1990S
Over the last five years, in the American Political
Report and in an earlier publi~ation, The Business
and Public Affairs Fortnightly, we have profiled
U.S. politics and political economics using a
framework based on the probability that the
speculative economic bubble apparent by the
mid-1980s would fold into a different politics and
economics in the 1990s. A further assumption
was that the Nineties would develop in ways that
would significantly reverse many major characteristics of the Eighties.
Here's the table of contents:
This analysis - published in Kevin Phillips' 1990
book The Politics of Rkh and Poor and drawn
upon for APR analyses beginning in 1988 and
1989 - has proven outthus far, so we're updating
it again for mid-1993.
19908
The arrangement of this special issue is as follows: Part I profiles the Democrats' hope of substantially reversing the political economics of the
Reagan era. A partial reversal is obvious, but it's
unclear how far it'll go. The Clintonites are
changing many of the patterns that produced the
success of the populist/progressive era and New
Deal. Part n, starting overleaf, looks at the current status of the ten central characteristics of
capitalist-conservative go-go periods like the
1980s. In the previous populist/progressive follow-up periods, the ten have generally reversed.
Since 1990, that's largely been true again. However, there are more ambiguities than usual. Part
m, on p. 8, looks ahead at the changing 1990s
prospects for business, finance and politics.
I) Reversing the Reagan Era: The Precedents
•Parallels between 1980s,1920s and the Glided
Age - and then between the 1990s, 1930s and
1900-14 period.
eCIInton's contradictory blueprints and policy
confusion
p. 2
p. 2
II) Ten Major Characteristics of Capitalist·
Conservative Go-Go Periods - and the
Extent to Which They are Reversing In the
eGOP Presidents and a Dominant Conservative
Philosophy
eSentlment for Less Government
eSupport for Business In General,
Entrepreneurs In Particular
eTough Times for Organized Labor
eMergermanla and the Restructuring of
Business and Finance
eTax Reduction
eDislnflatlon
eA Two-Tier Economy - Hard Times In the
Hinterland, Strength In the Coasts
• The Rich Get the Bulk of the Boom Era
Income Gains
eDebt and Leverage Set Records In the Boom
p. 2
p. 2
p. 3
p. 3
p. 4
p. 4
p. 5 ·
p. 6
p. 6
p. 6
Ill) The Changing Political-Economic
Prospects of the 19908
eQinton's Warning In the Polls
eQinton's Reversal of Rooseveltian Dynamics
© 1993 By the American Political Research Corporation. Published blweeldy at S191a year, S205 overseas (airmail).
Kevin Phillips, Editor-Publisher. Reproduction or quotation without specific pennlsalon Ia prohibited by law.
p. 7
· p. 8
�mode for very
different.
l~ng.••it's
cent. Other studies have argued that the concentration was even sharper - in the top one
tenth of one percent, principally via the capital
gains received by multi-millionaire investors.
Under these circumstances, Clinton's tax bikes,
which put the highest marginal rates on the
earned-income upper-middle class (including a
2.9% Medicare tax for the self-employed) while
somewhat favoring the unearned-income rich
with a continued 28% capital gains tax (free
of surtax), a 28% alternative minimum tax rate
and an unearned-income exemption from the
Medicare tax, are unlikely to reverse income and
wealth distribution in the manner of 1930s tax
changes. The national income shares of the
top 1% and 2% should drop slightly under Clinton because of his marginal-rate attack on
$150,000-$350,000 families, but the true rich
won't be pulled down significantly unless the ·
stock market tumbles. Moreover, were the consumed income tax to become law, the top 1%
share (especially the top tenth of one percent
share) of after-tax income and wealth would
electoral base is too
8) A Two-Tier Economy - Hard Times in the
Hinterland, Strength in the Coasts: In the
1980s, as in the 1920s and the late 19th Century, the first weakness in the economy reflecting
disinflation came in the commodity states, especially the Oil Patch and the Farm Belt. During
this 1985-87 period, the service/firuuicial states
boomed - New England, the Middle Atlantic,
· Florida, California. Then when the speculative
implosion came, it maximized in the service/financial boom states in the early 1990s,
producing what economists in New England,
New York City, New Jersey and California have
described as the worst downturns in those areas
since the 1930s. In short, the pattern of the 1890s
and 1930s has been replayed, but in a lesser intensity because of the effects of the bail out. The
difference could be politically important, though.
In the 1930s, the benefit was entirely to the incoming Democrats; but in the 1990s, because the
incoming Democrats promoted a 1993 tax package that weighed particularly heavy on New
England, New York, New Jersey and California,
they may be sacrificing the political popularity
they enjoyed in 1992 as economic rescuers.
•.
start rising again.
10) Debt and Leverage Set Records in the Boom:
They did before in the 1920s, but this time,
the pattern was different. Private debt set
records in the 1980s, and then contracted
somewhat in the early 1990s. But federal debt,
which had not expanded during the 1920s, did
expand sharply during the 1980s boom and
then kept expanding during the early 1990s
bust, partly to finance the federal S&Ubank
bail-out. So the new situation for the mid-1990s
is the precariousness of the federal debt situation Back in the 1930s, by contrast, FDR was
free to pile up federal stimulus and debt
without much risk.
9) The Rich Get theBulkoftheBoomEn Income
Gains: This was true in the· 1980s, just as in
the 1920s and Gilded Age. The question for
the 1990s is whether the upward redistribution
will be reversed into downward redistribution as
in the 1930s (and to a lesser extent in 1900-14).
Our current expectation is that the pattern will be
different this time for two reasons. The first is
that any big drop in the income/wealth share of
the rich paralleling the 1930s decline would
depend on the sort of stock' market collapse that
hasn't happened in the 1990s. Factor number two
involves the targeting of Clinton's tax hikes.
Analyses by economists Daniel Feinberg and
James Poterba for the National Bureau of
Economic Research indicate that the in. come/wealth .gains ,of the 1990s were .especially
concentrated in .the .top one-quarter of-one per-
Overall, the big difference between the Clinton era versus the 1900-14 period and the
New Deal era is that this 1990s counter-tide is
half-hearted and somewhat skewed to the bond
.market and financial sector. The politics - to ·.· ·\
which we now tum - is already being affected
as a result.
-.;6
6
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~....&.•....... ;
...
. ·-
~
Ill) THE CHANGING POLITICAL
ECONOMIC PROSPECTS OF THE
1990S
who rate Clinton lower now - after the
economic/tax vote - -than they did in May.
Cellfomla Poll: Clinton Job Expectatlons/Ritlngs
The big question still to be answered...whether
the striking differences between the Clinton
administration and the countertides of the
populist/progressive and New Deal eras are
going to 1) undercut the new administration and
limit its future or 2) tum the Democrats into
a new type of party for a different but
successful future. If the first scenario prevails
that could shift the upheaval of the 1990s in'
some volatile new direction. The tentative
evidence after 8 months is that the Clinton
approach is not working, but it's clearly too
early to be categorical.
May
August
Excellent/good
60%
27%
Fair
Poor/Very poor
26
31%
37
37
17
28
33
* expectations
C81Homla Poll: Public Confidence In Clinton's
Handling of Domestic Problems
May
Great Deal
Some
Not Much
As
indicated, they suggest a new president who's
now surprisingly cautious after major early
blunders dissipated some of his leverage. In contrast to previous countertide presidents like
Theodore Roosevelt and FDR, Clinton is a compromiser who seems to shrink from the politics
of picking an enemy. If this reluctance continues,
the reversal of the 10 key factors could be fairly
weak in the 1990s.
1) Clinton and the 10 Critical Yardsticks:
!
February*
August
16%
16%
43
35
40
48
It's not illogical. Throughout 1992, Clinton
talked about how he'd get the economy moving
again, and he particularly aimed his reassurances
at the parts of the country that were economically
weakest (and where he soon got his biggest
_November margins) - New England, the Middle
Atlantic and California. So when Clinton gets
in the White House, what does he do ... he
proposes an economic plan that would reduce
otherwise presumable growth for the next few
years while having its most negative effects on
these very same parts of the country. Small.
wonder local voters are thumbs-downing him in
the polls.
2) CUnton and the Polls: The first wave of poll
reaction was negative - both in consumer confidence, which plummeted, and in the public's
dubious ratings of the Clinton economic program and Clintonomics in general. We'd underscore the reaction in economically fearful but
politically huge and pivotal California. In the
Field Poll for 8/12-18, lopsided majorities of
Californians say they expect their taxes to go
up, but they don't expect the deficit to go
down. A 48% to 41% plurality called the
deficit-reduction program unfair to the
average person. But the biggest threat to Clinton is that be's becoming a Franklin D.
Roosevelt in reverse ...people have more confidence in the country and even the weak
economy than they have in him. Consider this
dismissive scorecard turned in by Californians,
3) Administration Bias Towards Fbiance and
FaUure to Seriously Assist Labor: This is one of
the major surprises, based on the historical
yardsticks. It's not a political credential. for any
Democratic president, but it seems particularly
dubious in the wake of what Clinton himself has
referred to as a decade of greed and speculation.
We're skeptical that any 1990s administration
would want to tie its fate to organized labor, but
for a Democratic administration in a countertide
context not to a)· pick a fight with ·finance or b)
start the·· political equivalent of a holy war over
7
�P.',-·.
t:
the ongoing decline of real wages, especially for
workers, is unprececented. From Andrew Jackson down to FOR, history's watershed and
countertide Democrats always rose to battle with
Wall Street orits equivalent. We don't know what
to predict for Clinton here...this seems to be one
of the most scrambled and wires-crossed parts of
his political equation.
traction/bond market economics after taking
office. FOR used his stimulus economics to
help the needy parts of the country that voted
for him ... Clinton's economic package was
toughest on such areas. FOR told Americans they
had nothing to fear but fear itself...in 1993
Americans worry that what they have to fear
is Clinton. In the 1930s, Wall Streeters like
Joe Kennedy were hired to help FOR crack down
on financiers ...Clinton has given them major
input in shaping policies to their liking. FOR (in
1935) put in a tax overhaul that hit Rockefellers with 70% rates but put 12-15% marginal
rates on the upper-middle-class families just inside the top 1%... Clinton has hit the upper-middle-class with the highest marginal rates. FOR's
brand of politics put the.Republicans out of action for a generation...Clinton's brand of politics
has GOP chairman Haley Barbour wisecracking
about the (unpopular) President doing more for
the GOP in 6 months than Barbour could do
in four years. The final Roosevelt-in-reverse possibility - being urged by deficit-reduction
zealots - is to begin stripping away and meanstesting the same entitlement programs that FOR
· brought to life. It's possible that Clinton's
overall approach can succeed - and the
economy may finally be better in 1995 than
in 1993-94 - and that the term "New
Democrat" could start to mean something
auspicious. For now, though, most voters think
that Clintonomics is failing.
4) Conservative Economics and Failed
Democratic Presidencies: Democratic presidents who've chosen this course - Grover
Cleveland in the late 19th Century, with his
fidelity to the (deflationary) gold standard, and
Jimmy Carter in 1977-80, with his 1979 appointment of tight-money Fed Chairman Paul Volcker
- have usually botched the political economics
of reelection, and Clinton may well be following in these footsteps. Countertide presidents
elected amid the bust after a speculative boom
usually have especial need for stimulus (i.e.,
FOR), and by going against these precedents,
Clinton is taking a big chance. The pivot for
Clinton may depend on another precedent.
Presidents who've let a troubled economy get
weaker have usually taken some mistaken contractionary step... Cleveland by refusing to pursue mild inflation, Hoover by letting the 1930-32
money supply shrink and boosting taxes. The
outside possibility for Clinton... that excessive
taxing and deficit-cutting in a weaker-than
believed economy could be his version of
Hooverism.
(
A Mid-1990s Stalemate: It's starting to look
5) Clinton as Roosevelt-in-Revene: Although
quite plausible. The possibility of significant
GOP Congressional gains in 1994 could stymie
the Democratic agenda and further block Clinton
efforts to reassure Democratic traditions and
constituencies. Clinton could try to return to
1992's populist themes in 1996 - or he could
stick to Roosevelt-in-Reverse and take a chance.
Ross Perot could surge - or he could fade if
there's a strong 1995-96 uptick. Clinton, in
short,is rolling some very untraditional
Democratic dice. It looks like he doesn't want to (
come back to old party traditions...but he may
have to.
Clinton is carrying out a number of the broad
counter-tide directions to be expected, as the
10-point analysis shows, we've been struck by the
surprising number of situations in which Clinton
is actually something of a Roosevelt-in-Reverse.
This thesis is also developed at some length in an
8121 analysis by Kevin Phillips in the Los Angeles
Times, but here are the premises.FOR, in 1932
talked vaguely about balance budget but then
followed public demand and pursued
stimulus...Clintonhasgonethe otherway, talking
stimulus in the campaign, but then going for con-
8
·.
.
�...... -_ ....................
( t'·
Volume XXII, Number 4
October 22, 1993
Middle C/~s Politics: Is Security
the New Pivot?
National Politics: Clinton Job Approval.
Trendline
Women in Politics: A Major National
Mood Shift?
Update: Election 1993-96 (Parties.
Primaries, Presidential Maneuvering)
Update: Election 1993-94 (Govemorships.
U.S. Senate, U.S. House)
p. 1
p. 6
p. 7
p. 8
p. 8
deficit-reduction activists pushing plans that
clobber the middle class, albeit these are probably
too controversial and special-interest linked to have
serious prospects for success (see p. 5).
The prospect...in APR's view, these various fights
and strategies are laying out some of the most
important 1990s political battlegrounds. They're
also exposing very dangerous fault lines in the
shaky Democratic presidential coalition (see p. 5).
Here are the key circumstances:
.I
I
(
Deciding on "security" as a common political
wrapping for broad range of issues - from health
reform to NAFTA, job retraining, immigration and
student loans - represents a big political gamble for
Bill Clinton, despite its support from his advisors
and pollsters. Clearly, it'll be a major tactic, but
the precedents are mixed (see p. 2).
The strategy does have roots in Clinton's past,
including his own 1992 campaign rhetoric, as well
as his personal interest in European social
democratic safety-net programs and philosophy ...
although that's a viewpoint that's retreating
globally, not advancing. The larger political
danger... that in emphasizing "security" versus
"opportunity," his pivotal tax, health and social
security/pension policies will favor those in the
$30,000-$40,000 range and under at the expense of
the disproportionate 60% of American voters who
( . come from $40,000-$200,000-a-year middle and
upper-middle-class households. Pressure to meanstest and slash entitlements is already building from
©
I) Ointon, Middle-Oass Fear, and Security:
Clinton's new theme is overriding .... that the middle
class is so fearful it must have security before it'll
accept change. The implicit catch ... that what's
making "security" necessary is that the major
"change" already underway involves Middle
America's loss of opportunity. Back in late 1991
and early 1992, candidate Clinton spent a lot of
time fanning these same fears. Consider these two
quotes. First, he charged that during the 1980s
"we saw the absolute destruction of the middle
class and an explosion in poverty. Only the very
wealthy did better in a decade in which Americans
literally thought their country was coming apart"
(from a speech in Columbus, quoted in the
A year later,
12/22/91 Columbus Dispatch).
Clinton was still saying this ... he told a Missouri
audience that "Harry Truman's living legacy is the
great American middle class.
George Bush's
legacy is the destruction of that very class"
(Chicago Tribune, 9/8/92). There's no doubt that
the middle class has been hurt ... and that for a year,
Clinton repeated these contentions because he saw
middle-class radicalism building and wanted to
milk it. Now he's apparently worried that the
1993 By tile American Political Research Corporation. Publlalled blweeldy at 1195 a year, 1205 overaeaa (airmail).
Kevin Pllllllps, Edltor·Publlsller. Reproduction or quotation without specific permission Is prohibited by law.
i
�middle class is as fearful as in 1993 - and that his
ability to promote his own socio-economic agenda
is threatened. Probably so ... the big question is
whether the "security" approach will be effective
as a political-management framework.
much of a welfare state or social democratic
tradition. APR's calculus... that Clinton is overestimating national support for his "security" thesis,
especially if it starts to develop middle-class
drawbacks.
2) Ongoing Signs of Middle Oass Fear: White
House polls are obviously confirming public
apprehension. However, here's a profile through
the same approach we employed back in the
summer - using major media headlines to capsule
the various trends and frustrations: "Lay-off fever
spreads to robust firms" (Chicago Tribune, 9/12),
"In suburbs, home-sharing helps keep homelessness
at bay" (Philadelphia Inquirer, 6/11 ), "(California)
realtors expect fall to continue" (Los Angeles
Times, 9/29), "U.S. workers' wages continue to
erode" (Christian Science Monitor, 9/3),
"Researchers say U.S. social well-being is awful"
(New York Times, 10/18), "Food stamps America's rising gauge of lean times," (Los
Angeles Times, 8/12), "Jobless male managers
proliferate in suburbs, causing subtle malaise"
(Wall Street Journal, 9/20). Where Clinton (and a
lot of political observers) erred earlier this year was
in thinking that with the new regime in the White
House, these problems were going away. They're
not... in one form or another, they're going to
dominate the politics of the 1990s.
4) The Breadth of the ''Security" Issue: In the
Administration's blueprint, their security politics go
beyond health and the economy and also involve
personal security (crime prevention) and secure
borders (immigration control). These are probably
more facades than pivots. Bush's crime packages
never had electoral impact...and the Democrats are
even more likely to get credit only for performance,
not rhetoric. The upshot... that'll make the initial
effectiveness of the "security" approach more
dependent on its economic components - health
care, jobs, taxes, government entitlements,
pensions/social security.
And issue by issue,
there's reason to be dubious.
(
Health Care and the Middle Oass: As we (
analyzed in more detail on 9/24, the basic
framework of Clinton's program has suggested that
the bulk of middle class Americans would lose
because they'd have to pay more while their already
adequate level of care or choice of care would
probably deteriorate. A quarter to a third of the
middle class will benefit... those now lacking
coverage or paying excessive premiums. Thus,
although initial polls showed 50-59% national
support, that was buoyed by low and low-middle
income backing, support- among the middle class
fell into the 3 5-45% range, with large minorities
withholding judgment. Then, as the details on the
program's financing remained cloudy and the
bureaucratic aspects of the proposal clarified,
middle-class opinion began to tilt negatively. MidOctober's ABC/Washington Post poll, for example,
showed support for the Clinton plan dropping
from 56% to 51% while disapproval was up from
24% to 39% (Post, 9/13 ). As we've pointed out,
trends in the other G-7 nations (see the 9/24
APR) support middle class fears that costs will rise (
and that benefits are a good bet to shrink. Our
estimate ... that with about 85% of the middle class
5)
3) Preceden1s of Security/Welfare State Responses
to Middle-Oass Decline: White House strategists
are partly correct here. If you look at countries
with an economically threatened mid-section of the
population - early 20th century Australia, New
Zealand, Argentina and Uruguay, as well as 1920s
Germany and Britain in the first half of the century
- there has been a tendency to swing to a politics
of "security," social democracy and welfare-state
programming. However, Clinton, who's fascinated
by German social programs (and has drawn on
them) faces a different global era. In the 1990s,
the social-welfare tide is ebbing as resources
shrink, and he may be a generation or two late for
a social democratic approach. Besides, Republicans
are also correct in saying that the U.S. doesn't have
2
�))
now satisfied with its health coverage, only 25-30%
are likely to feel better off as a result of the
Clinton plan while 70-75% will not. Clinton's
tactical problem .. .that health may emerge as a
the LRA's Job Opportunity Barometer - based on
six factors ranging from average weekly earnings
to temporary employment, involuntary part-time
employment, unemployment rate, duration of
unemployment and help-wanted advertising - has
failed to rise from its 1992 bottom, showing greater
weakness than in 1981-82.
Here are the two
charts:
particularly vivid example of how "security" for
some becomes sacrifice and erosion for a larger
number.
))
6) Taxes and die Middle Oass: Clinton supporters
like to say that his 1992 hikes hit only the top 2%
and left the middle class alone. That's debatable,
because the $115,000-250,000 part of the uppermiddle-class got nailed, and marginal rates are
going to be higher on earned
incomes of
$250,000-$500,000 than on millionaire investors
with capital gains and unearned income. Putting
this debate aside, however, Clinton failed to score
with the middle class on taxes because of
sensitivity that he repudiated his middle class tax
cut promise, sought to impose an energy tax on
consumers, and has discussed a payroll tax and a
future consumption tax. The bottom line ...
"security" doesn't remotely describe what middleclass voters see in Clinton's approach to taxes.
JQI Valuu AprU 1990 • Seplelllber 19"
11&-r----- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - .
uor--
~----------------~~
.
A ~ A 0 D ' ~ J A0 D F A J A 0 D P A J A
M J S N ~ M M ~ 8 N ~ MU J 8 N J MM J 8
,,
7) Jobs, NAFfA and Middle-Oass Economic
Fear: This is an administration vulnerability. Major
U.S. companies are shedding jobs so rapidly that
each day's news has further announcements - and
the White House isn't doing anything. As pointed
out in a major 10/20 front-page Wall Street Journal
analysis, more Americans are coming to associate
the economy's internationalization with loss of jobs
and overall deteriorating job quality. When a great
economic power starts to decline, that's usually the
case ... the ongoing benefits that free trade brings to
finance, banking, some service and a few
manufacturing sectors do little for the ordinary
person. We'd note that two new indexes- one by
the pro-Clinton Center for National Policy and a
second by the Labor Research Association - have
been set up to measure weak job quality and
opportunity. The CNP's Job Quality Index shows
some recovery
from 1992 recession lows;
although its Average Job Quality component is
actually lower now than in 1990-92. Meanwhile,
Jab Opportunity Baram8ter
•lhrough Augusl
Barron's I Labor Research Associallon Inc.
It's difficult to see how the White House is going
to develop a sense of "security." If Clinton can
combine Capital Hill dealmaking and the. promise
of less immigration from Mexico to enact NAFT A
on behalf of U.S. business and financial elites, the
actual overall job picture probably won't be much
affected. However, he'll be putting a specific
internationalist economic package in place for a
bogeyman role, much as the U.S.-Canadian free
trade arrangement became a bogeyman for the
3
�(
Canadian Conservative government now facing
defeat in the Oct. 25 general election.
middle classes, and you have the potential for
explosive 1990s politics. If Social Security
benefits to the middle class are seriously reduced,
that'll produce growing demand to end FICA
taxation and shift old-age payments to a welfare
basis.
8) Social Security and Pension Security: Here the
"security" aspect goes beyond jobs to the pension
at the end of the vocational trail. To date, the
Labor Department's big move is to push for
improving pension security be requiring employers
to speed up getting money into underfunded
pension plans. More effort is foreseen to increase
the "portability" of pensions for job-switchers. The
massive potential offset, however, is the growing
threat to the Social Security system from
demography, tax trends and potential meanstesting. The 1990s may well see the great mass of
Middle Americans infuriated by developments on
the Social Security front. In this vein, politicswatchers would do well to read "From New Deal
to Raw Deal: Fewer People Will Get Their
Money's Worth From Social Security" in the April
3 Business Week. Its argument... that the "dirty little
secret" few Americans understood is how Social
Security's biggest impact now involves
redistribution of income from middle and uppermiddle class retirees to the poor: "While lowincome workers are still doing well from the
program, for many workers today with high or even
average incomes, it's almost guaranteed to be a bad
deal. If you're a 48-year-old earning an average
salary (about $23,000 today), you can expect to get
back only 82% of the Social Security taxes paid by
you and your employer, including the interest the
taxes could have earned. If you make more than
the maximum amount of income taxable by Social
Security (about $57,000), you will get back only a
meager 61%." Business Week then adds another
politically relevant point... as companies squeeze
retirement packages and interest rates fall, "even
well-off retirees are going to need Social Security
as a key source of income." Take this trend, then
add in the fact that workers have no legal claim to
getting their FICA payments back (no property
rights accrue, according to a 1960 U.S. Supreme
Court ruling), then add the proposal by deficitreduction zealots to means-test Social Security and
sharply reduce payments to the middle and upper-
9) Reduction of Middle-Oass Entidements: Here's
another area where "security" could lead Clinton
to reduce benefits for the middle class and upper
middle class in order to safeguard or improve
them
for those under $30,000 or $40,000.
Pressures are building. In 1991, OMB Director
Dick Darman wanted some income level "higher
than $20,000 and lower than $125,000" set as a
cut-off point for federal entitlements, but the Bush
White House didn't dare try. In a 7/8 analysis
entitled "Means-Testing Grows as Fiscal Planning
Tool," the Christian Science Monitor noted that
the New York legislature established a $250,000 a
year means-test for rent-controlled apartments, but
acknowledged that means tests were still generally
failing in Washington. Now late 1993's new push
is coming from the Pete Peterson-Paul TsongasWarren Rudman Concord Coalition which proposes
to phase out Social Security. Medicare and other
entitlements for families with incomes above
$40,000. For breadwinners in the 40-60 age
bracket, this apparently means the phase-out would
start with households below the median family
income for those ages. This part will be rejected
out of hand,.but there's certain to be more meanstest nibbling in the $100,000-$200,000 range.
Means-testing entitlements for the $50,000$100,000 group would be disastrous for politicians
in either party, given the economic pressures these
people feel themselves under - as well as this
group's rising anger over the Medicare tax and the
potential for middle class furor over the eroding
Social Security pay-out described above.
10) The Middle Oass, Special Interests and
Deficit Reduction: As the national polls show, the
public - including the middle class - puts
stimulating the economy far ahead of deficit
reduction as a priority. This is insufficiently
4
(.
(
�)
)
)
·
discussed in the major media, where deficit
emphasis is established wisdom. But there's some
basis for public nonchalance. In a chart of alllevels-of-government budget deficits for 1992
prepared from OECD data, the United States came
out in the middle- worse than Japan, Germany,
France, etcetera, but with our deficit as a lower
share of GDP than in Greece, Italy, Finland,
Sweden, the UK, Belgium, Canada and Australia.
A further reason for middle-class disinterest...the
obviousness that the next real push will be against
the middle class, Social Security and other
entitlements - and it'll be led by the top 1%
income group.
To begin with, middle-class
entitlements are big money - the middle quintile
of the population got fully 10% of its income from
transfer payments at the end of the 1980s. The top
1%, by contrast, gets only four-tenths of 1% of its
income from transfer payments, and it'd make much
more money out of deficit reduction. Historically,
one of the reasons why leading economic powers
almost never roll back deficits or debt burdens as
their ·economic decline starts is that would-be
remediers invariably have their own group-biased
blueprints and the system cannot generate an
acceptable compromise. We assume that'll be the
case again today, because the deficit-reduction
groups currently targeting middle-class entitlements
tend to represent wealthy investment interests.
banker-cum-deficit crusader
also talks about
ending double taxation of dividends as well as
moving the U.S. away from its present income tax
towards a consumed income tax (see p. 253 of his
new book Facing Up) that would exempt financial
investments while landing hard on middle class
consumption. Changes like these would be manna
Peterson's big-name
to the upper brackets.
colleagues in his effort tend to be corporate
directors, venture capitalists, investment bankers
and the like. Interestingly, Ross Perot's deficit
reduction efforts have just come under a kindred
kind of scrutiny for self-interest. The Los Angeles
Times Opinion Section ( 10/1 0) just ran a lengthy
analysis saying that because of the deficit
reduction/bond market gains since November 1992,
Perot's bondholdings have made him another $240
million! Middle-class sensitivity to these issues is
likely to grow. This is just a quick, once-overlightly analysis, but if the U.S. financial sector
rallies behind a deficit reduction program aimed at
the middle class, the odds are good that a whole
raft of serious revenue-raisers ignored by Peterson
- from a new 50% top bracket for millionaires to
an increase in the capital gains rate (to parallel the
new 39.6% top rate) to taxing capital gains at death
and maybe even a wealth tax - could rapidly enter
into the debate. In recent public presentations,
Merrill Lynch chief economist Donald Straszheim
- pointing out that the top seven-tenths of 1% of
11) The Middle Oass and the Financial Sector Americans now get 54% of the capital gains - has
Yasc:aLAgenda:.... These ..conflicts .. are. going .to .be . been raising. the possibility that kicking the rate up
important. Deficit activist Pete Peterson's new
from 28% to somewhere closer to 39.6% could be
"Peterson Budget Action Plan" proposes, in
"the next target." Possibly this could become the
addition to the 1993 tax hikes, a phase-out of trade for cuts in middle-class entitlements.
middle-class entitlements (including Social
Security) for incomes above $35,000 a year, an
12) Middle-Oass ''Security" and the Democmtic
increase in the taxability of federal benefits, a new
Coalition: September's message was that the health
national retail sales tax, a 50-cent-a-gallon increase
reform issue would help the Democrats in the
in the gasoline tax and more. This would take away
1990s like Social Security did in the 1930s; in
3-6% of the income of $40-60,000 a year families.
October, Clinton strategists are saying it'll be the
By contrast, the income loss to $1 million-a-year
larger economic security package that plays this
(or $10 million-a-year) financial types would be
role. We're dubious ... the apparent U.S. structural
economic decline and voter fear that necessitates
perhaps a percentage point. Meanwhile, Peterson's
program has a proposal to index capital gains for
the "security" pitch probably doesn't support a
financial assets, while the Wall Street investment
constructive new political era of the New Deal sort.
5
�((.
As we've noted before, when Britain faced a
somewhat similar upheaval in the early 1900s, the
result was to pull apart the existing party system.
Elsewhere in the G-7, pressures on the parties are
also strong right now because of shrinking
resources and growing voter contempt for the
ruling political classes. In the U.S., besides Perot,
possible independent candidacies or new parties
have been mentioned by Jesse Jackson, Pat
Buchanan, Ralph Nader and the Religious Right.
Another important negative impact of Clinton's
Somalia/Haiti fumbles has been to cut short his
brief favorable surge and remind voters of their
deep doubts about him. The problem is that
he's already played his strongest card- health
reform emotionalism. For now, we assume that
his approximately 50% approval on health
reform is supporting his overall rating. Current
surveys give him only 35-40% approval on
handling the economy and foreign policy, and
if his health numbers slip farther, his overall
rating could move back into the 40% range.
The bottom line ... We expect most of these
economic fear issues to play a major 1994-96 role,
and middle class frustration politics is going to be
a tough tiger for the Democrats to ride. What's
still unclear, though, is who else will profit.
2) Election 1993-94 Trendline: See pp. 7-8
for state-by-state details. GOVERNORSHIPS: In
New Jersey, mid-month numbers show Gov. James
Florio (D) maintaining a solid lead over Republican
rival Christine Todd Whitman. In late September's
Newark Star-Ledger poll, Florio led by 47% to
38%, but sampling for the 10/11-14 survey showed r;(·
the Florio edge widening to 52% to 40%. By \ ~
contrast, the latest WCBSINYTimes poll gave
Florio a lead of 14 points, down from the inflated
22-point margin the same poll showed in late
September. Party strategists give Florio a roughly
10-point lead, but he's the heavy favorite. In
Virginia, mid-October polls show Republican
George Allen opening up 7-17-point leads over
Democratic Attorney General Mary Sue Terry,
although party polls are said to show Allen leads of
5 points or less. The big unknown ... how much the
Democrats will gain from current attacks on the
GOP ticket's ties to the religious right. U.S.
SENATE: The GOP's big October downgrade ...
the 1994 re-election prospects of Texas Senator
Kay Bailey Hutchison. It's not her indictment but
the growing tendency to joke about her lack of
depth ... 1993 is starting to look li~e a tough year for
female politicians, and there may be a larger
significance lurking in their problems (see p. 7). In
a wider view, here's our yardstick for measuring
the Nov. 2 outcome. A big win for the Democrats
would involve Florio's easy re-election in N.J., with ( ( ·
significant Democratic gains in the state legislature,
and victories - even close ones - for both Mayor
NATIONAL POLITICS
1) Ointon Job Approval: As the jokes (and bitter
criticisms) mount regarding his foreign policy
fumbles, Clinton's ratings have been slumping
over the last two weeks. The recovery that many
saw as October began has largely dissipated ... his
ratings are now back in the mid-40s. Here are the
current numbers:
Time/CNN
10/7
Approve
Disapprove
CBS
10/6-7
46%
48%
39
45
10/18-19
43%
42
Gallup/USA Today
9/24-25
10/10-11
10/13-18
Approve
Disapprove
56%
36
9/30
50%
42
46%
44
Sindlinger (week ending)
10/7
10/14
10/21
Approve
54.3%
Disapprove 41.4
51.7%
44.1
47.2%
47.4
45.9%
49.1
6
�·t'
"The Ongoing Politics of Middle Class Frustration," a Q & .A w/ Kevin Phillips
from The American political Report, August 13, 1993
class dismisses his economic program and won't
believe his analysis of who pays for it. What's
going on?
looked better for awhile in December and
January, and polls showed confidence rising because Clinton had been elected. He probably
thought he didn't need the pessimism any more,
that middle class boats would rise with the tide,
that frustration would fade, and that he had a
chance to preside over another progressive era a second New Deal of sorts. There's no doubt
he was surrounded by hungry Washington
Democrats with various new blueprints for active
government. Also, though, he's probably more
a social democrat than a populist. The typical
U.S. populist would be innately hostile to
Washington and its liberal establishments, more
moderate or conservative on cultural issues
(like gay rights), suspicious of taxes and major
expansions of government social welfare
programs and disinclined to have Wall Street
advisers. Clinton, however, happily went in all
these directions, suggesting a different mindset.
His policies had some overlap with middle-class
populism - attacks on the rich, criticism of
financial speculation - but he abandoned his
1992 rhetoric of emphasis on middle-class
problems. He went back into a more usual
Democratic mode.
Clinton is the prime new target of a middleclass frustration politics born of a sense that the
American Dream is in trouble, that many lost
jobs are never coming back and that presidents
routinely break their promises to Middle
America when they're in the White House. This
took shape in 1990-91; now it's a new ongoing
reality many politicians don't fully fathom.
.... A;
Q: You wrote about this in&iling Point ...how did
the politics develop?
A; The
"middle class squeeze" of the 1980s had
made Middle America nervous. The recession
and speculative implosion in 1990-91 turned nervousness into fear - about jobs, pensions, taxes,
safety nets, home values and what the next
generation could or couldn't look forward to.
You could almost see the frustration ignite with
David Duke in Louisiana, then Pat Buchanan in
New Hampshire, then Jerry Brown, then Ross
Perot and his unprecedented ability to move
ahead of both Bush and Clinton in May/June
1992 polls. Clinton saw what was happening a lot
better than Bush...he talked about how the middle class was being "destroyed" by the
Republicans, about how the tax code was unfair,
and he promised a middle-class tax cut. At
Madison Square Garden, he accepted the
Democratic nomination in the name of the middle class. Then in the autumn he said there would
be no tax increase on incomes under $200,000.
Clinton understood the stakes...no Democrat has
ever made this strong a pitch to the middle class.
And he succeeded electorally, witness the collapse of Bush's support (to just 37.5%) and of
GOP presidential majorities in suburbia. But as
president, he's made many middle class voters
think the whole 1992 pitch was a con job.
A; Apparently. He was reported taking it to
Camp David in late January, then having it under
his arm in February, and then Dan Rather found
it in the Oval Office when he interviewed Clinton
in later January. Of course, I don't know what
parts he read - or for what purpose. But my
guess is he was not reading to find what he could
do to help the middle class. He had stopped
talking about all their problems by that point.
Probably he was trying to decide how much attention he had to play to middle class frustration
politics and how much of it could be expected to
dissipate.
Q: How and why?
A: That frustration politics were likely to ease,
and that he could go for the second New Deal
A number of reasons. First, the economy
6
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�social welfare framework and pay for it with a
bunch of new taxes, including ones that broke his
1992 commitments to the middle class. There was
a period in February where he wasn't paying
much attention to the savvy political advisers who
helped so much in the campaign.
Q: Why has middle-class frustration politics sus-
tained itself? Back in January and February,
many people thought 1991-92 was just a shortterm aberration.
A: A lot of what Clinton said in 1991-92 about
economic weakness and middle class frustration
was true - and it didn't change just because he
won the election. The economy has slipped back
to slow, 1-2% growth - and it's still being called
a "jobless" recovery. And although the press no
longer adds them up, the newspapers and
magazines are still full of items painting the same
portrait of a middle class in trouble. Sample
headlines of these Spring-summer stories include
"Fringe benefits unravelling in U.S.," "Mortgage
defaults mounting in middle-class suburbs,"
"Ranks of unemployed couples multiply,"
"Record numbers receiving food stamps,"
"Water bills could triple in 10 years," "Firms'
attempts to cut health benefits break calm of
retirement," "Uke factory workers, professionals
face loss of jobs to foreigners," "White-collar
(job) wasteland," and so on. Not much has
changed out there, so most of the politicaleconomic hyper-sensitivity is still around. And
now it's Clinton, not Bush, who doesn't want to
talk about these trends.
Q: A mistake?
(_
A: A big one. He overestimated the strength of
the economy, overreached on taxes, signalled
unpopular cultural priorities with gay rights and
was widely portrayed as breaking campaign
promises. He probably had policy-wonk
euphoria about being in the White House, and he
gave middle-class voters the impression of being
an inexperienced liberal "kid in a candy store"
who was reversing the centrist commitments and
images he had conveyed in the campaign. This
was especially dangerous because middle-class
voters had just clobbered another president,
George Bush, who reneged on a no-tax commitment and seemed uninterested in the average
voter. From spring 1991 to summer 1992, Bush
dropped an unbelievable 60 points in the polls from 90% to 30% - and this vulnerability was
part of the new middle-class frustration politics.
I wrote in Boiling Point that if Clinton wasn't
careful in dealing with the middle class, it could
happen to him. He wasn't, and polls for the first
100 days showed that it had happened to him,
too.
Q: Presumably Perot is a mirror of this?
A: Of course. If middle-class frustration politics
hadn't resurged within a few weeks of Clinton's
inauguration, Perot wouldn't be in three-way
races for president again. He's basically an
anger/frustration alternative, as well as a
populist/reformist in dealing with Washington.
As soon as the angry middle decided that Clinton
had misled them, they turned back to Perot, although in the last couple of weeks he hasn't been
very articulate or effective.
Q: is it permanent, is it fat&?
(
A: There are no precedents, but it may be. Voters
were suspicious of Ointon in 1992, but wanted to
get rid of Bush. In early 1993, as Clinton reversed
his promises or seemed to, many voters sensed
they were getting the real picture of someone
they thereupon decided they neither liked nor
trusted. His unprecedentedly low ratings for a
new president make that clear. Hyper-sensitive
middle-class frustration voters may have reached
a decision on Clinton they won't change. Before
1990-91, voters wouldn't have soured this quickly. Now maybe they can.
Q: What's upcoming for middle-class frustration
politics in 1993-94?
A: If the economy hits 3% growth over the next
four quarters, then it'll start to fade - at least in
7
�• ON POLITICS
BY STEVEN V; ROBERTS
The Clinton political master plan
he last Democratic president, Jimmy Carter, was a
historical blip, barely interrupting a generation of
. conservative Republican rule. Is Bill Clinton just
another accident, spawned by a stagnant economy and
George Bush's befuddlement? Or does his victory foreshadow a new Democratic coalition capable of dominating national politics into the next century? Clinton's game
plan can best be understood as a calculated effort to expand his 43 percent support among voters to an absolute
and enduring majority. Key elements of that plan:
• Working women. Men prefer the
Democrats by only 3 points, while
working women favor them by 17
points, according to Public Opinion Strategies, a Republican polling firm. As Democratic strategist
Celinda Lake observes, these women respond to Clinton's activist approach because they "are very
stretched in terms of resourcesmoney and time- and like to see
government involved as a helping
hand." Clinton's support for parental leave and expanded health
insurance is aimed directly at working women. So is welfare reform.
But the fiscal vulnerability of many
working women means they resent
Democratic tax increases.
• Divided middle class. Republicans
succeeded during the 1980s in defining class boundaries in a new
way: The middle class allied with
the wealthy against "tax consumers"· who benefited from Democratic programs. Now Clinton is
trying to shift the frontier in the
class war, urging members of the
middle class to see themselves as
victims of rich special interests who
profited during the '80s with Republican connivance. The president talks about unifying the country, but he is bent on dividing certain groups for political
gain. GOP analyst Kevin Phillips cites one example, Clinton's tax plan, which splits the middle class. The lower
level, below about $60,000 in income, is largely protected
from income tax hikes, but the upper level takes a serious
hit. The big danger for the Democrats: lapsing into old
habits of bigger welfare spending and cultural snobbism.
• Perot voters. Frank Luntz, Perot's pollster, calls his supporters "the ultimate swing vote," because they remain
such a large, fluid body. Clinton grasps the contradiction at
the heart of Perot's appeal: a dislike of the political system
but a desire for that system to work. Perot supporters are
not monolithic, and the Clintonites are aiming mainly at
younger, restless, Democratic-leaning types rather than at
older, more settled, proto-Republicans. Many symbolic
T
gestures of the new administration- from advancing campaign reform to cutting government perks- are aimed at
these younger Perot supporters. He can lose them, howev- .
er, if he seems to become "just another politician."
• Youth. Those Perotistas are part of a larger target
group: younger voters who heavily backed the GOP during the '80s but switched sides in 1992 in great measure
because.they lacked economic opportunity. Significantly,
Clinton's first big domestic initiative was national service,
aimed at helping youngsters pay for college, and he promoted it on MTV. The young also
respond to Clinton's tolerance of·
divergent lifestyles- including
gays who want to join the military.
The risk: sluggish job growth! that
stifles youthful ambitions.
• Bicoastalites. California is the anchor of the new coalition. Democrats le~d Republicans by 28 points
on the Pacific Coast and by 30
points in the mid-Atlantic region.
By contrast, Southern white men
favor Republicans by 17 points-a
.sign that Democrats have not
(ound a way to maintain the allegiance of black voters while at the
same time appealing to these conservative whites. The regional disparity stems partly from a recession
that battered the coasts while sparing the heartland. A deeper Democratic advantage in coastal areas is
the issue of choice and intolerance.
New Republican Chairman Haley
Barbour says that anyone making
abortion a "threshold" issue for
Republicans should "have his head
examined." But these Democratic
advantages could founder on the
failure of defense industries to convert to civilian purposes.
• Big business. One of Clinton's
.
main appeals as a "new Democrat"
is to be more business-friendly, and business interests want
a lot from the administration: investment tax credits, better-trained workers, lower health costs. Clinton has made
a particular pitch to high-tech honchos who share his generational outlook and change-oriented philosophy- and
would profit from his get-tough approach to global trade.
The key to maintaining business support: Make good on
deficit reduction plans so interest rates stay low.
In the end, Clinton will hold this disparate coalition
together only if he revives the economy. Franklin Roosevelt's coalition was based primarily on welding together
groups that shared the same economic self-interest; so
was Ronald Reagan's. Without producing economic
growth and more jobs, Clinton can jog to McDonald's and
appear on MTV all he wants, and it won't mean much. •
'Young voters switched sides
in 1992 because they lacked
economic opportunity.'
-
U.S.NEWS & WORW REPORT, MARCH 15, 1993
29
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
�Middle Class L
Hero
Kevin Phillips knows
--what ails the middle class,
but don't ask him how to cure it
by Nicholas Lemann
Boillng Point: Democrats,
Republicans, and the Decline of
Middle-Class Prosperity
Kevin Phillips
Random House, $23
54 The Washington Monthly/March 1993
etting his ego out for a trot, Kevin Phillips begins
Boiling Point by observing that during last year's
presidential campaign, Bill Clinton, Ross Perot,
Pat Buchanan, Tom Harkin, Mario Cuomo, Jerry
Brown, Lloyd Bentsen, Douglas Wilder, and Dick
Gephardt all demonstrated that they had either read his
last book, The Politics of Rich and Poor, "or drawn on
its theses." On the other hand, "George Bush and his
political advisers chose to ignore the book." Is it any accident that they're unemployed today? But the further
implication-woe betide the president who ignores
Kevin Phillips-is superfluous, because we now have,
for perhaps the first time in our history, a president who
can absolutely be counted on to read and assimilate the
message of any ilew book on public affairs that gets
even a fraction of the attention that is sure to come to
Boiling Point. It's inconceivable that President Clinton
won't be influenced by this book-which may not be
goodnews.
Nearly everybody in the politics business agrees with
Phillips that he deserves to be treated as an oracle. His
status is well-earned. As a statistics-wielding young
staff member on the 1968 Nixon presidential campaign,
and shortly thereafter as the author of The Emerging
Republican Majority, Phillips identified the most powerful force in national politics during the past quartercentury: Middle-class populism. As opposed to the People's Party populism of the late 19th century, or Huey
Longism during the Depression, middle-class populism
is not headquartered among the poor and dispossessed,
and therefore it can go either way politically. During
times of economic prosperity, such as the late sixties,
the middle class could be persuaded to direct its resentment toward a cultural elite made up of intellectuals and
bureaucrats who sneered at patriotism and other mainstream values and had empathy only for themselves and
the minority poor. During times of relative cultural stability and economic trouble, such as the late eighties
and early nineties, the middle class would switch to resenting the rich. (That's why Dan Quayle's sallies
against the cultural elite didn't work in 1992.)
Thus, depending on its mood, the middle class
might vote either Democratic or Republican-the only
constant being the enormous potency of the resentment-of-the-elite theme. It was an important bellwetQer
when Phillips, who seems to have a mystical, instinctive oneness with the middle class, announced a switch
in his own resentments from cultural to economic in
Nicholas lemtJIIII is a contrlbllling editor ofThe Washington Monthly.
�ips begins
last year's
oss Perot,
no, Jerry
and Dick
!r read his
drawn on
:hand his
it any ache further
1990 with the publication of The Politics of Rich
and Poor.
If you take what Phillips says as indicative of the
political mood, the big news about Boiling Point is
that the middle-class anger of The Politics of Rich
and Poor, and of the 1992 campaign, was just a
warm-up; now Phillips and the middle class are getting really angry. It must be said that two weeks into
the Clinton administration, Phillips seemed to be
right on the money. Already there have been two
controversies (over Zoe Baird's child care and gays
in the military) that revealed the depth of the heartland's simmering rage over the values, lifestyle, and
prosperity of the elite, and in both cases Clinton,
even though he has spent the last year communing
full-time with the people, seemed to have been blindsided by their reaction. Phillips spent the month of
January issuing dire warnings that if Clinton included
a lot of new taxes on the middle class in his economic plan, all hell could break loose. The wave that
swept Bill Clinton into office, in other words, and
that he may have hoped would quickly dissipate, may
instead continue to gather force all through his term
as president.
Tax and offend
The bulk of Boiling Point is made up of a long,
detailed complaint about the economic condition of
the middle class. Phillips does not operate in the
manner of a disinterested social scientist testing a hypothesis; rather, he has gathered under one roof what
must be every recent study and article that supports
his point. The result of this relentless procession of
grim news (delivered in Phillips's relentlessly dense
and prosecutorial prose) is that you finish Boiling
Point feeling as if you've been hit over the head with
a sledgehammer. Everybody (except perhaps the editorial page of The Wall Street Journa() now agrees
that in recent years growth in family income has
stagnated, that the share of national wealth going to
the rich has increased, and that one-parent families
and the less educated have been hit the hardest.
Phillips gives this situation the· emotional freight of
the Great Depression.
Tax policy lies at the center of his case. Phillips
correctly points out that the net result of the three
major pieces of tax legislation of the eighties-the
1981 supply-side income tax cut, the 1983 "rescue"
of the Social Security system, and the 1986
simplification of the federal tax code-was that
taxes on the rich declined substantially while taxes
on the middle class rose. The loss in government
revenue caused by the 1981 law was partially offset
by increases in other taxes that are more regressive
than the federal income tax. They included state and
local taxes, user fees, and, most notoriously, the
Social Security tax, whose maximum individual
assessment rose by 150 percent during the eighties.
The increase in the federal deficit also helped the
rich, because the government's interest payments are
essentially a subsidy to wealthy bondholders. Back
in the conservative fifties, Phillips says, medianincome families paid less than 10 percent of their
earnings to the federal government, but "one profile
of Charles Wilson, the chairman of General Motors,
estimated that he would have kept only $164,000
from a 1950 salary of $626,000." The top federal
income tax rate was 91 percent until 1964; today, it
is 31 percent.
Meanwhile, what the middle class gets back from
the government has diminished. Such essential services as public education, police, parks, and libraries
have suffered severe cutbacks, especially during the
recession that's just now ending. Private employers
have reduced pensions, health benefits, and, most importantly, the basic security of a job. Inflation and
unemployment, Phillips claims, are actually much
higher than the official government statistics say they
are. The cost of higher education is skyrocketing. A
few scattered quotations from Boiling Point
convey the overall gestalt: "Much of the great American
middle class was losing ground-and knew it";
"Downward mobility was everywhere"; and, "In less
than a generation, the average American went from
being a political icon to being a fiscal milch cow."
Phillips has obviously been much influenced by
Paul Kennedy's book The Rise and Fall of the Great
Powers, and he places the woes of the middle class in
a similar world-historical context of national decline.
Phillips ·appropriates Kennedy's technique of looking
for repetitive patterns in the past woes of such countries as Spain and England. But, whereas for
Kennedy the key problem was "imperial overstretch," for Phillips it is the excessive prosperity of.
the rich at the expense of the middle class. National
heydays, he says, are always bourgeois in character
and always involve a manufacturing-based economy.
When "financialization" and "cosmopolitan internationalism" set in, the end is near.
will
March 1993/The Washington Monthly 55
�Boiling Point's applicability to elective politics is
obvious. Clinton's campaign Svengali, James
Carville, and his pollster, Stan Greenberg, are both
well-known maestros of the emotions of the middle
class, and the basic Clinton campaign mix of promises-middle-class tax relief, better health care, clipping the wings of Washington lobbyists-was entirely consistent with Phillips's message. Kevin Phillips
can unquestionably elect-but can he govern? Does a
workable program arise out of Boiling Point?
Phillips head
The difficulty of answering these questions is that,
in a way, there are two Kevin Phillipses at work in
the pages of Boiling Point. They might be called
Heart Phillips and Head Phillips. Heart Phillips came
up with the title and has a limitless capacity for middle-class rage. He loves people in "the humdrum
middle and lower-middle," with their "parochial interests," and he despises the sophisticated, coastdwelling, art-collecting, French wine-swilling, mansion-building, fortune-inheriting rich. He can work
himself up into an indignant lather not just about big
things like layoffs of middle managers, but also
about the rising price of concert tickets, basic cable
rates, parking garages, and weekly newsmagazines,
and about the tendency of employers to cut back on
company picnics and leadership development seminars.
His definition of the middle class is extremely
generous, taking in perhaps 90 percent of the population; several times he goes out of his way to say that
the upper-middle-class (meaning, to use one of his
examples, people like orthodontists with six-figure
incomes) is troubled, too. Only people with incomes
above $1 million are truly ineligible for his sympathy. Heart Phillips doesn't like immigration, free
trade, or deficit reduction (devotion to which bespeaks a "green eyeshade" mentality). He doesn't
want to scale back on Medicare payments or Social
Security benefits for wealthy retirees, and he hated
President Bush's 1990 budget agreement.
Head Phillips, on the other hand, realizes that the
problems of the middle class as Heart Phillips defines them are impossible to solve. Part of the trouble is that the middle class had such an amazingly
good run between 1945 and 1965-its ranks growing, its income rising, its taxes low, its schools and
health care improving- that conditions had to level
off, especially after the rest of the world began to
emerge from the rubble of World War II. Nobody
seems to believe (Phillips certainly doesn't) that we
can ever reproduce the rapid growth of the 1945-65
period- but the emotions driving Heart Phillips
56 The Washington Monthly/March 1993
grow out of the expectation that life should always
be that way. Head Phillips is the author of the last
chapter of Boiling Point, which in a responsible,
let's-focus-on-the-big-picture tone completely out of
sync with the rest of the book, calls for "an agenda
of shared sacrifice"; and it was Head Phillips who
issued an endorsement of President Clinton's economic plan.
The only clear policy implication of the views of
Heart Phillips is that federal taxes on the rich should
be raised. Clinton has obviously incorporated this
wisdom into his economic plan in the form of his
new taxes on millionaires and CEOs-but these are
grandstand plays meant to win over the middle class,
not major new sources of government revenue.
Phillips completely avoids, as Clinton couldn't, the
necessity of taxing the middle class in order to salve
its other wounds. Even leaving taxes aside, many of
the problems Boiling Point describes are examples of
what might be called middle-class cannibalism: one
sub-group of the middle class (such as public employees) feeding on the flesh of another (such as taxpayers). There is plainly no way to alleviate every
middle-class grievance while shielding the entire
middle class, as Phillips broadly defines it, from any
new taxes or other injuries. Eliminate wasteful bureaucracy in the health insurance industry in order to
bring rates down, for example, and you've thrown
thousands of hard-working claims adjusters out on
the street.
Any truly optimistic scenario for the future of the
American economy (and therefore of the middle
class) involves substantially reducing the deficit and
improving the educational system. And yet, it's hard
to see how the middle-class beefs that fill Boiling
Point could be substantially addressed at the same
time. Because Phillips's ability to sense the public's
mood is nearly unerring, Boiling Point gives rise to
the question of whether national politics will now
merely lurch from one eruption of middle-class anger
to the next, with politicians terrified of contemplating
anything that might damage the short-term interests
of some segment of the middle class-such as the
trade agreement with Mexico or a reduction in the
growth rate of health costs. It's quite possible to have
political gridlock created by public opinion rather
than by powerful lobbyists.
The main unanswered question about President Clinton is whether his undeniable political genius is limited
to the appearance of sharing the concerns of an amazingly wide range of people, or whether he also has the
ability to rally a working majority behind some clear
national mission that he defines. If it's the former, then
he is going to be presiding over an unstable, frustrated
electorate that cannot be successfully appeased.
0
�A16
THE NEW
YORK TIMES
.
Grumbling
_But Loyal
To Clinton
By DON TERRY
Spccial!o The New York Times
WARREN, Mich., Feb. 24- The disenchanted Democrats here who abandoned their party in Presidential politics for more than a decade but returned last November to vote for Bill
Clinton are still behind the new President, although cautiously.
A sounding of public opinion in shopping malls. coffee ·shops and on snowswept sidewalks suggests that most
voters are wavering between a waitand-sec attitude and strong support for
Mr. Clinton and his economic program
of tax increases, spending cuts and
"shared sacrifice."
One important factor in their
support is that most do not see the plan
as a threat to them personally, usually
because their incomes are too low.
'for the Working Man'
"Clinton is more for the working
man," said Kurt Hipchen, a 39-year-old
sheet-metal worker who stopped with
his wife to chat on the way to a movie
one recent night. "He is the Democrat
we have needed that we didn't have
before. He offers more fair ideas and
seemed more logic a I than the other
candidates:"
The Hipchens were among. the Democrats here, and in similar industrial
communities nationwide, who were
lured to vote Republican by Ronald
Reagan and had not returned to their
party until last fall. These "Reagan
Democrats" were the crucial component in the coalition that Mr. Clinton
constructed to win. Their continuing
support is now just as crucial to the
new President's hopes of pushing his
program through Congress.
. Mr. Hipchen, and his wife, Ruthann,
35, said they did not know for sure how
they would be affected by his plan, but
they remained loyal. "I ain very, very
happy with Clinton," Ms. Hipchen said.
''I hope he goes eight years."
With the help of the Hiochens. Mr.
NATIONAL
-
FRIDAY. FEBRl_
[ JVc..J
Yurt(
Helen Kaminsky
Retired steel compai1y
emp/o.vee.
fe.-lo{v"!rf
IZMe.sI
~~ f r1 ~3J
"I think I made a
mistake. He's hurting
the little people. I was
for change, but it
seems like it's getting
. worse every day."
(She is shown with her
husband, Edward.)
Dave Howard
Craft shop owner
"Everybody needs to
put in a little bit. I'd
give Clinton an 'I';.' for
effort and an
incomplete for
results."
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
Eddie Kincheloe
Portrait salesman
Said raising taxes on anyone makes him m
beca~se, sooner or later, higher taxes "will
coming my way."
issue <if homosexmils in the _military.
"It's important," said Mr. Lent, who
is a veteran, "but he can help the gays,
the . straights, the blacks, the whites
�...
One important factor in their
support is that most do not see the plan
as a threat to them personally, usually
because their incomes arc too low.
'for the Working Man'
"Clinton is more for the working
man," said Kurt Hipchcn, a 39-year-old
sheet-metal worker who stopped with
his wife to chat on the way to a movie
one recent night. "He is the Democrat
we have needed that we didn't have
before. He offers more fair ideas and
seemed more logical than the other
candidates!"
The Hipehens were among. the Democrats here, and in similar industrial
cummunilies nationwide, who were
lured to vote Republican by Ronald
Reagan and had not returned to their
party until last fall. These "Reagan
Democrats" were the crucial eompo~
ncnt in the coalition that Mr. Clinton
const ructcd to win. Their contii1lling
support is now just as crucial to the
new President's hopes of pushing his
program through Congress.
Mr. Hipchen, and his wife, Ruthann,
35, said they did not know for sure how
they would be affected by his plan, but
they remained loyal. "I am very, very
happy with Clinton," Ms. Hipchen said.
''I hope he goes eight years."
.,_
Eddie Kincheloe
Portrait s<t/esman
Said raising taxes on anyone makes him n
because, sooner or later, higher taxes "will
com'ing my way."
issue of homosexuals in the .military.
"It's important," said Mr. Lent, who
is a veteran, "but he can help the gays,
the straights, the blacks, the whites
With the help of the Hipchens, Mr.
much more by getting this country
Clinton carried this Detroit suburb of
, m!JVing again."
I 45,000, as he did the State of Michigan,
. '.Although Mr. Lent praised the Presibut he lost surrounding Macomb Coun: :·9ctH .. he added he had never believed
ty. Some of the region's lingering skep· ··du'ring the campaign that Mr. Clinton
ticism emerged in more than two dozen
would not raise taxes on the middle
il1terviews with Reagan Democrats.
class.
Eddie Kincheloe, 57, said he was
"It's not the first time we've heard a
pleased that "people making a lot of
politician say they weren't going to
money will get hit hardest," but he said
raise taxes," Mr. Lent said. "But I
raising taxes on .anyone makes him
don't mind one bit if he taxes the
nervous because, sooner or later, highwealthy."
. er taxes "will. be coming my way."
Mr. Kincheloe said that if he works
'Comrade Clinton'?
hard this year he might make $15,000
Still, there are voters who are bitter.
selling family portraits in
Warren job and then another and lived on unOne termed the President "Comrade
mall. "I exist, that's about all you can employment for seven months.
"The supposed good ·times of the Clinton." An.other man pulled his wife
call it," he said.
But Dave Howard, the 40-year-old Reagan years really weren't very good away by the hand, saying tha.t after
owner of a craft shop, is more typical. for my family," said Mr. Leibel, who is four years of Mr. Clinton the whole
He said he does not make enough mon- finishing Jaw school and earns about country would vote Republican.
As far as Catherine Gwizdala, a 79ey to have to worry about paying more $22,000 working in a Jaw firm. He voted
income taxes under the Clinton plan, for Mr. Clinton and called his program year-old housewife living on a fixed
but that if he must pay $150 to $200 'a realis~ic approach to get us out of a income, is concerned, Mr. Clinton has
failed the tesi. She said she and her
more a year under a new energy tax, m·ess it took 12 years to create."
he is willing.
.
"But I'd like to see more overall husband, who watched as the Detroit
"Most people I've talked· to have budget.' cuts befbre the taxes take automakers eliminated thousands of
jobs, voted for Mr. Clinton because
resigned themselves that raising taxes place," he said.
is necessary," he said. "Everybody
Mr..Leibel said he and his wife, they wanted to see people back to work.
But when Mr. Clinton talked about
·Grace, a former teacher now working
needs to put in a lillie bit."
more taxes, she became angry, even
. Similarly, Emil Stewart, a 68-year- as a clerk in a discount. store, make
though she would not be greatly affect.old bookl<eeper, said he makes Jess about $30,000 a year together and will
ed. "I think he has taken back all of his
than $30,000 a year. and therefore was not be seriou~ly taxed.
promises just to get where he is," she
not bothered by Mr. Clinton's program.
said. "I am very disappointed."
Bracing for a Pinch
Mr. Clinton has said his tax proposals
Her husband is in a nursing home. He
would have their heaviest impact on
Maryann Musial, a retired nurse, receives $600 a month from Social Sepeople with family incomes of $180,000 ·and her husband, Ted, a retired school curity, and she receives $200. "We
or more a year, and he has promised administrator, are not wealthy but ex- can't afford to be taxed any more," she
that families with incomes below annu- pcct to feel the tax pinch. Their family said. "We can barely make it."
ally would feel virtually no effect.
income is $70,000.
·
Thinks She Made Mistake
.As a nation, Mr. Stewart said, "We Mrs. Musial said she has no regrets
are going to have to swallow a bitter yet, although some of her friend are not
Helen Kaminsky, 72, said she was a
pill" to ease the deficit. Mr. Stewart so sure. "I have a Jot ofgood friends loyal Democrat until Ronald Reagan,
also said Mr. Clinton's proposals who are worried about their incomes, then she voted for Republicans in three
seemed fairer than the programs of the but something has to be done," Mrs. elections. Last year, she liked what Mr.
e11gan and Bush Administrations.
Musial, 61, said. "I think his ideas are. Clinton had to say about change and
Not all Reagan Democrats arc blue- good."
not taxing the middle class, so she
collar. Charles Leibel, 51, made as
Robert Lent, the 35-year-old man- returned to the Democratic Party.
much as $60,000 in the 1980's as a agcr of a printing company, said he
"I think I made a mistake," she said.
supervisor a!. a company that made was happy so far with most of Mr. "He's hurting the little people. I was
tractor-trailers, and voted Republican Clinton's economic package, although for change; but it seems like it's getting
in national elections. After Wall. Street he said he thought the President had worse every day."
crashed in the late 1980's, he lost one become sidetracked too ·Jong on the
Mrs. Kaminsky and her husband of
a
I
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53 years, Edward, said they
benefits from the tiny stee
they both retired from. In:
have to pay their own Blue
crage of $310 a month. Sh
cannot afford to pay a pe111
taxes or other costs.
Louis Gula, 72, retired f
putting up billboards, said :
bcrcd when there we1'e mar
jobs for almost everyone in I
that his son had been out of
than three years before tt
"Now, we have heard it
sounds good," he said. "Le
tion. Actions speak louder th
�I
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
�-pHOTOCOPY
pRESERVATiON
·'''}11.:•-;l.l~'il!llil!!lil\l!l!ll!IDIII!IIIIIilllilllliillli'l8ili'lliilllli!'il\llllliliillllllllilllllllllllll&'- ········""""
:rats" were the crucial com-poPhOtographs by Peter Yates for The New ':?rk Tirries
ll the coalition that .Mr. Clinton
Eddie Kincheloe
~·
ucted to win. Their continuing
Pori rail salesman
rt is now just as crucial to the
Said raising taxes on anyone makes him nervous
•resident's hopes of pushing his
because, sooner or later, higher taxes "will be
1m through Congress.
Hipchen, and his wife, Ruthann,
coming my way."
.
d they did not know for sure how
muld be affected by his plan, but
emained loyaL "I am very, very
issue of homosexuals in the _military.
"It's important," said Mr. Lent, who
·with Clinton," Ms. Hipchen said.
)C he goes eight years."
is a veteran, "but he can help the gays,
h the help of the Hipchens, Mr.
the straights, the blacks, the whites
n carried this Detroit suburb of
much more by getting this country
o, as he did the State of Michigan,
moving again."
~lost surrounding Macomb CounAlthough Mr. Lent praised the Presime of the region's lingering skepdent, he added he had never believed
during the campaign that Mr. Clinton
1emerged in more than two dozen
•iews with Reagan Democrats.
would not raise taxes on the middle
Jie Kincheloe, 57, said he was
class.
~d that "people making a lot of
"It's not the first time we've heard a
y wiil get hit hardest," but he said
politician say they weren't going to
1g taxes on anyone makes him
raise taxes," Mr. Lent said. "But I
,us because, sooner or later, highdon't mind one bit if he taxes the
<es "will be coming my way."
wealthy."
. Kincheloe said that if he works
'Comrade Clinton'?
year he
might make
$15,000 job and then another and lived on un-j Still, there are voter.s who .~re bitter.
gthis
family
portraits
in ·a Warren
"I exist, that's about all you can employment for seven months.
, O~e ter.~ed the Prestdent Co~ra~e
t," he said.
"The supposed good times of the Clmton. An.other man pulled hts wife
t Dave Howard, the 40-year-old Reagan years really weren't very good away by the hand, s~ymg that after
r of a craft shop, is more typicaL for my family," said Mr. Leibel, who is four years of Mr. Clinton. the whole
tid he does not make enough mon- finishing law school and earns about country would vote .Repub~1can.
have to worry about paying more $22,000 working in a law firm. He voted
As far as Cath.erm~ ~wtzdala, ~ 79ne taxes under the Clinton plan, for Mr. Clinton and called his program ~ear-old . housewtfe livmg o~ a fixed
hat if he must pay $150 to $200 'a realisUc approach to get us out of a mcome, IS concerned, ~r. Clinton has
, a year under a new energy tax, mess it took 12 years to create."
fatled the test. She satd she and her
willing.
.
"But I'd like to see more overall husband, who ~a~ched as the DetrOit
lost people I've talked to have budget' cuts before the taxes take ~utomakers elimmated. thousands of
Jobs, voted lor Mr. Clmton because
ned themselves that raising taxes place," he said.
~cessary," he said. "Everybody; Mr. Leibel said he and his wife, they wanted to see people back to work.
s to put in a little bit."
, Grace, a former teacher now working
But when Mr. Clinton talked about
.lat·l\'
Etnt'l
Stewart
a
68-vearas
a
clerk
in
a
discount
store,
make
more
she became
angry,affecteven
'
'
•
b
$30 000
h
d · thoughtaxes,
she would
not be greatly
.ll
•Ookkeeper, said he makes· Jess a out
•.
a year toget er an WI 11 ed. "I think he has taken back all of his
promises just to get where he is," she
30.000 a year, and therefore was not be senously taxed.
$
?the red by Mr. Cli~ton's program.
Bradng for a Pinch
said. "I am very disappointed."
Jmton has sa1d hts tax proposals
.
.
Her husband is in a nursing home. He
l have their heaviest impact on
Maryann Mustal, a rett~ed nurse, receives $600 a month from Social Sele with family incomes of $180,000 ·and he.r husband, Ted, a retired school curity, and she receives $200. "We
ore a year, and he has promised admmtstrator, are n?t wealth¥ but ~x- can't afford to he taxed any more" she 53 years, Edward, said they receive
benefits from the tiny steel compa
~amilieswith incomes below annu-l pect to f~el the tax pmch. Their famtly said. "We can barely make it." '
they both retired from. Instead, th
.vould feel virtually no effect.
I mcome 1s $70,000.
·
have to pay their own Blue Cross co
a nation, Mr. Stewart said, "We\ Mrs. Musial said she has no regrets
Thinks She Made Mistake
erage of $310. a month. She said s
~oing to have to swallow a bitter yet, although some of her friend are not
Helen Kaminsky, n; said she was a cannot afford to pay a penny more
to ease the deficit. Mr. Stewart so sure. "I have a Jot of good friends loyal Democrat until Ronald Reagan, taxes or other costs.
said Mr. Clinton's proposals who are worried about their incomes, then she voted for Republicans in three
Louis Gula, 72, retired from a j
ted fairer than the programs of the but something has to be done," Mrs. elections. Last year, she liked what Mr. putting up billboards, said he reme
~an and Bush Administrations.
Musial, 61, said. "I think his ideas are I Clinton had to say about change and bered when there were manufacturi
ot all Reagan Democrats are blue- good."
not taxing the middle class, so she jobs for almost everyone in Detroit, b
r. Charles Leibel, 51, made as
Robert Lent, the 35-year-old man- returned to the Democratic Party.
that his son had been out of work mo
1 as $60,000 in the 1980's as a ager of a printing company, said he
"I think I made a mistake," she said. than three years before the electi
rvisor at a company that made was happy so far with most of Mr. "He's hurting the little people. I was "Now, we have heard it all, and
or-trailers, and voted Republican Clinton's economic package, although for change; but it seems like it's getting sounds good," he said. "Let's get
ttional elections. After Wall. Street he said he thought the President had worse every day."
tion. Actioi1s speak louder than word
hed in the late 1980's, he lost one become sidetracked too ·Jong on the
Mrs. Kaminsky and her husband of
I
I
I
�TilE WALL STREET JOURNAL THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1993
- ~A-19
Finally, a President Does the Right Thing
Last night, President Clinton took an
important step toward turning America
away from Third World-style polarization
and easing the growing wave of class
resentment noticed and deplored even by
the editorialists of this newspaper. But the
new Democratic president faces an unprecedented task. He must overcome the
crippling legacy of a 12-year GOP deficit
buildup and a special-interest-oriented
Congress controlled by his own party.
Not since Franklin Roosevelt has a
president so boldly provoked and challenged the nation's financial and economic
elites. Mr. Clinton's indictment of unfair
Reagan-Bush tax policies is the strongest
since FOR's June 1935 demand that Congress pass the Wealth Tax Act because
"our revenue laws have operated in many
ways to the unfair advantage of the few,
Counterpoint
By Kevin Phillips
and they have done little to prevent unjust
concentration of wealth and power."
Mr. Clinton and FOR are similar in
other ways. Just as the reality of 1933
forced FOR to break his year-before campaign promises to reduce spending and
work for a balanced budget, the harsh
realities of 1993 are forcing Mr. Clinton to
break his campaign promise not to increase middle-class taxes. What the Democrats must hope is that middle-class
Americans will once again perceive a
broader relationship between themselves
and the Democratic Party.
Mr. Clinton's problem is that he faces
much more complexity than FOR, whose
troubles (also inherited from an outgoing
GOP administration) did not include today's huge deficits. These deficits seem to
require tax increases on· the ordinary
voters whom the new president pledged to
protect.
Here the president must slash at a
Gordian knot of three converging circumstances. The first is three years of declining middle-class prosperity, in which federal, state and local taxes rose to consume
a record 37 cents of each dollar of average
family income. The second is the need to
reverse the economic bias toward the rich
of the Reagan and Bush years. The third is
the record $300 billion-a-year federal
budget deficit.
No Democratic program can succeed
without confronting all three realities.
Perversely, the Democrats will be held to a
higher standard of achievement in deficit
reduction than the Republicans were. The
Reagan and Bush administrations, in ballooning the deficit from $75 billion in 1980 to
$300 billion in 1993 and enlarging the
national debt from one trillion to four, did
so for reasons relatively acceptable to the
financial markets - like facilitating a defense buildup, letting upper-bracket income tax rates be slashed or remain low,
and bailing out America's recklessly managed minority of S&Ls and commercial
banks. As David Stockman revealed, highlevel deficits also served to stymie the
introduction of new federal programs.
Democratic presidents, by contrast,
have an image of being wasteful and
inclined to spend money on such things
as health, job retraining, education and
the cities.
Of course, more than bond-market
suspicions now force Mr. Clinton to take
the federal budget deficit seriously. Ross
Perot's 1992 charts helped the average
American - and especially the average
Perot voter - come to fear the deficit's
effect on the nation's future. Moreover, as
Mr. Clinton underscored in Monday's
trailer speech, the burden of paying the
interest on deficits has been consuming
more and more federal tax revenue. Most
of the money is collected in taxes on lowand middle-income. Americans, but paid
out in interest disproportionately to highincome Americans and foreign bondholders. Senate Finance Committee Chairman Daniel Patrick Moynihan has called it
"a transfer of wealth from labor to capital
unequaled in American history."
So bringing down the deficit actually
has a logic for Democrats, especially if a
fair part of that reduction can be achieved
by increasing the taxes on the top 1% of
Americans who got so much of the new
income and wealth generated in the 1980s.
On the other hand, there's no way the
hitherto-favored rich can bear more than
·part of the burden. And for a deficit-re-
Not stnce Franklin
Roosevelt has a president so
boldly provoked and challenged the nation's financial
and economic elites.
duction program to have bare-bones credibility on Main Street, to say nothing of
Wall Street, some of the new. tax increases
and spending cuts must be imposed on the
middle class.
Mr. Clinton is doing so, but as part of a
larger pledge to target the rich and end the
"soak the middle" tax policies of the past
decade. In those years, Social Security
taxes were raised enough to offset the
ordinary family's much-touted income tax
cuts and the Internal Revenue Service was
urged to concentrate its enforcement efforts on the middle classes rather than on
rich tax avoiders. In Mr. Clinton's new tax
plan, 70% of the burden will fall on households making over $100,000 a year.
Indeed, populist themes of uplifting the
ordinary household and ending Republican bias toward the rich (and Wall Street)
suffused Mr. Clinton's campaign and
helped trap George Bush into an electoral
disaster in which the GOP incumbent received just 37.5% of the total vote and
underperformed Herbert Hoover's 1932
showing by two percentage points.
Much as Mr. Clinton may cherish his
Roosevelt and Truman analogies, they. are
incomplete. In raising taxes on the rich in
the 1930s to reverse the permissiveness
and polarization of the 1920s, FOR had no
deficit hangover to muddle his fiscal politics. Mr. Clinton, however, must jeopardize his appeal to the same middle-income
families with whom only six months ago he
was commiserating about their being "destroyed" by Mr. Bush and the GOP. As for
Truman, when he fought Congress in
1947-48 over tax favoritism for the rich
and won partly by labeling his foes "bloodsuckers with offices in Wall Street," he
could be candid-even extreme-because
he was. fighting the Republican 80th Congress.
If the new president can enact his
economic program under these circumstances, it will be a stunning political
achievement. The odds, however, are that,
just as the famous World War II Allied
airborne invasion of Holland was said to go
"a bridge too far," Mr. Clinton is in a
position of having to go a political and
fiscal complexity too far - dealing with
middle-class tax increases for deficit reduction and maneuvering with a specialinterest Congress of his own party.
The battle to reverse the omissions and
favoritisms of the 1980s is unlikely to be
more than partially successful. But then it
is also just beginning.
Mr. Phillips's new book is "Boiling
Point: Democrats, Republicans and The
Decline of Middle Class Prosperity," /ust
published by Random House.
�February
a,
1993
MEMORANDUM
TO:
FR:
RE:
David Kusnet
Carter Wilkie
economic arguments in Kevin Phillips's Boiling Point
1.
Total
Total
Total
Total
national
consumer
national
consumer
debt
debt
debt
debt
in
in
in
in
1980:
1980:
1992:
1992:
$1 trillion
$1.3 trillion
$4 trillion
$3.4 trillion
(In 1991, average household paid $3,500 per year in
interest, 18% of disposable income. Consumer debt in
1990 was outpacing incomes by 50%. Mortgage debt, for
many, provided the balance.)
2.
In 1992, $235 billion in tax revenues went to pay
interest on the national debt, a massive transfer of
middle class earnings to wealthy bondholders.
3.
Between 1984-88 the net worth of America's population
as a whole declined while the net worth of the Forbes
richest 400 doubled. And the number of billionaires in
the 1980s increased 10 times (from 6 to 60)1
4.
By mid-1980s, the u.s. had the largest gap between rich
and poor of major western nations.
5.
"These people in Washington who write the complex
tangle of rules by which the economy operates have,
over the.last 20 years, rigged the game-- by design
and default -- to favor the privileged, the powerful
and the influential. At the expense of everyone else."
["America: What Went Wrong," The Philadelphia Inquirer,
1991]
6.
"Not until the mid to late 1980s was it clear that a
more ambitious new ideology was developing -- in Europe
as well as the United states -- to shift economic
burdens toward society's low- and middle-income users
of products and services and away from capitalism's
investors and other lions of the corporate veldt."
7.
(After Eisenhower and the Republicans won both the
White House and the Congress in the 1952 elections,
they refused to lower the top income tax rate of 91%.
America was a solidly middle class society. The top
rate during WWI was 77%. During the 1920s, the top tax
rate was reduced to 25% prior to the crash of 1929.)
�8.
(As taxes were lowered on the wealthy, middle class
wage earners felt more of the burden in the taxes they
paid, fueling their interest in an anti-tax agenda that
largely helped the wealthy at their own expense.)
9.
Progressive taxes were cut while regressive taxes were
increased:
FICA tax limits in 1980: up to $25,000 was taxable at a
rate of 6.13%, for a maximum yearly individual
contribution of $1,588.
FICA tax limits in 1990: up to $51,300 was taxable at
an annual rate of 7.65%, requiring a maximum individual
contribution of $3,924.
Those hit hardest were middle class, two wage earner
families.
10.
" ••• could voters bring about another national watershed
from the grass roots, or was Washington, divided for so
long between the parties and encrusted with special
interests, so paralyzed and self-protective that
Americans could no longer expect politics .and voting to
be a solution?"
"Like the fear of middle class decline, concern over
national atrophy and oligarchy also had a ring of
plausibility."
11.
Swing voters were with Mondale on tax and trade
fairness. They left him when he called for higher
taxes to reduce the deficit.
12.
The squeezes: "rising taxes, eroding private and
government benefits, declining public services and
increasingly high-cost private services like schools,
banks, insurance and health care ••• "
13.
"The average family did not get overall tax relief in
the 1980s; claims that it did were false. Nor were the
changes in the cost of living as mild for middle-class
Americans as the official data suggested ••• the gap
between the promise of lower tax burdens and the
reality of rising ones was new to this boom era."
14.
In 1991, the conservative Tax Foundation calculated Tax
Freedom Day as May 8, the latest ever.
15.
"The average proportion of income paid in tax by the
poorest 50% of families rose in the 1980s by 6%, while
for the richest 10% it fell by 10%. 11 [The Economist,
January 20, 1990]
�16.
"There are many people who believe that the only way we
can get this country turned around is to tax the middle
class more and punish them more ••• " [Bill Clinton,
1992]
17.
By 1990, taxpayers earning $50,000 a year were paying a
tax bill 7.75% more than what they paid in 1977. But
people with incomes of $200,000 a year were paying a
tax bill 27.75% less.
18.
For the year 1990, the average wealthy family with a
million dollar income paid 35 or 36 cents on the dollar
in combined taxes, less than the 37.3 cents taken from
the doll~r of the typical U.S. family.
This was a striking reversal of mid-twentieth-century
political and fiscal equity.
19.
" ••• the nation's collective tax burden of the early
1990s set records as a percentage of peacetime GNP and
national income."
20.
"The paradox of the 1980s, however, lay in how the tax
revolt of the late 1970s, which began as a middle-class
or even populist insurgency against rising property
taxes in California, was transformed into a dismantling
of the progressive income tax and a re-attuning of the
federal tax system to concerns about markets and
efficiency, not fairness ... "
21.
" ••• the thrust of federal and state tax policy in the
1980s and early 1990s was toward expanding the sort of
taxes that took their highest ratios of household
income from the poor and middle classes: Social
Security, sales, property and excise . • • • [this] became
a central ingredient in the reduction of middle-class
real disposable income."
22.
[from Truman to Bush] " ••• the broad funding strategies
on which Washington depended to support federal
expenditures slowly shifted away from a reliance on
taxes that burdened the upper brackets (the personal
and corporate income taxes, along with estate taxes)
toward borrowing and levies that fell elsewhere."
23.
In early 1950s, those making $600,000 a year faced tax
rates around 75%. Median-family breadwinners faced a
rate of 5%. By the late 1980s, median-family
breadwinners faced combined rates near 25-28%, while
$500,000 income earners faced about the same rate, 28%.
"There, in a sentence, was the fiscal revolution."
24.
Top tax rate on unearned income in 1980: 70%.
Top tax rate on unearned income in 1988: 28%.
�(The largest drop since the 1920s.) Government policy
was rewarding capital, and punishing labor, encouraging
an economy based on international finance and services
and leaving an economy based on goods produced behind.
25.
"Prosperity never trickled down in the 1980s, only the
tax burden did. And no one noticed it." [Mario Cuomo]
The program amounted to "shift and shaft" federalism.
26.
"So if your property taxes have gone up, if there are
too many other kids in your child's class, if it takes
two minutes for the 911 dispatcher to answer, if you're
waiting longer for the bus and if the nearby lake is
getting dirtier, please understand that this is the
cost of cutting [federal] taxes, somebody's if not
yours. You are paying for the tax cut that had to go
to that guy in the Lincoln Town Car who just zoomed by
taking his kid from their privately guarded subdivision
to a private school." [Jon Margolis, Chicago Tribune]
27.
Fuel taxes, excise taxes, sin taxes, even snack taxes,
levied at the state level meant the poor were losing a
higher share of income than the wealthy. In 1992,
Citizens for Tax Justice said average income families
paid 4.2% of their incomes in sales and excise taxes
while the top 1% paid just 1.3%.
As wealthy people withdrew from public society, shared
sacrifice seemed to be the only way to fund the higher
cost of services, public schools, and publicly
patrolled neighborhoods, leaving the middle class
paying mQre than their share when bills came due.
28.
The proliferation of fees on services at the local
level was a product of the retreat of the federa 1
government. To the rich, rising fees were a nuisance,
but to the middle class, an erosion of real purchasing
power.
29.
"For all these reasons, from new philosophic values to
statistical numbness, tax policy in the 1980s rode a
wave of deception. The ultimate fiscal truth of the
early 1990s was that for America's two or three hundred
thousand somewhat rich or genuinely rich families,
combined taxes as a share of income were probably at
their lowest point in more than sixty years, whereas
for middle-class families, combined federal, state and
local taxes took a higher portion of income than ever
before and were rising steadily."
30.
How bad does the middle class have it today compared to
previous generations? Imagine the bills faced today by
a 1950s family with only one wage earner, not two, and
more children, not less.
�31.
Prior to the interstate highway system in 1952, 6.9% of
the nonmilitary budget went to infrastructure. By
1990, that figure was 1.2%. [An Investment in America,
Boston Globe, 2/7/90]
32.
1960: public works accounted for 19% of combined
government spending at all levels.
1984: only 7%.
33.
Wear and tear on property from unrepaired roads
increases the cost of car ownership by 30%.
34.
We're wasting time, energy and productivity just
sitting in traffic jams. (see data for Los Angeles)
35.
By the early 1990s, the amount of money spent on
private security is double the amount of money spent on
public police protection. As late as 1975, money spent
on public protection was twice that spent on private
security.
36.
America \las developing buy-it-yourself security, buyit-yourself health care, buy-it-yourself education,
buy-it-yourself recreation. For middle class families,
the price tag for services their parents took for
granted was growing out of reach.
37.
The irony of Reagan and Bush's push for volunteerism
was that it believed government services should not be
wasted on the middle class -- they were well enough to
fend for themselves.
38.
As Reaganomics took its toll, the hard hit were giving
more to charity. The well off were scaling back
contributions. It was no longer as beneficial for
taxes to do so.
39.
Through deregulation, government turned its back on the
consumer, while cable companies charged consumers
through the eyes.
40.
The middle class underwrote the speculation boom and
got stuck with the bill when it went bust. To hide the
S&L bailout from the budget, the Bush administration
funded the bailout with federal bonds. The ultimate
price tag will fall between $300 and $500 billion
dollars, or $1,200 to $2,000 for every American.
41.
Manufacturing employment dropped 6% from 1980 to 1990,
from 20.3 million to 19.1 million.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
)
February 10, 1993
TO: George Stephanopoulos
FR: Carter Wilkie
RE: Boiling Point, by Kevin PhilliPs
I am preparing a memorandum on
ammunition gathered from this
book, but I wanted to qive you
a heads up on the following
material that could surface
later.
cc. Ann ~valker
Eric Berman
.
-
"'
'
..
I,'
•
.
•
•'
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-
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C H A P T E R 5
The Great Tax Misrepresentation
of the 1980s
True marginal tax rates in the United States are at their peak for twoearner couples making between $50.000 and $100.000 a year-precisely
the middle-income people who would best respond to the incentive of
lower rates. America has one of the world's least progressive tax structures ... the payroll tax wreaks havoc with marginal tax rates. The
a\erage proportion of income paid in tax by the poorest 50'!:, of families
rose in. the 1980s by 6'/'u, while for the richest I 0'~'" it fell by I 0'/.,.
-The Ecvnomisr. January 20. 1990
There are many people who believe that the only way we can get this
country turned around is to tax the middle class more and punish them
more. but the truth is that middle-class Americans are basically the only
group of Americans who've been taxed more in the 1980s and during the
last I:! years. even though their incomes have gone down. The wealthiest
Americans have been taxed much less. even though their incomes have
gone up.
·-Democratic presidential nominee Bill Clinton. 199:!
Compared with the relatively straightforward tax reductions of previous eras. those of the 1980s could be said to represent an era of tax
deception. especially where the average American family was concerned. Rhetoric about new efficiency. simplification and fairness in
revenue-raising. though often sincere. was misleading. While lower
income taxes did become a pleasing reality for billionaires. whose
numbers multiplied tenfold as the top rate on unearned income fell
from 70 percent in 1981 to 28 percent in 1988 and the stock market
soared. ordinary households soon found themselves facing their highest overall tax rates in the history of the republic.
In 1992. Thomas Block. president of H&R Block. the tax preparers
with seven thousand offices across the nation. explaining that he had
commissioned a university research project in response to the growing
"perception among middle-income taxpayers that they pay too much
�246 o KEVIN PHILLIPS
,,.
( r
't) '
,,
1..
I
I
'r
,,
'I
'I
I
Americans not to raise their taxes or cut their entitlement programs
while warning that the other candidate could not be trusted. Never
before were such commitments so central to a presidential campaign.
ln the watershed election of 1968 the promises of the winning Repub(i.
cans were largely cultural-to curb crime. restore order and uphold
patriotism: in 1992, however. the critical pledges were economic: that
the federal government would not further jeopardi:e the already em/an.
gered middle-class standard of living by taking more money from ordinary Americans· wallets. National politics. in short, was parading onto
a new battlefield.
Clinton had helped draw the lines in the late October presidential
debates. Pressed on his tax intentions. he reiterated that he planned "to
raise marginal income (tax rates) on family incomes above $200.000
from 31 to 36 percent," but added a new commitment: that "if the
money does not come in there to pay for these [spending] programs. we
will cut other government spending or we will slow down the phase-in
of the programs. l am not going to raise taxes on the middle class to
pay for these programs." Then on Meet the Press on October 25. the
moderator pressured Clinton campaign chairman Mickey Kantor:
"Yesterday, the campaign spokesman for your campaign defined the
middle class as $50,000. Bill Clinton had said previously that he
wouldn't raise taxes on anyone making less than $200.000--any family. Can we expect that people making between $50,000 and $200,000 ·
are eligible for taxation?" Kantor took the bait: ''He is only going to
raise taxes marginally on those folks making $200,000 a year or more.
... There will be no taxes on the middle class. " 1
These were not promises to be taken lightly. Bush's widely criticized
breach of his own 1988 promise of·· Read my lips-no new taxes .. had
established a new guideline for the 1990s: breaking a tax pledge to the
embattled middle class could be dangerous, even fatal. Failing to restore middle-class economic health and confidence could be just as
dangerous. The new challenge of American politics was in place.
A Democratic .'diddle-Class Watershed?
The Democratic strategists who crowded the microphones on the day
after the election had reason to be pleased: The 1992 results could be
interpreted as a Democratic watershed. Turnout had surged from 50
percent in 1988 to 55 percent, significant because increases in voter
participation have frequently characterized turning points in U.S. elec·
toral history. Furthermore, the 1968-88 Republican presidential coali·
�94 o KEVIN PHILLIPS
Ct·
Figure 2. The New Misery Index?
ht•J
Taxes + Interest payments + medical + Social Security payments
as a % of personal income
. , ul
'>llr
hn1
,....
t:
r
38
tra
pn
tin
(
36
34
32
ITI
1
·nl
t,t,.
'"
"'
26
\
\t ·.
Ill I
tl,,
II II
.,.,
1960
1970
1980
1990
Source: Barron·.,, October 1~. 1991
Ba,cd on data from Ed Hyman. lSI Group Inc.
··n·
, I"
Ill'
. I II I
I'll
. If II
I! \
tIt'
'1\.
,,.
I'll
.I I
t·~
...
c
d
r
cant income levies to federal and state authorities, but inflation was
pushing a considerable minority into brackets hitherto reserved for
senior executives and professionals. For median families. federal in·
come taxes grew from near irrelevance to obnoxiousness in just one
generation. Then in the 1980s, when Washington finally lowered in·
come tax brackets, increases during the decade in all kinds of other
taxes-federal excise, federal Social Security, state sales. local property
and miscellaneous fees and charges-more than offset the reduction .
Ultimately, the reshuffling of the 1980s provided something the 1920s
had not: an opportunity for various levels of officialdom to increase the
total federal, state and local tax burden even while the Reagan admin·
istration, in particular, claimed to be reducing taxes because of the
changes made in federal rates. Rank-and-file voters might not be sure
what was happening, but in 1991 the Tax Foundation calculated that
Tax Freedom Day, the date when Americans finished paying their
yearly federal, state and local tax burden and started working for
themselves, had moved ahead to May 8. the latest ever.
�
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�THEWH ITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
�.i.HE WHITE HOUSE:
93 FE~ 23
P 2:
44
February 22, 1993 ·
MEMORANDUM FOR THE
PRESIDENT~
'/. ( £'1--J
FROM:
Carter Wilkie, Communications
SUBJECT:
surprise tribute to Georqe stephanopoulos
Forwarded for your approval and siqnature is a surprise tribute
to Georqe stephanopoulos, to be presented to him when he receives
the John Jay Award at Columbia on Thursday eveninq.
The awards committee requested a liqht, personal tribute that
they could frame and read aloud (as a surprise to Georqe) at the
ceremony. I completed this draft after consultinq Georqe's
friends, family and colleaques.
The John Jay Awards dinner, honorinq distinquished alumni of
Columbia, benefits the school's scholar~hip fund for outstandinq
freshmen. The award is named for the Nation's first Chief
Justice, who qraduated from the colleqe in 1764. Georqe, who
qraduated in 1982, will be the second younqest recipient ever.
The draft of this letter has been approved by Ricki Seidman.
Recommendation
That you siqn the letter.
�':·Hi; \V HITE HO ll S C
WASHINGTON
February 25, 1993
Dear George:
Please accept my congratulations for receiving the
distinquished John Jay Award from your alma mater, Columbia
College.
Don't let it go to your head. By the time I was your age, I
was already Governor
and well on my way to losing my first
reelection campaign.
I understand that you were quite active at Columbia -- class
salutatorian, member of the wrestling team and sports commentator
-- a perfect resume for "The McLaughlin Group."
You may be a trendy dresser, George, but you're a terrible
driver. I'll let you conduct my briefings, but I'll never let
you drive my Mustang. Hillary and I saw your picture in Vanity
Fair. Too bad all the swing voters read Road & Track.
Part of the reason why I hired you is because you're a
genuine policy wonk. Thanks to your Columbia education, you can
quickly master all the nuances of public policy. But I think a
little manual labor might do you good. After the awards dinner,
please come back to the White House to patch up all those leaks
I've found in your office while you've been gone.
Best wishes from your friend and boss,
•
Mr. George Stephanopoulos
John Jay Awards Dinner
Columbia University
New York, New York
�February 22, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Carter Wilkie, Communications
SUBJECT:
surprise tribute to George Stephanopoulos
Forwarded for your approval and signature is a surprise tribute
to George Stephanopoulos, to be presented to him when he receives
the John Jay Award at Columbia on Thursday evening.
The awards committee requested a light, personal tribute that
they could frame and read aloud (as a surprise to George) at the
ceremony. I completed this draft after consulting George's
friends, family and colleagues.
The John Jay Awards dinner, honoring distinguished alumni of
Columbia, benefits the school's scholarship fund for outstanding
freshmen. The award is named for the Nation's first Chief
Justice, who graduated from the college in 1764. George, who
graduated in 1982, will be the second youngest recipient ever.
The draft of this letter has been approved by Ricki Seidman.
Recommendation
That you sign the letter.
�DRAFT
[THE WHITE HOUSE]
February 25, 1993
Dear George,
Please accept my congratulations for receiving the
distinguished John Jay Award from your alma mater, Columbia
College.
Don't let it go to your head. By the time I was your age, I
and well on my way to losing my first
was already Governor
reelection campaign.
I understand that you were quite active at Columbia -- class
salutatorian, member of the wrestling team and sports commentator
-- a perfect resume for "The McLaughlin Group. 11
You may be a trendy dresser, George, but you're a terrible
driver. I'll let you conduct my briefings, but I'll never let
you drive my Mustang. Hillary and I saw your picture in Yanity
~.
Too bad all the swing voters read Road & Track.
Part of the reason why I hired you is because you're a
genuine policy wonk. Thanks to your Columbia education, you can
quickly master all the nuances of public policy. But I think a
little manual labor might do you good. After the awards dinner,
please come back to the White House to patch up all those leaks
I've found in your office while you've been gone.
Best wishes from your friend and boss,
[Bill Clinton]
Mr. George Stephanopoulos
John Jay Awards Dinner
Columbia University
New York, New York
-------
--------------------'
�,.
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SUBJECTffiTLE
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
c;
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Letter to Stephanopoulos from the President
2008-0699-F
'm490
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P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
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and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
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b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
-------------
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MEMORANDUM
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Letter to Stephanopoulos from the President
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
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Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-013-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/e50d7a65cd567fe58f4a2f4587d0465f.pdf
b445f61b855d407bce69de4d6dabe580
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker ·by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
·~
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
·'
.1
Subseries:
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Inaugural Week Speeches
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�.
'
Wilkie draft of 1/16/93
President-elect William Jefferson Clinton
"An American Reunion"
Lincoln Memorial
Washington, D.C.
January 17, 1993
We have come to this city, this Mall, this place, as
others have before us, to reclaim our country for the
American people.
This is not a celebration of any victory, but a celebration
of the common ground we call America. This is an American
.
reumon.
I look across this ground and I see the faces of many
colors.
I hear the songs of many voices. I feel the gifts of
many God given talents.
But I see no division here. I see a
reunion -- all of us coming together out of our shared belief in
a common purpose.
�"An American Reunion"
page2
During the birth of our Republic, some wondered if our
people could form a new nation among individuals of different
lands, of different religions, of different accents and different
styles of dress. The founders knew the answer when they
chose our nation's motto: "E Pluribus Unum" -- out of many
comes one.
We cannot take this creed for granted. Look around the
world today.
Find the nations that encourage distinctions
among people based on origins, based on class, based on
religion or on race. Find the nations divided by rigid social
boundaries, and you will find the nations haunted by the
horrors of ethnic strife.
�"An American Reunion"
page3
Abraham Lincoln, the great conscience of our nation,
knew that "A house divided against itself cannot stand."
Lincoln gave his life for national reconciliation, for a
rebirth of the American experiment that still teaches the new
nations of the world: personal liberty, human equality and
national unity are not merely compatible; together, they are
the essence of the most free society humanity has ever known.
At his seat of honor in our nation's memory, let us
pledge to bring the American family together again and build
a new home where every American has a seat at the table.
Let us leave no child behind. And let these hopes and our
prayers touch others in need of hope around the world.
�\
"
"An American Reunion"
page 4
As Martin Luther King Jr., said in his Letter from
Birmingham City Jail, "Injustice anywhere is a threat to
justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network
of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. "
Let us aspire to the dream Dr. King gave us from these
steps thirty years ago. Let us keep America shining as a light
unto the world. Let us make our time a time of hope, a time
of confidence, a time of caring and a time of commitment to
the common good -- so that in a genuine sense we may pledge
that we are, and truly can be,
One Nation. Under God.
Indivisible.
With Liberty, and Justice for All.
�'•
Wilkie draft of 1116/93
President-elect William Jefferson Clinton
on route to the nation's capital
Monticello, Virginia
January 17, 1993
Dr. Jordon
(pronounced Jurdan),
friends,
Thank you for this gift of Jefferson's writings. I will
carry it with me in my days ahead as a reminder of our
nation's purpose.
This National Historic Landmark happens to be a special
landmark for our family.
[insert anecdote about Hillary's leaving Washington for
Arkansas with a stop at Monticello]
Now with our nation at a crossroads, we find ourselves
and our hopes, again, at Monticello.
�..
Monticello remarks
page 2
In his first address as President, Thomas Jefferson
advised America that "should we wander" from the "essential
principles," the "creed" and "touchstone" of our civic faith,
"let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road
which alone leads to peace, liberty and safety."
And so we begin today on the path toward a regeneration
of The American Idea: that control of government rests with
the people, and the will of the people is second to none- no
king, no prince, nor any class of nobles. All are equal under
the law and in the eyes of God.
This is America's enduring promise and moral
commitment to the world.
�Monticello remarks
page3
Just as Jefferson in his own lifetime constructed and
altered and reconstructed this treasured home in a determined
quest for perfection, succeeding lives have shaped our
government to meet America's timeless mission to realize
these ideals.
It is now
mu: task to secure for all Americans their
natural and unquestioned right to
pursue happiness.
The allowance for change in our democratic order makes
ours the longest living nation on the earth. Because of it,
America has remained forever young.
Jefferson himself encouraged this. As he was fond of
saying, "The earth belongs to the living."
�'
Monticello remarks
page4
We are the heirs of Jefferson.
And for our children we go to renew and keep the
promise of America in sacred trust.
�Axelrod draft of 118193
President-elect William Jefferson Clinton
"Bells for Hope" Ceremony!
Lady Bird Johnson Park, Virginia
January 17, 1993
This week, we begin the work of renewing our nation.
And so, it's fitting that we gather tonight to demonstrate
our national resolve.
More than two centuries ago, Americans celebrated their
independence by ringing the Liberty Bell, which became a
lasting symbol of our heritage and commitments.
Today, as we embark on this new chapter in our history,
we gather again to ring bells of hope, joined by citizens
throughout our nation -- and even by our fellow Americans in
space.
�\
,
"Bells for Hope"
page 2
Each of these thousands of bells will make a slightly
different sound, just as the people who will ring them have
different stories.
None, alone, will carry far.
But together, these bells will represent a great, national
symphony of hope and unity -- a reminder that we will rise or
fall together, and a signal for all the world that we stand as
one in celebration of liberty.
I
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730 N. FRANKliN, SUITE 40-4
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Drart Remarks for Governor Clinton
Bolls of Rope Ceremony
This week, we begin the work of renewing our nation.
And so, it's fitting that we gather tonight to demonstrate
our national resolve.
More than two centuries ago, Americans celebrated their
independence by ringing the Liberty Bell, which became a lasting
symbol of our heritage and commitments.
Today, as we embark on this new chapter in our history, we
gather again to ring bells of hope, joined by citizens throughout
our nation -- and even by our fellow Americans in space.
Each of these thousands of bells will make a slightly
different sound, just as the people who will ring them have
different stories.
None, alone,
wil~
carry far.
But together, these bells will represent a great, national
symphony of hope and unity -- a reminder that we will rise or
fall together, and a signal for all the world that we stand as
one in celebration of liberty.
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730 N FRANKLIN, SlJITF, 41Q4
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Remarks tor Governor Clinton
Faoes of Hope Luncheon
This week marks the end of one odyssey and the beginning of
another.
Fifteen months ago, we began a campaign to change our
nation's policies and reclaim the future on behalf of the _
American people.
It was an awesome journey, marked by thousands of inspiring,
moving encounters, and the learning experiences of a lifetime.
What I learned most of all is how strong and resilient the
American spirit really is.
Each of you touched us in some way, whether it was a story
of heroic struggle against adversity, selfless service to people,
or success in a wonderful, entrepreneurial endeavor that helped
strengthen a community.
But special as you are, you are representative of people
across this land -- tens of thousands of people we met, and
millions more like them, with stories of their own.
Everywhere we went, we were struck by the kindness and
warmth, the dignity and courage of you, the American people.
When our spirits flagged, you gave us the energy and resolve
to go on.
And in the moment of victory, we thought of you and others
who snared their hopes and heartbreaks with us along the way.
I asked you to join me here because I wanted to tell you
and through you, the American people -- that I will not. forget
those hopes and heartbreaks.
They will help inform the decisions I make and the direction
we chart.
Nor will our dialogue end today.
Because the success of our administration will depend on the
recognition that the true source of America's strength is its
people.
•.....~...... ,," ... ~........ (!)
�- 2 -
Government alone cannot solve our problems; but government
that taps into the singular genius and heart and commitment of
the American people can.
This week, by necessity, Al Gor·e and I are very much on
center stage.
But as the wheels of this qreat democracy turn, you and the
American people are the real honorees, the real power, the real
strength.
Finally, I would like to say a word about one young man we
met who inspired us greatly but isn't here today.
Though just fourteen when he died of AIDS last month, Ricky
Ray was a model of resilience and courage, who lived each day
fully, despite his illness and the cruel discrimin~tion that was
its by-product.
His parents are here today, and I want them to know that
Ricky will not be forgotten. In his memory, and the memory of
many others, we will fight both the terrible disease that led to
his untimely death, and the mindless prejudices that he faced in
life.
on behalf of Hillary, Al and Tipper, I want to thank you all
for your friendship and support, which continues to sustain us as
we besin the challenging journey that lies ahead.
�..
't.'
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Ol:l.J:fl,')
19:01
PE+ \'PE TR.-\~S OFC
Y'
Wilkie draft
(with several suggestions and some language from Taylor Branch)
1112/93
President-elect William Jefferson Clinton
Tribute to Martin Luther Killg Jr.
Howard University
January 18, 1993
Today we celebrate the birthday of the most eloquent voice for freedom and justice America
has ever known.
When Martin Luther King Jr. returned from Oslo after accepting the Nobel Peace ~rize in
1964, the mood was jubilant. Few people, including King himself, had expected an
American black man to win the Nobel Prize. It was a triumpbant and historic moment.
But King was not awestruck by the glow of worldwide honors. His restless energy brought
him quickly back to the United States, and he spoke at the Harlem Armory in New York
City on December 17.
I'd like to .read just a short passage from what be said that night:
... for the last ten day.s, I've been on a literal mountaintop having transfiguring
experiences. We've had the privilege of meeting and lalk:ing with kings and
queens; meeting and talking with prime ministers of nations, meeting and
talking with the humble people of the land ... .I wish I could stay on this
mountaintop. I wish I could stay here tonight. But the valley calls me .
. . .There are those who need hope, there are those who need to find a way out. -·
... As I go back to this valley I go back with a faith .... I go back with a faith
that ll1lth, justice will rise again. I go back with a faith that·the wheels of the
gods grind slowly, but exceedingJy fine. I go back with a faith that you shall
reap what you sow. With that faith, 1 go back to the valley.
For the first time in a century and a half, two sons of the south are aboul to walk on the
mountaintop of American democracy 1 --a President from Little Rock, Arkansas, and a Vice
President from the hills of Tennessee --both of them believers in his dream.
Martin Luther King Jr. was our teacher in so many ways.
1Presideot William Henry Harrison and Vice Presidenl John Tyler, elected in 1840. were both natives of
Charles City Couuty, Virginia. The only ocher ·an--soulheru• administration (Andrew Jackson nnd his finl Vice
Presideol, Joh.o C. Calhoun) was inaugurated ou March 4, 1829.
----------------
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I
PE- VPE Tlto\NS OFC
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Wtlkie draft of l/12/93
to MLK Jr.
Tribute~
Page2
He taught us about the pain and promise of America. He taught us about the redemptive
healing of faith and discipline. He taught us abOut l~ve and counge nnd, ·ultimately,
sacrifice. And he pointed us toward a day of freedom and justice when aU Americans could
walk hand in hand.
On this day, with great pride, I can say that I will cany the beautiful example of his beliefs
and faith and discipline into my new responsibilities. For I know that God did not drop me
on a mountaintop; I was lifted on the hopes and wishes of people in the val1ey.
·
(optional call to service):
For all the hopes of those in need of hope, let us sr.ay united in faith and discipline, two
strong measures of our integrity and our character.
Let us restore the faith that brings us together from every. walk. of life, across lines of race,
of gender, of age and geography. Let us restore the faith that teaches u5 there can be no
strangers in America. We truly do not have a person to waste.
And let us renew our discipline, because democracy, at its heart, is seJ f-govemment. In the
long run, we must all govern ourselves if we are to govern our country together.
Now, the valley calls
.u.s.
Each and every one of us. All of us, together.
We have much work to do.
But, as Scripture tells us, "Let us oot grow weary in doing good; for 3 new season we shaJl
reap if we do not lose heart." (Galatians 6:9)
�.
...
I
I
I
DRAFT REMARKS OF PRESIDENT~ELECT BILL CLINTON
to the
Diplomatic Corps
Georqetown University
January 18, 1993
Let me warmly welcome the distinquished members of the
diplomatic corps to my alma mater, Georgetown University's School
of Foreign Service.
I chose to address you here because of my personal attachment
to this great institution. I came to the School of Foreign Service
upon the advice of a high school teacher who told me it ~as the
best place to receive an education in international affairs.
I
thought then that they were right. And a quarter century later, I
still do.
·
At Georgetown, I came to appreciate the disciplines that play
such a vital role in international relations: economics, political
science, and history. The Jesuits added their intellectual rigor
to my Baptist faith, and deepened my respect for the traditions
that shape our lives.
I came here at a time when a fallen president had asked my
generation to give something back to our country, and I found
~eorgetown a place to prepare for that calling.
Georgetown and
its School of Foreign Service have made enormous contributions to
public service: many of its graduates, some of them classmates of
mine, are now members of the Foreign Service or the Armed Forces.
And it has made yet another contribution, in Dr. Madaline Albright,
who has agreed to be our nation's voice at the United Nations.
I also chose to speak to you here .today because of
Georgetown's historical tradition. George washington spoke_.at Old
North in 1797, when the College was not yet ten.years old. our
Republic, scarcely twenty years old, stood not with great powers -but with great hopes. The Marquis de Lafayette, whose friendship
and cooperation with our nation was so vital to its birth, was
escorted to this campus by a troop of light horse calvary in 1824.
And accross America's generations, presidents, dignitaries, and
scholars have chosen this site to speak about our collective hopes
for the future of this nation and for this world that we inhabit
together.
In December of 1991, as I launched my campaign for the
presidency, I came back to Georgetown to deliver three speeches
laying out the principles and policies that would become the heart
of my candidacy for president. In the first of those speeches, I
noted that I had always carried with me a lesson taught by one of
my Georgetown professors, Carroll Quigley.
Professor Quigley
argued that the defining idea of our civilization in general, and
of our country in particular, if "future preference, 11 the idea that
the future can be better than the prsent, and that each of us has
�!..
\i
a personal, moral responsibility to make it so.
That idea was at the core of my campaiqn for the presidency.
But today, now that we have crossed the threshold of a bold new era
in human history, I believe that a lesson applies with equal force
to the broader community of nations.
For while we cannot yet
discern all the contours of this new age, there are still
indications that it is an era of promise -- an era when the future
for millions can be better than the present, an era when the spread
of democracy, economic prosperity, and human rights can help expand
the empowering reach of freedom.
This is a season for hope. The Cold War is over. The Berlin
Wall now exists only in history books and museums, in th~ little
remnants of stone that have become the momentos of an historic
triumph of freedom over tyranny. A worldwide democratic revolution
has shown its strength and tenacity, from the shipyards of Gdansk,
to the streets of Moscow, from the campuses of Beijing, to the
villages of El Salvador, and the townships of Soweto. The spread
of freer markets has brought the possibility of better living
conditions from the factories of the Baltics to the fertile fields
of Africa and Latin America.
The events of the past week, however, remind us anew that this
era will not lack for dangers. (Topical insert on Iraq) The rise
of ethnic hatreds in the former republics of Yuqoslavia and the
·soviet Union, the proliferation of advanced weaponry, the spread of
terrorism and drug trafficking, and the degradation of our global
environment·-- all these are immediate perils in this new era, and
each will require stronq American leadership if we are to overcome
them.
The American people have called for a new Administration. Yet
there is an essential continuity in American foreign policy. our
relations and actions abroad are rooted in enduring interests,
alliances, friendships and principles.. . My Administration will
build on the successes of my predecessors in specific areas, such
as the quest for peace in the Middle East , the effort to safely
reduce strateqic and conventinal weapons, the bold decision to
relieve the sufferinq in Somalia, and the search for· new and
expanding markets.
Yet the world has changed fundamentally and we must chanqe
with it.
We need to state clearly how we plan to adapt our
nation's foreiqn policy qoals and institutions to a new era. With·
the threat of Soviet expansionism gone, such a clear statement is
necessary if we are to rally the support of the American people
behind a policy of active international engagement, which remains
as critical to our own prosperity and security today as any time in
this century.
And it is critical for our nation to speak clearly
about our purposes so that the nations of the world, friend and foe
alike, will understand our intentions in the months and years to
come.
�..
.
l'
The foreign policy of my administration will be built upon
four pillars. First, we will make the economic security of our
nation a primary goal of our foreign policy.
Modern politics
dictate that we cannot sustain an active engagement abroad without
a sound economy at home. Modern economics dictate that we cannot
prosper at home without engagement abroad. We will therefore seek
to strengthen the sources of economic strength at home -- our
schools, our workers' skills, our cities and our technologies -while we seek to ensure that the'terms of commerce in this new
global economy rest on principles of openness, fairness, and
reciprocity.
Those goals will serve not only our self-interest, but the
world's interest. For as the world's largest economy and th.erefore
its largest market, we believe that global prosperity depends in
part on American prosperity. And we believe that the same opening
of markets that will benefit the American worker will also benefit
workers and farmers in the nations of other lands.
Second, our foreign policy will be based on a restructuring of
our Armed Forces to meet new and omnipresent threats to our
nation's security interests and international peace.
We will
continue our plans to safely reduce our defense spending.
But
potential aggressors should· be clear about American resolve: we do
not relish the prospect of usin.g military force when necessary, but
neither do we shrink from it when all appropriate diplomatic
measures have been exhausted.
Third, my Administration's foreign policy will be rooted in·
the democratic principles and institutions which unite our country
and to which so many people around the world aspire. The spread of
democratic values has given the hope of freedom to millions who
endured decades of oppression.
This democratic tide is not
confined to Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union alone: it
is lifting peoples' hopes across every continent of the world.
We will look for ways to strengthen and nurture this
democratic movement not out of any desire to embark on moralistic
crusades that could easily drain Americans of their blood and
treasure. Nor does it mean that we will seek to impose our will on
other societies.
We will have proper relations with all
governments who seek them and who honor the rules of international
law.
But whenever possible, we will support those who share our
democratic values because it is in the concrete interests of
America and the world at large.
History has borne out these
enduring truths: democracies do not wage war against one another;
they make better partners in trade and diplomacy; and democracies,
despite their inherent problems, offer the best guaratee for the
protection of human rights.
And fourth, we must all remember that the final test of a
foreign policy is its effects on the lives of our citizens. And
�•
...
..
'
therefore my government will join with yours in addressing such
global problems as environmental decay, AIDS, narcotics trafficking
and the plight of millions of refugees around the world.
Finally, I want to assure the members of the diplomatic corps
that ·as President, I will work closely with the international
community through such vital institutions as the United Nations to
resolve contentious disputes and avoid conflict whenever possible •.
America cannot, and should not,
bear the world's burdens alone.
The Gulf War and the humanitarian relief operation in Somalia
demonstrate the best of what the U.N.'s founders had in mind over
forty years ago:
confronting aqqression by outlaw nations and
restoring hope to those in need as international partners.
Today begins the first of three days of national celebration
as every American takes part in what is perhaps the greatest
strength of our democracy: the willing and peaceful transfer of
political power from one President to his successor. It is and
inherently democratic tradition, one that has been a source of
inspiration to all freedom loving peoples since George ·Washington
stood atop Old North almost two hundred years ago. I am ·very proud
to stand here in that tradition.
Thank you very much.
�1 Reed draft
President-elect Bill Clinton
National Governors Association Luncheon
Washington, D.C.
Tuesday, January 19, 1993
This afternoon, the day before I must stand before the American people and accept a
challenge that is too much for any man or woman, I wanted to be with you, my fellow
governors, who kept this country going these last 12 years, and who will now lead the way
as we set out to change it.
One of the greatest experiences of my life has been the chance to serve with more than 200
governors from around the country. I've learned more about America and more about
governing from you than I could have learned anywhere else.
I want you all to know something, whether you're Democrat, Republican or Independent: I
wouldn't be here without you. And I won't be able to do this job without you.
Over the past year, the American people told us something we already knew: they
don't like the kind of politics they've seen in Washington in recent years, and their faith in
our democracy has been shaken. Too many citizens think that government in Washington
listens to the special interests and not to them-- and they're right. Too many governors and
legislators think that government in Washington is looking out for its own interests and not
for them -- and you may be right, too.
�NGA Luncheon
page2
But despite the powerful interests, the negative ads, and the pervasive cynicism that
dominate our politics, democracy isn't dead in America. It is alive and well and thriving in
state capitals across this country.
Our democracy has survived for more than 200 years for a reason: the people will
not let it die. When people lost faith in the ability of national government and large
institutions to affect their lives, they made their voices heard at the state level. And when
leaders in Washington found themselves paralyzed by spiraling deficits and partisan gridlock,
leaders in the states stepped into the breach. States became the laboratories of democracy
that have kept the flames of change alive.
I have learned many lessons as a governor. I've learned that the old ways don't work
anymore and the old labels no longer fit. I've learned that the best ideas cut across party
lines and that governing is not about playing politics but about fmding real answers to the
real problems of real people. And I've learned that the same values that are fundamental to
the American character are fundamental to America's government-- values like opportunity,
personal responsibility, work, community, and family.
--------------------
�NGA Luncheon
page3
But the most important lesson I've learned as governor is one that another former
governor, Franklin Roosevelt, made the guiding principle of his Presidency: to try new
things, and if one thing doesn't work, try something else, and keep trying until you find an
answer that works.
That is what our nation needed in FOR's day, and that is what we need today. There
is no shortage of new ideas in America, nor of amazing examples of what communities,
enterprises, and individuals can do. What has been missing is the courage and leadership
and national will to try, and keep trying.
My goal as President is to unleash that spirit of innovation here in Washington, and
empower all of you to begin a new era of experimentation in the states.
I intend to offer you a grand bargain: I'll work day in and day out to tum things
around in Washington -- by reinventing government, eliminating layers of unnecessary
bureaucracy, putting choices in the hands of those at the front lines instead of mandating
decisions from the top down, and restoring the values and interests of ordinary people to the
forefront of the national debate. I'll give you a government that works for the people, not
the other way around.
�NGA Luncheon
page4
But as I set out to put an end to business as usual in Washington, I want you to do
your part in return. I want to challenge you to lead a revolution in every state -- by making
your states laboratories of change in health care, education, and welfare, as we in
Washington do everything we can to pave the way.
Stand up to entrenched interests and old ways of thinking that are obstacles to
progress in your state, just as surely as they are here in Washington. Make your state a
laboratory for the greatest experiment of all time -- democracy -- the quest to forge a lasting
bond between the people and their government.
We have our work cut out for us. We didn't get into this mess overnight, and we
won't get out of it overnight.
*Our economy has been stagnant for the last four years, and wages have been flat or
declining for two decades. Every one of our major competitors has a national economic
strategy and we don't, and our economy is failing to generate high-wage, high-skill jobs as a
result.
�.,
NGA Luncheon
page 5
* Our health care system is spiraling out of control, forcing American businesses to
go out into the world economy with a 30% handicap, pushing 100,000 Americans a month
into the ranks of the uninsured, edging the national government to the brink of bankruptcy,
and leaving state governments to pick up much of the tab.
* The federal budget deficit is on the verge of crippling both our government and our
economy. While all of you have scrimped and saved and suffered personal and political pain
to keep your books in balance, Washington has more than tripled the national debt in the last
decade and set us on a course for record-breaking deficits further than anyone in this town
dares to look.
* Finally, our country has been coming apart when we should have been coming
together. There is a hole in our politics where a sense of common purpose used to be.
These are daunting challenges, beyond anything that government-- state or federal-can resolve on its own. But one thing you and I have learned in the past decade is how
much the American people care about their communities and their future, and how eager they
are to do whatever it takes to tum this country around. We may be deep in debt, but we are
largely untapped in spirit.
- - - - - - - -
�'
NOA Luncheon
page 6
We will never resolve the problems we face as a nation if we remain divided, state
against state, region against region, the rest of the country against Washington. Let us
pledge today to listen to each other, challenge one another, and move forward together.
Working with you as colleagues and friends has been one of the highlights of my
public life, and a partnership I'm not going to give up just because the voters found me
another job.
Tomorrow I will take the oath of office as President. But every day, I will strive to
be the nation's governor.
Thank you.
�y----
Reed draft
President-elect Bill Clinton
National Governors Association Luncheon
Washington, D.C.
Tuesday, January 19, 1993
This afternoon, the day before I must stand before the
American people and accept a challenge that is too much for any
man or woman, I wanted to be with you, my fellow governors, who
kept this country going these last 12 years, and who will now
lead the way as we set out to change it.
One of the greatest experiences of my life has been the
chance to serve with more than 200 governors from around the
country.
I've learned more about America and more about
governing from you than I could have learned anywhere else.
I want you all to know something, whether you're Democrat,
Republican or Independent:
I wouldn't be here without you.
And
I won't be able to do this job without you.
Over the past year, the American people told us something we
already knew:
they don't like the kind of politics they've seen
in Washington in recent years, and their faith in our democracy
has been shaken.
Too many citizens think that government in
Washington listens to the special interests and not to them -and they're right.
Too many governors and legislators think that
government in Washington is looking out for its own interests and
�NGA Luncheon
page 2
not for them -- and you may be right, too.
But despite the powerful interests, the negative ads, and
the pervasive cynicism that dominate our politics, democracy
isn't dead in America.
It is alive and well and thriving in
state capitals across this country.
Our democracy has survived for more than 200 years for a
reason:
the people will not let it die.
When people lost faith
in the ability of national government and large institutions to
affect their lives, they made their voices heard at the state
level.
And when leaders in Washington found themselves paralyzed
by spiraling deficits and partisan gridlock, leaders in the
states stepped into the breach.
States became the laboratories
of democracy that have kept the flames of change alive.
I have learned many lessons as a governor.
I've learned
that the old ways don't work anymore and the old labels no longer
fit.
I've learned that the best ideas cut across party lines and
that governing is not about playing politics but about finding
real answers to the real problems of real people.
And I've
learned that the same values that are fundamental to the American
character are fundamental to America's government
values like
opportunity, personal responsibility, work, community, and
family.
�NGA Luncheon
page 3
But the most important lesson I've learned as governor is
one that another former governor, Franklin Roosevelt, made the
guiding principle of his Presidency:
to try new things, and if
one thing doesn't work, try something else, and keep trying until
you find an answer that works.
That is what our nation needed in FOR's day, and that is
what we need today.
There is no shortage of new ideas in
America, nor of amazing examples of what communities,
enterprises, and individuals can do.
What has been missing is
the courage and leadership and national will to try, and keep
trying.
My goal as President is to unleash that spirit of innovation
here in Washington, and empower all of you to begin a new era of
experimentation in the states.
I intend to offer you a grand bargain:
I'll work day in and
day out to turn things around in Washington -- by reinventing
government, eliminating layers of unnecessary bureaucracy,
putting choices in the hands of those at the front lines instead
of mandating decisions from the top down, and restoring the
�,,
i
NGA Luncheon
page 4
values and interests of ordinary people to the forefront of the
national debate.
I'll give you a government that works for the
people, not the other way around.
But as I set out to put an end to business as usual in
Washington, I want you to do your part in return.
I want to
challenge you to lead a revolution in every state
by making
your states laboratories of change in health care, education, and
welfare, as we in Washington do everything we can to pave the
way.
Stand up to entrenched interests and old ways of thinking
that are obstacles to progress in your state, just as surely as
they are here in Washington.
Make your state a laboratory for
the greatest experiment of all time -- democracy -- the quest to
forge a lasting bond between the people and their government.
We have our work cut out for us.
We didn't get into this
mess overnight, and we won't get out of it overnight.
* Our economy has been stagnant for the last four years, and
wages have been flat or declining for two decades.
Every one of
our major competitors has a national economic strategy and we
don't, and our economy is failing to generate high-wage, high-
- - - - - - -
-------
�NGA Luncheon
page 5
skill jobs as a result.
* Our health care system is spiraling out of control,
forcing American businesses to go out into the world economy with
a 30% handicap, pushing 100,000 Americans a month into the ranks
of the uninsured, edging the national government to the brink of
bankruptcy, and leaving state governments to pick up much of the
tab.
* The federal budget deficit is on the verge of crippling
both our government and our economy.
While all of you have
scrimped and saved and suffered personal and political pain to
keep your books in balance, Washington has more than tripled the
national debt in the last decade and set us on a course for
record-breaking deficits further than anyone in this town dares
to look.
* Finally, our country has been coming apart when we should
have been coming together.
There is a hole in our politics where
a sense of common purpose used to be.
These are daunting challenges, beyond anything that
�'
NGA Luncheon
paqe 6
government -- state or federal -- can resolve on its own.
But
one thing you and I have learned in the past decade is how much
the American people care about their communities and their
future, and how eager they are to do whatever it takes to turn
this country around.
We may be deep in debt, but we are largely
untapped in spirit.
We will never resolve the problems we face as a nation if we
remain divided, state against state, region against region, the
rest of the country against Washington.
Let us pledge today to
listen to each other, challenge one another, and move forward
together.
Working with you as colleagues and friends has been one of
the highlights of my public life, and a partnership I'm not going
to give up just because the voters found me another job.
Tomorrow I will take the oath of office as President.
every day, I will strive to be the nation's governor.
Thank you.
But
�Wilkie draft of 1119/93
President William Jefferson Clinton
Luncheon with Congressional Leaders
The Capitol, Washington, D.C.
January 20, 1993
Senator Ford, Speaker Foley, Majority Leader Gephardt, Minority Leader Michel, Senator
Mitchell, Senator Dole, and ladies and gentlemen of the 103d Congress,
After I was elected, lots of people gave me plenty of advice on how to work with Congress.
People around here said 'Do your best to stay close and cordial' --but the farther I got from
Washington, the louder people warned me to 'Be careful. Stay away from those folks on
Capitol Hill. '
·
Well here I am in the frrst hour on the job and you've already invited me to lunch .. .! never
knew it would be this easy.
***
Last week, I got calls from several of my old friends who were coming to Washington for
the ceremonies today. They were with me at the Democratic conventions in 1992 and 1988,
and they knew that I have been accused for giving lengthy remarks on formal occasions. So
they asked me a bit nervously, "What can you tell us about the Inaugural Address?"
I told them to dress warmly, pack lunch and bring a good book to read if time
permitted ... When I was outside on the podium, I hadn't even said the words, "My fellow
Americans" before I saw an old friend in the front row open the frrst pages of Tolstoy's
"War and Peace."
***
I am deeply indebted to Senator Wendell Ford of Kentucky for his chairmanship of what I
believe has been the most open and accessible and perhaps the most well-attended
Inauguration ever.
I remember being near Senator Ford's hometown in western Kentucky on the eve of the
election-- I was in Paducah, at an air field named for the great Congressman, Senator and
Vice President Alben Barkley.
In Paducah, Ted Kopell asked me why I had gone to this sparsely populated region of the
country at the most critical point in the election. My campaign strategists in Little Rock
wondered the same thing. They had advised me not to go.
�··-
""'
But Senator Ford had told me that we could win Kentucky. And so I went to Paducah.
Thousands poured out to see us. People from all over western Kentucky, from Southern
Illinois, Southern Indiana, Southeastern Missouri, from Tennessee and even Arkansas.
That stop gave us our narrow margin of victory in Kentucky. And we won every county
for miles in every one of those surrounding states. I owe that to Wendell Ford.
If my staff didn't know before, they certainly know now-- our success is predicated on
working with, and not against, the Congress.
***
The last time I saw my preacher at my church in Little Rock, I told him what a humbling
experience it was to go through the transition to the presidency. My minister asked me if I
was still saying my prayers every night. I said yes .. .I just hope Bob Dole hears them.
***
I want to thank President Bush for the graciousness he and Barbara have extended to Hillary
and me throughout the transition.
I also want to thank President Bush for being so hospitable at the White House and on the
way to the Capitol here this morning ... he seemed especially happy when I told him I had no
plans to raise taxes on horseshoes ...
Mr. President, I salute your long and honorable service to our country and I wish you lasting
happiness in your days ahead.
***
You know Mr. President, when I visited you at the White House a few weeks ago, it was
really inspiring ... there I was, just a few years out of Hope, Arkansas, walking in the
footsteps of giants, strong men whose presence was felt wherever they went. .. Lincoln,
Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt. .. Sununu ...
***
Hillary, of course is thrilled about moving into the White House ... for months, she's been
dying to get a look at my old passport files.
***
You all should know that I do not enter the presidency looking back to the quarrels of
bygone days. Quite the opposite, I look forward to a new mood of bipartisan cooperation, a
real partnership between all of us, to meet the nation's needs.
Today's inaugural ceremonies are, in a special sense, the first joint, bipartisan success of the
�103d Congress and the new administration. And what a success it has been.
I thank all of you.
To the leadership and to the members, I pledge to you that I hope there will be many more.
�Wilkie draft of 1/19/93
President William Jefferson Clinton
Luncheon with Congressional Leaders
The Capitol, Washington, D.C.
January 20, 1993
Senator Ford, Speaker Foley, Majority Leader Gephardt, Minority Leader Michel, Senator
Mitchell, Senator Dole, and ladies and gentlemen of the 103d Congress,
After I was elected, lots of people gave me plenty of advice on how to work with Congress.
People around here said 'Do your best to stay close and cordial' --but the farther I got from
Washington, the louder people warned me to 'Be careful. Stay away from those folks on
Capitol Hill.'
Well here I am in the frrst hour on the job and you've already invited me to your house for
lunch ... ! never knew it would be this easy .
... ... *
Last week, I got calls from several of my old friends who were coming to Washington for
the ceremonies today. They were with me at the Democratic conventions in 1992 and 1988,
and they knew that I have been accused for giving lengthy remarks on formal occasions. So
they asked me a bit nervously, "What can you tell us about the Inaugural Address?"
I told them to dress warmly, pack lunch and bring a good book to read if time
permitted ... When I was outside on the podium, I hadn't even said the words, "My fellow
Americans" before I saw an old friend in the front row open the first pages of Tolstoy's
"War and·Peace."
***
I am deeply indebted to Senator Wendell Ford of Kentucky for his chairmanship of what I
believe has been the most open and accessible and perhaps the most well-attended
Inauguration ever.
I remember being near Senator Ford's hometown in western Kentucky on the eve of the
election --I was in Paducah, at an air field named for the great Congressman, Senator and
Vice President Alben Barkley.
In Paducah, Ted Kopell asked me why I had gone to this sparsely populated region of the
country at the most critical point in the election. My campaign strategists in Little Rock
wondered the same thing. They had advised me not to go.
--------~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~_.J
�Luncheon with Congressional Leaders
page 2
But Senator Ford had told me that we could win Kentucky. And so I went to Paducah.
Thousands poured out to see us. People from all over western Kentucky, from Southern
Illinois, Southern Indiana, Southeastern Missouri, from Tennessee and even Arkansas.
That stop gave us our narrow margin of victory in Kentucky. And we won every county
for miles in every one of those surrounding states. I owe that to Wendell Ford.
If my staff didn't know before, they certainly know now-- our success is predicated on
working with, and not against, the Congress.
***
... The last time I saw my preacher at my church in Little Rock, I told him what a humbling
experience it was to go through the transition to the presidency. My minister asked me if I
was still saying my prayers every night. I said yes .. .I just hope Bob Dole hears them .
. . .I owe a special thanks to President Bush for being so hospitable at the White House and on
the way to the Capitol here this morning ... he seemed especially happy when I told him I had
no plans to raise taxes on horseshoes ...
... You know, when I visited the White House a few weeks ago, it was really
inspiring ... there I was, just a few years out of Hope, Arkansas, walking in the footsteps of
giants, strong men whose presence was felt wherever they went. .. Lincoln, Theodore and
Franklin Roosevelt. .. Sununu ...
... Hillary, of course is thrilled about moving into the White House ... for months, she's been
dying to get a look at my old passport files ...
***
You all should know that I do not enter the presidency looking back to the quarrels of
bygone days. Quite the opposite, I look forward to a new mood of bipartisan cooperation, a
real partnership between all of us, to meet the nation's needs.
Today's inaugural ceremonies are, in a special sense, the frrst joint, bipartisan success of the
103d Congress and the new administration. And what a success it has been.
I thank all of you.
To the leadership and to the members, I pledge to you that I hope there will be many more.
�January 15, 1993
To:
Georqe, et. al
From:
Bob Boorstin
Attached please find revised draft remarks for the followinq
inaugural week events:
Sunday
1) Monticello
2)
3)
Lincoln Memorial
Bells of Hope
Monday
Diplomatic breakfast
Tribute to Martin Luther Kinq, Jr.
3) Faces of Hope luncheon
1)
2)
Tuesday
1) Bruce Reed's NGA remarks
We are still missing the Begala draft for the remarks at the end of
the Gala (Tuesday).
Attached please also find a memo on the inclusion of remarks to
people with-disabilities as suggested by Senator Harkin.
�TO:
FR:
RE:
DT:
Bruce Lindsey~
Carter Wilkie
Working draft or Remarks at Congressional Luncheon
January 19, 1993
These light and humorous remarks traditionally follow a toast.
Howard Paster suggested the theme of joint, bipartisan
cooperation and the need for a president to work with congress to
be successful. Howard also suggested the order of recognition,
according to protocol.
Some of the one-liners came from my friend Bob Neuman, author
(with Mo Udall) of "Too Funny to be President." Neuman was
Udall's AA in addition to being Director of Communications for
the DNC under John White. He is now my landlord and a consultant
in Washington. He wrote one-liners for Dee Dee Myers' speech to
the Gridiron Club.
�"'003/013
•.
JANUARY 20, 1983
By Taylor Branch
Photographs by Bob MeNeely
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conlJ)IL•II.' lho: rirulll, ~0\\'tti'OI.'t •xpllliRL'Il!u Ihi.' im•l'nuin,rl:'l-ealdent
liJ1.. o'Orl<•Lilll•"ehullli:IJ l'ur Jnunllllilljl' Q, llUUitill' attru:k,
\\1to•ll I 1inton ~IIWI'&I'Cl. hi~ n~inrl "".,. 1111 IIll' lrnHaiJihlxl.cp~cl·h.
''It"~ ll"lOd. t~n 't lr I" ~~~ ""'""'""""1-al l)ftbv ipwL'1:11\l'1'irrmr. hnhliu~:u
~."<'PY nl' tht latellt d1'111'!. "Wr• rluhh•llo'<l iL. Lrt Ill• ~hoi\' ~'011 11 l'i"''
dlill!fl \'If\' C:IUUIICI'Li."
Tl~'llii)''Gd otf fnr I h.: L~f,..Jit 11.111. Inn~ll'lli l'I"J,''I:r
-'I·
$,...,.;,.._..•
!hunch !''linton 1\'.U no loniJ(r lfll'o•:mur ruuluut yet P1-ealdent. trup·
pillpa nt' hllf Iii I Ill'\' •lnlinniULCI <C\\InWI1ttd <II btl~· in ruh'l\11<'8. :-lO'I\'
Ih~ "'"'"nu •·a:u•IIC hi~ murnn•tulo• w:11111 •Jidc•iallr wljllip!Mi Silwrurln
wtth '"'' UL'\'nl.oo ll'larin~t bBI.'ICWllt~l frn111 u n.our "":11 1hal would lftvhur
""' 11&1 II Hrtnv phiTI'llrm in ''11>111 ur •llllliZQI', packift(lllrilllL..,. lltoll\,..
un0\1\fh In ,J.,.r.ro·~· rlriiJOJ'IIrl :l'tt41:1CC1'11. Snl.'h o•untiu,..,mnio!a Jill not
reac:h mo,~ct mi111J. 1hioo l~r4f1Jt nJoJ'IIin;. und I hi.' SIJ.,.nwo IWINiy
utl•lo:•l lli'Witlc, olf-tooiUIInlleh t .. u,.. iin.. nrlimouahl~N t111t rolk'fl ••r•
to the hl-rnriu llt.l">JliiiiWl..u'rlc:un )(c-thoollt~l P.:ru•••lllll t.l!UI"C:h.
,,,m hla seat in the m.id•ll•· ••r l.hto tlntt P"''· t.'linton norJII~~t
''l'ht:ll Rnln'l'f ~tephanoponloa, a c;tl\'l.'k (l" hn.IDJC pJoJdRt
l'IID gmmartalla n11
IIII..PIIr 111 Gillian
nlkaraundllle
Jrltllllls ol 11M Ullfe
Roct IJIInslenlllatwas
dlelr bema hlr 12 ,..,...
Atlet Ulllr January 18
ltroll, IIIQ emDarad
on lbll /alm•r to •
newmlllllieaand
ftiiWII'~ftiiS.
111~1 Wftlle Hoasa laur
dlfllller. at 10:30 an
me maninrllf
llniJiiiYZII,UII
PntlldanHIGct IIIRII
llleautpinrlllllam.
Willi Ill embtiCI, Duller
lleorp 11111111 bldl
llretflllla hllempiDJtr
al f1lur JOn, Georao
1111Uadu811111
4lld Catbcr or hi• ,.,,_ llhlt. CIIIOI";Q, 1'811d from llluil.lll "" ll 111d Cllltlea Ul ol far
ancl nocld~'\l ptenira wha11 Reo\·. 0Bl'dal.'l'
op1•nln~r m•nla d'flm the
1ulll of
tmm.patll
Ta~Y~ur
••f B"'oklyn quowd tbe
Deelaraaon or Intlcptorul.mlld. Taylor kept on n:eiun11'111
lhmatrh in lll'hyWnlc: tnmoc. until 11hi\¥111 nt delight ran
thJ'oqll the- ll""''l. H& daelared these liNt prlnciplt'll oollld
r•rnvlda the nation a. dpriavtiJIIu or new~.
Clinton tumL'CIIi"t 1.11 hll\vtfa and tban to ScJwwr Ann1
with 11 tmil.,-tl_ ,PNACbera '!'1m: untioipatinjr them• of bhl
llp'HCih. Uore. ""ho Ia p1.'111'0 hnlll!ballluul@ta, le11.11cd ovor to wi1U.p~r.
1
' TbotWIIISJUIIhll pitahoverthe haartoltlJupb.Lol."
lfl'SIDt nJCIIIIIopll oorM:I'Jl'll4 up~~n lbe ~ ofBIP\r HoGJ:e when
Clinton l't'LUrntd At 9:30. Ue had only 1111 hour bet'ol'G mvettDcr I"Mi•
dont ltu~h f'or thu rld11 r.o tba Capltol.l!l\'mdo. JD,tpi..,d !JyTaylor-a
dtalrcanmaalll
lnladercrl p~~~~r,Uta
-IIUIIIIot4 ....1
aboat51lllollilll
NIIIOIID&IIIuulplna
Pralldonr• IQIIJI ud
unpnr., 11M ellacq
lltllleinllliiRIIIIIL
pulpit lllllnt.nr Ln M!Lrtln r.othnr Nnjl Jr. -Clinton apolw wiLh II
spllfllh...nw about l&ddlal'• "mountnlntop 1&111l ~''!me from his
1'CCMt IIJICIV'.h ftft T<illlr 'Ooy, tf'llflwd by lbe prea ot diu. 0eOI'IJII
8~biiiiOpQ\IIoa advleea I• In• u...~ t1uo IIP""h Willi Wid I uocler the tnr-
pt liDI!fh. "Y1111 haoqroom tole\ 110 lr)'011 'IIIIDIIt," be aaid.
"WheD G11rdncr Will tollclnf 11bout lbe DeelarAUou." oJaloJ cu..
8..
:·- ·:
...
..,..;:.-:
. ., .
��~on, ''I Thcllll.'lat thuora· aN rltlliiM•''IrleuU< lnlll\ldt"f Hll' wccriel, .. JJ~..
cUlllil' diC: I'C.~tiL.'\1 hllcl dCIIIIIeh•iJ rl'l•tih U\'~n In him, it hLWilCC.~Irn•IIIIHI._
hul"• I.e\ 1lllcl D J>hnU<n 1;0 hl~ id\'1'¥ -·don "htmL huw .vldely the•
dantucn•lil• ~:~•ncc:ptll "'"lllilll'll "''l~oo!rutl. uufamlllur unclunLI•MrcJel.
Tl1ia mljrht 1l1~0 rurniucJ km:l'lcun~ 11\'Wr In tUkc: Ihem rnr lo..'lllltud.
lu: f'J•h ..nno41 :ll'l:llln du: ~•..:ntui·H••ur lihn~· hnd heun HL•
r"d 11M un L'IULtll repli~ll or 1J111 1::1\llcnl podium, wil h 11n
lclcmtlullllwtL·rn oor~cl Tuwl:'rnmr•lc•r unit ir1 thu m!cldlc:••r
thL' tl•••r . .A nmc: Ill!'~'"~ I l:llntonthut tn~ hu..Lc~fLI11~1n
iu thu bonkllln•lt lei hid l~l't lltO•ul Jll'l~liMHiyat the ~11: un!fh•
nf lho•lult I"~Ank ul' ~dL"'iMiuR ~'llllU:TUf l&llll\tl!:&r.itol. !iL'Ut~
dd h•·li·~ l•im, " JII'Uilp uelviac• ...... ht~lucilna Gnl'l· n11d
:SI L,clnLII"flelii!U>I. "''"'""''! tlu:lr pu~<itiun~ rmm the 1111·
U.iiZht rc:l,.,lln-.11.
1'lu~&·rlcl••••r. hnMh<'ll uut "'''"' cor lhn ''"1'1-lrlllr nol•c•.
Wlcil,.uuo• rlfl""'''hwrllo•r 1'11•lo•luu1;r:~ In lhc•J\I'InyTcrlc:J'rr"nJ•Io·r ru~:h·
nic:la\1\11. C'liulnn rlt\lllk~llho· \'lii-!OUII trllll•lnl.inriiC u( liulathlll~ H:!l,
hio& ..miP1U&\: fur ~h·· "'""""h. nmkin;•u"' not tu IIIL"{~,.r-inm•.
")~•· wii'P and da.u1.oter .. r rlrft u~hunun~ uhuuL not llll,!'ln~J'I<J•'II '"'"
ru&oth•L•.' •• ('llr•r... n wltl th~ ruu1n. "Th~oy think I h:L,., lO s~· 'WI'I'
l'or.' " 1.\ ui"\V pllal~: in Thll ~pauch cnlll.l'lura AmurlcWid 1u ··n~·u~
nix• ulilmpl~ loc11 Jlo>W<.tli'lll mtllu w·., nQu.l c:t•elt 111Jnor••'\a&d Wet mn-1
lll\'1: ''"" 11n•.dl11r. ''1 I1wwo tl'll~ thur "tr.i.... nlllalt• 1'\lqUif'JJfl u ~'""!lin in-
or
~·. 'lloicl t !lhetnn. IIIII lcn·e· c•llrliuri"Hr• m:n1y clift'PI,•Ilt lnfl:n.•nc•o.,"
llluL IrA 1\Menln:: o'IIUicluut ~~~ \'lllllnclluoJ. l:inmc• "'"'"'"might rhlnlc
th~
Pl'\'llicl<•nt '""~ ••l:tinoirc~o: l'l'llllf1111N uullooorlty.
l"tc.phuiiiiJI•IIIhul IIJ.IUko.: up :1ll.o·r :~lull~ ><ll•'fh•e•. "(!we I milk~""''
illolt 1\fU\UIII!IIt l.'rJr Jr...,., .. luo :uckll((,
"\"1)1\ C:l.ll1,"11il&t&llll\'('ll·:cl •••,,.,l Hlllllr;vVI'Icl r:t ...L.coal thlnk,..·'n•
""' "" """"'"''1: lu 1hiM 1111 "'" ~h•mhl he•." 'Mtlll\lnd ,.f .\mori""'"' don't
dJft tho• IIU:IUC:U~ nr Wlll'lfM. !10' lillld. llhrl In f(m ''hard·pTL'IIIIC•frlllrl
hiU'I!·blttcn," 1hu W•ll'lllccw rrn~o:hl hh them r111lr11.rwoiv& or offim"i'"·
"Or I Lhiuk It ml;hl J.., intci&1JI'Ct~"Jin rllcrcttrlt 4 ft:llcy'lVUy, "lnrnclclud.
"likll whu1 "'""" pllllplo: IJunt!Cilt about C11""r."
''0.1\.., no l•rw," conewc:lcd Slltphllllopoulo~.
C'lintun tiU•ru:d lu puiutA ,,f poUtlcul ulariflaadon. Hu madct o1~ro
1.1• zuld a cla\IIS&.I ~illlf he •Ud nul c•hOOOIII"IIl01'iti•'\· l~rr iLS 011111 dAko.:,"
RO lllllo ll...,oid ll ")'l.'lpJli&• I.Otlll"l)f Qagt:Tn<l!<ll :111J C:OnUOrt lh:Ll 11lir(h10CJ
h:U'dllhip amun~e wurkln:r unc.l puccr Jli!Ople. "TIP'"It!'"" rlldn't win llol'
ci~'IJiicon," '"sulci. r-r•• Ndldt~'ll u ~qf'trnin,: ~lnn 1.11 lillY thut
Waahlngton ''•tau b.!'' 1.1 pine•~ 111'lna1gl:tc unclowlmJiatlon. "lt U.," h.t
Slllcl, in-i11tln; th!'t lu• "'WI hlfilllr mil•l11hnllt p~· 4u11101hnllnl aiiUlnf
polltlcianll.
Th0111 he buJn~r~: ''lly fellow o•ilj...,na •.. " Hi• ll'lvillel'll rac:onk~l
minute:, lncpl"()cnptu n,ovi11inn.. :1.&1 he -nL c.lunl\'. ''This UDpill.l. This
bflclllt(fW ea.pi1.11l .•.•\r:t 1111 ;)I'IUr ideallsm. 'Aot tift' illltead o( '•""rriNr:' ... Wbo Ul'\'.dtU ~111n IIT'IriL Pu~ 'iitW' In thtore ••• "
"""!h
At thu .. ud, medlu
)lioh:Lel Shl.llllwiRAid. "£k..,-vn minu~.
tJt.i~· second~." Wotll nnd.,.r 1h·· acolt-lmpO$."llltniLor 15 lllin\ltQN.
"Fou&twldc:!" ~uitll:linton. Iio: WIIUid muet bios CIWII dcundlld r.. r
&IIKipUnc unci""'' ~:o•tltl bilcllmore time ~~.;L), 111., de~. 'l'ho lld\1111en IIWI&ttlled lli'DUII&) W lectern to IJIIDip&lN ftOtl,'ll, "J'"-!gM ~ QO IJI
Ptoesldent 'Bru&h,"lllld Clin!con. It "''lllllfiO!r l0:30,1cas tlruraM hour
bc:lh"' the 8\\'\:Unrr~o'"irl. und hL' w:111 l:ata to mL'<.'I Bub acrow Llaoa
IIT.I'Cet 1.11 !.Ire White Reo._,, He tuft wlthuut the speech. S~~tphanopou
lu•I'Wihed 11 An.U copy to him rninUtiiR bttiii'IJ l}r, c:c!1'81r10ny,
Out on th~ lciKfo pctreh or rlurnuutaq•, Cl111tnn oat ll.C1'08S fn11n
Pl'Cdlc.l~onr. B~~~th In u mllL&~ou&p brown ~~~lllwr 111'1'111:halr, ~ping his
toot to the mu•i•• of 11.11 ,\rturrr.wl ~:holr. Tfto•n d&co \Oil!l'ld 1\'l\Whc•l him
b.!ome Pl'Citldoant. From hi• pa"'pecT.lve, thr IIJ"'"uh apWod qni<nly
ciotvn thl! lt.iU lillli nlf l.n ~antll echOCII lljii.L!rtl<L dia'l&llt onttnumunw,
l&~~~.'llinq ollltholu~d 1UUO<I bum of t110u;ltmdnltlltl, clisappolntmcml or
th11..beer JannliruniS of onwh <U"'<Il'nous
l"clu"' dai!Yorerl11 lonk.~
llfl"'"'·
311
�Dn hlr.., Ia die
IWiarilll·ln CfeltJ.
CliiiiOn 1111cbu out 1D
membln Dillie l:apltol
medicalclnlc.
IIJ 12:30, tho Pl'llldellt
of 1111 Onllad Slain ~as
dllfivered 11111&mlnlll addms. as Ba
lams lila plllllum (IWJ.
118 111111$1heuahlfal
ud, d11181ta tile prea af
waU.wlllllln, IIO!IIary.
En naatiiD r~nllllln lila
Rotund1, Ill• Pruident
fttp.liVIIII'IIIIIW
c~air dlnalar lltplllll
L M1J81. Cllnllllllllll'
Ulled IIIII Phll1ader
Smhll Chair 11111 ol the
dar's hiP DDinll.
ing: wr<lio« within 'lhe ftrn few nopa CJf rlo1.1 n"<•l"lllclunnl. "b wu. 11 t.ri·
umph." hi:' o<uld. ··Knunlcl'll iL CIU\ or r.he park.''
Thu
hi)\V
p.,..jllltftll'ellllli\UIClllft d1sph~;y bo:f'n"' IIIUilfi'QI
for IJIO)Al or
tilt nm tlq houru nntllrl11-lc, whMo tba parade <:1'0\,,J r.hi11Ded out.
llfuL lunp: attea· ajau~· flfe·IUid·dn'lm
llll&t'l:hed ~·in <IDIDIIlal
cctmm~... ll ~mlolnn hu•h announced the llJll>n••wh of the AIDS qolllt.
Tha CHntODd and Gore. luuluod -unabel·~· to tho: Runr at l!rat. 1111'*"
ruin hmv In fit mortal dGRJlfl'&tion lntn l.lut teltl\11;)•, Bu\ d the" ms
martlu.'rll '"11''\''l huuywatly. they I'IMI"nded \\ith •miles and nals~ol
1humba. Paired m11,.:h~...,. o•Arried bi\JIJII.•rt honorint: Nllected .\IDS
~rLin"'' lfAx RobiMon. flnaol D:~.vla. Cong:reiiiiiWI Stc.'Wt111.llcmn·
n~·· R.""" \\'bi'Cit. "llo: '"~~~~~ h,'flll of the L~-vu' Servlaea Corpu,.tioa,"
11&id tho: l'~"l.~nl, poinm.g tu a bWUIII' for Dun Bradle;r. '''\"ory
d011e 1:0 HWo~··" Gore noclded. ''He,,,.,. our awlghbor."
DoMI\t .tx. thu Pre~~ldant duc:ked lntu 11 r.iny kitaba at tho: buuk
or Lhtt 1"11\iliiMII' lltunoJ. "Gn:!IL jub;' ba tolcl tbJvc VI.''Y IUIJ'1)1-illed
bnl.lorA, llhaiWig their hiUida. "I hopo: ,YI'U Wdn't 1\'tazo to dculh."
Tho~n ho~ lnolud to1• bla wtte, \Yho had IJUIIl' III•UIIIl. "ILl)•, Hii1111Y.
Wlllt1" hv qu.Jir<lnuL Tnrttin~e aloclff a blue alafted '1\'UIIcwnyiWIIr the
IA\\111, he 1:0•1k ho:r h11rul from bo:hil"•l11ml h•I(OthiiJ' thll)' cmtc.-n•llhot
Clintoh \Vllite H111111!1 1'n1• tho lll'llt lime.
""l'l"'
I
I~
I
��The chietuaher and several aldas ~'Cl tlk.'!Tiul rhto clMr. "Mr.
Pttioidant," .llllicl ono, '""''I ha"" JIOEWil It u.ndar control 111 much lilt
J)OMIM ... " ClintonlmrodueedhirTIIflrlrlllllllme otthe awru he 'WilD·
dered aronnd the eiiUMila ball. hla foowtc:ps 'ICIIllllllnrr holluw on die
mvblt ftcars nt ra abll.lllb~'l' thut waa a.hnon emP')' acept far portra.lts uf Pl'bllldr:nta lteegllll and N~n. X..atlan ofw OVII1 Oftlca.
whert workl:rswcre elwlpsl.f Urh1 bulbs. ~~~:emod nvl tn11ntiGe him to
wRIIt dCIWII1114ir111D 1~ \Ve~t Wlnt:. He bad DO baslntaa U!crc untl~
~DmorTUW. K~: luokud tci\Yard the up11t11ir. n~~~iclenoe. "Ia it rtad1f"
JUIIahead ol bar
ftUIDIIIO,IIIIIary CllaiDII
llllpr IIIII Ulllr Wllhl
Houl8 bednom Ill' IIIII
Qrlll!llle.ll'llt30 Ia
..·
IIMJII)ell out "' ~ .-lcvnmr Into the gnuad )'ellow hDil·
''I'U)'ofqe second llaor. •\lulu4~omAn inll tollCI!<lo\VUvaoUuminjt thP Mllt. Housekeepers busily polislu:d l'umi•
~~. Cbthlta Clinton untl rQ.,r t..enJlAI! sbiA-ienda !1oom
.\rk111111111 "'"" aplorlrli like IROWUWU)'II nt 11 hntellleep·
1118 annlq, rhallla
0\'llr-loAI'\:ilxtl in whlt.e bAU!robas, balr up In bunll. The
ro drau fill' die
Presidant and Jin. Clinton IRI.'PP~•I into th..ir btch'Ciom
luapnl Dlllt. and she
on the IIOUtlm'I!At oor'IW'. u-hare ahcr kicked off bo:r ,..,_
hunoldallllaro
uad lut looae a. happy •i,P..
nwllelllllfap nt "I
don'l ana ~now
.lit 11111de bl• "'a..,. ellll\Yud Into hi• upstuirs nftllne,
hDW Ill 1111t."
otn&nin.stetl ~·a Afw•l Pcnoiau lf.,tiJ ru~. ll by25 teet. U1a thn:.: Bl·
bled w•.'l'l: ..-ulti~ there oa the d~lr alf\'udy, inllllllllull tbe 1\hljr
On alllur ot nls new
.J llllldR from bia gl'llnclmnther nn twhiah ha bad tllken the pr'IJISido..'ll tiul
quanars,lha Proaldant 1111ll•. RP ndtni111d '' rmintinu-urT,in..olu 1111d hla pnerala behind the
IIIII'OGam •1raa11
dtllk. 2ltt ~rl by17torge P.•\. Hculv. A f1XII< .. r rrnm Atkan·
lG uurpriACI
..-v.-1\itll ,IIUOOA (~~eo, uml nWc la:IMIII CD.l~d into the ba.c:k pk'Wbou18kaaper fiN ld}.
Itemud to hU\'C IM:en there t'or deeud..'tllnlft&:tlll nr minutii.R. "I've had
Annie Birrell tella "1111
I hi" rndt"'r (!lr twl!lll~.. fi,'l.' yto:1r11.'' Mid Pt.,~ldent Clinton. "i tlun'l
bar nama. "Aanla."
kDO\•tvh~'l'l: It cumc from orlgfn11lly. but J',,. Lur~arfl o.lowr1 a heiJ ora
nDUII lhl PtulllenL
''Hica 111111811 ,Ub. Now lot ol manay far lt. ·•
Ba.ck In the halh~·. he eamc: ueru••l•i" clad!d\l..a·. ''Chelsea, dar·
'"'vepl hi bal~ ma
w111nn 1111 n111n rtr • Wllf," be aalled. ''WheN ill yaw• raamf"
wllllt, O.K.!"
·'It'll horribly n!Jb·." llht: 1'\'pliecl.
"Won....... ·u fix It,'' said the .Prcdld~:nt. Ro.-lll!l'rned mllka tver7Tht Pnaldanl diiGIIIIII tbin.: but the o:reD.llly ahada of !J"IQA. 11nd teL~ h1•r ti1r t... itllf plally.
lllnbanabautul hll
·•tt yt&u waut tn ll'\ld~.lo:olm~ bow," abe allid. "O.K. tbnt to1110111 , _ IWe
m,v no....-rt room, 'Dadclyf ·
llllell WilD 111M
"You ba'"B mort thiiD o1111!''
aapai:Mtl Daatt.
Sh!!l rnnk him 1:0 nn u•\ioininjr mom that abe llcknowlcdpl Wll!l
IIDCCIIIIDJ ud rannlnJ
perfect for l'riends, esetpt tor th&: mutchinl!C 11"8U. From 'there, the
ahoel. Nlsllu lwllln
PNaldant pmad on fa1• another :!0 mlnutc.'ll thnouJtl• &.he -ad·
an Inn" c1o111. •t•ve
alnp had alai vi 11a." Boor Uininr n'.lom and funnal gu<!llt 111nn111-lookiDI:T llf01IIld, chuck·
..,. Cllnllll. wba pve
In, his memoliea llftd dualipdona of mmituru. l..,l,uvina (tellaraiJ1
anrlv 1DG mr lllfol'l Rll'l111llka a new b01Jiote)\~n;,r th1111 a Clhief of &Ulte.
IUWIRI Ulllt Rock.
.A.r the eut end of the third floor, the P~ident found 111111111,
HlfinlftiJIIIIft IMa t!'GRI!4tad room that lu.- 0111plored wi.U! lnte:ut. thlnklflll h1: hud l'lllf!n
de he aoulclu'l ball' 111
Dan wllh. •1 daa'a drink I llk.TI.' "" n ~-ernol'll' tour. "'Ls rhi11 wh&l'flltugan ~'Dfl'llllesced 11ftc.'T'
1111n wear lldt.~he IIJI be GOtshott'' heukech WI butler in 11 tu:wclo.
"Nn. ~ir,'' the hutl~ n:pliP.d. "You're In the 'IITCitll I'I)C)m. You
lqlld'aiiJ. "Unl1111
rruJoka."
In 1 dnalq 1'1101111111
IJIIIICGIId ftoor, tiJB
Pruidllnl nnds hit
II!Cidlar, Vlfllaia llilller.
hiiYinl ner hair daftl for
lhe evenllll'r feati•IIIU.
Back In Ills P1M11
aBiee,lha Pl'llilleat
lhDWI blllllf JIIIH
Selman a Jult
uqpackad pb:laro al
IIIII. llallav. lilian naa
SbiWIIJOUJII.
P
\II'IIJlt the ¥Oluri1UI1."
''The 110lulum,'' t'llpUed the Preaidcmt. ''Thut'11 what I WilDt."
R.: rollCJ\"'.oc.l hi~ f!•idt: p118t tho: lll:"l\n thlrd-lloaa· peat ra01111. Oatllldl·
one of t111:m. he clllllt upon Jim u11d Diu"' Blair-old friends !loom
NICMRu, deu enouah ro be aleeptnr here tbla flnt night. He 11811
mumt..J th..-m Ulod,rllft oddlywnrdec] CICIIUicltuUoW provialcm;MJLJ
the IJOV8mor ofArkiiDau aut.horltr to condu1:t mama"" eRI'UIIIOD1u
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ballway, they lltllzted !au¢2inlr and II01Iid not stop.
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sllicl the tu:,v world laader.
•·He's alap~ on CWGJY aoraln our hotuiu.'' o~~~hl Dlanft.
"Ancl tba pol'llh." •aid ~lw Pl'laidant. "And the: Runr." ACI.er a
99
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41
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ur
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.aa
----------------------l·
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
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1993-1995
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
Description
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
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Inagural Week Speeches
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-012-2014
7431955
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/8685a25260cb4a2f492e0b653d9219cc.pdf
11d72e8d72e852feeeb0113a06699bc6
PDF Text
Text
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. letter
Address (Partial); Phone No.'s (Partial) (1 page)
12/24/1992
P6/b(6)
002. memo
Carter [Wilkie] to George, Bob re: Inaugural Speech Draft Process (2
pages)
12/09/1992
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural Address Briefmg Book [5]
2008-0699-F
"m489
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Ad -144 U.S.C.2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) ofthe PRAJ
Pl Relating to the appointment to Federal office J(a)(2) of the PRA)
Pl Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(l) or the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) orthe PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) orthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�......---------·-··--
•
Governor Bill Clinton
•
Remarks to the
Democratic
Leadership Council
New Orleans, Louisiana
May 2, 1992
i.
Authorized and Paid for by the Clinton for President Committee P.O. Box 615 Uttle Rock Arkansas 72203 501-372-1992
�•
~
•
•
I want to talk about our Amcnc3.Il co:r..:nunity.
Thank you very much. To my good friends,
Congressman Bill Jefferson, whose life has in so
many ways paralleled my own; Mary Landrieu, who
has been my friend and supporter; Senator John
Breaux, who has done such a magnificent job in
leading the Democratic Leadership Council; to all
the delegates here assembled and especially those
from my home state of Arkansas, who have come
down the way a little to cheer me on; to the staff of
the DLC who has worked for so many years to try to
put ideas back into the forefront of this party, to
change our party without giving up our values, to win
elections without sacrificing principles, to change
this country in ways that were good and decent and
urgent: I am so glad to be here.
Thomas Jefferson once said that the crisis of slavery
is "a fire bell in the night". The crisis in Los Angeles
is now our fire bell in the nighL Ir is clear evidence
once again of the profound divisions in our community
- divisions that have been ripped to shreds in Los
Angeles. People outtaged by the Rodney King
verdict who say the system does not work. People not
voting because they have given up. People now who
say they will vote for a third party candidate because
what he says sounds good. and he has the inestimable
virtue of never having served in public office; because
they believe all politicians have failed. People who
are looting because they arc not part of the system at
all anymore. They do not share our values, and their
children are growing up in a culture alien from ourswithout family, without neighborhood, without
church, without support, often fmding that only in a
gang is there an identity bigger than themselves and
are they the most important person in the world to
anyone.
I can't help expressing a little bit of personal pride.
The magnificent rendering of "God Bless America"
by Earl Taylor, whose son, Earl Jr., works for us, and
whose son, Ricky, introduced me in Georgetown
when I first spoke there as a Presidential candidate
about my hopes for this country. He not only sings
with a gift from God, he has raised two children that
are testament to the enduring importance of a father's We must begin with the hard truth that race is at the
love.
root of much of this. In the 1950s when I was a little
boy I can remember the racial tensions beginning to
All of you know that I believe deeply in the work of flair in the open in my state. I had the virtue of~ing
the DLC. I love the ideas we have espoused. I have raised until I was four by a grandfather who had only
searched for opportunity and responsibility. I have a fourth grade education. but who believed passionsearched for means to empower people to take ad- ately in the cause of equal rights. But I watched my
vantage of their own destiny. I have searched for state sundered and tom when the President of the
ways to change government and make it work, to United States had to call out the National Guard
make it less bureaucratic and more enttepreneurial simply to integrate Little Rock Central High School.
and creative, to have more partnerships with the
private sector in ways that would generate explosive Then in the 1960s I saw the civil rights movement
lead to the burning of churches and the wreckage of
futures for America.
lives in cities like Birmingham. I watched Martin
Iknowthatwehave beenhunbyaleadershipwithout Luther King shot in Memphis on the eastern border
a strategy to restore our economic strength. I know of my state. I was living in Washington when the city
that we have been hun by leadership that was irre- erupted in flames, and I remember as if it were
sponsibly divisive, denying America's problems. yesterday sticking a red cross on my car and taking
But today I want to talk to you without the benefit of supplies into the inner-city, where people were
a prepared text and with some of my legendary huddled in the basements of churches. waiting- for
scribble notes, which even I can't read once I write 1 food.
themdown, abouttheotherpartoftheDLCmessage !
which I have worked so hard to craft over the last I And now in the 90s we have what has happened in
several years.
Los Angeles and 'to a lesser degree. what has
I
i
Transcript of Remarks by Governor Bill Clinton- Democratic Leadership Council, New Orl~ans, Louisiana- May 2, 1992
�.-
•
>r
•
•
happened in other cities around the nation. In the
1950s and 60s there were arguments over equal
access, over race, over poverty, overpolitjcs. To be
sure, in the 1990s we have made a great deal of
political progress. I was introduced today by a
magnificent man who, if he were fifty years older,
would not have been voting at this time in his life.
Birmingham, Los Angeles. Memphis. the District of
Columbia and Atlanta all have black mayors. We
have made a great deal ofprogress for those of us who
live in the mainstream of America. But what has
happened beneath that?
down the street to the sch.Jol in •J'l• r.eighborhood
unlesslwalkwithhim,heisnm fil":'! ifldowhatmy
boy asks and vote for you, will you make my boy
free?"ThatisthecryofmillionscfAmericanstoday
who know that they have no community day in and
day out in this country. Let us face those fears.
White Americans often fear that violence has only a
black face. They see it on the news. They see it in the
movies. They arc gripped by the isolation of their
own experience where, especially in many of our
larger areas, too many white Americans still simply
have no friends of other races and do not know any
differently.
Beneath that there are those who are not part of our
community, whose values have been shredded by the
hard knife of experience, where there is the disintegration of family and neighborhood and jobs. and the
rise of drugs and guns and gangs. Since I started this
campaign I have seen in New York City two little
children, black teenagers. ripped off the streets of
New York and beaten and painted white because God
made them black. And then a few days later a girl was
taken off the street and assaulted in retaliation, simply
because she was white.
Blacks fear that too often violence has a black face
and no one cares. There was a memorial service in
New Haven. Connecticut a few weeks ago for children who were killed in the endless bout of drug wars
in that city, and Reverend Jesse Jackson said that if
white Americans killed white Americans like this,
there would be an explosion of interest in the judicial
system until the matter was solved; and if black
Americans killed white Americans at this rate, there
would be soldiers in the street everywhere until it
would stop. But black Americans are leading other
I was in Chicago when an eight year-old child took black Americans to the slaughter, and no one steps
his big brother's gun to school and shot another eight into the breach.
year-old. barely understanding what he was doing. I
was in Houston with the police who told me that they Oh, to be sure. most of us still love our country. and
had found it necessary to put metal detectors in the we are still capable of being a community. In a time
front doors of eleven elementary schools to take the of crisis during the Gulf War, we were one. I believe
guns and the knives from the eight and nine year-old in our pain and anguish in the aftennath of the
children as they came through the door to school Rodney King verdict. After we had seen fifty-six
every day. Little wonder that one of the most moving blows rained in eighty-one seconds, we were one.
things that has occurred to me in the whole course of When we lose a president or a national hero. we are
this campaign was an encounter I had with a man in one. When Magic Johnson comes forward and with
hotel uniform in New York as I was going in to give courage tells us he has AIDS, we are one.
a speech. He grabbed me and said, "Governor, my
boy studies politics in school. He is ten years old. He But when the crisis passes, when we go back to the
says you should be President and since I trust my boy, day-to-day ordinary living oflife, I say to you, we are
I will vote for you." But he said, "I have to ask you not a community. We have too many people who are
something. Where I came from we were poor, but at totally disconnected, totally divorced from the
least we were free. Here in America we are no longer mainstream of our life.
free. When my boy cannot walk across the street to
the park in my neighborhood and play unless I am
with him. he is not free. When my boy cannot walk We are raising a ge:neration of Americans isolated,
2
Transcript of Remarks by Govemor Bill Clinton- Democratic Leadership Council, New Orleans, Louisiana -,May 2, 1992 .
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literally in a different culture, without family, often Last night our Presider.t r;:~r.l.e what I thought was a ·
without home, without education, without jobs, very fme statement on th~~ security measures he had
without a future.
taken, on the action he had urged the justice department to undertake, and on the need for all of us to
We should be afraid my fellow Americans, but we respect the law and honor the quiet heroes of the
must face our fears and stop running from them.
violence in Los Angeles who stepped in to save
people's lives. But the truth is we must do more. You
White people have been scared for so long that they and I have to admit here today that one of the reasons
have fled to the suburbs of America to places like we came to the Democratic Leadership Council is
Simi Valley and Macomb County in Michigan. I that we knew deep down inside that the political
understand those fears. I live in a city, and my system, including both parties, had failed to reach
daughter goes to a city public school. She's a seventh some of the fundamental problems of the United
grader in the public schools of Little Rock where States of America and this to be sure is the most
we've had an incident of violence a year or so ago- fundamental of all.
a tragedy. Someone came onto school grounds, and
death ensued. She tells me stories that sometimes The Republicans, when they needed to prove that
cause me to fear, but I believe we must face our fears Michael Dukakis was soft on crime, brought out
and not run from them, because she has gotten a good Willie Honon. The Republicans, when they need to
education. She revels in the biracial life she lives, cover up for their senseless economic strategy that is
and there has been more hope than fear in her ex- driving income down for most American families
while they work harder, blame it on quotas so that
perience. And besides, there is no place to hide.
there can be racial resenunent instead of honest
When I was in Michigan, in Macomb County, the analysis of our economic falsehoods.
home of the "Reagan Democrats", in a town meeting,
one of the frrst things I was told is that there, in the Even if they plead for unity, the Republicans now
place that people ran to, a fifteen year-old had just send their Vice-President out across the country to
shot another fifteen year-old in another act of mindless, talk about welfare in a way that makes it clear that
teenage violence. We have no place to hide.
they intend it to act as a wedge to divide the American
people, instead of as an instrument to liberate the
Rodney King said it well: "I never meant my verdict poor in the United States of America.
to be an excuse for this kind of behavior." But neither
will his verdict make the streets safer for others,
especially for black Americans. After all, more than But we Democrats have also let the American people
any other racial group in this country, it is their down , too. Those who sit on the sidelines don't want
children who are shot on the street, their neighbor- to vote for the President but don't participate in our
hoods that are savaged by crack cocaine, their busi- primary. Too often they think we haven't paid as
nesses and dreams that are crushed. Let us not forget much attention to the victims of crime as we should
that we now live in a multi racial society, Los have. Too often they think we have clung to putting
Angeles more than any other city in America. I spoke their taX money into programs year after year, whether
at the University of California at Los Angeles a they work or not. Too often they have heard memcouple of years ago to students from 122 countries. bers of our party say that those who seek to reform the
What of the Hispanics, what of the Asian Americans, welfare system are the enemies of the poor. And so
what of the other Americans who have come here we have had too often a leadership in the nation's
from different nations? What is to become of them? capital, paralyzed and divided, mirroring a country
Will they be part of the mainstream community or the all too divided. And when that happens, my fellow
other community of America? This situation cries Americans, we all pay.
out for leadership.
3
Transcript of Remarks by Governor Bill Climon- Democratic Leadership Council, New Or/tans. Louisiana- May 2. 1992
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We pay when the crime rate in America spirals
higher than any other country in the world. We pay
for it when your taxes build jail cells, even as we're
closing down school rooms. When other nations are
investing more in education, we're spending more on
jails. Oh yes, we pay. Every single one of us pays.
We pay for it when ignorance leads people to jails
instead of jobs, when they take our tax money where
it helps them instead of paying taxes into our system
, to educate a new generation of Americans, to build a
new generation of high-speed rail and other high
technology infrastructure, to convert from a defense
to a domestic economy in a way that explodes opponunity. Oh yes, we pay. We have to put people in
jail; we can't afford to build a future. We pay.
That's what they say tfJ me all over America. They
say, "this sounds so good. but ycu are a politician.
How can I believe you?" Well. I say you can believe
me, but first you have to beli~ve in you.
First, we have to begin honest talks about race, about
culture, about values. We have to strip away all the
intermediaries between the people who are elected
and those they are supposed to serve. And we must
honestly say: Here is what the leaders should do, and
here is what the people must do. Unless we close the
gap in understanding between what the leaders must
do and only the people can do, we will go on and on
and on in frustration after frustration. And anybody
who wins an election will fmd his or her ability to
change things drastically undermined. ·
So what would I do if I were President? Number one,
I would start with the elemental proposition that the
people in the other America deserve the same law
and order that the rest of us demand, and I would
work to make the streets safer. Through the reallocation of national resources, through the establishment
of a national service plan that the Democratic
· • We pay when we stick our heads in the sand instead Leadership Council has so long embraced, I would
of reaching out to these young children. We have the seek to put more police officers on the streets as
highest teen pregnancy rate, the highest low-binh friends - not enemies - of their neighbors.
weight rate, the highest explosion of AIDS of any
advanced country in the world. We will all pay for it I want to see everywhere in America what I saw in
because we refuse to face the underlying hard truth Philadelphia when I walked down the street with the
and go after these problems. We all pay when we are mayor and two fine police officers. I saw the neighbors
in a biracial neighborhood come out of their houses
divided.
and welcome the police officers, knowing that they
We pay when we blindly accept a permanent were working together, the neighbors willing to walk
underclass in America. a culture of poveny where no the street at two and three o'clock in the morning to
one dreams of a better future, where people only wait run the drug dealers out. And the police were willing
for the next check or to drug deal on the comer, to be there twenty-four hours a day, the people
because they have no way of imagining that life can working together to reclaim their rightful destiny·to
be different. We pay. ·
live in peace with their neighbors.
We pay when we live in the most violent country in
the world, and so the emergency rooms of our hospitals are full every weekend with people cut up and
shot. We all pay as the health costs go up, and we find
it harder and harder and harder to compete in a global
economy. We all pay.
I
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Abraham Lincoln once said in a very different context that it was his job to prove that government of,
by, and for the American people had not vanished. I
tell you that government of, by and for the American
people does not exist for millions of Americans
today. Most people would hear this and say. "this
sounds very good."
I have seen it in Chicago, in public housing projects
where twenty-four hours a day the police and the
tenants work together. And believe it or not, not so
very long ago, I saw it in Los Angeles. I have
wondered so often what might have happened if that
King incident had occurred in one of the neighborhoods I visited. where the police were there on two
4
Transcript of RemtJTics by Governor Bill Clinton- Democratic Leadership Council. New Orleans. Louisiana- May 2, 1992
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minutes call for neighbors that had beepers and them back one by one, bec:J!~'~c the:.·. :; jj~ only way
emergency phone numbers, where the citizens walked we're ever going to get th~m bJ.ck.
the streets. and people treated one another as people.
I have often wondered if it would have been different. Let me say one last thing about ~afe streets that is
somewhat unpopular in my pan cf the country and
The second thing we ought to do is find something maybe in other parts. I live in a state where half the
besides jail for our youngest and least violent of- people have a hunting or a fishing license or both.
fenders, who have no prospects. I believe in com- But I don't believe ten year-olds ought to have a
munity punishment. in community boot camps. · I license to kill. The people in Washingtan have
believe the most urgent thing we have to do is to played politics with the Brady Bill long enough. It is
reconnect these children to the future we want them time to pass it, put it on the books, and stop people
to live. If they go astray, leave them at home, give from buying guns who have no business with them.
them discipline, education, drug treatment if neces- I can hear all the objections now. I've heard it over
sary, let them do community service work and find and over in the halls of my legislature. You cannot
one person who lives to work with one trouble child, make a case for why a kid needs an assault weapon
so that at least the child can never say, "I never knew under the Constitution of the United States of America.
anybody who was a success who cared about me." It is insanity, and it has to stop.
Let's try that. What have we got to lose by trying?
If we make our streets safer, we must then make our
We need to mobilize the energies of the American families stronger. You know what the agenda is as
people in dealing with the troubled youth of our time. well as I do; we just have to have the will to impleI saw a group called the "Untouchables" in Penn- mentit Wearetheonlyadvancednationintheworld
sylvania, a group of young black men, most of them where women regularly get pregnant and do not see
junior high school age who gave me one of their T- the doctor six times before the baby is born. We
shins that said, "Untouchables. We are untouchable ought to have preventive, primary and maternal
by drugs. We are untouchable by guns. We are healthcareinAmerica. It wouldsaveusmoney. We
untouchable by crime. We have our life in our own don't do it because we don't have the will to do it We
hands." You know why they felt that way? Not ought to have preschool for every child who needs it.
because of a government program, but because one and we ought to involve the parents more in preparor two people loved those boys enough to give them ing their children to learn as we have aied so hard to
a chance to live in a different kind of gang - a good do at home. We ought to have child care, and we
gang, our gang- where the values were strong and ought to have family leave.
the future was sound. There needs to be more of that
in this country.
And we ought to have the opponunity for the poorest
families to work their way into housing. I love going
I met a judge in Texas during this campaign who told across America to these so-called "sweat equity
me that when he was on the trial bench he mobilized projects", where foreclosed-on homes have been
600 people in his own district, not just to go after the turned over to poor folks who snipped the lead paint
young men and women who came before him as out and builta house for themselves by working after
violators, but to be with the seven, eight and nine work. It is a moving experience.
year-olds when they flrst begin to show signs of
trouble in their lives. I'm telling you, friends, if you But we also ought to remind ourselves that a big pan
want your country back, if you want those people to of the problem of family income is people who bring
beinyourcommunity,ifyouwantthenexttimeariot children into this world and will not pay to suppon
breaks out to see tens of thousands of poor people 1 them.
who say, "wedon'tsteal, wedon'tloot, that's notour
life"; you've got to go out to those kids and bring !
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Transcript of Remarks by Governor Bill Cli111o11 -
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Democratic Leadership Council. New Orlea11s, Louisiana- May 2, 1992
�So ·I will say again that we need a much tougher "if it happens somewher~. \Jihy doesn't it happen
system of child suppon enforcement, because gov- everywhere?" I'll tell you why: because there aren't
enough of "us" and there's to much of "them".
ernments cannot raise chil~n; people must
"Them". "Them" is dl~ dread word in American
•
The third thing we have to do is to make schools politics. The Republican~ blame all the problems on
meaningful to our children. I will say simply this: I "them". Sometimes the Democrats say, "we're gohave been in more schools in more states than prob- ing to help 'them"'. P-=ople don't need help as
ably any other public figure in the United States. "them"; they need to be pan of"us", of defming their
When I think of schools in cities I do not think of own future. We've got to stop blaming "them" or
those that fail, I think of the Thomas Jefferson Junior helping"them"andsay, "Hey, come on, bepanofus.
Be part of our gang, it's a good gang. It will bring
r High School in Washington, D.C., or the Beasley
· Academic Center in Chicago, in a neighborhood America back."
with the highest murder rate in Dlinois and in the top
ten percent of all test scores, with a wonderful principal I want everybody here to think long and hard about
from the Mississippi Delta of my state, where the this. Yes, I want to be elected President. I believe I
children in a public school have a dress code, strong can be a good President. I believe I've got a good
values, seventy-five fathers and many more brothers plan. Many of you helped me to fashion it , and those
volunteering in the schools and there is a feeling that · of you from Arkansas helped me live it. Oh yes, I
no one wants drugs or guns in the school because they want that job, but fli'st I want you to think about what
don't want to leave the schools. The school is their kind of citizens you're going to be, what kind of life
gang. It's our gang. It's a good gang because its you intend to live, what kind of community you are
about something good. And Cardozo High School in determined to create. My life is a testament to the fact
Queens. I could go on and on and on.
that the American dream works. Leadership, rules.
rewards, responsibility and love. I've come a long
· • Why do these things work when so much is failing? way from where I staned. Whenever I come back to
What do they all have in common that America this city I think about what is perhaps my earliest
lacks? They have leadership that takes responsibil- childhood memory. When I was about three yearsity. They have rules by which all must live. They old, my grandmother got me on a train and we came
have responsibility for every person, from the prin- from Arkansas to New Orleans-where my widowed
cipal, to the teacher. to the building maintenance mother was studying to be a nurse. It was the first
people, to every single child that walks through the time I had ever been in a building with more than two
door. They have rewards for responsible behavior, stories, and we stayed high in the old Young Hotel
and they have love. That •s what they have, and it (?). I can still remember being mystified by how
works.
people ever got so high off the ground. I remember,
too, the fll'St and most vivid memory of my mother :
H you look at that the next thing we have to do, which When we left after this trip, my grandmother and I.
is to bring some jobs back into these areas, you will my mother kneeled down at the side of the railroad
see that investment alone won't work. That's why tracks and cried because her child was going, but she
the DLC's empowerment strategy is so imponant. was here so she could make a living to suppon me. I
There must be rules, responsibility and reward. That's got to live by the rules that work in America, and I
why this empowerment agenda of the DLC must be ended up here today running for President of the
at the core of any serious attempt to revitalize the United States of America, because I had the right
kind of American conununity. It went beyond politics,
other America.
it went beyond programs; it went to values.
_..- When you look at all this. at what I say about safe
streets, strong families, good schools, and economic
empowerment. if you're like me, you ask yourself,
•
Transcript of Remarks by Go1:ernor Bill Clinto11 -
6
Democratic Leadership Council, New Orleans, Louisiana- May 2, 1992
..
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�The thing that is killin.g America. torit~y is not our
problems, although they are immense: We don't
invest enough. We're losing our productivity lead.
We have enonnous social problems. We have political gridlock. All those are immense problems, but
the thing that is killing our country today is that
millions of Americans, from New Hampshire to
Southern California, from southern Florida to
Washington. get up every day and do not believe that
tomorrow will be better. They do not believe anything
will change. They do not believe politics can make
a difference. They do not believe they can make a
When my daughter was in her last month of school difference.
last year, I remember taking her to school one day and
seeing a wonderful, handsome man walking his child This campaign, as I have always said. is a crusade to
to school. He had two other little children with him. change this country. But it requires political refonn,
The man happened to be a black American. He was economic leadership. and the re-establishment of the
a remarkable fellow. One of these little children common bonds of community and humanity without
came running up to me, holding his hands out to me, which we can never, ever, hope to change this country.
jumped up in my arms, and held me so tight. Now any
politician loves that. but if you know anything about And so I ask you, my fellow Americans. let a pan of
child development. you know that's not a very good the new ideas of the Democratic Leadership Council
sign, for a child that's two· years-old to be be the old-fashioned wisdom that we have to return
indiscriminantly bestowing that son of affection. So meaning and connection to the idea of being an
I asked this boy, "You want to go home with me?". American. There is nothing before us we cannot
. He said, "yeah". And I said. "I don't have a boy. I'd conquer if we can simply get the energy and drive
kind of like to have a boy to go with my girl." We and joy that will come back into the lives of our
were joking and then I said to the man, "How many people if they can once again believe they matter to
children do you have?" And he said, "five". I said, us and that tomorrow will be better.
"You mean you have three others besides these two".
He said. "Oh no, these two are not mine. My wife and Thank you very much.
I had one child who died. And we thought that in her
memory, we would always, for the rest of our lives,
be foster parents for children in need. These two
children were left alone by their mother for two days.
and so the state gave them to us. And we are loving
them. hoping that their mother can learn to be a good
parent and take them back."
Tiu'Ce years ago, before all these fights broke out. I
went to South Central L.A., which you have seen in
flames. I drove hour after hour, up and down those
streets watching all the buildings, some painted red,
some painted blue for the gangs that had jurisdiction
in the area. I went into a grade school where the sixth
graders told me they dreaded growing older because
when they got to the eighth grade, they had to do
crack and join a gang or be beaten. Those kids are in
the ninth grade now. How often I wonder what has
.,. happened to them.
•
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Those children are hanging in the balance. Will they
be part of our gang orsomeone else's gang? I tell you
today that. as Martin Luther King wrote many years
ago in his "Letter from a Birmingham Jail", "we are
caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied
in a single garment of destiny. Injustice anywhere is
a threat to justice everywhere."
7
Transcript of Remarks by Governor Bill Clinton -
Democratic Leadership Council, New Orleans. Louisiana- May 2, 1992
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-'-'VCI~"N I FOR AMERICAN SECURITY
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY. WASHINGJQ_N, D.C.
DECEMBER 12, 1991
1was born nearly half a century ago at the dawn of the Cold War. a
time of great change, enormous opportunity and uncertain peril. At a time when
Americans wanted nothing more than to come home and resume lives of peace and
quiet. our country had to summon the will for a new kind or war- containing an
expansionist and hostile Soviet Union which vowed to bury us. We had to find ways to
rebuild the economies of Europe and Asia. encourage a worldwide movement toward
independence and vindicate our nation's principles in the world against yet another
totalitarian challenge to liberal democracy.
Thanks to the unstinting courage and sacrifice of the American
people, we were able to win that Cold War. Now we've entered a new era. and we need a
new vision and the strength to meet a new set of opportunities and threats. We face
the same challenge today that we faced in 1946- to build a world of security,
freedom. democracy, free markets and growth at a time of great change.
Anyone ruMing for President right now- Republican or
Democrat- is going to have to provide a v1sion for securicy in this new era. That is
what I hope to do today.
Given the problems we face at home. we do have to take care of our
own people and their needs first We need to remember the central lesson of the
collapse of communism and the Soviet Union. We never defeated them on the field of
battle. The Soviet Union coll~sed from the inside out- from economic, political and
spiritual failure.
Make no mistake: Foreign and domestic policy are inseparable in
today's world. If we're not strong at home we can't lead the world we've done so much
to make. And if we withdraw from the world. it will hurt us economically at home.
We can't allow this false choice between domestic policy and
foreign policy to hurt our country and our economy. Our President has devoted his
time and energy to foreign concerns and ignored dire problems here at home. As a
result. we're drifting in the longest economic slump since World War II. and. in
reaction to that. elements in both parties now want America to respond to the collapse
of communism and a crippling recession at home by retreating from the world.
.· ··-·--- • 1have agreed with President Bush on a number of foreign policy
questions. I supported his efforts to kick Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait I think he did
a masterful job in pulling together the victorious multi-lateral coalition. I support his
desire to pursue peace talks in the Middle East. I agree with the President that we
can't tum our back on NATO. And 1supported giving the administration fast-track
authority to negotiate a sound and fair free trade agreement with Mexico.
.
.. - - -·· . But because the President seems...ta.laYOT poliucaTif.aliilltY. and his
personal relations with forelgnt~d~rs over a coherent policy of promoting freedom.
democracy and economic growth, he often does things I disagree with. For example.
his clcse personal ties with foreign leaders helped forge the coalition against Saddam
Hussein. but also led him to side with China's communist rulers after the democratic
uprising of students. The President forced Iraq out of Kuwait. but as soon as the war
was over. he seemed so concerned with the stability of the area that he was willing to
leave the Kurds to an awful fate. He is rightfully seeking peace in the Middle East. but ·
his urge to personally broker a deal has led him to take public positions which may
undennine the ability of the Israelis and the Arabs to agree on an enduring peace.
In the aftermath of the Cold War. we need a President who
I
"The deiense oi
freedom and
tne promouon
oi democracy
around the
world aren't
merely a
reilection oi our
deepest values;
they are vital to
our national
interests."
0·~
\ .. _./
I I
~
�_______ -·-·-·· v• ~ ..........,. rc: gumg. &n::-=.:.r.:.:res=t=a::en.::t.::.an:.::a:.. ;n;;..:t:..s---+----.aciminist_ra.....,ti-on-:ha:--ve-y-et to meet that test - to define the requtremenu of U.S.
national security after the Cold .War.-- - --· ···---- .
Retreating from the world or discounting its dangers is-wrong for
'·
the country and sets back everything else we hope to accomplish as Democrau. The
defense of ireedom and the promotion of democracy around the world aren't merely a
retlection of our deepest values: they are vital to our national interesu. Global
democracy means nations at peace with one another. open to one another's ideas and
one another's commerce.
The stakes are high. The collapse of communism is not an isolated
event it's pan of a worldwide march toward democracy whose outcome will shape the
next century. Hindividual liberty, political pluralism and free enterprise take root in
Latin America. Eastern and Central Europe, Africa. Asia and the former Soviet Union.
"No nauonal
we can look forward to a grand new era of reduced conrlict. mutual understanding and
security issue is
economic growth. For ourselves and for millions of people who seek to live in freedom
and prosperity, this revolution must not fail.
more urgent
And yet, even as the American Dream is inspiring people around
than rhe
the w~r~d. Am~he-sidetines;-~~~i~pied by-economic weakness
quesuon or who
•
m~C'ertain.>tision.
/
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We face two great foreign policy challenges today. First, we must
define a new national security policy that builds on freedom's victory in the Cold War.
The communist idea has lost its power, but the fate of the peoples who lived under it
and the fate of the world will be in doubt until stable democracies rise from the debris
oi the Soviet empire.
And second, we must forge a new economic policy to serve ordinary
Americans by launching a new era of global growth. We must tear down the wall in
our thinking between domestic and foreign policy•
We need a coherent strategy that enables us to lead the world we
have done so much to make. and that supports our urgent efforts to take care of our
own here at home. We cannot do one without the other.
----/
. . _____ .-- -We neeaa ·New Covenant forAii1erican Security after the Cold War.
a set of rights and responsibilities that will challenge the American people, American
leJders and America's allies to work togetherto build a safer, more prosperow. more
democratic world.
The strategy of American engagement I propose is based on four
key assumptions about the requiremenu of our security in this new era:
• First, the collapse of communism does not mean the end of
danger. Anew set of threats in an even less stable world will force us. even as we
restructure our defenses, to keep our guard up.
• Second, America must regain its economic strength to maintain
our position of global leadership. While military power will continue to be vital to our
national security, its utility is declining relative to economic power. We cannot afford
to go on spending too much on firepower and too little on brainpower.
• Third, the irresistible power of ideas rules in the Information
Age. Television. cassette tapes and the fax machine helped ideas to pierce the Berlin
Wall and bring it down.
• Finally, our defmition of security must include common threats
to all people. On the environment and other global issues. our very survival depends
upon the United States taking the lead.
Guided by these assumptions, we mwt pursue three clear
will control the
nuclear
weapons and
rechnology oi
the former
' Soviet empire."
�•
•
must work with our aHies to encourage the spread and consolidation oi democracy ,. . ,. ___-+-----· - aoroad... And thud.JVa:.lmiSt reeiiiDiish AinentaTeCcTIIimti1larie~at..home and in
theworkk-·
...
When Americans elect a President. they select a Commander in
Chief. They want someone they can trust to act when our country's interests are
threatened.. To protect our interests and our values, sometimes we have to stand and
fight. That is why, as President. 1pledge to maintain military iorces strong enough to
1.\
deter and when necessary to defeat any threat to our essential interests.
·.......__
__.Ioday!s-ddlfiie debate cenrers too narrowly"on th·e size oi the
military budget. But the real questions are. what threats do we iace. what forces do we
need to counter them. and how must we change?
We can and must substantially reduce our military iorces and
spending. because the Soviet threat is decreasing and our allies are able to and should
shoulder more of the defense burden. But we still must set the level of our defense
spending based on what we need to protect our interests. First let's provide for a
strong defense. Then we can talk about defense savings.
At the outset oi this discussion, I want to make one thing clear:
The world is still rapidly changing. The world we look out on today is not the same
world we will see tomorrow. We need to be ready to adjust our defense projections to
meet threats that could be either heightened or reduced down the road.
Our defense needs were clearer during the Cold War, when it was
widely accepted that we needed enough forces to deter a Soviet nuclear attack. to
defend against a Soviet-led conventional offensive in Europe and to protect other
American interests, especially in Northeast Asia and the Persian Gulf. The collapse of
the Soviet Union shattered that consensus. leaving us without a clear benchmark for
detennining the size or mix of our armed forces•
However, a new consensus is emerging on the nature of post-Cold
War security. It assumes that the gravest threats we are most likely to face in the years
ahead include:
• First. the spread of deprivation and disorder in the fanner Soviet
Union. which could lead to anned conflict among the republics or the rise oi a
fervently nationalistic and aggressive regime in Russia still in possession oi long-range
nuclear weapons.
• Second. the spread of weapons of mass destruction, nuclear,
chemical and biological, as well as the means for delivering them.
• Third.. enduring tensions in various regions. especially the
'Without
Korean peninsula and the'Middle East and the attendant risks of terrorist attacks on
Americans traveling or working overseas.
growth abroad,
• And finally, the growing intensity of ethnic rivalry and separatist
our own
violence within national borders, such as we have seen in Yugoslavia. India and
economy
elsewhere. that could spill beyond those borders.
cannot thrive."
To deal with these new threats, we need to replace our Cold War
milita:y structure with a smaller, more flexible mix oi capabilities, including:
• Nuclear detemoce. We can dramatically reduce our nuclear
anenals through negotiations and other reciprocal actions. But as an irreducible
minimum, we must retain a survivable nuclear force to deter any conceivable threat.
• lbpid deiJloymml We need a force capable of projecting power
quickly when and where it's needed. This means the Army must develop a more mobile
mix of mechanized and armored forc.es. The Air Force should emphasize tactical
power and airlift. and the Navy and Marine Corps must maintain sufficient carrier and
*
�--.----+-----·
·-- - - - - ----·--+--------~ology. The Gulf War proved· thatUie superiort: _.mng
of
our soldiers. tactical air power. advanced communications. space-based surveillance.
and smart weaponry produced a shorter war with fewer American casualties. We must
maintain our technological edge.
• Better iDtelligence.ln an era of unpredictable threats. our
'We must be
intelligence agencies mwt shift from military bean-counting to a more sophisticated
strong at home
understanding of political. economic and cultural conditions that can spark contlicts.
to lead and
To achieve these capabilities. I would restructure our forces in the
maintam global
following ways:
growth."
First. now that the nuclear arms race finally has reversed course.
it's time for a prudent slowdown in strategic modernization. We should stop
production of the B-2 bomber. That alone could save S20 billion by 1997.
Since Ronald Reagan unveiled his "Star Wars" proposal in 1983.
America has spent S26 billion in futile pursuit of a foolproof defense against nuclear
atUck. Democrats in Congress have recommended a much more realistic and
attainable goal: defending against very limited or accidental launches of ballistic
missiles. This allows us to proceed with R&D on missile defense within the frameworK
of the ABM treaty- a prudent step as more and more countries acquire missile
technology.
At the same time. we must do more to stop the threat of weapons
oi mass destruction from spreading. We need to clamp down on countries and
companies that sell these technologies, punish violators and work urgently with all
countries for tough. enforceable international non-proliferation agreements.
Although the President's plan does reduce our conventional force
structure. I belt eve we can go farther without undermining our core capabilities. We
can meet our rt:Sl)Onsibilities in Europe with less than the 150,000 troops now
proposed by the President. especially as the Soviet republics withdraw their forces
&om the Red Army. We can defend the sea lanes and project force with 10 carriers
rather !han 12. We should continue to keep same U.S. forces in Northeast Asia as long
as North Korea presents a threat to our South Korean ally.
To upgrade our conventional forces. we need to develop greater air
and sea lift CaDacity, including production of the C-17 transport aircraft. But we
should end or reduce programs intended to meet the Soviet threat Our conventional
programs. like the new Air Force fighter and the Army's new armored systems. should
be redesigned to meet regional threats.
The administration has called for a 21 percent cut in military
spending through 1995. based on the assumption. now obsolete. that the Soviet Union
would remain intact With the dwindling Soviet threat. we can cut defense spending by
over a third by 1997.
Based on calculations by the Congressional Budget office. my plan
would bring cumulative savings of about SlOO billion beyond the current Bush plan. If
favorable political and military trends continue. and we make progress on arms
control. we may be able to scale down defense spending still more by the end of the
decade. However, we should not commit ourselves now to specific deeper cuts ten
years from now. The world is changing quickly, and we must retain our ability to react
to potential threats.
Also, we must not forget about the real people whose lives will be
turned upside down when defense is cut de~ly. The government should look out for
its defense workers and the communities they live in. We should insist on advanced
•
•
'
�to a aomestiC
economy. Thirty-one percent or our graduate engineers work for the defense mdustJ:Y.
----,--------tj--.TP'tfi:":ey7-::an=d::r.:»other hlgfiJYskilled workers and technicians are a VItal national resource_a;;..ta-time when our technological edge in a world economy must be sharper tban ever
bdfre.l have called for a new advanced research agency- a civilian DARPA- that
could help capture for commercial work the brilliance of scientists and engineers who
have accomplished wonders on the battlefield.
Likewise. those who have served the nation in uniform cannot be
dumped on the job market. We've got to enlist them to help meet our many needs at
home. By shifting people from active duty to the National Guard and reserves. offering
early retirement options, limiting re-enlistment and slowing the pace oi recruitment.
we can build down our forces in a gradual way that doesn't abandon people of proven
commitment and competence.
Our people in uniform are among the most highly skilled in the
areas we need most We need to transfer those human resources into our workforce
and even into our schools, perhaps in part by wing reserve centers and closed bases
for community-based education and training programs.
The defense policy I have outlined keeps America strong and still
yields substantial savings. The American people have earned this peace dividend
through forty years of unrelenting vigilance and sacririce and an investment of
trillions of dollars. And they are entitled to have the dividend reinvested in their
future.
Finally, America needs to reach a new agreement with our allies for
sharing the costs and risks oi maintaining peace. While Desert Storm set a useful
precedent for cost-sharing, our forces still did most of the fighting and dying. We need
.....
' ,
to shift that bur~en to a wider coalition of nations of which America will be a part In
the Persian Gulf, in Namibia, in Cambodia and elsewhere in recent years. the United
Nations has begun to play the role that Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman
envisioned for it. We must take the lead now in making their vision real- by
expanding the Security Council and making Germany and Japan permanent members:
by continuing to press for greater efficiency in U.N. administration: and by exploring
ways to institutionalize the U.N.'s success in mobilizing international participation in
Desert Storm.
· One proposal worth exploring calls for a U.N. Rapid Deployment
Force that could be used for purposes beyond traditional peacekeeping, such as
standing guard at the borders of countries threatened by aggression: preventing
attacks on civilians: providing humanitarian relief: and combatting terrorism and drug
trafficking.
In Europe. new security arrangements will evolve over the next
decade. While insisting on a fairer sharing of the common defense burden. we must
not tum our back on NATO. Until a more effective security system emerges, we must
give our allies no reason to doubt our constancy.
As we restructure our military forces, we must reinforce the
powerful global movement toward democracy.
U.S. foreign policy cannot be divorced from the moral principles
most Americans share. We cannot disregard how other governments treat their own
people. whether their domestic institutions are democratic or repressive. whether they
help encourage or checlc illegal conduct beyond their borders. This does not mean we
should deal only with democracies or that we should try to remake the world in our
image. But recent experience from Panama to Iran to Iraq shows the dangers of
forging strategic relationships with despotic regimes.
______ ~-· ·-· ~ ...................... 4 .. a::u:n:~~e
•
•
•
\~
'-::::::-
~
�_____ -----·-·'"-··-·--••,..••••••u•'-••Y'-IIIoGI ft-.;QIJUII~,UUL_w_c:_ _ f - - - - - · · ·
•
•
'\
·~
don't fear annihalation.at their hands. DemocracieS don't sponsor terrorist acts against
each other. They are more likely to be reliable trading partners. protect the global
e'nv\ronment and abide by international law.
Over time. democracy is a stabilizing force. It provides non-violent
means ior resolving disputes. Democracies do a better job of protecting ethnic.
religious and other minorities. And elections can help resolve fratricidal civil wars.
Yet President Bush too often has hesitated when democratic forces
needed our support in challenging the status quo. I believe the President erred when
he secretly rushed envoys to resume cordial relations with China barely a month after
the massacre in Tiananmen Square: when he spumed Yeltsin before the Moscow coup;
when he poured cold water on the Baltic and Ukrainian aspirations for selfdetennination and independence: and when he initially refused to help the Kurds.
The administration continues to coddle China. despite its
continuing crackdown on democratic reionns. its brutal subjugation of Tibet. its
irresponsible exports of nuclear and missile technology, its support for the homicidal
Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. and its abusive trade practices. Such forbearance on our
part might have made sense during the Cold War. when China was a counterweight to
Soviet power. But it makes no sense to play the China card now. when our opponents
have thrown in their hand.
In the Middle East. the administration deserves credit for bringing
Israel and its Arab antagonists to the negotiating table. Yet I believe the President is
wrong to use public pressure tactics against Israel. In the process. he has raised Arab
expectations that he'll deliver Israeli concessions and fed Israeli fears that its interests
will be sacrificed to an American-imposed solution.
We must remember that even if the Arab-Israeli dispute were
resolved tomorrow, there would still be ample causes of conflict in the Middle East:
ancient tribal, ethnic and religious hatreds: control of oil and water: the bitterness of
the have-nots toward those who have: the lack of democratic institutions to hold
leaders accountable to their people and restrain their actions abroad: and the
territorial ambitions of Iraq and Syria. We have paid a terrible price for the
administration's earlier policies of deference to Saddam Hussein. Today, we must deal
with Haiez Assad in Syria. but we must not overlook his tyrannical rule and
domination of Lebanon.
We need a broader policy toward the Middle East that seeks to limit
the flow of anns into the region, as well as the materials needed to develop and deliver
w~ons of mass destruction; promotes democracy and human rights; and preserves
our strategic relationship with the one democracy in the region:.Israel.
And in Africa as well, we must align America with the rising tide of
democracy. The administration has claimed credit for the historic opening to
democracy now being negotiated in South Africa. when in fact it resisted the sanctions
policy that helped make this hopeful moment possible.
Today, we should concentrate our attention on doing what we can
to help end the violence that has ravaged the South African townships, by supporting
with our aid the local structures that seek to mediate these disputes and by insisting
that the South African government show the same zeal in prosecuting the perpetrators
of the violence as it did in the past when pursuing the leaders of the anti-apartheid
movement The administration and our states and cities should only relax our
remaining sanctions as it becomes clearer that the day of democracy and guaran·~!:d
individual rights is at hand. And when that day does dawn. we must be prepared to
--···
--
�nn American foreign poiicy oi engagement for democracy will
·---------tl-•urn.niiF&f:Deon.uwr"'iim'i'FfeiPiresti ana-our Vilues. Here'sWhit we stiouiifdo:
==-----+---• First. we need to respond more forcefully to one of the greatest
security challenges of our time, to help the people of the former Soviet empire
demilitarize their societies and build free poiitical !!td economic institutions. Congress
has passed SSOO million to help the Soviets destroy nuclear weapons. and for
humanitarian aid. We can do better. Al Senator Sam Nunn and Representative Les
:\spin have argued. we should shift money irom marginal military programs to this key
investment in our future security. We can radically reduce the threat of nuclear
destruction that has dogged us for decades by investing a fraction of what would
otherwise have to be spent to counter that threat. And, together with our G-7 partners,
we can supply the Soviet republics with the food and medical aid they need to survive
their first win.ter of freedom in 74 years. We should do all that we can t~ coordinate aid
efforts with our allies. and to provide the best technical assistance we can to distribute
that food and aid.
No national security issue is more urgent than the question of who
will control the nuclear weapons and technology of the former Soviet empire. Those
weapons pose a threat to the security of every American. to our ailies, and to the
republics themselves.
I know it may be bad politics to be for any aid program. But we owe
it to the people who defeated communism, the people who defeated the coup. And we
owe it to ourselves. Asmall amount spent stabilizing the emerging democracies in the
former Soviet empire today will reduce by much more the money we may have to
commit to our defense in the future. And it will lead to the creation of lucrative new
0.
markets which mean new American jobs. Having won the Cold War. we must not now
lose the peace.
• We should recognize Ukraine's independence, as well as that of
other republics who make that decision democratically. But we should link U.S. and
western non-humanitarian aid to agreements by the republics to abide by all arms
agreements negotiated by Soviet authorities, demonstrate responsibility with regard to
nuclear weapons, demilitarize their economies, respect minority rights. and proceed
with market and political reforms.
~we must
• We should use our diplomatic and economic leverage to increase
devise and
the material incentives to democratize and raise the costs for those who won't. We
pursue national
have every right to condition our foreign aid and debt relief policies on demonstrable
policies that
progress toward democracy and market reforms. In extreme cases. such as that of
serve the needs
China, we should condition favorable trade terms on political liberalization and
of our people
responsible international conduct
by uniting us at
• We need to support evolving institutional structures favorable to
home and
countries struggling with the transition to democracy and markets. such as the new
restoring
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, whose mission is to rebuild the
America's
societies of Central and Eastern Europe. We are right to encourage the European
greatness in the
Community to open its doors to those societies, perhaps by creating an affiliate status
that carries some but not all of the privileges of membership.
world."
• We should encourage private American investment in the former
Savitt empire. The Soviet republics, after all, are rich in human and natural resources.
One day, they and Eastern Europe could be lucrative markets for us.
• We should regard increased funding for democratic assistance as
a legitimate part of our national security budget. We should support groups like the
National Endowment for Democracy, which work openly rather than covertly to
'. I )
0
•
0
•
•
f-7·.
''-.__./
8
�.-
__ ~- - - - - - _ , _ - • - • -••VIIIIUWVIII"'f!jlioll'-1 \.\1
'-UAIIllf;J
---------+--m-o_r_e~oi:-:-th;-e..,..ir_r_es-ources to-promotmg democracy. Alldjust as Radio Free..,..E=-u-ro_p_e_an_d-:----t-----··· -- - - -
•
•
•
918
the Voice oi America helped bring the truth to the people of those societies. we should
create a Radio Free Asia to carry news and hope to China and elsewhere.
• Finally, just as President Kennedy launched the Peace Corps 30
years ago, we should create a Democracy Corps today that will send thousands of
talented AmeriQI'l volunteers to countries that need their legal, imancial and political
expertise.
Our second major strategic challenge is to help lead the world into
a new era of global growth. Any governor who's tried to create jobs over the last decade
know that experience in international economics is essential and that success in the
global economy must be at the core of national ~ecurity in the 1990s.
Without growth abroad, our own economy cannot thrive. U.S.
exports of goods and services will be over a half-trillion dollars in 1991 -and 10
percent of our economy. Without global growth. healthy international competition
turns all too readily to economic warfare. Without growth and economic progress,
there can be no true economic justice among or within nations.
I believe the negotiations on an open trading system in the GA1i
are oi extraordinary importance. And I support the negotiation of a North American
Free Trade Agreement. so long as it's fair to American farmers and workers. protects
the environment and observes decent labor standards.
Freer trade abroad means more jobs at home. Every S1 billion in
U.S. exports generates 20.000 to 30.000 more jobs. We must find ways to help
developing nations finally overcome their debt crisis, which has lessened their capacity
to buy American goods and probably cost us 1.5 million American jobs.
We must be strong at home to lead and maintain global growth.
Our weakness at home has caused even our economic competitors to worry about our
stubborn refusal to establish a national economic strategy that will regain our
economic leadership and restore opportunity for the middle class.
How can we lead when we have gone from being the world's largest
creditor country to the world's largest debtor nation- now owing the world $405
billion? When we depend on foreigners ior SlOO billion· a year of financing, we're not
the masters oi our own destiny.
I spoite in my last lecture about how we must rebuild our nation's
economic greatness. for the job of restoring America's competitive edge truly begins at
home. I have oiiered a program to build the most well-educated and well-trained
workforce in the world and put our national budget to work on programs that make
America richer, not more indebted.
Our economic strength must become a central defining element of
our national security policy. We must organize to compete and win in the global
economy. We need a commitment from American business and labor to work together
to make world-class products. We must be prepared to exchange some short-term
benerits - whether in the quarterly profit statement or in archaic work rules - for
long-te!Tll success. .
The private sector must maintain the initiative. but government
has an indispensable role. A recent Department of Commerce report is a wake-up call
that we are falling behind our major competitors in Europe and Japan on emerging
technologi~ that will defme the high-paying jobs of the future -like advanced
materials. biotechnology, superconductors and computer-integrated manui:lcturing.
I have mentioned a civilian advanced research projects agency to
·we should use
our diplomauc
and econom•c
leverage to
increase the
material
incentives to
democratize
and raise the
costs for those
who won't."
�•
•
•
___ . ___ ·- ·- ,.. ov• ....... "''" uu~ ~c~. uy government
alone. We have hundreds oi national laboratories with extraordina::iry:..:tal==en:.:.t.=tha=t:..:ha.::v-:--e~--+----
--+--p-ut~-e tJiUted'States at the ioretront of military technology. We need to reorient their
mission. working with private companies and universities. to advance technologies
that will make our lives better and create tomorrow's jobs.
Not enough of our companies engage in export- just 15 percent
of our companies account for 85 percent of our exports. We have to meet our
competitors' efforts to help smaller- and medium-sized businesses identiiy and gain
foreign markets.
And most important. government must assure that international
competition is fair by insisting to our European, Japanese and other trading partners
that if they won't play by the rules of an open trading system, then we will play by
theirs.
We have no more important bilateral relationships than our
alliance with Japan, a relationship that has matured from one of dependency in the
1950s to one of partnership today. Our relationship is based on ties of democracy, but
as we cooperate. we also compete. And the maturity of our relationship allows
American Presidents. as I will. to insist on fair play. As we put our own economic
house in order. Japan must open the doors oi its economic house. or our partnership
will be imperiled with consequences for all the world.
Now we must understand. as we never have before. that our
national security is largely economic. The success of our engagement in the world
depends not on the headlines it brings to Washington politicians. but on the benetits it
brings to hard-working middle-class Americans. Our Mforeign" policies are not really
foreign at all.
When greenhouse gas emissions from developed nations warm the
atmosphere and CFCs eat away at the ozone layer. our beaches and farmlands and
people are threatened. When drugs flood into our country from South America and
Asia. our cities suffer and our children are put at risk. When a Libyan terrorist can go
to an airport in Europe and check a bomb in a suitcase that kills hundreds of people,
our freedom is diminished and our people live in fear.
So let us no longer define national security in the narrow military
terms of the Cold War. We can no longer afford to have foreign and domestic policies.
We must devise and pursue national policies that serve the needs of our people by
uniting us at home and restoring America's greatness in the world. To lead abroad. a
President of the United States must first lead at home.
Half a century ago, this country emerged victorious tram an allconsuming war into a new era of great challenge. It was a time of change, a time for
new thinking, a time for working together to build a free and prosperous world. a time
for putting that war behind us. In the aftermath of that war, President Harry Truman
and his successors forged a bipartisan consensus in America that brought security and
prosperity for 20 years.
Today we need a President. a public and a policy that are not
-caught up in the wars of the past -not World War n. not Vietnam. not the Cold War.
What we need to elect in 1992 is not the last President of the 20th century but the first
President of the 21st century.
This spring, when the troops came home from the Persian Gulf, we
had over 100,000 people at a welcome home parade in Little Rock. Veterans came from
all across the state- not just those who had just returned from the Gulf, but men and
women who had served in World War II. Korea and Vietnam. I'll never forget how
moved I was as I watched them march down the street to our cheers and saw the
�•
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I -.
I
I
outburst of triumph and gratitude.
That is the spirit we need as we move into this new era. AJ
President Lincoln told Congress in another time of new challenge. in 1862:
"The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy
present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion.
AJ our case is new, so we must think anew. and act anew. We must disenthrall
ourselves. and then we shall save our country. Fellow citizens. we cannot escape
history."
·
Thank you very much.
;
;
.
•
\
"Even as the
Amer~can
Dream is
inspir1ng people
around the
world, America
is on the
sidelines, a
military giant
crippled by
economic
weakness and
an uncertain
VISiOn."
•
....
LABOR DONft.TtD
�3
,-\New CoveNANT FOR ECONOMIC CHANGE
·
Cc9_R_C.§i"_9.~_N_U_NIVE'!_S_ITY_.W_ASH_IN_9!0N. O..:;.(":.:;··;._.._ _ _ _ _r l
.~OVEMBER
·•
'·
20. 1991
Thank you ior bem~ here today. Abetter iuture ior your generaoon
-a better liie ior all who w1il woric ior 1t - is what this campaign is about.
But I come here today convinced that your future - the very
future oi our country. the Arnencn Dre3111 -is in pertl. This counuy is in trouble. As
I've traveled around this counuy. I've seen too much pain on people's faces. coo much
fear in peopie's eyes. We've got to do better.
This month. I visited with a coupie irom New Hampshire named
David and Rita Springs. He's a chemicli engineer by craming; she's studying to be a lao
technician. They told me that a montn beiore his pens1on was vested. the people who
ran his company fired him to cut their payrolls. Then they turned around and sold the
company and bailed out with a golden parachute while David Springs and his iarnliy
got the shaft.
Last week. at a bowiing alley in Manchester.! met a rireman who
was working two jobs and his w1ie who '4'ilS woricin~ 50 hours a week in a m1il They
told me they were womed that even tho~ both oi them were working like this and
their son was a straight-A student. they sttll wouidn't be able to aiford to send him co
college beause or the nsmg cost oi college educatton and beause they were coo weiloii to get government help.
At a brealciast in a clie in New Ham!)shire. 1met a young man
whose 12-year~ld child had had open-heart surgery, and now no one will hire him
because they can't afford his health insurance.
The families 1met are irom New Hampshire. but they could be
from anywhere in America. They're the backbone oi the.country, the ones who do the
work. and pay the taxes and send their children off to war. They're a lot like people rve
seen in Arkansas for years. living w1th the real conseQuences of our national neglect.
These are the real victims of the Reagan Revolution. the Bush Succession. and this
Jwiul national recession.
During this admmJStration. the economy has grown more slowiy
and fewer jobs have been cre3ted than in anv. administration since World .War
II.
. - .
Peol)le who have jobs are working longer hours ior less money: people who don't are
looking harder to find less. Middle-class people are paying more for health care.
housing, education and taxes. when government services have been cut.
And as these hard-working middle<iass iarnilies look to their
President to make good on·his promises. his answer to them i.s: Tough luck. It's your
fault Go buy a house or a c:ar.
Just this week. Gtorge Bush said we don't need a plan to end this
recession- that ii we wait long enough. our problems will go away. Well. he's right
about that pan: If he doesn't have a plan to tum this country around by November of
1992. we're going to lay George Bush otf. put America bade to work. and our problems
will go away.
We need a President who will take responsibility for getting this
<:auntry moving again. A President who will provide the leadership to pull us together
and cbailenge our nation to compete in the world and win again.
Ten years ago. America had the highest wages in the worid. Now
we're lOth. and falling. Last year. Germany and Jaaan had productivity growth rates
three and four times ours because they educate their people better, imest more in
their future. and organize their economies for global competition. and we don't
1
"".'Ve
r
w1ilta
respor
ior get
c:ountr
w1ll pr
leader
pull
u~
Jnd c:r.
our na
c:ompe
world.
a~Jaan."
-
�For 12 vears or this R~A£~· .. -- l. the Reouoiican: . ~ 1et Soi:L•
.::ooxs ana self-servm~ CEOs try co buiid~ ~n:. . ut or p~per and_o_e!_:·.•_·:_ns_c_ea_d_o_r--i----,---------+--~~-o-o•_e_an_d:-p-r-od~uc:u.It's the Reouolian way: every r.m ior himse1t and get 1t wil1ie
::au can. They stacked the odds in iavor oi their irienas at the too and told everyoody
tise to wa1t for whatever trickled down.
And every step oi the way, the Repuillicans iorgoc about the very
;eooie they had promtsed to help- the very peopie who elected them '" the rirst
~1ac:e- ihe iorgotten middle-ciass Amencans who sttlllive by Amencan vaiues and
whose hopes. hearts and hands stlil carry the Amerian Dream.
But Democ:rau iorgot about real people. too.
Democrats in Congress joined the White House •n tnpling the
~auonal debt and raising the dericit to the point of paralysis. Democrats and
Reouoiicans in Congress joined the White House on the sidelines. cheenng on an S&L
~oom unul it went bust to the tune of SSOO billion.
For too many Americans. ior too long, it's seemed that Congress
ll1d the White House have been more interested in looking out for themselves and ior
thesr friends. but not for the counay and not for the people who make it great
And now. atter 12 years or Reagan-Bush. the iorgotten middle class
:s dis.:overmg that the reward ior 12 yurs oi sacnrice and hard wori< is more sacruice
l."'d more hard times: They've pazd higher taxes on lower mcomes ior serv1ce cuts.
·.o;iliie the rich got tax cuts. while ooveny sncreased. and the President and Congress
sOt pay raises and health insurance.
We've got to move in a radically diiferent direction. The
Republicans· failed.experiment in supply-side economics doesn!t produce growth. It
doesn't create uoward mobility. And most important. it doesn't prl!;)are millions and
millions oi Americans to compete and win in the new world economy.
And we've got to move away irom the old Democratic theory that
says we can just tax and spend our~ out oi any problem we iace. Expanding
government doesn't exgand Ol'POrtunity. And big dericits don't produce sustamed
economic growth. especially when the borrowed money is spent on yesterday· s
msstakes. not tomorrow's investments.
Stale theories produce nothing but stalemate. The old economsc
ll1SWers are obsolete. We've seen the limits or Keynestan economics. We've seen the
worst oi supply-side economics. We need a new approach.
For 12 years, we've had no economic vision. no economtc
leadershi~:no nationat economic strategy. What .America needs is a President with a
radical new approach to our economic problems that will give new life to the American
(.
,.
Dream.
.•
(
20
We need a New Covenant for economic change. a new economics
that empowers people. rewards work and organizes America to compete and win again.
Anationai economic stratqy to liberate and energize the abilities of millions of
.wencans who are paying more taxes when the government is doing less for them.
who are working harder while their wages go down.
This New Covenant isn't liberal or conservative. It's both and it's
different. The American people don't care about the idle rhetoric of left and right.
They· re real people. with real problems. and they think no one in Washington wants to
solve their problems or stand up for them.
The goals of our New Covenant for economic change are
straightforward:
• We need a president who will put economic opl)Ortunt~~ in me
hands or ordirwy people. not rich and poweriul speaai interesu:
�• APres1aent wno wui revo1uuomze government to mvesc more 1n
(.
:;,e iuture:
-._,s c:ouncrv •s
"' rrouc•e. As
· ·Je traveteo
.Houna ti'l•s
c:ouncrv. I've
•
~een
too much
patn on
peoole's iaces.
tu.J mucl'l
iear
on peopie's
eves. We've
!o do bener.
••
~ot
H
• APresident who w1ii encou~e the prtvate sector to organ1:e :n
new ways and. cooperate to produce econom1c growth:
• APresident who wlil chaJienge anci lead Arnena to comoete ma
wm tn the global economy. not reue.:tt irom the worid.
That's how we'll tum this country's economy around. recoture
.l.menca·s leadership in tile world ana buiid a better future ior our cniidren. That's
how we'll show the iorgotten middle class we reaJiy understand their struggle. That's
how we'll reduce poverty and rebuild the ladder irom poverty to the m1ddle ciass. And
that. my mends. is why I'm running ior President oi the United States.
Our tirst resporu1biiity under this New Covenant is to move au1cicly
to put this recession behind us. l..a.st week. I released a plan ror what 1would do ngnt
away to help working people and get the economy moving again. I'd not oniy extend
unemployment benerits. as Congress and the President have rinally done. but I'd oush
through a m1ddle-dass tax cut. an accelerated highway bill to create 40.000 to 45.000
new construction jobs over the next s1x months. and an increase in the cerling on FHA
mortgage guarantees so half a mdlion iamilies couid pump up the economy by buvtng
their rim home. 1do th1nk good credit mci customers should recetve a break irom tne
13 ana 19 percent rates oi banics. which have cut the rates the customers get patti on
the1r deposit accounts. And I'm proud to say that four or the ten banits chargmg ::he
lowest credit card rates nauonwide are •n my state.
I would also make sure iederal regulators send a clear si11nal to the
rinancial community not to call in loans that are periorming, and not to fear making
good loans to locaJ businesses.
But even 1i we did all those things tomorrow. it wouldn't change
the fundamental challenge oi the 1990s. We need to get out oi this recession. and
soon. But we also need a long-tenn naaonai strategy to create a high-wage. highgrowth. high-opportunity economy, not a hard-work. low-wage economy that's sinking
when it ought to be rising.
It doesn't have to be that way.l believe we can wm ~n.ln the
globaJ economy oi the 1990s. economic: growth won'.t come irom government
soending.lt will came. instead. from individuals working smarter and learning more.
from entrepreneurs taking more nsks and going after new markets. and irom
corporations designing better products and taking a longer view. We're going to
reward work. expand opportunity, empower people, and we are going to win again.
There are two reasons why middle<lass people today are woricing
harder for less pay. First. their taxes have gone uo- but that's only 30 percent oi
their problem. The other iO percent is America's loss oi economic growth and worid
economic leadership.
If we· re going to tum this country around. we've nor only got to
liberate ordinary people irom uniair taxes. we've got to empower every American with
the education and training essentiaJ to gee ahead.
Let me make this clear: Educaaon is economic development. We
C3l'l only be a high-wage, high-growth country ii we are a high-skills country. In a
world in which money and production are mobile. the only way middle<lass people
C3l'l keep good jobs with growing incomes is to be lifetime learners and innovators.
Without w~ld-dass skills, the middle class will sureiy continue to dedine. With them.
middle<lass workers will generate more high-~e jobs in .Amenca in the '90s.
Empowering everyDody begins with preschool far every child who
needs it. and fully funding Head Start. It ineludes a nationaJ examumion system to
21
�1(.
ce
·•Nh.u 1 am
propos'"~
1s
nard.
uniJiamorous
work. It w1il
requ~re
us to
reexam~ne
everv dollar oi
the taxcavers'
monev we
spend anci
everv mtnute oi
ume that tne
government
. •utS1non
(__ .
usiness.-
11
:own our students to meet wor1<i-ciass scanaanis tn core suo1ects iike macn ana
s.:tence. md an annuaJ recort era for ~ery state. every school distnct and everv
scllool to measure our progress 1n meeong tnose scandards.
Empowennent means traming young people for high-waJ1e JObs.
not dead-end ones. 't'oung Americans with oniy a high schooi education make 25
~ercent less today than they wouid have 15 yurs ago. In a Clinton Administration we il
have a naoonal aoprenaceship program that wtil enable high school students who
uen't bound ior college to enter a course of study. designed by schools and local
busmesses. to teach them valuable skills. wtth a promise of a rea! job wtth growmg
incomes when they graduate.
Empowennent means challenging our students and every
.~erican with a system or volunwy nationai servtce. !n a Clinton Administration we
wiil offer a domestic GI Bill that will say to mtddle-class as well as low-income peopie:
We want you to go to college and we're glad to pay for it. but you've got to give
something bade to your country in return. As President. !'II ask Congress to establish a
trwt fund out or which any American can borrow money for a college education. so
long as they pay it back either as a small percentaJ1e of their income over time or with
a couple of years or naaonal service as teachers. police officers. child care workers Joing woric our country urgently neeas. The iunci would be rinanced wtth a portton oi
:he peace dividend and by reatrecting the present student loan program. whtch IS
nowhue near as cost~iiecttve as it should be. This program wiil pay for itself many
ttmes over.
But in an era when what you can earn depends largely on what you
can learn. education canl stop at the schoolhouse door. From now on. anyone who's
willing to work will have a chance to learn. In a Clinton Administration. we'll make
adult literacy programs avadable to all who need it. by working with states to make
sure t:Yery state has a clear. achievable plan to teach t:Yeryone with a job to read. to
give them a chance to earn a GEO. and wherever possible. to do it where they work. In
Arkansas we had 14.000 people in aduft education programs in 1983. Today we have
ovu 50,000. By 1993. we'll have over 70.000. Every state can do the same ior a modest
cost with a disciplined pian and a tlexible delivery system.
And we will ensure that ~ery working American has the
opportunity to learn new skills every year. Today, American business spends billions oi
dollars on training- the equivalent oi 1.5 percent of the costs oi their payrolls -but
:o pucent oi it goes to the 10 percent at the top of the ladder. In a Clinton
Administration. we'll require employers to offer every worker his or her share oi those
training dollars. or contnbute the equjvaient to a nationaJ training fund. Workers wiil
get the training they need. and companies wiillearn that the more you train your
workers. the more your prorits increase.
We need speciai efforts to empower the poor to work their way out
oi poverty. We'll make work pay by expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit for the
working poor and by supporting private and public partnerships to give low-income
enuepreneurs the tools to start new businesses. through iMovative institutio~ like
Shore Bank in ChicaJ1o and its rural counteflJart. the Southern Development
Bancorporation in Arkansas. We've got to break the cycle of dependency and put an
end to pennanent dependence on welfare as a way oi life. by really investing in the
dt:Yelopment of poor peopie anci giving them the means. the incentives and the
requirement to go to work.
F'mally, empowering working Americans means letting them keeCJ
more oi what they earn. Ronald Reagan and Gtorge Bush raised taxes on the middle
ciass.l'm going to cut them. In a Clinton Administration. we'll cut income taX rates on
�---------I(.
••
:e
"
:ne mtcidle class: An averal!e iamtiy's w btll wiil go down ill percent. a. sa.vtni!S or SJSO
l year. And the dericit won c go up -instead those eammg over 5200.000 a year wtil
,
pay more. thougn-sall a smailer percentage or thesr incomeschan cney oata 1n cne ·;·"o:-s._...;..._____
not to soak the rich but to rewrn to basic fairness.
Besides emoowenng citizens. we mwt lead a revoiution 1n
government so it becomes an engine or opportunu:y agaJn. not an oostacie to 1t. \·oters
wno went to the polls in this month's elections sent w a clear message: Peooie want
more ior their money. The experts in Washington think that is a contradiction. But I
think the experts are wrong and the people are rtght Peopie want a better deal irom
govemment.md they'll get it in a Clinton Administration.
Too many Washington insiders or both parties think the only way
to provide more services is to spend more on programs a!reaciy on the booics in
education. howmg and health care. But if we reinvent government to deliver new
services in different ways, eliminate unnecessary layers oi management llld offer
people more choices. we really c:an give taxllayers more services with iewer
bureaucrau ior the same or less money.
Every successful major corporation m America had to restrucwre
-For I 2 years.
itself to compete in the last deode. to decentralize. become more e.'lueore:~eunai. g1ve
we've naci no
workers more luthoricy to maice decsions and oiier cwtomers more cno1ces and
econom1c
better proaucts.
VI.IOn. no
That's what we·re trying to do in Arkansas- ba.lancmg the budget
econom•c
every year. improving services and treating taxllayers like our cwtomers and our
leadership, no
bosses, because they are. Arkansas was the tirst state to initiate a statewide total quality
national
management program. We've dramatically reduced the number oi reports the
economic
Department oi Education requires oi school districts. slashed bureaucratic costs in the
stral~. Whal
Department or Human SeNices anci out the money into direct services that help real
Amer1ca needs
people. and speeded up cwtomer services in the Revenue Department. We measure the
is a Presidenl
job placement rate of graduates from vocationa.l·technial programs. and if a program
with a radical
can't show results we shut it down.
new approach
So I know it c:an be done. But let us be clear: Seriow restructUring
to our
oi government for greater prod~ctivity is very different irom the traditional top.down
reorganization plans that have been offered over the last 20 years. Including in this
econom1c
CJmpaign. Those require a lot of time and energy and generaily leave us with more oi
problems that
the same government not less.
will give new
What I am proposing is hard. unglamorow work. It will require us
life to the
to reexamine every dollar oi the tupayers' money we Sl)end and every minute oi time
American
that the government puts in on business. It will require us to enlist the energies or
Dream."
front-line public seMnts who are often as frustrated as the rest oi w with
bureaucracy. And if we do it in Arkansas. which has among the lowest taxes in the
country, imagine how much more important and productive it will be at the iederal
leveL In a Clinton Administration we'll make government more effective by holding
ourselves to the same standard of productivity growth as bwiness and insisting on
three percent across-the-board cuts in the administrative costs of the federal
bureaucracy every year.
If we're going to get more ior our money, we ought to have a
iederal budget which invests more in the future and spends less on the present and the
past. As President. rll throw out last year's budget deal. which brought us the biUest
deficits in American history and the fastest-growing spending since World War a. In
its place.l'll establish a new three1Jart federal budget: a past lnJdCet for interest
payments: a present budget for spending on current consumption. and a future budget
ior investments in things that will make us richer.
23
�(.
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•
7vday the ieder.u government soenas amv mne oercent oi the
:ud~et on tnve.5tm~ 1n the fuwre- in eaucauon. chlid heJith. enVIronmemai
~ethnotogy, 1niruuucwre and baste research. we·u douhlethat in a ~linton
.-\dministration. We'll begm to rinance the iuwre bud~et by convertmg re.5ources no
longer needed for national defense to the invesanents needed to rebuild our econom1c
secuncy ana by controlling health care casu.
We can bring the dericit down over ume. but only ii we control
soending on current consumption programs by tying overail increases co reai revenue
:ncreases. not estimates. I propose to limit overall increases in the consumptton
budget to mcrease.5 in persona! income. so that the iede:-ai budget c.an·t go up any
faster than the average American's paycheclc. Making Congre.5s and the President live
by this rule will cut the dericit drastically in rive years. in a dramatic bu~et reiorm.
Finally, iiwe·re serious about reinvenung government. we must
reinvent the way we deliver health care in this counuy. We spend 30 percent more
than any other counuy on health care and do less with it For many Amenc.:uu. the
rising cost or health are and the loss oi it is the number one iear they face on a daily
basis. Thousands oi American busmesses are losing jobs becawe health are costs are a
30 percent handiap 1n the global marketglace. Two-thirds or the strikes today are
lbout hulth care. Jnd no matter how they come out. both s1des lose. We are the only
~au on tn the worid that doesn t help control health cJre cosu.
We couid cover every Ameru:an wtth the money we· re soenaing ti
we had the courage to demand insurance reiorm and slash ne.a.ith care bureaucracies.
Jnd if we followed the lead or other nauons in controlling the unnecessary spread or
technology, StOOtllng drug pnces tram going Up three times the rate or inrlation. and
iorcing the people who send bills and the people who pay them to agree on how much
health care should cost. We don't need to reduce quality: we need to restrucwre the
system. And no nation has ever done it without a national government that took the
lead in controlling costs and providing health care for aiL
In the first year oi the Clinton Administration. Congress and l will
deliver quality, affordable health care for all Americans.
These changes are vital. but American workers and Amencan
businesses are going to have to change too: the private sector is where the jobs are
mateO. !1any oi the most urgent changes cannot be legally mandated. but we icnow
they're overdue after a decade in which the stodc market tripled and ave~e wages
went·down.
Old economic arrangements are holding America back. lt's time ior
a revolution in the American woriq)lace that wiil radically raise the status oi the
American worker and tear down the Serlin Wall between labor and management.
It's been years since the U.S. could oucproduce the rest or the world
by treating workers iike so many cogs in a machine. We need a whole new
organization or woric. where workers at the front lines make decisions. not just follow
orders. and entire levels of bureaucratic middle management become obsolete. And we
need a new style oi management. where iront·line workers and managers have more
responsibility to make decisions that improve quality and increase productivity.
Dynamic. flexible. weU..trained workers who cooperate with savvy,
sensitive managers to make changes every day are the keys to high growth in
manufacturing and in the service sector, including government. ~uation and health
we. areas where productivity growth was very weak in the 1980s.
Everyone will have to change. but everyone will get something in
rerum. Workers will gain new l)rosperity and independence. but they'll have to give up
non'"l]roduaive work rules and rigid jo~ classifications and be more open to change.
--.
•
24
�w1ii reao more ororics but w1il have to man~e ior the iong run. cr:un aai
·..;orKers and not treat themseaves i:Jetter tnan tile1r worxers are treated. Corooraoons
._,---------r,'--:.~>~-:::l":iu-;rea;;;cn;;-;:;-:nmelgnu
.•
m proauctiVIty, growtn and pronta.bility, but-CEOs w1ii have-to-~·,ut the long-term tnteresu of their workers. their customers and their compan1es
'•
:irst.
We should restore the link between pay and perionnance i:ly
~ncouragmg comoan1es to provtde ior empioyee ownership. prorit-sharmg ior ail
~mployees. not JUSt aecuoves. And aecutives should prorit when the1r companies cia.
·:n the ~tocai
We should all go up or down together. We'll say to Amenca's corporate leaders: !'lo
~onomv or the
more taking bonuses ior yourselves if you don't give bonuses to everyi:Jody. And no
i 990s. o..-conomoc
more golden parachutes ii you don't make good severance packages ava1iable ior your
;rowch won't
workers.
come rrom
It's wrong ior aecut!Ves to do what so many did in the ·80s.
government
Executives at the biggest companies raised their pay by iour times the percentage their
iOenciuu~. It woil
workers' pay went up and three times the percentage their prorits went up. It's wrong
to drive a company into the ground and have the boss bail out with a golden parachute
come. onstead.
to a cushy liie.
rrom onci1vociuals
The average CEO at a ma1or Amenclrl coroorauon is paad 85 times
smarter
::.s much as the average worker. And our government tociav rewards that excess With a
.no learnonq
::.n break ior aecuave pay, no matter now high 1t as. or whether 1t reriects tncreased
rrom
;lerionnance. Ua company wants to ove111ay 1U execuoves to perionn less well. and
t!ntrecreneurs
underinvest 1n the future. it shouldn't &et any speaal treatment irom Uncle Sam.
taicJn~ more rosics
If a company wanu to transfer jobs abroad and cut the security oi
Jnd I!.O'"g aiter
working people. it shouldn't get special treatment from the Treasury. In the 1980s. we
new markets. and
didn't do enough to he!p our companies to compete and win in a global economy. We
irom c:orporauons
•
did too much to transfer wealth away irom hard-working middle-class people to the
dMu~ntn~ beuer
rich without good reason and too much to weaken our country with debt that wasn't
proauc:ts and
invested in Amenca. That's got to stop. There should be no more deductibility ior
takin~ .1 lonller
irresponsibility.
v1ew."
I be!ieve in business. I be!ieve in the marketplace. I believe that the
best jobs program this country will ever have is economte growth. Most new jobs in
this counuy are created by small busmesses and entregreneurs who get little heip
irom the government.
Too oiten. especially in this environment. banks and other
investors won't take a chance on good ideas and good people. t want to encourage
small busmess people and entrepreneurs. In a Clinton Administration. we'll offer a tax
incentive to those who take risks by starting new businesses and developing new
tecltnologies.lnstead oi offering a capital galllS tax cut for the wealthy who will chum
stocks on Wall Street anyway, we·u put forth a new enterpnse tax cut that rewards
those with the patience. the courage and the detennination to create new jobs. Those
who risk their savings on new businesses that create most oi the jobs in the country
wiil receive a 50 percent tax exclusion ior gains held more than rive years.
And I want to encourage investment here in America in other ways
-by maicing the R&D tax credit permanent. by taking away incentives for companies
to shut down their plana in the u.s. and move their jobs overseas. aJ?d by offering
targeted investment tax credit to medium and smail-size businesses who'll create new
jobs with new plants and equipment.
rtnaJly, we owe American workers. entrepreneurs and industry a
pledge that aJl their hard work will not go down the drain.
We must have a national strategy to compete and win in the global
economy. The American people aren't protectioniSts. Protectionism is just a fancy
~~an~ers
wor~o.·,,a
~orP.
c•
a
25
�·.~ora
for ~IVIO!l up: we want to comoete ana wm. ihat IS wnv our New ~v ••:::.::t must
:nc1ude a new trade oon~1 that savs to Eurooe. Ja~an and o~tiler_ t~~~~ners_:__
--------------~~~----We iavor an open trading system. but ti you won t play by those ruies. we ii piay by
yours. That's why we need a stronger. sharl)er ·suoer 30 1· bill as the means to eniorce
that pol icy.
"For manv
[ supported iast-traclc negotiations with Mexico ior 3 ira~ ~r.lae
..l.mertc.:ans. tne
~greement. but our negotiators need to insut uoon tough conditions that cm·enc our
riSinll COSI:OI
:r.1dirig partners irom exploiting their workers or by lowering costs througn potiuuon
i'leaun care ana
to gam an advantage. We should seeic out stm1iar agreements with all of l.l-.n Amenc.
the lOSS 01 1( •S
becawe nch councnes wiil get ncher by helping other counrnes grow mto strong
the numcer one
trading partners.
lear tnev race on
We also need a new energy policy to lower the trade deiic:c.
ol 0a1iv OaSIS.''
increase productivity, and improve the environment. We mwt rely less on 1moorted oti
md more on cheap and abundant natural gas. and on research and deveiopment into
renewable energy resources. We mwt achieve European standards or energy eiticiency
in iactories and office buildings. That wiil free up billions or dollars to invest 10 the
American economy.
If we want to helo U.S. companies keep pace in the wond .economy.
we need to restore Amer1ca to the iorefront. not JUSt in invencmg pro<iucts :::;t 1n
~rmgmg them to marKet. Too often. we nave won the battle or the oatents ::uc lost the
war or creacng JObs. prorits and wealth. American scientists Invented the mtcrowave.
the VCR. the coior TV and the memory chic. and yet today the Koreans. the Jaoanese
and other nations make most of those products.
The research and development arm of the Deiense Deoart:nent did
a great job of developing products and taking them to production becawe we didn't
want them produced overseas. We should launch the civilian equivalent- an agency
to provide basic re:e.arch for new and critical technologies and make it wier to move
these ideas into the marketplace. And we can pledge right now that for every dollar we
reduce the deiense budget on research and development. we'll increase the civiiian
R&D budget by the same amount. We should commit ourselves to a transltiCinal plan
ior converting from a defense to a domestic economy in a way that creates more nighwage jobs and doesn't destroy our most successful high-wage indwtrial base.md with
1t the careers of many thousands of our best sctentisu. engineers and woricers.
We must do ail these things and something more. The econom•c
.:ttailenges we coniront today are not jwt a matter of statistics and numbers. Behind
them are real human beings and real human suffering. I ~ve seen the pain in the
iaces of unemployed workers in New Hampshire. policemen in New York and Texas.
computer company executives in California. middle<lass people everywhere. They· re
all showing the same pain and worry f hear in the voices of my own peopie in
Arkansas. including men and women I grew up with who played by the ruies and now
see their dreams ior the future slipping away.
That's why we're offering a new radical approach to econom1cs.
Economics as ii people were really important If we offer these hard-working iamiiies
no hope for the future. no solutions to their problems. no reiiei for their pain. then
iear and insecurity will grow, and the politics of hate and division will spread. I{ we do
not act to bring this country together in common cause to build a better future. David
Duke and his kind will be able to divide and destroy our nation. Our strws will get
meaner. our families wiil be devastated. and our very social fabric -our goodness and
tolerance and decency as a people -will be tom apart.
The politics of division which the Republicans have paria~:ea into
the Presidency wiil tum on even them. Gtorge Bush has forgotten the warnm~ of our
ce
•
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26
�--·-------,1
( •
1
i
.•
;reacest Reoucucn rrestcient. .-\llranam L:ncoin: A house atvidea :::..-:not stand.
r.;ncoin gave i11S iiie ior tne Amertcn ::mmumcy. The Reouoiic:ms nave saumaerea
·- .. ··--·---·ms 1~acy.
l want to be a Prestcient who wiil unite this country. This mom mg.
~ere at Georgetown. the Robert Kenneav Human Rights Award ceremony was heid.
iwency-six years ~o. when I was Prestaenc or my class here. Robert KeMeav ac:~cea
·Jur invitation co come to Gtorgetown co g1ve a speecil. In the ioilowmg yur. he gave a
·:ery different description oi what Amencn poiitics should be all about. And I wouid
!ike to read that to you today anci ask you how long tt's been since you heard an
Amertcan President say and believe these things:
YEach time a man stands up ior an idea! or acts to improve the !ot
•Ji others or strikes out against injustice. he sends forth a tiny rippie oi hope. and
crossing each other irom a million different centers oi energy and daring, those rtppies
~uild a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.··
That is the spirit I seeic to bring to the Presidenc','. The spirit oi
renewal of America. I believe with all my heart that the very future oi our country is on
the line. That is why these are not just ec:momic proposals. They are the way to save
the very soul oi our nation.
This is not just a c:um:a1gn. This is ~ c:usade to restore the
f.Jrgocten middle dass. g1ve economtc gower back to orainary people. md reCJoture
:he .wencan Dream. It is a crusade not !USt ior economiC renewai but ior soctal ana
spiritual renewal as well. It is a crusade to outid a new economic order oi
empowerment and opportUnity that wiil preserve our sociai order and make it posstole
ior our country once again to make the .-\mencan DreJm iive at home and to be strong
enough to triumph abroad.
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27
�THE NEW COVENANT: RESPONSIBILITY AND
-~-------l---~:tS\::Hl:.SING-·1-H€- AMERIEA~QMIIlM·+f'odo.,:P,'----+----· ·-- .. --
-·-
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY, WASHINGTON, D.C.
OCTOBER 23, 1991
•
••
Thank you ail for being here today. You are living in revolutionary
times. When 1was here. America sought to contain communism. not roll it back. Most
respected academics held that once a country "went Communist" the loss oi freedom
was permanent and irreversible. Yet in the last three years. we've seen the Berlin Wall
come down. Germany reuniried. all of Eastern Europe abandon communism. a coup in
the Soviet Union iail and the Soviet Union itself disintegrate, liberating the Baltics and
other republics. Now the Soviet Foreign Minister is trying to help our Secretary of
State make peace in the Middle East. And in the space of one year, Lech Walesa and
Vaclav Havel both came to this city to thank America for supporting their quest for
freedom. Nelson Mand~la walked out of a jail in South Africa he entered before I
entered Georg~town in 1964. He now wants a Bill of Rights like ours ior his country.
·we should be celebrating. All around the world. the American·
Dream - political freedom. maricet economics. national independence - is
ascendant. Everything your parents and grandparents stood for from World War II on
has been rewarded.
'\
Yet we're not celebrating. \\'hy? Because our people fear that while
the American Dream reigns supreme abroad. it is dying here at home. We're losing
~d wasting opportunities. The very tiber of our nat.ion is breaking down.
_ ~Families are coming apart. kids are dropping out of school...drugs
and crime dominate(Jar sueea. And our leaders ttere mWiSfimgti)naredoing
nothing to tum America around. Our political system rotates between being the butt
of jokes and the object of scorn. Frustration produces calls for term limits from voters
who think they can't vote incumbents out. resentment produces votes for David Duke
-not jwt from racists, but from voters so desperate for change, they'll support the
most anti-establishment message, even from an ex-Klansman who was inspired by
Adolf Hitler. We've got to rebuild our politiCJIIife together before demagogues and
racists and those w~o pander to the worst in us bring this country d()wn...
People once looked to our President and Congress to bring w
together, solve problems, and make progress. Now. in the face of massive challenges,
our government stands discredited. our people disillusioned. There's a hole in our
politics where a sense of c~~.lm.P_urpose wed to be.
•··
-Th;R~an-Bush years have exalted private gain over pubiic
obligations, special interests over the common good. wealth and fame over work and
family. The 1980s whered in a gilded age of greed. selfishness, irresponsibility, excess
and neglect.
Savings and loan crooks stole billions oi dollars in other people's
money. Pentagon contractors and HUD consultants stole from the taxpayers. Many big
corporate executives raised their own salaries when their companies were losing
money and their workers were losing their jobs. Middle-class families worked longer
hours for less money and spent more on health care, housing, education and taxes.
Poverty rose. Many inner-city streets were taken over by crime and drugs, welfare and
despair. Family responsibility became an oxymoron for deadbeat fathers who were
more likely to make their car paym~ts than pay their child support.
And government. which should have been setting an example, was
even worse. Congress raised its pay and guarded its perks while most Americans were
11
�rucal re5ponsibility advanced budget policie5 that more than tnpled the nauonal debt
too. Taxe5 were lowered on thewealth.,....,..ie5._t_p-eo-p-:-le----+------
---~------+----:C:-on_g_re5-s-w-en-t-al'""ong with that.
•
"We've got to
rebuild our
political life
together before
demagogues
and rac1sts and
those who
pander to the
worst 1n us
brln't th1s
countrv down."
•
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12
whose income5 rose. and raised on middle-dass people whose income5 fell.
And through it all. millions oi decent. ordinary people who worked
hard. played by the rules and took re5ponsibility for their own actions were falling
~ehind. living a life of struggle without reward or security. For 12 years. the forgotten
m1ddle class watched their economic interests ignored and their values run into the
ground. In the 1980s. nothing illwtrates this more clearly than the fact that charitable
giving by middle-class families went up as their income5 went down. while charitable
giving by the wealthiest Americans went down as their incomes went up.
Re5ponsibility went unrewarded and so did hard work. It's no wonder so many kids
growing up on the street think it makes more sense to join a gang and deal drugs than
to stay in school and go to work. The fast buck was glorified from Wall Street to Main
Street to Mean Street.
To tum America around. we need a new approach founded on our
most sacred principles as a nation. with a vision for the future. We need a New
Covenant. a solemn agreement between the people and their government. to provide
·Jpportunity for everybody, inspire responsibility throughout our society and restore a
sense of community to this great nation. ANew Covenant to take government back
from the powerful intere5ts and the bureaucracy and give this country back to
ordinary people.
More than two hundred years ago, our founders outlined our first
social compact between government and the people, not jwt between lords and kings.
!-tore than a century ago, Abraham Lincoln gave his life to maintain the Union that
compact created. Sixty years ago, Franklin Roosevelt renewed that promise with a New
Deal that offered opportunity in return for hard work•
Today we need to forge a New Covenant that will repair the
damaged bond between the people and their government and restore our basic value5
- the notion that our country has a responsibility to help people get ahead. That
citizens have not only the right but a re5ponsibility to rise as far and as high as their
tJJents and determination can take them. and that we're all in this together. We must
make good on the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said, "A debt of service is due from
every man to his country proportional to the bounties which nature and fortune have
measured to him."
Make no mistake- this New Covenant means change _ change in
our party, change in our national leadership and change in our country. Far away from
Washington, in your hometowns and mine, people have lost faith in the ability of
government to change their lives for the better. Out there, you can hear the quiet.
troubled voice of the forgotten middle class. lamenting that government no longer
looks out for their intere5ts or honors their value5- like individual re5ponsibility,
hard work, family, community. They think their government take5 more from them
than it gives back. and looks the other way when special interests only take from this
country and give nothing back. And they're right.
This New Covenant can't be between the politicians and the
established interests. It can't be just another back-room deal between the people in
~ower and the people who keep them there. This New Covenant can only be ratified by
the people in the 1992 election. That is why I'm running for President
Some people think it's old-fashioned to talk like this. Some people
MD think I am naive to suggest that we can restore the American Dream through a
covenant between people and their government. But I believe with all my heart after
�•
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il years ot worK as Governor, worKing every aay to create ooponumcy and jobs and
improve education and deal with all the problems that we ail know so much about- I
-----t----:b-e';":"'lie-ve-that the only way we can hold this country together. and m-o-ve_b_o71d':":"ly-f=-o-rwa-rd:---+----into the future. is to do it together with a New Covenant
Over 25 years ago, Professor Carroll Quigley taught in his Western
Civilization class here at Georgetown that the derining idea or our culture in general
and our country in particular is "future preierence." the idea that the future can be
better than the present. and that each of us has a personal. moral responsibility to
make it so.
I hope they still teach that lesson here. and I hope you believe it.
because I don't think we can save America without it.
In the weeks to come. I will come back to Georgetown and outline
my plans to rebuild our economy, regain our competitive leadership in the world.
restore the forgotten middle class, and reclaim the future for the next generation. I
will put forth my views on how to promote our national security and foreign policy
interests after the Cold War. And I will tell you in clear terms what I believe the
President and the Congress owe the people in this New Covenant for change.
But I can tell you. based on my long e:~perience in public life. there
will never be a government program ior every problem. ~tuch of what holds us
together and moves us ahead is the daily assumption oi personal responsibility by
millions of Americans from all walks oi life. I can promise to do a hundred different
things for you as President. But none of them wiil make any difference unless we all do
more as citizens. And today, 1want to talk about the responsibilities we owe to
ourselves. to one another. and to our nation.
It's been 30 years since a Democrat ran for President and asked
something of all the American people. 1intend to challenge you to do more and to do
better.
•Much of what
We must go beyond the competing ideas of the old political
holds us
establishment beyond every man for himself on the one hand. and the right to
something for nothing on the other.
together and
We need a New Covenant that will challenge all our citizens to be
moves us ahead
responsible.
The
New
Covenant will say to our corporate leaders at the top of the
is the daily
ladder: We'll promote economic growth and the free market. but we're not going to
assumpuon oi
help
you diminish the middle class and weaken the economy. We'll support your
personal
efforts to increase profits and jobs through quality products and services. but we're
responsibility
going to hold you responsible to be good corporate citizens. too.
by millions oi
The New Covenant will say to people on welfare: We're going to
Americans from
provide the training and education and health care you need. but if you can work,
all walks of life.
you've got to go to work. because you can no longer stay on welfare forever.
I can promise to
The New Covenant will say to the hard-working middle class and
do a hundred
those who aspire to it We're going to guarantee you access to a college education, but
different things
if you get that help, you've got to give something back to your country.
for you as
And the New Covenant will challenge all of us in public service. We
Pres1dent. But
have a' solemn responsibility to honor the values and promote the interests of the
people who elected us. and if we don't. we-don't belong in government anymore.
none of them
This New Covenant must begin here in Washington. The New
will make any
Covenant will literally revolutionize government and fundamentally change its
difference
relationship to people. People don't want some top-down bureaucracy teJling them
unless we a~l no
what to do anymore. That's one reason they tore down the Bertin Wall and threw out
more as
the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and Russia. Now. the New Covenant will
citizens."'
cnallenge our government to change its way oi doing business, too. The American
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The Republicans have been in charge of the government ior 12
years. They've brought the country to the brink of bankruptcy. Democrats who want
the government to do more -and I'm one of them- have a heavy responsibility to
show that we're going to spend the taxpayer's money wisely and with discipline.
( want to make government more efficient and more effectiv~ by
eliminating uMecessary layers of bureaucracy and cutting administrative costs. and by
giving people more choices in the services they get. and empowering them to make
those choices. That's what we've tried to do in Arkansas - balancing our budget every
year, improving services. and treating taxpayers like our customers and our bosses.
giving them more choices in public schools. child care centers and services for the
elderly.
The New Covenant must challenge Congress to act responsibly.
And here again. Democrats must lead the way. Because they want to use government
to help people. Democrats have to put Congress in order. Congress must live by the
laws it applies to other workplaces. No more midnight pay raises. Congressional pay
shouldn't go up while the pay of working Americans is going down. Let's clamp down
on campaign spending and open the airwaves to encourage real political debate instead
of paid political assassination. No more bounced checks. No more bad restaurant
debts. No more rixed tickets. Service in Congress is privilege enough.
We can't go on like this. We have to honor, reward and rerlect the
work ethic. not the power grab. Responsibility is for everybody, and it begins here in
the nation's capital
The New Covenant will also challenge the private sector. The most
irresponsible people in the 1980s were those in business who abwed their position at
the top or the totem pole. This is my message to the business community: As
President, I'm going to do everything I can to make it easier for your company to
compete in the world. with a better trained workforce, cooperation between labor and
management. fair and strong trade policies and incentives to invest in America's
economic growth. But I want the jetsetters and the feather bedders of corporate
America to know that if you sell your companies and your workers and your country
down the river, you'll get called on the carpet That's what the President's bully pulpit
is for. ·
All of you who are going into business. it is a noble endeavor. It is
the thing that makes this country run. The private sector creates jobs, not the public
sector. But you have to know that the people with the responsibility in the private
sector should think it's simply not enough to obey the letter of the law and make as
much money as you can. It's wrong for executives to do what so many did in the
1980s. The biggest companies raised their pay by four times the percentage their
workers' pay went up and three times the percentage their profits went up. It's wrong
to drive a company into the ground and have the chief executive bail out with a golden
parachute to a cushy life.
The average CEO at a major American corporation is paid about
100 times as much as the average worker. Compare that to two countries doing much
better than we are in the world economy.ln Gennany it's 23 to 1, and in Japan. which
just completed 58 months of untrammeled economic growth, it's 17 to 1. Our
government today rewards that excess with a tax break for executive pay, no matter
how high it is. That's wrong. If a company wants to overpay its executives and under·
invest in the future. it shouldn't get any special treabnent from Uncle Sam. If a
company wants to transfer jobs abroad and cut the security of working people, it
shouldn't get special treabnent from the Treasury.In the 1980s, we didn't da enough
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•
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to help our companies to compete and win in a global economy. We did too much to
traruier wealth away from hard-working middle-class people to the rich without good
reason. That's got to stop. There should be no more.deductibillty for irresponsibility-.-.--+-·---The New Covenant will also challenge the hard-working middleclass families oi America. Their challenge centers around work and education. I know
Americans worry about the quality of education in this country and want the best ior
their children. The Clinton Administration will set high national standards based on
international competition for what everybody ought to know. and a national
examination system to measure whether they're learning it It's not enough to put
money into schools. We need to challenge the schools to produce. and we've got to
insist on results.
I just came from Thomas Jefferson Junior High School here in
Washington. and the principal of that school, Vera White, I think is here with me
today. I've been to that school three times in the last five years. That school is in a
building that was build when Grant was President They have the plaster models of the
Jefferson Memorial in the school auditorium. But every time rve been in that school.
you could eat lunch off every rloor in the school There is a spirit of learning that
pervades the atmosphere. Almost everyone in the school comes from an ordinary
family in Washington- it's almost 100 percent minority. In several years that school
has won the National Math Council's competition. gomg all the way to the rinals ior
junior high school performance in math. Every time 1 go there I'm just overwhelmed
by the spirit that exists at Thomas Jefferson Junior High School. The teachers and the
principal don't make excuses for the problems that the kids bring to the classroom:
they open those kids to a brighter world. We need more of that
But we also have to recognize that teachers can't do it all We mwt
challenge all parents and children to believe all children can leam And here is the
biggest challenge of all: Too many American parents raise their kids to believe that
how much they learn depends on the IQ that God gave them and how much money
their family makes. Yet in the countries we are competing against for the future.
children are raised to believe that how much they learn depends on how hard they
work. and how much their parents encourage them to leam
~In a Clinton
The New Covenant will challenge students of America to stay in
Administration.
school Students who drop out of school or fail to learn as much as they can are not
we'll do
just letting down themselves and their iamilies. They're failing their communities.
everything we
because from that point on, chances are they're subtracting from society, not adding
can to break the
to it In Arkansas. we've tried to enhance responsibility for students by saying that if
cycle of
they drop out for no good reason. they lose the privilege of a driver's license.
dependency
The New Covenant means new challenges for every young person. I
and help the
want to ·establish a system of voluntary national service for all Americans. In a Clinton
poor climb out
Administration, we'll put forth a domestic Gl Bill that will say to the middle class as
of poverty."
well as low-income people: We want you to go to college. we'll pay for it. it will be the
best money we ever spent. but you've got to give something back to your country in
return. As President. I'll set up a trust fund out of which any American can borrow
money for a college education. so long as they pay it back either as a small percentage
of their income over time or with a couple of years of national service as teachers.
police officers. child care workers -doing work our country desperately needs.
And education doesn't stop in school. Adults have a responsibility
to keep learning so they can stay ahead of the competition. too. All of us are going to
have to work smarter in the years to come. That will require new forms of cooperation
in the workplace between management and worlcers. and a continuing effort to move
toward high-performance work organizations.
15
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and women who live in Amer1ca's most troubled urban m:. ~rhoods. There are
-:---+-------· - children.like those 1 met in Chicago.and Los Angeles~~ho ;.. .: m iear oi being forced
to join a gang or getting shot going to and from school.
Many oi these young people believe this country has ignored them
for too long, and they're right. Many oi them think America unfairly blames them for
every wrong in our society- for drugs, crime, poverty, the breakup of the family and
the breakdown of the schools -and they're right They worry that because their face
is of a different color. their only choice in life is jail or weiiare or a dead-end job. that
being a minority in an iMer city is a guarantee of failure. But they're wrong- and
when I'm President I'm going to do my best to prove they're wrong.
I know these young people can overcome anything they set their
mind to. I believe America needs their strength, their intelligence. and their humanity.
And because I believe in them and what they can contribute to our society, they must
not be let off the hook. All society can offer them is a chance to develop their Godgiven abilities. They have to do the rest Anybody who tells them otherwise is lying and they know it
As President I'll see that they get the same deal as everyone else:
They've got to play by the rules. stay off drugs, stay in school and keep out of the
streets. They've got to stoo having children if they're not prepared to support them.
Governments don't raise children. People do. And for those young people who do get
into trouble, we'll give them one chance to avoid prison. by setting up community
boot camps for first-time non-violent offenders -where they can learn discipline. get
drug treatment if necessary, continue their education. and do useful work for their
community. Asecond chance to be a first-rate citizen.
The New Covenant must be pro-work. That means people who
work shouldn't be poor. In a Clinton Administration. we'll do everything we can to
break the cycle of dependency and help the poor climb out of poverty. First, we need to
make work pay be expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit for the working poor,
creating savings accounts that make it easier for poor people even on welfare to save. I
support micro-enterprise grants for those who want to start a small business. At the
same time. we need to assure all Americans that they'll have access to health care
when they go to work.
The New Covenant can break the cycle of welfare. Welfare should
be a second chance. not a way of life. In a Clinton Administration, we're going to put
~Today we
an end to welfare as we know it. I want to erase the stigma of welfare for good by
need to iorge a
restoring a simple. dignified principle: no one who can work can stay on welfare
New Covenant
forever.
that will repair
We'll still help people who can't help themselves, and those who
ne:.~ education and training and child care. But if people can work. they'll have to do
the damaged
so. We'll give them all the help they need for up to two years. But after that. if they're
bond between
able to work, they'll have to take a job in the private sector. or start earning their way
the people and
through community service. That way, we'll restore the covenant that welfare was first
their
meant to be: to give temporary help to people who've fallen on hard times.
government and
If the New Covenant is pro-work. it must also be pro-family. That
restore our
means we must demand the toughest possible child support enforcement We need an
basic values. w
administration that will give state agencies that collect child support full law
enforcement authority, and fmd new ways of catching deadbeats. In Arkansas. we
passed a law this year that says if you owe more than a thousand dollars in child
support we're going to report you to every credit agency in the state. People shouldn't
be able to borrow money before they take care or their children.
�Finally, the President has the greatest respons1oility oi ail- to
bring us together. not drive us apart. For 12 years. this President and his predecessor
----------+-'!:':na::":":v::-e-:r•~v.":Je':":la us against each other -pitting nch ·aga1nst poor, blade against white._ __
women against men- creating a country where we no longer recognize that we·re all
I '
in this together. They have prorited by fostering an atmosphere oi blame and denial
instead of building an ethic oi responsibility. They had a chance to bring out the best
in us and instead they appealed to the worst in us.
Nothing exemplifies this more clearly than the battle over the Civil
Rights Act of 1991. You know irom what I've already said today that I can· t be ior
quotas. I'm for responsibility at every tum. That bill is not a quota bill. When the Civil
Rights Act was in place from 1964 to 1987. I never had a single employer in my state
say, "It's a quota bill." We need rules of workplace fairness for the iO percent of new
entrants in our workforce who will be women and minorities in the decade of the '90s.
That's what that bill is for.
Why does the President refuse to let a civil rights bill pass? Because
he knows that the people he is dependent on for his electoral majority- white.
working-class men and women. mostly men -have had their incomes decline in the
1980s and they may return to their natural home. to someone who oiiers them real
opportunity. And so he is dredging up the same old tactic that the Hard Right has
employed in my part of the country, in the South. since 1was a child. When everything
gets tight, and you think you re going to lose those people, you rind the most
economically insecure white people. and you scare the living daylights out oi them.
That is wrong. This President turned away John Danforth. who
shepherded Clarence Thomas· nomination through the Senate. John Danforth begged
him for a civil rights bill He said no. He turned away the Business Roundtable; an
organization of corporate executives, largely Republican, who said we need a civil
rights bill. He said no. And today in the press it's reported that he turned away his own
minority leader in the United States Senate. Senator Bob Dole. who wanted a civil
rights bill.
This man does not want a bill. He wants an issue to drive a stake
mto the heart of America. and it's wrong. And I won't let him get away with it
I pledge to you that I'm not goin.g to let the Republicans get away
with this cynical scam anymore. ANew Covenant means it's my responsibility and the
responsibility of every American in this country to fight back against the politics of
division and bring this country together.
After all. that is what's special about.America. We want to be part of
a nation that's coming together. not coming apart. We want to be part oi a community
where people look out for each other, not just for themselves. We want to be part of a
nation that brings out the best in us. not the worst And we believe that the only limit
to what we can do is what our leaders are "willing to ask of us and what we are willing
to expect of ourselves.
Nearly sixty years ago, in a famous speech to the Commonwealth
Club!~ the final months oi his 1932 campaign, Franklin Roosevelt outlined a new
compact that gave hope to a nation mired in the Great Depression. The role of
government. he said, was to promise every American the right to make a living~ The
people's role was to do their best to make the most of it He said: "Faith in America
demands that we recognize the new terms of the old social contract. In the strength of
great hope we must aU shoulder our common load."
That's what our hope is today: ANew Covenant to shoulder our
common load. When people assume responsibility and shoulder that common load.
they acquire a dignity they never knew before. When people go to work. they
•
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"If a companv
wants to
overpay 1ts
execuuv~
and
under-invest 1n
the iuture. it
shouldn't get
any special
treatment irom
Uncle Sam.-
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coMection that they and their children need. Wh~.n students work harder. they rind___ t------ _ ___ . _
out they aJI can learn and do as well as anyone else on Earth. When corporate
managers put their workers and their long-tenn profi~ ahead of their own paychecks,
their companies do well. and so do they. When the privilege of serving is enough of a
perk tor people in Congress, and the President finally assumes responsibility for
America's problems, we'll not only stop doing wrong, we'll begin to do what is right to
move America forward.
And that is what this election is really aJI about- iorging a New
Covenant of change that will honor middle-class values, restore the public trust. create
a new sense of community, and make America work again. Thank you.
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ANNOUNCEMENT SPEECH
OCTOBER J. 1991
ThanK you aJI for being here today. for your friendship and support.
ior giving me the ooponunicy to serve as your Governor for 11 years. for rilling my life
iull oi blessings beyond a.nytitjng I ever deserved.
I want to thank e5l)ecially Hillary and Chelsea for taking this big
step in our life's journey together. Hillaly. for being my wiie. my friend. and my
partner in our eiioru to build a better iuture for the children and families oi Arkansas
and AmeriCl. Chelsea. in ways she is only now coming to understmd. has been our
constant joy and reminder oi what our public efforts are really all about: a better life
ior all who will woric ior it. a better iuture for the next generation.
All oi you. in different ways. have brought me here today. to step
beyond a liie and a job ! love. to make a commitment to a larger awe: preservang the
American Dream _ restoring the hopes of the forgotten middle class _ reclaiming the
iuture ior our children.
I reiuse to be part of a generation that celebrates the death·oi
communism abroad ,.,th the loss of the ..\menan Dream at home.
I reiuse to be l part of a generation that fails to compete in the
global economy and so condemns hard-workang Amerians to a life of struggle without
reward or security.
That is why 1stand here today. beause t refuse to stand by and let
our children become pan of the first generation to do worse than their parents. 1don't
want my child or your child to be part of a country that's coming apart instead of
coming together.
Over 25 years ago. I had a professor at Georgetown who taught me
that Ameria was the greatest count.7 in history because our people believed in and
acted on two simpie ideas: first that the future can be better than the present: and
second. that e3Ch oi us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.
That fundamental truth has guided my public c:ueer. and brings
me here today. It is ..-nat we've devoted ourselves to here in Arkansas. l"m proud of
what we've done here in Arkansas together. Proud of the work we've done to become a
iaboratory oi democracy and innovatzon. And proud that we've done it without giving
uo the things we cherish and honor most about our way of life- solid. middle<!ass
va.lua oi work. faith. family. individual responsibility and community. ·
.U rve traveled across our state. I"ve found that everything we
believe in, everything we've fought for, is threatened by an administration that refuses
to take c:1re of our 00o1o11. has turned its back on the middle class. and is afraid to change
while the world is changing,
The historic events in the Soviet Union in recent months teach us
an important lesson: National security begins at home. For the Soviet Empire never
·lost to·us on the field of battle. Their system rotted from the inside out. from
economic. politicaJ and spiritual failure.
To be sure. the collapse oi communism requires a new national
security policy. I aopiaud the President's recent initiative in reducing nuclear weapons.
It is an important beg~nning. But make no mistake -the end of the Cold War is not
the end of threats to .America.. The world is still a dangerous and uncertain place. The
first and most solemn obligation of the President is to keep America strong and safe
from foreign dange.oos and promote demcx:racy aro!Jr1d the world._
·The country as
nead·ed in tne
wron~
r.ut·.
direcuon
sllppan~
benind. Iesane
our way ..• .1nd
all we have out
o; Washington
is status quo .
paralysis. No
vision, no
action. Just
n~lect.
selfishness and
division."
�gives us the strength to stand up ior what we believe around the wortd.
As Covemor for 11 years. working to preserve and create jobs in a
global economy, I know our competition for the future is Cunw1y and the rest of
Europe. Japan and the rest of Asia. And I know that we are losing Ameria's leadership·
•
'•
•
6
in the wortd because we're losing the Americ:an.Dream .right here at home.
Middle class people are spending more hours on the job. spending
less time with their children. bringing home a smaller paychec:k to pay more ior health
care and housing and education. Our streets are meaner. our families are broken. our
health are is the c:osdiest in the world and we get less for it.
The c:ounay is headed in the wrong direction iast. slipping behind.
losing our way _ and all we have out of Washington is status quo paralysis. No vision.
no action. Just neglect. selfiShness and division.
For 12 years. Republicans have tried to divide us - race against
race - so we get mad at each other and not at them. They want us to look at each ·
other across a racial divide so we don't tum and look to·the White House and ask. Why
are all of our incomes going down? Why are all of us losing jobs? Why are we losi!lg
our future?
Where 1come from we know about race-baiting. They've used it to
divide us ior years. I know this tactic: well and I'm not going to let them get away with
it.
For 12 years. the Republions have talked about choice without
rea.lly believing in it. Gtorge Bush says he wants school choice even if it bankrUpts the
public: schools. and yet he's more than willing to make it a crime for the women of
America to exercise their individual right to choose.
For 12 years. the Republicans have been telling us that America's
problems aren't their problem. They washed their hands of respomibility for the
economy and education and health care and social policy and turned it over to fifty
states and a thousand points of light Well. here in Arkansas we've done our best to
create jobs and educate our people. And each oi us has tried to be one of those
thousand points of light. But I c:an tell you. where there is no national vision. no
national partnership. no national leadership. a thousand points of light leaves a lot of
darkness.
We must provide the answers. the solutiom. And we will. We're
going to tum this country around and get it moving again. and we're going to fight for
the hard-working middle-class families of America for a change.
Make no mistake. This election is about change: in our party, in
our national leadership, and in our country.
And we're not going to get positive change just by Bush-bashing.
We have to do a better job of the old-fashioned work of conironting the real problems
of real people and pointing the way to a better future. That is our challenge in 1992.
Today, as we stand on the threshold of a new era. a new
.millennium. I believe we need a new kind of leadership, leadership committed to
change. Leadership not mired in the politics of the past. not limited by old ideologies.
Proven leadership that knows how to reinvent government to help solve the real
problems of real people.
That is why today I am declaring my candidacy for President of the
United States. Together I believe we c:an provide leadership that wiU restore the
American Dream. that will fight for the forgotten middle class, that will provide more
opportunity. insist on more responsibility, and create a greater sense of community for
...
'We cannot
build a safe and
secure world
unless we can
first make
America strong
at home."
�u~
..
...
I
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..
•
\
• _I
•
I
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I
grl:ilt t:aunuy.
The chan~e we must make isn't li~~ o.t.CEnservatiVe. It's bo~
and it'J different. The small towns and main streets of Ameria aren't like the corridors
and back rooms of Washington. People out here don't care about the idle rhetoric of
·reft" and "right• and "liberal" and "conservative" and ail the other words that have
rr..ade our politia a substitute for action.: nle.se iamilies are aying out desperately for
someone who believes the promise of America is to hdp them with their struggle to
get ahead. to offer them a green light instead of a pink slip.
This ~mt be a campaign or ideas. not slogam. We don't need
another President who doesn't know what he wants to do for America. I'm going to tell
you in plain language what I intend to do as President How we can meet the
challenges we face- that's the test for all the Democratic candidates in this
campaign. Americans know what we're up against. Let'J show them what we're for.
We need a new covenant to rebuild America. It's jmt common
sense. Government's responsibility is to create more opportunity. nie people's
responsibility is to make the most oi it
ln a Clinton AdministJation. we are going to create opportunit)' for
all. We've got to grow this economy, nat shrink it We need to give people incentives to
make long-term invesanent in America and reward peopie who produce goods'and·
services. not those who speculate with other people's money. We've got to invest mare
money in emerging technologies to help keep high-paying jobs here at home. We've
got to cariVert from a defense to a domestic: economy.
We've got to expand world trade, tear down barriers, but demand
fair trade policies ii we're going to provide good jobs for our -people. The American
people don't want to run from the world. We mmt meet the competition and win.
Opportunity for all means world-class skilb and world-class
education. We need more than "photo ops" and empty rhetoric -we need standards
and accountability and excellence in education. On this issue. I'm proud to say that
Arkansas has led the way.
ln a Clinton Administration. studenu and parenu and teachers will
get a real education President.
Opportunity for all means pre-school for every child who needs it
and an apprenticeship program far kidJ who don't want to go to college but do want
good jobs. It means teaching everybody with a job to read. and paning a domestic GI
Bill that would give every young American the chance to borrow the money necessary
to go to college and ask them to pay it bade either as a small percentage of their
income over time or through national service as teachers or policemen or nurses or
child care workers.
ln a Clinton Administration, everyone will be able to get a college
loan as long as they're willing to give something back to their country in return.
Opportunity for all means reforming the health care system to
control casu. improve quality, expand preventive and long-term care. maintain
consumer choice. and cover everybody.And we don't have to bankrupt the taxpayers to
do it We do have to take on the big insurance companies and health care
bureaucracies and get some real cost control into the system. I pledge to the American
peo;le that in the first year of a Clinton Administration we will present a plan to
Congrus 1t1d the American people to provide affordable. quality health care for all
Americans.
Opportunity for all meanJ making our cities and our streets safe
from crime and drugs. .Across America. citizens are banding together to take their
streets
neighborhoods
back. .In .a Clinton Administration. .we'll be on their side - ---- and
- - . ··- . ---··. . ..
'
·~keno
mistake. This
election is
about change:
in our ~rty. •n
our national
leadership, and
in our country."
I
7
·•
�., --
__
.,.,._
.... ·-·
....... .. .... ...
-
~
3nd boot Qmps for rirst-time offenae:. ·.
, ........
.~
•Qaponunuy for
all means
warld<lass skills
and world-class
educ:auon.•
. ______._...._--4-----0pportunity for all means making taxes fair. I'm not out to soak
the rich. I wouldn't mind being rich. But I do believe the rich should pay their u.
share. For 12 years. the Republicans have raised taxes on the middle class. It's time to
give the middle class tax relief.
F"tnally, opportunity for all means.we must protect our
environment and develop an energy policy that relies more on conservation and c:lean
natural gas so all our children will inherit a world that is cleaner. safer. and more
beautiful.
But hear me now. I honestly believe that if we try to do these
things, we will still not solve the problems oi today or move into the next century with
confidence unless we do what President KeMedy did and ask every American citizen to
assume personal responsibility for the future of our country.
The government owes our people more opportunity, but we all
have to make the most of it through responsible citizenship.
We should insist that people move off welfare rolls and onto work
rolls. We should give people on welfare the skills they need to suc:c:eed. but we should
Jemand that everybody who c:an work go to work and become a productive m~ber of
society.
•
8
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,
We should insist on the toughest possible child support
eniorcmtent. Governments don't raise children. parents do. And when they don't their
children pay foreYer. and so do we.
And we have got to say, as we've tried to do in Arkansas. that
stlldaJts have a responsibility to stay in school. If you drop out for no good reason. you
should lose your driver's license. But it's important to remember that the most
irr~-poosible J)eOJ)le of all in the 1980s were those at the top- not those who were
doing worse. not the hard-working middle c:lass. but those who sold out our savings
-~ loans with bad deals and spent billions on wasteful takeovers and mergers, money
that could have been spent to create better products and new jobs.
Do you know that in the 1980s. while middle-class income went
down. charitable giving by working people went up? And while rich people's incomes
went utJ, charitable giving by the weaithy went down. Why? Because our leaders had
an ethic of get it while you can and to hec:k with everybody else.
How can you ask people who work or who are poor to behave
responsibly when they know that the heads of our biggest companies raised their own
pay in the last decade by four times the percentage their workers' pay went up? Three
times as muc:h as their profits went up. When they ran their companies into the
ground and their employees were on the street. what did they do? They bailed out with
golden parachutes to a cushy life. That's just wrong.
Teddy Roosevelt and Harry Truman and John Kennedy didn't
hesitate to we the bully pulpit oi the presidency. They changed America by standing
up for what's right When the Salomon Brothers abwed the treasury markets, the
President was silent When the rip-off artists looted our S&L's, the President was
silent". In a Clinton Administration, when people sell their companies and their
workers and their country down the river, they'll get called on the carpel We're going
to insist that they invest in this country and create jobs for our people.
In the 1980s, Washington failed us, too. We spent more money on
the present and the past and less on the future. We spent SSOO billion to recycle assets
in the S&L mess. but we couldn't afford SS billion for unemployed workers or to give
every kid in this country the c:hanc:e to be in Head Start We can do better than that.
�··:::.!., .
andwewdL
..........;.._._.._·--------1!--------
AClinton Administration won~t soend our mon9 on programs that
don't solve problems and a government that doesn't work. I want to reinvent
government to make it more efficient and more effective.! want to give citiuns more
dlaices in the services they get. and empower them to make those choices. That's what
we've tried to do in Arkansas. We've balanced the budget every year and improved
services. We've treated taxpayers like our ~to~ers anclour bo~~ b~useJhey are____
- . - - I want the American people to know that a Clinton Administration
will defend our national interests abroad. put their values into our sociaJ policy at
home. and spend their tax money with discipline. We'll put government bacic on the
side of the hard-working middle-class families of America who think most of the help
goes to those at the top of the ladder. some goes to the bottom. and no one speaks for
them.
But we need more than new laws. new promises, or new programs.
We need a new spirit of community, a sense that we are all in this together.Ii we have
no sense of community, the American Dream will continue to wither. Our destiny is
bound lJ1) with the destiny of every other American. We're all in this together. and we
. will rise or fall together.
- -----------"--..
A few }!t2rs ago, Hillary and I visited a clauroom in Lo.s AngeJes. in
an area plagued by drugs and gangs. We talked to a dozen sixth-graders. whose
number one concern was being shot going to and from school. Their second worry was
turning 12 or 13 and being forced to join a gang or be beaten. And finally. they were
worried about their own parents' drug abuse.
Nearly half a century ago, 1was born not far from here. in Hope,
Arlcansas. My mother had been widowed. three months before I was
. born. I was raised
for four years by my grandparents. while she went back to nursing school. They didn't
have much money. I spent a lot of time with my great-grandparents. By any standard.
they were poor. But we didn't blame other people. We took responsibility for ourselves
and for each other because we knew we could do better. I was raised to believe in the
American Dream. in family values, in individual responsibility, and in the obligation of
government to.help peop.le who were doing the best they could..
It's a long way in America from that loving family which is
embodied today in a picture on my wan in the Governor's office of me at the age of six
holding my great..grand(ather's hand to an America where children on the streets of
our cities don't know who their grandparents are and have to worry about their-own
parents' drug abuse.
I teJI you. by making common cause with those children we give
new life to the American dream. And that is our generation's responsibility- to form
a New Covenant - more opportunity for all, more responsibility from everyone. and a
greater sense of common PUil!OSe.
I believe with all my heart that together we can make this happen.
We can usher in a new era of progress. prosperity and renewal. We can. We mwt. This ·
. is not.... just a campaign for the presidency- it is a campaign for the future. for the
forgotten hard-working middle class families of America who deserve a government
that fights for them. A campaign to keep America strong at home and around the
world. Join with us. I ask for your prayers. your help, your ~ds. and your hearts.
Together we can make America great again. and build a community of hope that will
if1SIIire the world.
.
_.
..
"We need a
New Covenant
to rebuild
America. It's
just common
sense.
Government's
responsibility is
to create more
opponunity.
The people's
responsibility is
to make the
most of iL'"
9
�J
Notes from William Julius Wilson, October, 1992, for possible
speech on uniting America
o The President should provide moral leadership to bring
Americans together. The President can command the attention of
the media and the people.
o Social and economic divisions have increased during the
Reagan/Bush years. Racial tensions increase when low and moderate
income people are fighting over a shrinking economic pie. In
times like these, responsible leaders need to channel people's
frustrations against their common problems -- not against each
other.
o In times of economic insecurity, especially when national
leaders like Reagan and Bush use racial code words, there is more
of an audience for demagogues like David Duke and Louis
Farrakhan. This is not a uniquely American problem; look at what
is happening now in Germany and in Eastern Europe.
o Ronald Reagan, in particular,,was able to convince working and
middle class whites that the decline in their living standards
was the result of social programs for the poor, who are
stereotyped as black, although most poor people are white. In
reality, the decline in living standards for working people of
all races results from the recession, from the loss of wellpaying
industrial jobs, and from international economic competition.
o But a deliberate attempt to promote racial division during the
1980's shifted attention from the broader social and economic
problems that have divided our society.
o The major cities are suffering not only from the recession and
from the decline in basic industries but also from the
Reagan/Bush cuts in federal aid. In the absence of
countercyclical programs (such as the emergency public works and
public service jobs programs that existed in the 70's) the cities
have had cuts in services and increases in taxes. Meanwhile, the
cities have been hit with three social crises --increases in drug
abuse and violent crime; homelessness; and the AIDS epidemic
with which they lack the resources to cope.
o It is important to stress the extent to which the problems of
economic and social marginality are the result of larger economic
and social problems, such as the decline of basic industries in
the big cities. And it is important to stress that the entire
society pays the cost of economic and social marginality, from
taxes that jobless people do not pay, to increased costs of
public aid, to the costs of crime and drug abuse.
o The cities have become less attractive places in which to live,
work, and do business, at a time when the middle class -- white
and black, but, especially, whites -- have largely left the
cities for the suburbs. For many whites, minorities symbolize the
~--·---··
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. Jetter
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Address (Partial); Phone No.'s (Partial) (I page)
12/24/1992
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural Address Briefing Book [5]
2008-0699-F
'm489
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- J44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)J
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRAJ
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal oflice ((a)(l) of the PRAJ
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA[
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(l) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose Information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�•.·
P
DANIEL J, BOOR.STIN
..
~
~
["'·.''
'~
.
!
~·
· P~/(b)(e)
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•
•1_ i
·~·
,
1
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,.._.'
·- 24,1992
.D~cember
Mr.Robert Doorntin
'l'ha t:Hnton•Core Trnnflition
loS W~&t Cnpitnl Street
Little Rock,Ark. 722ol
De:~r
Robert:
You ht\Ve uked me for some thol.tghts that mlaht be helpful
to the President-elect as
l~
propares hi9 InAueural AddreRs.
In view o.f the. present w1dcapread preoeeupAtion with diversity,
and G.ovcrnor Clinton's own concern for diversity, shown by hi.o
eabint:!t appoiutrnents, I ho~e he will make the Ina\JBUrai Adtlrens
nn opportunity to affirm the th~me of eomruunity.
"We ~re a cumpo.~d. te .;~nd coomopo11t:.m peopl,<: 1 '' Woodrlow Wiloon
Aptly put it in his Second Inttugur.a.l Addrcso, "~ .are of the
blood of nll ••• nations •••• "
I lik~to cAll this an American
lluntfln 1Rm. ()1.1r his tory 1.1-nrl exper:·1enco have made un A ... d(\$ ti.nnt ion
for peol'le from evP.rywhere, ohAped by neweoruer~-1, committed to
the puwer of: example. al\d the bel1er that all pf1'.ople Ctlll l~arn
new wny(.l. I would \lope he would avoid t.h~ et~rrent "multicultural
11
cllcbl.
After look·lng At peat In.1\1gUt~l Addreo~cR 1 it is rn.y impresdon
thnt thr. bast <~nd 1nost enduring have been: (A)bT.ief (b) eloaely
reviaed by th~ ape~k~~ and barrying his per6onal flavor (e) not
directed toward specifics of f!Olic.y (d) affirminr, ties to the
puvt and the future with a. tf!nel."al affi.:tJIIht1on of i.dea.ls 1 nnd
(e) eluqultnt in hP..di.np, the rifu (If eamr!>.ign and party. Heare:ro
a:rc mal'st apt to be eucountgod by words thAt sho~ a mlnd nt work
for itself.
An Amedean proverb that ha.9 wltfaya appenled to me.:
"Hnts off to the P'-'St; coats off to thefuturcl"
Whll~
I'm putting thh in thn md 1, I will f.clx you
t1
copy
on Monday.
Hoppy Holidl'yA, and all beot, in which Ruth enthusiastically
jolna. w~ eQpeelRlly look forward to tho New Year now that we
know that you w111 be in Waehingt:on.
~···
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. memo
DATE
SUBJECTifiTLE
Carter [Wilkie] to George, Bob re: Inaugural Speech Draft Process (2
pages)
12/09/1992
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural Address Briefing Book [5]
2008-0699-F
·m489
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) ofthe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) oftbe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) oftbe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 28, 1993
MEMORANDUM
TO:
FR:
RE:
Office of the Executive Clerk
Carter Wilkie, Communications Research, OEOB 197
GPO volume of Inaugural Addresses
As the Government Printing Office prepares to issue a new edition
of "Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents," this could be a good
time to call to the appropriate person's attention these two
errors in previous volumes:
1.
In his first Inaugural Address, President Jefferson
wrote, and said, "we are all republicans, we are all
federalists"
Jefferson's biographer Dumas Malone notes that
Jefferson did not capitalize the party labels, that he
intended them to describe men of different ideologies,
not men of different parties.
The GPO volume capitalizes these terms. Perhaps this
matter could be checked further for verification and
correction, if necessary.
2.
President Franklin Delano Roosevelt began his first
Inaugural Address with these words: "President Hoover,
Mr. Chief Justice, friends, This is a day of national
consecration."
The GPO volume, as well as FDR's.published papers, do
not include the salutation, nor the actual opening
line, which FOR penned in hand on a copy of the text of
the address as prepared for delivery. The address, as
delivered, however, is on file at the Presidential
Library in Hyde Park, New York.
Please pass this memorandum along to the appropriate editors of
this project.
�.. Ill
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AGAIC:ULTURE
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AI"PROPRIATION$
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o- t 502
2U~ 1
LAtiUM AND lofUMAN
AISCU~ES
December 18, 1992
susan Brophy
Oirector, Congressional Relations
Clinton/Gore Transi~ion
1120 Ver.mont Avenue, NW, 11th Floor
Washington, D.C. 20270
Dear Susan:
The purpose of this letter is to urge President-elect
Clinton to include a powerful statement in his Inau~ation
speech and in his speech nt the Lincoln Memorial recognizing that
ehe the~es of "inclusion• and ucivil rights" embrace individuals
with disabilities.
In 1990, Congress passed and the President siqned into law
the Americans with Disabilities Ac-e (ADA). I was the proud
sl?onsor of this legislation, which is frequently referred ·to as
the ~20th century emancipation proclamation• for people with
disabilities. The Library of Congress estimates that there are 43
million Americans with Disabilities in this country. Recognition
of the basic civil rights of 43 million Americans in not only
morally compelling, it makes good political sense.
Ove~ the course
~eric4 doesn't have
ot the campaign, Bill often said that
a person to waste and that the only way we
can qet our country goinq in the riqht direction again is'by
involvin•; every American i.n the revitalization of our count~.
Bill also made the following statements regarding the
inclusion of people with disabilities:
~
adlnin!stration, s disability policy will be based:' on·:;.
three simple creeds: i~elusion, not exclusion;
.~
independence, no~ dependence; and empowerment, not
paternalism ...
''My
am strongly committed to full ~plementation and
of the Ame~icans with Disabilities Act
becaQse I believe cur entire nation will share in the
econOlTiiC and social benefits that will result from full
participation of Americans with disabilities in our
"I
enforcemen~
society."
210 WAI.HL:T ST
3&0 WCST tTH ST.
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U/21/92
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•As a nation, we arQ not doing enough to tap into the
talents ot Americans with disabilities.n
MPeople with disabilities must be fully inteqrated into
American society."
Please forward this letter to the appropriate people working
on the Inauguration speech and the speech at the Lincoln ·
Memorial. '.t'hank you for yo\U:' attent.ion to this matter,
~erely,
~kin
u.s.
Senatox-
...
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· ------.-
.o•-1.
THE INAUGURATION·.
.. i:.·: .
·.Can. Clinton heat WUsoD?
. :·'~ .:
.
The rigbt words can summarize intentions,
crysta.11ize-goals
.
.
By Thomas Oliphant
in 1981; the nation's first "different kind of Democrat" fol_ _ _ _ _ ___;_ _ ___;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ · lowing a long period of Republican rule, GroV-er Cleveland in
ASHINGTON -"There has been a ·
1885; and the mail from whose V'll'giirla house Clinton 'will
change of government."
set out by bus next Sunday for Washington, Thomas JefferSo began the Dixie-hom, Yankee-edu- son in.l80l. But it is Wilson's speech that stands out as excated governor, freshly elected president
INAUGURAL, Page 75
with a minorlty of the popular vote in a
three-man race against the outspoken .leader of a rump
Tlumw.s Oliphant is a Globe columnist.
movement and a chronically inattentive president who had
gradl18ted from Yale.
. In the rhetoric business, Woodrow Wilson's first presidential sentence is called getting to the point, a message the intellectually
rambling political descendant of that gover-nor will ignore at his peril10 days hence.
Like Wilson in 1913 at a strikingly similar
watershed moment, William Jeffer8on Clinton (the official name Bill Clinton intends to
use on Jan. 20) has some explaining to do:
What does his election mean? What is
ending and what is beginning? What is the
condition of the world and of the _country? .·
What is his philosophy? What is his purpose?
In 11 carefUl paragraphs at his inaugul'a~
tion, Wilson answered the questions and prOnounced the end of America's Gilded Age of
unbridled capitalism; his answers guided his
government of J)rogressive change until viOo;: ·. ·
lent tides of history s\vept over the world and
the United States .and.framed the global triumph and tragedy of his second term.
·
In a particularly direct sentence, 20 years
before Fraiiklin· Roosevelt erected the modern federal" gQvernment in an atmosphere of
economic. calamity, Wilson first defined the
purpose, which be labeled justice: "There can
be no equality or opportunity; the first essential juBt;ice in the body politic, if men and
women and children be not shielded in their
lives, their very vitality, from the coDseqtiences of great industrial and social processes which they can not alter, control, or
singly cope with."
Wilson's inaugural words, so instructively
responsive, have been passed to Clinton as
he prepares to choose his own. So have the
first words of o~rookie presidents, notaWoodrow Wilson and his predecessor, William Howard Taft, face Wilson's
·•bly those of a btu~·direct Ronald Reagan \ ·
first Inaugural, In 19.»3, In Washington.
W
0
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�Jnaugural
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Continued from Page 73
ample, challenge and metaphor for Clinton.
Following the Democrats' disgrace before and .after the Civil War, and in part be. cause of their capture by relatively radical
f~?,rces in the 1890s, only two Democrats
<qleveland and Wilson) won the presidency
between James Buchanan's depressed exit
for Abraham Lincoln in 1861 and Franklin
Roosevelt's grand entrance 72 years later.
\\'"llson, in particular, keenly felt the need to
d¢ine the rare moment as he left the governorship of New Jersey for the White House.
·· In his 11 paragraphs, he carefully celebrated the country's industrial biumphs and
energy. But he. also cut quickly to his PresbYterian and Democratic belief that the
needs of ordinary people had beeri neglected
in .the scramble for wealth.
· "We have been proud of our industrial
achievements," he said, "but we have not
hi\herto stopped thoughtfully enough to
oount the human cost, the cost of lives
siiuffed out, of energies overtaxed and
bt:oken, or the fearful physical and spiritual
cost to the men and women and children
uj,on whom the dead weight and burden of it
all has fallen pitilessly the years through."
·. He targeted his predecessors: "The great
gOvernment we loved has too often been
mllde use of for private and selfish purposes
and those who used it had forgotten the peopl!!."
But he took aim at the rnood of the Gilded Age as well, in language not unlike that
Clinton used about the 1980s during his long
campaign: "Our thought has been let every
mlm look out for himself, let every generatic;m look out for itself, while we reared giant
m,achinery which made it impossible that
any but those who stood at the levers of control should have a chance to look out for
theriwelves."
.: In his seventh paragraph, Wilson gave a
brief list of the kinds of things he wanted to
change, with special emphasis on the country's outmoded banking system, foreshadowing the Federal Reserve System that would
shortly be created. He then defined his guiding concept of justice, and bowed to the stillstro~ conservative instincts of the electorate b~ pledging to "deal with our economic
system as it is and as it may be modified, not
as it might ~ if we had a clean sheet of paper to write fipon." With two more paragraphs of violin music - "This is not a day of
biumph; it is aday of dedication" - that was
that. A new administration, committed to
change, was launched positively by a new
president who gave the country a clear sense
o(where he was starting from and where he
wanted to go.
· At their best, that is all inaugural .addresses can do, Good ones don't prove anything. Both of Richard Nixon's were excellel}t road maps, excellently written, but are
in retrospect hilarious with the knowledge of
medium of informal television. He is not,
however, a philosopher, a painter with broad
brushes or a leader of known quality; he is
also legendary in his ability to lose his point
in a quagmire of detailed policy babbl(!..Because there has been a change of government of almost Wilsonian dimension, because Cliiiton's commitment to change is encylcopedic in its scope and because of the ·
public disenchantment with government's
'lbomas.Jeffersoa: the tint Democrat In the
Wlllte House
Grover Cleveland: ... different kind of
Democrat"
what followed them. John Kennedy's still excites with its passionate energy, but its Cold
War zeal led straight to the Bay of Pigs and
to Vietnam, with little hint of the civil rights
commitment, economic creativity and turn
away from the Cold War that distinguished
the last two years of his life.
Bad speeches, however - the cumbersome clunkers that leave you at a loss to
summarize their purpose - are a decent hint
of bad presidencies to come. That is the most
powerful point .for Clinton to ponder as he
prepares for his first presidential moment.
Getting to the point, being clear and being concise are not Clinton trademarks. His
last important oration - a rambling patch job
with too many cooks - at the Democratic
convention last summer, halted moments before it would have become boring. Clinton is ·
a man of politics and of policy, as well as
someone smooth as silk in the vital modem
Good inaugural
addresses don't prove
anything. Both of
Richard Nixon's were
excellent road maps,
excellently written, but
are in retrospect
hilarious with the
knowledge of what
followed them. John
Kennedy's still excites
with its passionate
energy, but its Cold
War zeal led straight
to the Bay of Pigs and
to Vietnam.
performance, his first words will be very revealing.
In addition, his task as orator and president is more complex than was Wilson's 80
years ago. Beyond marking the end of an era
and coping with public cynicism and disillusionment - as Wilson did - he must define a
still-challenging world after a two-generation struggle with communism.
History suggests high stakes. The four
elected presidents in this century who lost
their office after four years all gave revealingly sloppy inaugural addresses. From
George Bush's thematic wanderlust four
years ago all the way back to fellow Yalie
William Howard Taft's tedious journey from
scientific experiments at the Agriculture Department to the condition of coastal fortifica. tions - with Jimmy Carter and Herbert
Hoover in between - the absence of clarity is
stark.
Of all the diseases in inaugural history,
though, the most perilous is verbosity. It is
no accident that here and in Little Rock,
memo writers and Clinton kibbitzers uniformly plead for brevity - 30 minutes tops,
preferably less.
History is stem on this point.
Of the 51 addresses delivered since 1789,
nine were at least 10 book pages in length in
"Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of
the United States," the volume holding them
all that is available from the Government
Printing Office.
Not one of those presidents was elected
to a
und•
in 1
Coo1
a p1
Pier
rem;
veri
Hoo
tion.
I
War
his c
supr
wan
Kin}.
term
']
jamb
ryl
near:
SnO\\
�.•
medium of infonnal television. He is not,
however, a philosopher, a painter with broad
brushes or a leader of known quality; he is
also legendary in his ability to lose his point
in a quagmire of detailed policy babble. Because there has been a change of government of almost Wilsonian dimension, because Clinton's commitment to change is encylcopedic in its scope and because of the ·
public disenchantment with government's
I
-at In the
Good inaugural
addresses don't prove
anything. Both of
Richard Nixon's were
excellent road maps,
excellently written, but
are in retrospect
hilarious with the
knowledge of what
followed them. John
Kennedy's still excites
with its passionate
energy, but its Cold
War zeal led straight
to the Bay of Pigs and
to Vietnam.
perfonnance, his first words will be very revealing.
In addition, his task as orator and president is more complex than was Wilson's 80
years ago. Beyond marking the end of an era
and coping with public cynicism and disillu>i
sionment - as Wilson did - he must define a
still-challenging world after a two-generation struggle with communism.
History suggests high stakes. The four
elected presidents in this century who lost
WilHam Hen17 Harrison: Spoke for nearly 2 hours, and loquac:lb took Its toiL ,
tel of
their office after four years all gave revealI
..
ingly sloppy inaugural addresses. From to a second tenn, and only two left office on April 6 of pneumonia.
.,
George Bush's thematic wanderlust four under happy circumstances (James K. Polk
From the grave a few of his literally mor-'.
years ago all the way back to fellow Yalie in 1849 and a surprisingly verbose Calvin tal words warn Clinton of presidential verboJ still ex. sity's highest price: .
its Cold William Howard Taft's tedious journey from Coolidge in 1929).
"It was the beautiful remark of a distinThe remaining Loquacious Seven include
Pigs and scientific experiments at the Agriculture Deil rights partment to the condition of coastal fortifica- a president denied renomination (Franklin guished English writer that in the Roman
nd turn tions - with Jinlmy Carter and Herbert Pierce in 1856), Ftd the only one to lose a Senate Octavius had a party and Anthony a ·
guished Hoover in between - the absence of clarity is rematch (as Ber(}amin Harrison did to Gro- party but the commonwealth had none. Yet
stark.
ver Cleveland in 1892). Two others (Taft and the Senate continued to meet in the temple
Of all the diseases in inaugural history, Hoover) were defeated soundly for reelec- of liberty to talk of the sacredness and beau:umber·
ty of the commonwealth and gaze at the statloss to though, the most perilous is verbosity. It is tion.
And the other three died in office. Windy ues of the elder Brutus and of the Curtii arid
mt hint no accident that here and in Little Rock,
'1e most memo writers and Clinton kibbitzers uni- Warren Harding collapsed two years after Decii, and the people assembled in the foruin :;
r as he formly plead for brevity - 30 minutes tops, his dramatic observation in 1921 that "our not, as in the days of Can1illus and the Sc1preferably less.
·supreme task is the resumption of our on- pios, to cast their free votes for annual mag•
ment.
History is stern on this point.
ward, nonnal way''; and windier William Mc- istrates or pass upon the acts of the.Senate,
md beOf the 51 addresses delivered since 1789, Kinley was shot sbt months into his second but to receive from the hands of the leaders
ks.His
of the respective parties the~ share of the .
tchjob nine were at"least 10 book pages in length in tenn in 1901.
The cult favorite, however, remains Ben- spoils and to shout for· one or the other, as
ocratie "Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of
nts be-. the United States," the volume holding them jamin Harris~n's grapdfather, William Hen- those collected in Gaul or Egypt and the
ry Harrison.! Old "l'ippecanoe orated for lesser Asia would furnish the larger divi~ton is· all that is available from the Government
nearly 2 hours through 8,495 words in a dend."
Printing Office.
~ell as
Thp~· ~a:.• the •Jld general died neaeefullv.
snow~torm on Mm·ch 4. 1:'LII. anrl wa;; dead
Not one of those presidents wa~ elected
1odern
1
•
•
�
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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1993-1995
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Inaugural Address Briefing Book [5]
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-011-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/67521e4abe51c5176a5ab9b73502ecb8.pdf
bebaab262497466f7ed10e16e169c1ce
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker.by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
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Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
L
Subseries:
.'.~ '.
.,
...
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Inaugural Address Briefing Book [4]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
-------
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- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
�••
BILL BRADLEY
NEW JERSEY
ilnittd ~tatts ~matt
WASHINGTON. DC 205 10-300 1
SPBBCB BY S~R BILL BRADLEY ON
'l'BB RODNBJ KING YBRDICT
Thursday, April 30, 1992
•
Mr. President, what we have seen in the Simi Valley is a
travesty of justice. The story is familiar. March 3, 1991
Rodney King speeding, driving while intoxicated, clearly
wrong - was stopped by several police officers. He was
kicked and hit with batons fifty-six times in eighty-one
seconds. When one of the officers arrived at the hospital he
bregged that he had "hit a hcmer." w~ we~~ not just told
this. We were not told about Rodney King being hit fifty-six
times in eighty-one seconds; it was on video •
Just as we saw the missiles over Baghdad, or the murders
in Tiananmen Square, so we saw the four police officers
beating Rodney King. It was clear r.••":. Fifty-six times in
eighty-one seconds. Fifty-six times in eighty-one seconds.
Pow.
Pow.
Pow.
Pow.
Pow.
Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow.
Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow.
Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow.
Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow.
Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow.
Pew. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow. Pow.
That's what the American people saw on video tape.
Fifty-six times in eighty-one seconds and what did the
defense do? The defense, on a thinly veiled attempt to play
on racial stereotypes and racial fears, called King a bear, a
bull and a gorilla. The worst, the worst of the dehumanizing
descriptions of black Americans that have fueled hatred, fear
and discrimination throughout our history.
•
The defense strategy was to deny what we all saw with
our own eyes. · In the words of· today's Washington Post, •the
defense lawyers portrayed their clients as a part of the thin
blue line that stands between law abiding citizens and the
jungle of Los Angeles."
Mr. President, jurors were asked to yield to this fear.
Jurors were asked to deny Rodney King's humanity - to deny
they saw what they saw. It was the ultimate attempt at
delusion. Delusion born in a society that doesn't talk
honestly about race. The ultimate attempt at delusion born
�•
2
in a society that fails to see that its salvation lies in
overcoming racism and not yielding to racism.
The verdict - not guilty. During the last twelve hours,
I don't know about everyone else in this body, but I've had a
few things happen to me. Let me share just a couple.
A young black male walked up to me today and said, "I
hope you are going to say something. It could be me next
time. It wasn't like they didn't have any evidence."
A non-black female says: "I guess I've become immune to
such injustices, and that really saddens me. I have become
so used to seeing the side I consider to be 'right' lose that
events like this no longer seem to surprise me."
A young man interviewed on TV last night says: "If I
went to a grocery store and stole a twinkie and I was on
videotape, I'd.be in jail for six months. But if I were
beaten up on the street by four white cops, they'd get off.
~C'"':'e's the justice?"
•
A female black lawyer said: "People should not be afraid
of the people who are supposed to protect them. But they
are."
Imagine if the shoe were on the other foot. Imagine if
an all-black jury acquitted ·a black policeman, several black ·
police officers, who had beaten a white person to a pulp-fifty-six times in eighty-one seconds on videotape. Imagine
what weuld be said then, and you could imagine a little bit,
I believe, how African Americans feel today.
Now no justice can come from injustice. Racism breeds
racism. Violence begets violence. So the image of white
police officers beating a black man lying prone on the ground
dissolves into the image of a black crowd dragging a white
driver from a vehicle and kicking him to death. That
violence only further exacerbates the tragedy of thousands of
lives of those who live in an area. wracked by drugs and gang
violence and poverty and despair.
•
A state of emergency has been declared in South Central
Los Angeles. · All violence .must be condemned. But the
emergency is national. I've said before on this floor that
slavery was our original sin and race remains our unresolved
dilemma. That dilemma becomes a state of emergency when our_
carefully constructed systems--governmental, . 'judicial,
social--break down in the face of the racial reality of our
society. And the reality is, sad to say, it was easier for
an all-white jury to put themselves in the shoes of a white
police officer than to put themselves in the position of
Rodney King. After all, the jury didn't live in the city.
The jury has not been the target of ugly racial epithets or
�•••
3
discrimination. The jury has never been pulled over by a
policeman s~ply because they were black.
Once again, we're forced to confront the division in our
society. In 1820, Thomas Jefferson described the emotions
raging around the slavery issue as "a warning bell in the
night." Our nation ignored that warning, and it cost us a
.civil war, which took the most American lives of any war
we've ever had. In the 1960s, James Baldwin, in the midst of
great _racial advances in civil rights, said, "Beware The Fire
Next Time."
In the last twenty-four hours, another warning bell has
rung and other fires have burned. If we as a nation continue
to ignore the racial reality ~f our times, tip-toe around it,
demagogue it, or flee from it, we're going to pay an enormous
price. What we need now, at this exact time, is hope and
accountability. Accountability for the conduct of the police
officers, and hope that the system of justice can work.
•
With that in mind, ~ call on the Attorney General to
file criminal civil rights charges against the police
officers. If a crime is done and the system doesn't work,
that's what the civil rights laws are for.
Next, I call on President Bush to go to Los Angeles and
to the cODDDunity and meet with the residents to show his
concern, if the residents believe it will be helpful.
Finally, all of us--all of us--have to fight for a
political system that will guarantee that the voiceless will
have a voice more powerful than violence.
Emment Till, an African American, young man, was killed
in Mississippi one summer while visiting relatives because he
said, "Bye, baby" to a white woman in a store. After she
lost her son, Bmment Till's mother said, "When something
happened to Negroes in the South, I said that's their
business, not mine. How I know how wrong I was. The murder
of my son has shown me that what happens to any of us,
anywhere in the world, had better be the business of all of
us.•
rfj
What happened in the courtroom in Simi Valley last night
is the business of all of us. And_ we better start speaking
candidly, and we'd better do something about the physical
conditions in our cities and the absence of meaning in
increasingly larger numbers of lives of citizens in our
cities and the violence. Or the fire the next time is going
to engulf all of us.
�•
BILL BRADLEY
NEW JERSEY
iinittd £'tatts
~matt
WASHINGTON, DC 20510-3001
SPEECH BY SENATOR BILL BRADLEY
ON RACE AND THE AMERICAN CITY
Thursday, March 26, 1992
The campaign season should be a time for candor and
truth as well as a t~e for partisan charges. And nowhere is
this more needed than in the consideration of the issue of
race and the American city. I come to the floor today to
offer a few thoughts on that subject:
•
Slavery was our original sin, just as race remains our
unresolved dilemma. The future of American cities is
inextricably bound to the issue of race and ethnicity. By
the year 2000, only 57 percent of the people entering the
work force in America will be.native-born whites. That means
that the economic future of the children of white Americans
will increasingly depend on the talents of nonwhite
Americans. If we allow them to fail because of our
penny-pinching or timidity about straight talk, America will
become a second-rate power. If they succeed, America and all
Americans will be enriched. As a nation, we will find common
ground together and move ahead, or each of us will be
diminished.
Mr. President, I grew up in a small town located on the
banks of the Mississippi River. It was a multiracial,
multiethnic factory town in which most of the people were
Democrats. My father was the local banker and a nominal
Republican. The town had one stoplight, and there were 96 in
my high school graduating class. The Big City, St. Louis,
Missouri, was something we were not.
I left that small midwestern town and went to college in
Hew Jersey in another small town, s·pending ·most of my time in
an even smaller small town, the campus, except to travel to
places like Philadelphia, New York, or Providence to play
basketball. I graduated, spent two years in England in a
slightly larger college town, and went to Hew York, where for
the first time I lived in a big city.
r·J
The city for me was always about race as much as it was
about class or power or fashion. Maybe that was because I
was a professional basketball player in New York and was
working in a kind of black world. This was before I had any
real knowledge of the welfare system, the courts and prisons,
the nature of an urban economy, or the sociology of
neighborhoods. But if I paid attention, I saw the city
through the eyes of my black teammates as well as through my
own.
�••
2
Above all, the city to me was never just what I heard my
white liberal friends say it was. In their world, people of
color were all victims. But while my teammates had been
victimized, their experience and their perception of the
experience of black Americans could not be reducible to
victimization. To many, what the label of victimization
implied was an insult to their dignity and discipline,
strength and potential.
Life in cities was full of more complexity and more hope
than the media or the politicians would admit, and part of
getting beyond color was not only attacking the sources of
inequity but also refusing to make race an excuse for failing
to pass judgment about self-destructive behavior. Without a
community, there could be no commonly held standards, and
without some commonly held standards, there could be no
community. The question is whether in our cities we can
build a set of commonly accepted rules that enhances
individuality and life chances but also provides the glue and
the tolerance to prevent us from going for each other's
throats.
•
But remember, urban American is not only divided by a
line with blacks on one side and whites on another.
Increasingly, it is a mixture of other races, languages, and
religions, as new immigrants arrive in search of economic
promise and freedom from state control. Just think, over
four and a half million Latinos and nearly 5 million Asian
Pacifies have arrived in America since 1970. In New Jersey,
school children come from families that speak 120 different
languages at home. In Atlanta, managers of some low-income
apartment complexes that were virtually once all-black now
need to speak fluent Spanish. In Detroit, it's a city that
has absorbed some 200,000 people of Middle Eastern descent.
And in San Jose, California, you see in the phone book that
families with the Vietnamese surname Nguyen outnumber the
Joneses by nearly 50 percent. In Houston, one Korean
immigrant restaurant owner oversees Hispanic immigrant
employees who prepare Chinese-style.food for a predominantly
black clientele.
Even though our American future depends on finding
common ground, many white Americans resist relinquishing the
sense of entitlement skin color has given them throughout our
national history. They lack an understanding of the emerging
dynamics of •one world, • even in the United States, because
to them nonwhites always have been •the other." On top of
tha~, people of different races·often don't listen to each
other on the subject of race. It's as if we're all experts,
locked into our narrow views and preferring to be wrong
rather than risk changing those views. Black Americans ask
of Asian Americans, "What's the problem? You're doing well
economically." Black Americans believe that Latinos often
�I
3
fail to find common ground with their historic struggle, and
some Latino Americans agree, questioning whether the black
civil rights model is the only path to progress. White
Americans continue to harbor absurd stereotypes about all
people of color. Black Americans take white criticism of
individual acts as an attempt to stigmatize all black
Americans. We seem to be more interested in defending our
racial territory than recognizing we could be enriched by
another race's perspective.
In politics for the last 25 years, silence or distortion
has shaped the issue of race and urban America. Both
political parties have contributed to the problem.
Republicans have played the race card in a divisive way to
get votes -- remember Willie Horton -- and Democrats have
suffocated discussion of self-destructive behavior among the
minority population in a cloak of silence and denial. The
result is that yet another generation has been lost. We
cannot afford to wait longer. It is time for candor, time
for truth, and time for action.
•
•
Mr. President, America's cities are poorer, sicker, less
educated, and more violent than at any time in my lifetime.
The physical problems are obvious: old housing stock,
deteriorated schools, aging infrastructure, a diminished
manufacturing base, a health care system short of doctors
that fails to immunize against measles, much less educate
about AIDS. The jobs have disappeared. The neighborhoods
have been gutted. A genuine depression has hit cities, with
unemployment in some areas at the levels of the 1930s. Yet,
just as Americans found solidarity then in the midst of
trauma and just as imaginative leadership moved us through
the darkest days of the Depression, so today the physical
conditions of our cities can be altered. What it takes is
collective will, greater accountability, and sufficient
resources.
What is less obvious in urban America is the crisis of
meaning. Without meaning, there can be no hope; without hope
there can be no struggle; without struggle there can be no
personal better.ment. Absence of meaning derived from overt
and subtle attacks from racist quarters over many years and
furthered by an increasing pessimism about the possibility of
justice offers a context for chaos and irresponsibility.
Development of meaning starts from the very beginning of
life. Yet, over 40 percent of all births in the 20 largest
cities of America are to women living alone. Among black
women, out-of-wedlock births are over &5 percent. While many
single women do heroic jobs in raising kids, there are
millions of others who get caught in a life undertow that
drowns both them and their children. Many of these children
live in a world without love and without a father or any
other male supportive figure besides the drug dealer, the
pimp, or the gang leader. They are thrown out on the street
�••
4
early without any frame of reference except survival. They
have no historical awareness of the civil rights movement,
much less of the power of American democracy. I remember a
substitute teacher in New York once told me about students
who read The Autobiography of Malcolm X and wanted to know
why the teacher assigned a book about Malcolm Ten.
To say to kids who have no connection to religion, no
family outside a gang, no sense of place outside the
territory, no imagination beyond the. cadence of rap or the
violence of TV, that government is on their side rings
hollow. Their contact with government has not empowered but
diminished them. To them, government at best is incompetent
-- look at the schools, the streets, the welfare department
-- and at worst corrupt -- the cops and building inspectors
on the take, the white collar criminal who gets nothing but a
suspended sentence, the local politician with gross personal
behavior. And replacing a corrupt white mayor with a corrupt
black mayor won't make the difference.
•
In such a world, calls to "just say no" to drugs or to
•study hard" for 16 years so you can get an $18,000 a year
job are laughable. Instead of desires rooted in the values
of commitment and service to community as expressed through
black churches and mosques, desires, like commodities, became
rooted in the immediate gratification of the moment. TV
bombards these kids with messages of conspicuous consumption,
and they "want it now. " They become trapped in the
quicksands of American materialism. The market sells images
of sex, violence, and drugs, regardless of their corrosive
effects on hard work and caring -- values for.merly handed
down from an older generation. And with no awareness of how
to change their world through political action and no
reservoirs of real self-knowledge, they are are buffeted by
the winds of violence and narcissism.
The physical conditions of American cities and the
absense of meaning in more and more lives come together at
the barrel of a gun. If you were to select the one thing
that has changed in cities since the 1960s, it would be
fear. Fear covers the streets like a sheet of ice. Everyday
the newspaper tells of another murder. Both the number of
murders and violent crimes has doubled in the 20 largest
cities since 1968. Ninety percent of all violence is
committed by males, and they are its predominant victims.
Indeed, murder is the highest cause of death for young, black
males. In 1968, there were 394,000 security guards in this
country. Today it's a growth industry with nearly 700,000
guards.
•
For African Americans in cities, the.violence isn't
new. You don't have to see "Boyz N the Hood" to confir.m it;
just visit public housing projects where mothers send their
kids to school dodging bullets, talk with young girls whose
�•
5
rapes go uninvestigated, listen to elderly residents express
their constant fear of violation, and remember the story of a
former drug dealer who once told me he quit only after he
found his partner shot, with his brains oozing onto the
pavement.
But, Mr. President, what is new is the fear of random
violence among whites. No place in the city seems safe.
Walking the streets seems to be a form of Russian roulette.
At core, it is a fear of young black men. The movie "Grand
Canyon" captures the feeling. It sends the message that if
you're white and you get off the main road into the wrong
territory, you're a target because you're white. You're a
target for death, not just robbery. And if you stay on the
main road, you still might be shot for no apparent reason.
Guns in the hands of the unstable, the angry, the resentful
are used. As the kid in "Grand Canyon" says, "You .respect me
only because I have a gun."
•
•
Never mind that in a society insufficiently colorblind
all black men have to answer for the white fear of violence
from a few black men. Never mind that Asian Americans fear
both black and white Americans, or that in Miami or Los
Angeles, some of the most feared gangs are Latinos and
Chinese. Never mind that the ultimate racism was whites
ignoring the violence when it wasn't in their neighborhoods,
or that black Americans have always feared certain white
neighborhoods. Never mind all that.
There are two phenomena here. There is white fear, and
there is the appearance of black emboldenment. Today, many
whites responding to a more violent reality, heightened by
sensational news stories, see young black men traveling in
groups, cruising the city, looking for trouble, and they are
frightened. Many white Americans, whether fairly or
unfairly, seem to be saying of some young black males, "You
litter the street and deface the subway, and no one, black or
white, says stop. You cut school, threaten a teacher, 'dis'
a social worker, and no one, white or black, says stop. You
snatch a purse, you crash a concert, break a telephone box,
and no one, white or black, says stop. You rob a store, rape
a jogger, shoot a tourist, and when they catch you, if they
catch you, you cry racism. And nobody, white or black, says
stop.•
·
It makes no difference whether this white rap is the
exact and total reality of our cities. It is what millions
of white Americans feel is true. In a kind of.ironic flip of
fate, the fear of brutal white repression felt for decades in
the black community and the seething anger it generated now
appear to be mirrored in the fear whites have of random
attack from blacks and the growing anger it fuels. The white
disdain grows when a frightened white politician convenes a
commission to investigate the charges of racism, and the
�••
6
anger swells when well-known black spokespersons fill the
evening news with threats and bombast.
Mr. President, what most politicians want to avoid is
the need to confront the reality that causes the fear. They
don't want to put themselves at risk by speaking candidly
about violence to both blacks and whites and saying the same
things to both groups. Essentially, they're indifferent to·
the black self-destruction. And violence only hardens their
indifference -- not only to the perpetrator, but to all
African Americans.
Physically, more white Americans leave the city -- from
1970 to 1990, over 4 million white Americans moved out of our
big cities. Psychologically, white Americans put walls up to
the increasingly desperate plight of those, both black and
white, who can't leave -- those Americans who are stuck
trying to raise kids in a war zone, holding jobs in a third
world economy, establishing a sense of community in a desert
where there is no water of hope and where everyone is out for
themselves.
I
Now it's not that there isn't racism, you understand.
It's alive and well. It's not that police brutality doesn't
exist. It does. It's not that police departments give
residents a feeling of security. Few do.
But, when politicians don't talk about the reality that
everyone knows exists, they cannot lead us out of our current
crisis. Institutions are no better than the people who run
them. Because very few people of different races make real
'contact or have real conversations with each other -- when
was the last time you had a conversation about race with a
person of a different race -- the white vigilante groups and
the black TV spokesperson educate the uneducated about race.
The result is that the divide among races in our cities
deepens with white Americans more and more unwilling to spend
the money to ameliorate the physical conditions or to see why
the absence of meaning in the lives of many urban children
threatens the future of their own children.
'
•
'
Yet even in this atmosphere of disintegration, the power
of the human spirit comes through. Heroic families do
overcome the odds, sometimes working four jobs to send their
kids to college. Churches are peopled by the faithful who do
practice the power of love. Local neighborhood leaders have
turned around a local school, organized a health clinic,
rehabilitated blocks of housing. These islands of courage
and dedication still offer the possibility of local renewal,
just as our system of government offers and makes possible
national rebirth •
�•
7
So, Mr. President, the future of urban America will take
one of three paths: abandonment, encirclement, or
conversion.
Abandonment means recognizing that with the billions of
investment in the national highway system which led to
suburbia, corporate parks, and the malling of America and
with communications technology advancing so fast that the
economic advantages of urban proximity are being replaced by
the computer screen, in those circumstances the city has
outlived its usefulness. Like the small town whose industry
leaves, the city will wither and disappear. Like empires of
ancient days, the self-destruction has reached a point of no
return and will crumble from within, giving way to a new and
different for.m of social arrangements. "Massive investment
in urban America would be throwing money away," the argument
goes, "and to try to prevent the decline will be futile."
•
Encirclement means that people in cities will live in
enclaves. The racial and ethnic walls will go higher. The
class lines will be manned by ever increasing security forces
and communal life will disappear. What will replace it are
deeper divisions with politics amounting to splitting up a
shrinking economic pie into ever smaller ethnic, racial, and
religious slices. It will be a kind of clockwork orange
society in which the rich will pay for·their security; the
middle class will continue to flee as they confront violence;
and the poor -- the poor will be preyed upon at will or will
join the ar.my of violent predators. What will be lost for
everyone will be freedom, civility, and the chance to build a
common future.
Conversion means winning over all segments of urban life
to a new politics of change, empower.ment, and common effort.
Conversion is as different from the politics of dependency as
it is from the politics of greed. Its optimism relates to
the belief that every person can realize his or her potential
in an atmosphere of nurturing liberty. Its morality is
grounded in the conviction that each of us has an obligation
to another human being simply because that person is another
human being.
•
There will not be •a charismatic leader" here but many
"leaders of awareness• who champion integrity and humility
over self-promotion and c01111118nd performances. Answers won't
come from an elite who has determined in advance what the new
society will look like. Instead, the future will be shaped
by the voices from inside the tur.moil of urban America, as
well as by those who claim to see a bigger picture.
Conversion requires listening to the disaffected as well as
the powerful. Empowerment requires seizing the moment. The
core of conversion begins with a recognition that all of us
advance together or each of us is diminished; that American
diversity is not our weakness but our strength; that we will
�••
8
never be able to lead the world by example until we've come
to terms with each other and overcome the blight of racial
division on our history.
The first concrete step is to bring an end to violence,
intervene early in a child's life, reduce child abuse,
establish some rules, remain unintimidated, and involve the
community in its own salvation. As a young man in dredlocks
said at one of my recent town meetings, "What we need is for
people to care enough about themselves, so that they won't
hurt anybody else." That is the essence of community
policing -- getting a community to respect itself enough to
cooperate and support the police so that together security is
assured. And our schools can no longer allow the 5 to 10
percent of kids who don't want to learn to destroy the
possibility of learning for the 90 to 95 percent who do want
to learn. In addition, we need gun control, draconian
punishment for drug kingpins, mandatory sentences for cr~es
committed with guns, and reinvestment of some defense budget
savings into city police departments, schools, and
hospitals.
•
•
The second step is to bolster families in urban
America. That effort begins with the recognition that the
most important year in a child's life is the first.
Fifteen-month houses must be established for women seven
months pregnant who want to live the first year of their life
as a mother in a residential setting. Young fathers would be
encouraged to participate too. Fifteen-month houses would
reduce parental neglect and violence by teaching teenage
mothers how to parent. Fifteen-month houses, by offering a
program of cognitive stimulation, would prepare a child for a
lifetime of learning. These 15-month houses need to be
combined with full funding for Head Start and the WIC
program, more generous tax treatment of children, one-year
parental leave, tough child support enforcement, and welfare
reform that encourages marriage, work, and assumption of
responsibility, instead of more children you can't afford.
But there is also a hard truth here. No institution can
replace the nurturing of a loving family. The most important
example in a child's life is the parent, not celebrities,
however virtuous or talented they might be. You might want
to play golf like Nancy Lopez or play basketball like Michael
Jordan or skate like Kristi Yamaguchi or display the wit of
Bill Cosby, but you should want to be like your father or
your mother. And .in a world where there are few involved
fathers, mom has a big burden. There are no shortcuts here,
only life led daily •
The third step is to create jobs for those who can work
jobs that will last in an economy that is growing. It is
only through individual empowerment that we can guarantee
long-term economic growth. Without growth, scapegoats will
�•
9
be sought and racial tensions will heighten. Without growth,
hopes will languish. So how do we get growth? Enterprise
zones, full funding of jobs corps, more investment in
low-income housing. Yes. Helping to finance small
businesses and providing technical assistance in management.
Yes. Investment in urban infrastructure such as ports,
roads, and mass transit will become a source of jobs and
training for urban residents at the same time it builds part
of the foundation for private investment. Yes. Allowing
pension funds to make some investments in real estate and
assessing a very low capital gains tax on the sale of assets
that have generated 500 urban jobs for 10 years will attract
more investment. Yes.
But no targeted program can overcome the drag of a
sluggish national economy. Reducing the deficit, consuming
more wisely, increasing public investment in health and
education, and avoiding protectionism all are essential for
long-term growth. Combined with assuring economic
opportunity for all, long-term growth can save American
cities while taking all Americans to the higher economic
ground.
•
•
Finally, the political process holds the ultimate key .
It has failed to address our urban prospects because
politicians feel accountable mainly to those who vote, and
urban America has voted in declining numbers. So politicians
have ignored them. Voter registration and active
participation remain the critical empowerment link. The
history of American democracy is a history of broadening the
vote: when the Constitution was adopted, the only Americans
who had the vote were white males with property. Then, in
the 1830s, it was extended to white males without property,
in the 1860s to black males, not until the 1920s to women,
and finally, in the 1950s to '70s, to young people age
.
18-21. Yet today, if one third of the voting-age population
in America woke up on election day and wanted to vote, they
would not be allowed to vote because they are not
registered. Again what is needed here is not so much
charismatic leadership but day-to-day leadership, truthful
leadership, dedicated to real and lasting change. Leadership
that has the power within the community by virtue of the
community knowing the life of the spokesperson. That is
leadership that can get things done, and in the end, for
change to come, decisions have to be made, work has to get
done, and same group of individuals has to accept collective
responsibility for making change happen.
Steven Vincent Benet once said about American diversity:
•All of these you are/ and each is partly you/ and none of
them is false/ and none is wholly true. " Another way of
saying out of many, one. He was describing America. Whether
the metaphor is the melting pot or a tossed salad, when you
become an American citizen you profess a creed. You forswear
�••
10
allegiance to a foreign power; you embark on a journey of
development in liberty. For those who came generations ago
there is a need to reaffir.m principles -- liberty, equality,
democracy -- principles that have always eluded complete
fulfillment. The American city is where all these ideas and
cultures have always clashed -- sometimes violently. But
all, even those brought here in chattel slavery and
subsequently freed, are not African or Italian or Polish or
or Irish or Japanese. They're Americans.
•
•
What we lose when racial or ethnic self-consciousness
dominates are tolerance, curiosity, civility -- precisely the
qualities we need to allow us to live side by side in mutual
respect. The fundamental challenge is to understand the
suffering of others as well as to share in their joy. To
sacrifice that sensitivity on the altar of racial chauvinism
is to lose our future. And we will lose it unless urgency
infor.ms our action, passing the buck stops, scapegoating
fails, and excuses disappear. The American city needs
physical rejuvenation, economic opportunity, and moral
direction, but above all what it needs is the same thing
every small town needs: the willingness to treat another
person of any race with the respect you show for a brother or
sister with the belief that together you'll build a better
world than you would have ever done alone, a better world in
which all Americans stand on common ground .
�BILL BRADLEY
N£\1\o JERS£¥
•
iinitcd tStatcs
~mate
WASHINGTON. DC 2051 0-30C ~
SPEECH BY SENATOR BILL BRADLEY AT THE NATIONAL PRESS CLUB
ON RACE AND CIVIL RIGHTS IN AMERICA
July 16, 1991·
;
~
\
•
What compels me to speak today is the state of race
relations in America which every day exacts terrible costs on
whites, on blacks, on all races, and on the nation. Let us
begin by stating what is often unstated. Our destiny - both
black and white - is boUOd together; the coal and iron of
American steel. Each race, its strength inseparable from the
well-being of the nation. Each race, in need of the other's
contribution to create a common whole.
All races must learn to speak candidly with each other.
By the year 2000, .. only 57% of people- entering the work force
will be native-born whites. White Americans have to
understand that their children's standard of living is
inextricably bound to the future of millions of non-white
children who will pour into the work force in the next
decades. To guide them toward achievement will make America
a richer, more successful society. To allow them to
self-destruct because of penny-pinching or timidity about
straight talk will make America a second-rate power. Black
Americans have to believe that acauisition of skills will
serve as an entry into society not because they have acquired
a veneer of whiteness but because they are able. Blackness
doesn't compromise ability nor does ability compromise
blackness. Both blacks and whites have to create and
celebrate the common ground that binds us together as
Americans and human beings.
Today, the legal barriers that prevented blacks from
participating as full citizens have come down. Many notable
African Americans have walked through those open doors and up
the steps to the corporate boardrooms, city halls, to the
statehouse and to Presidential cabinets. Many more millions
of African Americans live ordinary 'lives in an extraordinary
way in cities, towns, and far.ms across America.
Hard-working, law-abiding families fighting to build a life
for their kids; robust churches peopled by individuals of
faith and commitment; educators willing to discipline and
teach.
•
Yet 43% of black children are born in oovertv. The
black infant mortality rate and the black ~nemploY.ment rate
are twice those of white Americans .
�••
•
•
Page 2
And forming the backdrop for the urban neighborhoods
where the poorest, most unstable families live is the daily
violence. The number of'black children who have been
murdered in America has gone up by 50% since 1984. In
Washington, D.C. and many other American cities the leading
cause of death among young black men is murder. That
violence, and the fear of it, shape perceptions in both the
white and black communities. For example, if you're white
you know what you think when you pass three young black men
on a street at night. If you're black you know the toll that
the violence takes on black families both coming and going more college age black males are in prison than in a
college. Communities cannot develop if these trends continue
nor can the potential of our cities be realized behind
barricades patrolled by private security guards. Crime and
violence cause poverty.
Visit a public housing project in one of our big
cities .. See the walls pockmarked by bullet holes. Smell the
stench of garbage uncollected and basements full of
decomposing rats. Hear the gunshots of drug gangs vying for
control of territory that the community needs for its
commercial and social life but that the police don't help
them preserve - territory that bankers redlined long ago .
.
Listen, as I have, over the last few years across
America to the stories of families trying to make it in the
middle of this horror. Listen, in Elizabeth, N.J., to
residents of public housing describe how the drug dealers
prey on the joblessness and misery of all the residents but
especially the young. Listen, in Chicago to project mothers,
their children dodging bullets on the way to school,
threatened with the murder of a younger son unless an older
son joins the gang. Listen, in Newark, N.J., to a
grandmother, who, when asked what she wanted more than
anything else said, "a lock that works." Listen, in
Brooklyn, N.Y., to a former cocaine dealer gone straight
saying that his brother lying inert in a crack stupor in
front of me on the floor of his Mother's meager apartment was
going to be killed within a year by dealers who wanted their
money. ·.. Listen, in Camden and Paterson, N.J., to doctors tell
about crack children having crack children, alone - the
fathers in prison or in an early grave - falling deeper and
deeper into hopelessness • Cry out in anguish and cry out in
anger about this kind of life in America today. And weep for
all of us that allow it to continue.
But, go beyond tears of pity and guilt. Face the moral
paradox. How can we achieve a good life for ourselves and
our children if the cost of that good life is ignoring the
misery of our neighbors? The answer has been to erect
walls .
�•
Page 3
The wall of pride: we're better and deserve what we
have. The wall of ignore the problem and it will go away.
The wall of blaming the symptoms. The. wall of ,liberal guilt
that rationalizes and distances us from the fact that people
are actually being murdered. The wall of innocence: we have
nothing against black people, we didn't know. The wall of
brute force, used to oppress and separate. And finally the
Willie Horton wall of demonization that says they're not like
us.
All of these walls we've constructed have stunted our
national growth and character and made us less able to lead
the world by our living values. A maze we've seemed to lock
ourselves into and are dangerously close to forgetting the
way out. Put simply, there can be no normal life for blacks
or whites in urban America or effective help for the ghetto
poor until the violence stops.
•
Our failure to improve these conditions is inseparable
from the fact that we no longer speak honestly about race in
America. The debate about affirmative action is ultimately a
debate about empowerment, past debts and what each of us
thinks we owe another human being. But it does not directly
affect the daily lives of families struggling against
violence. They worry about survival not college admissions.
At the same time, we have to admit that neither Republicans
nor Democrats have come up with good answers to these
horrible conditions. As they say in my urban town meetings,
"Very few politicians really care, or else things would
already have changed."
Liberals have failed to emphasize hard work,
self-reliance, and individual responsibility. Clearly, there
are thousands of individuals, like Clarence Thomas, who have
exercised individual strength and perseverance to overcome
the obstacles of racial and economic oppression. But he also
benefited from passage of civil rights laws which broke down
the legal barriers of the past. The odds of overcoming a
prejudiced attitude are better because your individuality is
guaranteed by law .. Individual responsibility also is a
challenge to our humanity as much as.to our ambition. White
Americans make decisions each day - who they hire or fire or
who their children play with - which ripple into the tide of
American race relations.
•
At the same time, conservatives have failed to use the
power of government for the common good. Even in the face of
rampant violence in urban ghettos, conservatives refuse to
act. Clearly, the collective will of the nation, when
channeled through legislation can be an indispensable
resource in the war against injustice and poverty. But it is
also true that government should be held accountable for
results. Bureaucrats who fail should be fired. Government
success should be measured in problems solved and in
�••
Page 4
conditions bettered. Teachers should teach. Nurses should
give comfort and welfare workers should listen. Governmen~
service is more than just a job.
People, black and white, are individuals no~
of a racial creed. There is no African
American, there are African Americans, each a dis~inct
individual with a different view and attitude.
represen~atives
Yet, Americans often see race first and the individual
second. That means each individual assumes all the costs of
racial stereotypes with none of the benefits of American
individuality. As long as any white American looks at black
Americans and associates color with violence, sloth, or
sexual license, then all black Americans carry the burden of
some black Americans. That is unfair. As long as any black
American looks at white Americans and associates color with
oppression, paternalism, and dominance all white Americans
wear the racist exploiter label of some white Americans.
That is unfair.
•
It is ludicrous to say that all female black Americans
are welfare queens, yet Ronald Reagan for a generation tried
to etch that stereotype in the minds of his corporate,
country club, and political audiences. It is ludicrous to
say that all African Americans are Willie Hortons. Yet the
Willie Horton ad was an attempt to demonize all black
America. If you don't believe me, ask any African American
who tries to hail a cab late at night in an American city.
It is just as ludicrous to say all white Americans are
Archie Bunkers, yet some self-appointed black spokespersons
make a living preaching racial hate and make a mockery of the
values of civil rights leaders (both black and white) who
risked their lives to end segrega~ion.
Most of us don't confront the realities of race in
America today. Ronald Reagan;s welfare queen distorts
reality. George Bush's rapist-murderer panders to those in
the electorate who can't see the individual for his color.
Both cling to old relationships and-old at~itudes of
inferiority and superiority, scapegoats and stereotypes. The
result makes seeing the other· race's perspective, much less
the individual behind the color, more and more unlikely.
In the face of these problems, I challenged President
Bush last week, on the Senate floor, to lead us by example
and to tell us how he has worked through the issue of race in
his own life.
~
•
I asked President Bush to help us alleviate five doubts
about him: His record, from 1964 to the present. His choice
to play the politics of race while economic inequality
�•
Page 5
increases. His inconsistent words.
convictions.
His leadership.
And his
There has been no response.
The President's silence, however, will not muffle the
gunshots of rising racial violence in our cities. Silence
will not provide the candor necessary to overcome the
obstacles to brotherhood. Silence will not heal the division
among our races. Silence will not move our glacial
collective humanity one inch forward.
I, for one, feel compelled to speak - to speak from my
own experience, and from my heart.
I grew up in a small town of 3,492, tucked between two
limestone bluffs on the banks of the Mississippi River. It
was a multi-racial, multi-ethnic company town in which most
of the people worked in the glass factory and were
Democrats. The town had one stoplight and there were about
96 in my high school class, which integrated only in the 9th
grade.
•
My father, who never finished high school, was the local
banker and a nominal Republican. To him a reliable customer
wasn't black or white but one who paid off his loan. He used
to say that his proudest moment was that, throughout the
Depression, he never foreclosed on a single home.
Growing up, I sang in the church choir that was
conducted by my mother. I played Little League and American
Legion baseball, with black and white friends. I was a Boy
Scout and I was the tallest French horn player in the high
school marching band -- or perhaps any marching band
anywhere.
My mother wanted me to be a success; my father wanted me
to be a gentleman; neither wanted me to be a politician.
I left that small town and went to college in New Jersey
and then England, but after that -- for a long time -- I
never thought of politics. I was a ·professional basketball
player for the New York Knicks. From September to May for
ten years, I traveled across America with the team. It was
not a high school or college team. We were professionals.
Basketball was our work that we did every day - together.
•
Each teammate had a different set of friends in every
town. But, day in and day out, we lived together, ate
together, rode buses together, talked together, laughed
together, and of course, played together. During those
years, my dominant teammates were Willis Reed, Dick Barnett,
Walt Frazier, Dave DeBusschere, and Earl Monroe. We created
one of the first basketball teams to capture the imagination
�••
Page 6
of a national TV audience and we won the hearts of New Jersey
and New York. It was an extraordinary group of human beings.
I wish I had $100 for every time in the last 20 years
that someone - usually a white person - asked me what it was
like to play on the Knicks and travel with my teammates.
"What was it like?" I'd ask, "What do you mean?"
"Well, you know, guys who came from such different
backgrounds and had such,different interests than yours."
"You mean that most of them were black?
living in a kind of black world?" I'd ask.
That I was
"Well, yes!" they'd finally admit, "What was it like on
that team?"
"Listen," I'd say, "traveling with my teammates on the
road in America was one of the mos~ enlightening experiences
of my life."
•
And it was. Besides learning about the warmth of
friendship, the inspiration of personal histories, the
powerful role of family in each of their lives and the
strength of each's individuality, I better understand
distrust and suspicion. I understand the meaning of certain
looks and certain codes. I understand what it is to be in
racial situations for which you have no frame of reference.
I understand the tension of always being on guard, of never
totally relaxing. I understand the pain of racial arrogance
directed my way. I understand the loneliness of being white
in a black world. And I understand how much I will never
know about what it is to'be black in America.
I worried about all of that for a while, but then I
forgot it. Because I'd known for a long time that no one was
just black or just white. We were all just human, which
meant we were neither as virtuous as we might hope nor as
flawed as we might think. The essence of humanity is
treating ~ach other with respect. Some of us won't be able
to do that with words because we're prisoners of the words
themselves. Others will be able to do it with words but
never deeds. If we say "African American" but think
something else, where are we?; if we say "white brother" but
think something else, where are we?
·
People of good faith need to find common ground - and
I'm not talking partisan politics. I'm talking about the
human hear~.
•
It was William Faulkner who said that man is immortal
"because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion,
sacrifice, and endurance." Politics at its best touches
these things, but only rarely does it penetrate to the depths
�•
Page 7
necessary to confront the turbulence in each of our hearts;
rarely does it celebrate our "courage," our "honor," our
"hope." We need a politics that does not divide us or demean
us but helps us escape the easy evasions, see the truth, and
prevail in our humanity.
President Lyndon B. Johnson did that when he signed the
1964 Civil Rights Bill, a bill whose passage I witnessed in
the Senate chamber as a student intern. The bill ended
separate restrooms and drinking fountains for black and white
Americans. It ended the dirty motels that blacks often had
to stay in because whites excluded them from "whites only"
motels. It ended the "whites only" restaurants and the buses
that reserved the back for blacks.
LBJ knew Texas. He grew up poor in the Depression. He
saw politicians lose because they got too close to blacks.
He understood the politics of race, and still he chose to
provide moral leadership.
•
In the Senate.race in Texas that same year George Bush,
the son of Eastern wealtn who came to Texas to make his own
fortune, ran for office as a Republican. He lost but in the
course of the campaign he opposed the Civil Rights Bill being
debated in Washington. The Civil Rights Bill I saw passed. in
the Senate. The Civil Rights Bill that Lyndon Johnson was to
sign into law. Of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, candidate Bush
said it "violates the constitutional rights of all people."
I still have never heard President Bush say why he believes
that. I have never heard him express regret or explain why
he opposed the most significant widening of opportunity for
black America in the 20th century.
An enlightening and courageous response to today's
condition does not begin and end with the legal solution that
was the beginning in 1964. Today's solution must begin by
accepting that the burning heart of the crisis of race in
America is our individual and collective failure to address
the problems of race in our own lives - and the failure of
our leaders to address openly, and with moral courage the
problems of race and poverty in our .nation.
•
It is a failure when we compare the ideals of our nation
with the reality in our atreets. It is· a failure when we
compare the hopes of the privileged with the dying dreams of
the disadvantaged. It is a failure when we compare our
increasingly larger unskilled population with the labor
needs of a growing economy. It is a failure to work through
our own individual and national feelings about· ·race. And
until we correct these failures of attitude and inaction, we
will no~ understand the meaning of race in America. This is
hard to do for me, for you, for all of us, but it's not
impossible. In fact-.by turning our failures into successes
we will be regenerating America, improving the standard of
�••
Page 8
living for all Americans and preparing ourselves for a new
kind of American leadership in the world.
While no one program, or set of programs, can solve the
problems of race and poverty in this nation, we, as a people,
with the leadership of our President, can take steps toward a
solution. I propose four steps.
First, remove the remaining legal barriers to equality
of opportunity. In the 9ontext of our current debate, this
means restoring those civil rights that were removed by
recent Supreme Court decisions. A 1991 Civil Rights Act will
take us a long way in that direction. That will be done when
the President orders his staff to stop looking at this issue
as a political ad and to start seeing its relevance to our
ability to win the global economic race.
•
Second, restore and revitalize a healthy, growing
economy for all Americans. A rising tide does lift all
boats. We must begin.to invest today for a better future for
our children. This will mean lowering interest rates to
encourage investment. This will mean tax relief for families
with children. And this will mean difficult budget cuts in
some areas in order to finance increased expenditures for
programs - like Head Start and WIC that work - and for
programs that will increase our productivity - programs in
education, job training, health, and infrastructure.
Third, replace the politics of violence with the
politics of public safety and intervene directly and
massively against poverty, drugs, and violence. And by "we"
I mean all concerned voices, especially those black and brown
voices trapped within the swirling storm. Instead of
politicians using Willie Horton to profit politically from
people's fears or outbidding each other in a contest for the
most draconian punishment, we need ideas to increase life
chances, and timetables for action, for change and for
results.
Being tough .is necessary. I don't have much tolerance
for those who make millions off the .destruction of a
generation. That's why we need the death penalty for drug
kingpins who murder, tough sentences for drug-related crimes
committed with a gun, and gun control that establishes a
waiting period and a background check. But these measures
alone are no guarantee of safety in your neighborhood. It's
more difficult. The violence we fear seems to erupt anywhere
and for no apparent cause. The violence we fear is the
violence of the predator who kills not for money or with a
plan but at r~ndom, for fun and with malice.
•
So what we need is more police, yes. The ratio of
felonies to police has increased dangerously. But, better
police too, and tougher laws. In many cities there are few
�•
•
Page 9
places where people don't have to be vigilant. The concern is
constant and pervasive. Yet, police often act as if they were
an occupying army, fearful of an enemy population, responding
from their cars to emergency calls. And while they have good
reason to be alert, they make arrests only to have the
arrested back on the streets shortly after or if they go to
jail, replaced by another predator who feels emboldened or
desperate or both. The result: no improvement in safety for
the majority.
The politics of public safety implies police, armed with
a popular mandate, out in the community building partnerships
with the law abiding majorities. Together they will help to
prevent crime in all neighborhoods of a city. They will
identify the indigenous resources that can form the critical
base of self-help and intelligence upon which government and
police assistance can be leveraged. The politics of public
safety succeeds only if citizens feel more secure. Surely if
a President cared about these problems he could direct his
administration to come up with sharper ideas and the
resources to help government agencies and local police
~plement them.
If we a~e serious about reducing violence
and improving safety we can do no less .
Fourth, and most importantly, begin an honest dialogue
about race in America by clearing away the phony issues that
can never bring us together. I ask President Bush to promise
never again to use race in a way that divides us.
Communicating in code words and symbols to deliver the old
shameful message should cease. Race-baiting should be
banished from our politics.
And then, I ask every American to become a part of the
dialogue that lifts this discussion to the higher ground.
Beginning with ourselves, each of us must address our own
personal understanding or misunderstanding of race. Ask
yourself, when was the last time you had a conversation about
race with someone of a different race? Ask yourself what
values are shared by all races? And begin to ask our leaders
how they have confronted their own understanding or
misunderstandings about race in their own real lives -- not
just their political careers.
•
I commit myself to work as hard as I can for as long as
it takes on each of these four steps. All of them will
require concerted action and leadership wherever we can find
it. Only one can be achieved by words: the last, the quest
for an honest dialogue. But without it all the others. could
misfire - not solving the problems, or worse, being
manipulated by those who would keep us from ou= better
selves .
The other day a press person said his magazine was doing
a story on racial integration - is it dying, is it changing,
�••
10
is it less relevant, does it hold the same appeal as it did,
is America moving beyond it or away from it, is it a means or
an end. I believe that integration and race and civil rights
are central to our American future. They are not merely
programmatic issues. They are not political trends. They
are fundamental questions of attitude and action, questions
of individual moral courage and the moral leadership of our
nation. James Baldwin, returning from France in 1957 and
counseling his nephew in 1957 not to be afraid during the
civil-rights demonstrations of the early 1960s, concludes
with this:
•
I said that it was intended that you
should perish in the ghetto, perish by
never being allowed to go behind the
white man's definitions, by never being
allowed to spell your proper name. You
have, and many of us have, defeated this
intention~ and, by a terrible law, a
terrible paradox, those innocents who
believed that your imprisonment made them
safe are losing their grasp of reality •
But these men are your brothers - your
lost, younger brothers. And if the word
integration means anything, this is what
it means: that we, with love, shall
force our brothers to see themselves as
they are, to cease fleeing from reality
and begin to change it. For this is your
home, my friend, do not be driven from
it~ great men have done great things
here, and will again, and we can make
America what America must become •
•
---------
---------
�BILLBRADLEY
NEW JERSEY
•
tinittd
~tatts ~matt
WASHINGTON, DC 205 10-3001
PLQQR STATKenprt' BY SBIIUOR BILL BRADLEY
OR RACE
.llfD CIVIL RIGB'l'S
JULY 10. 1991
This is an open letter to President Bush. I hope he'll
hear it and I hope the American people will listen, too. I
hope this letter will put the issue of race relations in a
broader context than simply the Supreme Court nomination of
Clarence Thomas. I offer this letter recognizing that when a
black or white American speaks about race one necessarily
speaks for someone else of a different race. That is awkward
and subject to misinterpretation. But silence is worse.
Dear Mr. President, in 1988 you used the Willie Horton
ad to divide white and black voters and appeal to fear. Now,
based on your remarks about the 1991 Civil Rights Bill, you
have begun to do the same thing again. Mr. President, we
implore you -- don't go down that path again. It's not good
for the country. We can ~o better.
•
Racial tension is too dangerous to exploit and too
important to ignore. America yearns for straight talk about
race, but instead we get code words and a grasping after an
early advantage in the 1992 election. Continued progress in
race relations requires moral leadership and a clear sighted
understanding of our national self-interest. And that must
start with our President.
Th~re is a place and a time for politics.
The Willie
Horton ad in your 1988 campaign will be played and analyzed
by political pundits for years to come.
There is a place and time for leadership. The place for
leadership is here - for our people, uncertain and divided
once again on the issue of race. And the time for leadership
is now.
•
So, llr. President, tell us how you have worked through
the issue of race in your own life. I don't mean
speechwriter abstractions about equality or liberty but your
own life experiences. When.did you realize there was a
difference between the lives of black people and the lives of
white people in America? Where did you ever experience or
see discrimination? Bow did you feel? What did you do?
What images remain in your memory? Tell us more about how
you grappled with the moral imperatives embodied in race
relations and how you clarified the moral ambiguities that
necessarily are a part of the attitude of every American who
·has ..given it any thought -- any thought at all.
Do you believe silence will muffle the gunshots of
rising racial violence in our cities? Do you believe that
�.•
Page 2
brotherhood will be destroyed by candor about the obstacles
to its realization? Do you believe ignoring the division
between the races will heal it? If you truly want it healed,
why don't you &pel\~ some of your political capital
represented by your 10• approval ratings and try to move our
glacial collective humanity one inch forward.
Mr. President, you say you're against discrimination.
Why not make a morally unambiguous statement and then back it
up with action? At west Point you said you "will strike at
discrimdnation wherever it exists". Row will you do that and
when? Why not try to change the racist attitudes of some
Americans - even if they voted for you - so that all
Americans can realize our ideals?
Mr. President, if.these concerns are wrong, please
dispel them. Please explain the following bases for our
doubt.
•
Doubt one -- your record. Back in 1964 you ran for the
Senate and you opposed the Civil Rights Act of that year.
Why?
I remember that summer. I was a student intern in
Washington, D.C. , between my junior and senior years in
college and I was in this Senate chamber that hot summer
night when the bill passed. I remember the roll call. I
remember thinking, "America is a better place because of this
bill. All Americans --white or black-- are better off." I
remember the presidential election that summer too, when
Senator Goldwater made the Civil Rights Act an issue in his
campaign. I came to Washington that summer as a Republican.
I left as a Democrat.
Why did · jou oppose that bill? Why did you say that the
1964 Civil Rights Act, in your words, "violates the
constitutional·~ights of all people?"
Remember how America
functionc in many parts of our country before it passed?
Separate restroom& and drinking fountains for black and
white, blacks turned away from hotels, restaurants, movies.
Did you believe that black Americans should eat at the
kitchen steps of restaurants, not in the dining room? Whose
constitutional rights ware being violated there?
Were you just opposing the Civil Rights Bill for
political purposes? Were you just using race to qat votes?
•
Did you ever change your mind and regret your opposition
to the Civil Rights Act? If so, when? Did you aver express
your regret publicly? What is your raqrat?
··When you say today that you're against discrimination, I
don't know what you mean because you have never repudiated or
explained your past opposition to the most basic widening of
�•
Page 3
opportunity for black Americans in the 20th century, the
Civil Rights Act of 1964.
It sounds 1i~e you're trying to have it both ways -- lip
service to equality and political maneuvering against it.
What does your record mean?
What have you stood for?
Doubt two - Bconamic reality. Mr. President, over the
last 11 years of Republican rule the poor and the middle
class in America have not fared wall. The average middle
income family earned $31,000 in 1977 and $31,000 in 1990. No
improvement. During the same time period, the richest 1t of
American families want from earning $280,000 in 1977 to
$549,000 in 1990. Row, how could that have happened? How
could the majority of voters have supported governments whose
primary achievement was to make the rich richer? The answer
lies in the strategy and tactics of recent political
campaigns.
•
•
Just as middle class America began to see their economic
interests clearly and to come home to the Democratic party,
Republicans ~terjected race into campaigns, to play on new
fears and old prejudices, to drive a .wedge through the middle
class, to pry off a large enough portion to win.
Xr. President, moat Americana recognize that in economic
policy Republicans usually try to reward the rich, and
Democrats usually don't. I accept that as part of the lore
and debate and rhythm of American politics. What I can't
accept, because it eats at the core of our society, is
inflami~g racial tension to perpetuate power and then using
that power to reward the rich and ignore the poor. It is a
reasonable ~rgument over means to say more for the weal thy is
a price we pay to •lift all .boats•. It is a cynical
manipulation to send messages to white working people that
they have mora ·in common with the wealthy than with the black
worker nazt to thaaa on the line, taking the same physical
risks and struggling to make ends meet with the same pay.
Xr. President, I detest anyone who uses that tactic -whether it is a Democrat like George Wallace or a Republican
like David Duke. The irony is that moat of the people who
voted for George Wallace or David Duke or George Bush because
of race haven't benefited economically fram the last decade.
·xany of them are worse off. Many have lost jobs, health
insurance, -pension benefita. Many more can't buy a house or
pay property taxes or hope to send their child-to college.
The people who have benefitted come from the wealthiest class
in America. So, Mr. President, put bluntly, why ahouldn' t we
doubt your cOJIIIDitment to racial justice and fair play when we
see ·who has benefitted moat fram the power that has been
acquired through sowing the seeds of racial division?
�•
Page 4
Doubt three - Your inconsistent words. We Americans
hold a special trust on the issue of race. We fought one of
the bloodiest wars in history over it - brother against
brother, state age.1nst state, American against .American. Our
communities and our schools and our hearts have been torn by
the issue. We have come too far, Mr. President. We do not
need to be torn further. Most Americans who have absorbed
our history know the wisdom of Zora Neale Hurston's words
that, "Race.is an explosive on the tongues of men." Race is
most especially an explosive on the tongue of the
President •••• or his men.
We have come too far. we need to be led not
manipulated. We need leadership that will summon the best in
us not the worst. We have come too far to deserve what you
are doing now to our cammon trust in each other.
Yet you have tried to turn the Willie Horton code of
1988 into the quotas code of 1992. You have said that's not
what you're doing but as you said at West Point, "You can't
put a sign on a pig and say it's a horse."
•
Why do you say one thing with your statement against
discrimination and another with your opposition to American
businesses working with civil rights groups to get a civil
rights bill most Americans could be proud of? Are you
sending mixed signals or giving a big wink to a pocket of the
electorate?
We measure our leader by what he says and by what he
does. If both what he says and what he does are destruct!ve
of racial harmony, we must conclude that he wants to destroy
racial ·JUu:mony. If what he says and what he does are
different, ~en what he does is more important. If he says
different things at different times that are mutually
contradictory, then we conclude he's trying to pull the wool
over someone'& ·eyes.
-
-
Mr. President, you need to be clearer, so that people on
all sides understand where you are, . what you believe and how
you propose to make your beliefs a ·reality. Until then, you
must understand that an increasing number of Americans will
assume your convictions about issues of race and
discrimination are no deeper than a water spider's footprint.
•
Doubt four - Your leadership. ·aacial politics has an
unseamly history in A1Darica. Por only about five decades of
the last 220 years have our politicians actively tried to
heal racial wounds. Slavery blighted our ideals for nearly a
century. Then a burst of hope from 1865 to 1876. Then
nearly another century of exploitation and inhumanity
including harsh and discriminatory treatment of Hispanics and
many other immigrant groups. Then from 1945 to 1980, another
�•
Page 5
burst of ·hope. Much was accomplished in this last period.
But all of us dee~ in our hearts know there's more to do.
Demagogues - .~th white and black - seek to deepen
divisions. Misconceptions grow. Pears accelerate •
.OUtlandish egos thrive on the misery of others.
•
•
Both races have to learn to speak candidly with each
other. By the year 2000, only 57' of people entering the
work force will be native born whites. White-Americans have
to understand that their children's standard of living is
inextricably bound to the future of millions of non-white
children who will pour into the workforce in the next
decades. To guide them toward achievement will make America
a richer, more successful society. To allow them to
self-destruct because of penny-pinching or timidity about
straight talk will make America a second rate power. Black
Americans have to believe that acquisition of skills will
serve as an entry into society not because they have acquired
a veneer of whiteness but because they are able. Blackness
doesn't compromise ability nor does ability compromise
blackness. Both blacks and whites have to create and
celebrate the common ground that binds us together as
Americans and human beings.
To do that we must reach out in trust to each other. By
ignoring the poverty in our cities, white Americans deny
reality as much as black Americans whose sense of group
identity often denies the individuality that they themselves
know is God's gift to every baby. There is much to say to
each other about rage and patience, about opportunity and
obligation, about fear and courage, about guilt and honor.
The more· Americans can see beyond someone's skin to his heart
and mind, the easier it will be for us to reveal our true
feelings and.to admit our failures as well as celebrate our
strengths. The more Americans are honest about the level of
distrust they hold for each other, the easier it will be to
gat beyond tbosa feelings and forge a new ralatJ.onship
without racial overtones. Both black and white Americans
na8d to recognize that what's important is not whether the
commending officer is black or white but how good a leader he
or aha is. That's true in war and it's equally true in
peace.
Above all, we need to establish a social order in which
individuals of all races to assume personal responsibility.
In a contest that's fair a chance is all someone needs. In a
contest that's fair the gripes and excuses of losers don't
carry much weight •
So individual responsibility is essential. And so is
facing reality clearly. Crime often causes poverty. Racism
exists, and so do horrible living conditions_in our cities.
�•
Page 6
To accept any of this as natural or necessary or unchangeable
is to insure that it will continue •
..
The most ~~ant voice in that national dialogue is
yours, Mr. President. You can set us against each other or
you can bring us together. You can reason with us and help
us overcome deep-rooted stereotypes or you can speak in
mutually contradictory sound bites and leave us at each
other's throats. You can risk being pilloried by demagogues
and losing a few points in the polls, or you can simply
ignore the issue, using it only for political purposes. You
can push the buttons which you think give you an election or
you can challenge a nation's moral conscience.
•
The irony here is that as a Democrat, I am urging the
Republican President to do what will serve his own party's
longter.m political interests. Why do I do it? Because I
believe that race-baiting should be banished from politics.
Because I believe communicating in code words and symbols to
deliver an old shameful message should cease. There should
be no more Willie Borton ads. Mr. President, will you
promise not to use race again as you so shamelessly did in
1988? If you will not promise your country this, why not?
Doubt five - Your convictions. Mr. President, as Vice
President to Ronald Reagan you were a loyal lieutenant. To
my knowledge you never expressed public opposition to
anything that happened in race relations in the Reagan
years. You acquiesced in giving control of the civil rights
agenda to elements of the Republican party whose southern
strategy was to attract those voters who wanted to turn the
clock back on race relations.
The
Re~gan
Justice Department tried to give government
tax subsidies to schools that practice racial discrimination
as a matter of policy. And you went along. They were
reluctant to push the Voting Rights Act renewal -- and you
want alo~. _They vetoed the 1988 Civil Rights Restoration
Act -- and you went along. Por eight years there was an
assault on American civility and fair play and you went
along. On what issue would you haV& spoken out? Was your
role as Vice President more important than any conviction?
Obviously, the issue of race wasn't one of them. Martin
Luther King, Jr. wrote from his jail cell in Birmingham, •we
will have to repent in this generation not merely for the
vitriolic words and actions of bad people but for the
appalling silence of good people.•
·
•
Mr. President, you saw ·black .America fall into a deeper
and deeper decline during the Reagan years. Prom 1984 to
1988, the nWIIber of black children murdered in America
increased by 50 percent. Today, 43 percent of black children
are born in poverty. And since 1984 black life expectancy
has declined - the first decline for any segment of Alllerica
�•
Page 7
in our hi·story. Yet in the face of these unprecedented
developments, you said and did nothing. Why did you g~
along?
In 1989, when you took over you promised it would be
different. But it hasn't been. The rhetoric has been softer
at times, but the problem is the same. At Hampton College, a
predominantly black school, you recently promised •adequate
funding• fo~ Head Start, but three out of four eligible
children are still turned away. Do you believe what you
say? What is more important than getting a generation of
kids on the right education track? I'm all for the important
work of the Thousand Points of Light Foundation but for it to
really succeed a President and his government must be the
beacon.
•
Maybe you have no idea what to do about kids killing
kids in our cities and people sleeping on the streets. Maybe
out of wedlock births are outside your experience and not of
importance to you. · Maybe you really have concluded that
urban enterprise zones and the HOPE program are a sufficient
urban poverty strategy. Maybe families to you don't include
white and black families living in cities, struggling to make
ends meet against the same high odds, which you refuse to
reduce. Maybe you just don't understand. Maybe, maybe,
maybe.
·
·
Who knows? We rarely hear your voice. At West Point,
you exhorted .America to be colorblind. But without doing
something about inequity and poverty the call for
colorblindness is denial and arrogance. Mr. President, you
have to create a context in which a colorblind society might
eventually evolve. Right now you are neither similar to the
stern fathe~_administering bad news and discipline to his
children, nor the wise father helping his children come to
ter.ms with emotions they don't understand or prejudices they
can't conquer. ·· And you are certainly not the leader laying
out the plan.and investing the political capital to change
conditions.
So xr. PJ:esidant, ay concern is not just the 1991 Civil
Rights .Act or the fate of Clarence Thomas. Your Civil Rights
BJ.ll, the Democrats' Civil Rights Bill, the Danforth Civil
Riqhts Bill all say pretty much the same thing to business:
pay attention to your hiring practices 1 . make an effort to
find minorities who can do the job because it is in the
national interest for pluralism to truly work. There is no
reason we can't find lanquage that 60 Senators can support.
•
But you, or those working for you - don't appear to want .
a compromise. Not yet. Businessmen wanted a compromise and
your·White House pressured them to back off talks. Senator
Danforth wants a compromise - but he hasn't gotten much
encouragement. Some Senators, Republicans, want to be
•'
.:
�•
•
Page 8
responsible but they say you're not dealing in good faith.
Your operatives apparently don't want to lose a political
issue - not yet.
Mr. President'~ as you and your men dawdle in race
politics consider these facts& We will never win the global
economic race if we have to carry the burden of an
increasingly larger unskilled population. We will never lead
the world by the ezample of our living values if we can't
eradicate the •reservation• mentality many whites hold about
our cities. We will never understand the problems of our
cities - the factories closed, the housing filled with rats,
the hospitala losing doctors, the schools pock marked with
bullet holes, the middle class moved away - until a white
person can point out the epidemic of minority illegitimacy,
drug addition and hamodides without being charged a racist.
We will never solve the problem of our cities until we
intervene massively and directly to change the physical
condi tiona of poverty and depravation. But you can still win
elections by playing on the insecurities our people feel
about their jobs, their homes, their children, and their
future. And so our greatest doubt about you is this: is
winning elections more important to you than unifying the
country to address the problems of race and poverty that
beset us •
Mr. President, this is a cry from my heart, so don't
charge me with playing politics. I'm asking you to take the
issue of race out of partisan politics and put it on a moral
plane where healing can take place.
I believe the only way it will happen is for you to look
into yourself and tell all of us what you plan to do about
the issues o.~ race and poverty in this country. Tell us why
our legitimate doubts about your convictions are wrong. Tell
us how you propose to make us the example of a pluralist
democracy whose· economy and spirit takes everyone to the
higher cp:gund. Tell us what the plan of action is for us to
realize our ideals.
Tell each of us what we can c:Jo.
we can do it.
Tell us why you think
Tell us why we must do it. Tell us, Mr. President, lead
us, put yourself on the line. Now. Now •
•
�•
Barbara Jordan
Keynote Address
Democratic National Convention
July 13, 1992
"Change: From What to What?"
At this time; at this place; at this event sixteen years ago - I presented a keynote address. I thank you for the
return engagement and with modesty would remind you that we WQD the presidency in November, 1976. Why not 1992?
It is possible to win. It is possible but you must believe that we can and will do it. I will talk with you for the next
few minutes about some of the changes which are necessary for victory. I have entitled my remarks - "Change: From
What to What?"
Change has become the wstchwoid of this year's e!ectioneering. Candidates ccntend with each other, arguing,
debating - which of them is the authentic agent of change. Such jostling acquires substance when we comprehend the
public mind. There appears to be a general apprehension about the future which undermines our confidence in ourselves
and each other. The American idea that tomorrow will be better than today has become de-stabilized by a stubborn,
sluggish economy. Jobs lost have become permanent unemployment rather than cyclical unemployment. Public policy
makers are held in low regard. Mistrust abounds. Given such an environment, is it not understandable that the prevailing
issue of this political season is identifying the catalyst for change that is required. I see that catalyst as: the Democratic
Party and its nominee for President.
A
We are not strangers to change. We calmed the national unrest in the wake of the Watergate abuses and we,
WThe Democratic Party, can seize this moment. We know what needs to be done and how to do it. We have been the
instrument of change in policies which impact education, human rights, civil rights, economic and social opportunity and
the environment. These are policies firmly imbedded in the soul of our party. We will do nothing to erode our essence.
However, some things need to change. The Democratic Party is alive and well. It will change in order to faithfully serve
the present and the future, but it will not die.
Change: From What to What? We will change from a party with a reputation of tax and spend to one of
investment and growth. A growth economy is a must. We can expand the economy and at the same time sustain and
even improve our environment. When the economy is growing and we are treating our air, water and soil kindly, .ill of us
prosper. We all benefit from economic expansion. I certainly do not mean the thinly disguised racism and elitism of some
kind of trickle down economics. I mean an economy where a young black woman or man from the Fifth Ward in Houston
or south-central Los Angeles, or a young person in the colonias of the lower Rio Grande valley, can attend public schools
and learn the skills that will enable her or him to prosper. We must have an economy that does not force the migrant
worker's child to miss school in order to earn less than the minimum wage just so the family can have one meal a day.
That is the moral bankruptcy that trickle down economics is all about. We can change the direction of America's
economic engine and become proud and competitive again. The American dream is not dead. True, it is gasping for
breath but it is not dead. However, there is no time to waste because the American Dream is slipping away from too
many. It is slipping away from too many black and brown mothers and their children; from the homeless of every color
and sex; from the immigrants living in communities without water and sewer systems. The American Dream is slipping
away from the workers whose jobs are no longer there because we are better at building war equipment that sits in
warehouses than we are at building decent housing; from the workers on indefinite layoffs while their chief executive
.fficers are making bonuses that are more than the worker will take home in 10 or 20 or 30 years .
.______ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
-
----~-----------~-
�2
•
We need to change the decaying inner cities into places where hope lives. We should answer Rodney King's
haunting question,"can we all get along?" with a resounding "YES." We must profoundly change from the deleterious
environment of the Eighties, characterized by greed, selfishness, mega-mergers and debt overhang to one characterized
by devotion to the public interest and tolerance. And yes, love.
We are one, we Americans, and we reject any intruder who seeks to divide us by race or class. We honor cultural
identity. However, separatism is not allowed. Separatism is not the American way. And we should not permit ideas like
political correctness to become some fad that could reverse our hard-won achievements in civil rights and human rights.
Xenophobia, has no place in the Democratic Party. We seek to unite people not divide them and we reject both white
racism and black racism. This party will not tolerate bigotry under any guise. America's strength is rooted in its diversity.
Our history bears witness to that statement. E Pluribus Unum was a good motto in the early days of our country and it is a
good motto today. From the many, one. It still identifies us- because we are Americans.
We must frankly acknowledge our complicity in the creation of the unconscionable budget deficit and recognize
that to seriously address it will put entitlements at risk. The idea of justice between generations mandates such
acknowledgment and more. The baby boomers and their progeny have a right to a secure future. We must be willing to
sacrifice for growth- provided there is equity in sacrifice. Equity means all will sacrifice- equally. That includes the
retiree living on a fixed income, the day laborer, the corporate executive, the college professor, the Member of
Congress ... all means all.
One overdue change already underway is the number of women challenging the councils of political power
dominated by white-male policy makers. That horizon is limitless. What we see today is simply a dress rehearsal for the
day and time we meet in convention to nominate... Madame President. This country can ill afford to continue to function
ausing less than half of its human resources, brain power and kinetic energy. Our 19th century visitor from France, de
WTocqueville, observed in his work Qemocracy in America, "If I were asked to what singular substance do I mainly attribute
the prosperity and growing strength of the American people, I should reply: To the superiority of their women." The 20th
century will not close without our presence being keenly felt
We must leave this convention with a determination to convince the American people to trust us, the Democrats,
to govern again. That is not an easy task, but it is a doable one.
Public apprehension and fears about the future have provided fertile ground for a chorus of cynics. Their refrain is
that it makes no difference who is elected President. Advocates of that point of view perpetuate a fraud. It does make a
difference who is President. A Democratic President would appoint a Supreme Court Justice who would protect liberty not
burden it. A Democratic President would promote those policies and programs which help us help ourselves: such
as ... health care and job training.
Character has become an agenda item this political season. A well-reasoned examination of the question of
character reveals more emotionalism than fact. James Madison warned us of the perils of acting out of passion rather
than reason. When reason prevails, we prevail. As William Allen White, the late editor of the Emporia, Kansas Gazette,
said, "Reason never has failed man. Only fear and oppression have made the wrecks in the world." It is reason and not
passion which should guide our decisions. The question persists: Who can best lead this country at this moment in our
history?
•
I close by quoting from Franklin Roosevelt's first inaugural address to a people longing for change from the
despair of the great depression. That was 1933, he said: "In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness
d vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory." Given the
ingredients of today's national environment, maybe... just maybe, we Americans are poised for a second "Rendezvous with
Destiny."
�12 .. 23 .. 92
···-·
16:52
PE+VPE TRANS OFC
~·-·
•
@002 .. 015
:'l Gr1P..E..SS TO TH.E. PEOl)LE- Of FOR.T COLI...<NS~ COLOR.d.J)O
SE."Al'OR ALBERT GORE
OCTOBEr( 31, 1992
·~··::rA!.-!K
THAr·rR. YDO
YOU.
:~0
WOW!
WHAT A WELCOME!
MUCH. WELL. THAl\TK Y<.}U. THANK YOU.
~'THREE
[C8AN1$ OF
•:::OLL~~'-l'S.
(TEUNDEROUS APPLAUSE)
MORE DAYS.'') THANK YOU.
YOO ARE THE GREATEST. THANK YOU VERY
THANK YOU, FORT
~fUCH.
I \VA!.ff TO THANK MY FRIEND AND COLLEAGUE, TIM WIRTH. WE HAVE
\VORKED TOGETHER FOR MANY YEARS.
P.~.. RTI.fEi~S 0~~
•
MORE THAN THAT, WE Hr'\VE BEF.N
A JOURNEY TO EXPLORE WAYS OUR COUNTRY CAN l,EAD THe
FI-FOR.'r TO SAVE THE. GLOBAL ENVIROl'-t'?viE!'.I'T. I RF.SPECT TJM V/1RTH; I ENJOY
•,-.rORK1NG '::.·1 rn H.TM; HE. IS A GREAT SENATOR. THANK YOU FOR SENDING HIM
TG THE :)'ENATE. T:i\·J
rs MY CLOSEST FPJE~D IN THE SENATE,
AND I V•lA.S REAL
iJ:\PPY THAT HE WAS ABLE "10 COME HERE AND INTRODUCE ME ON THiS VERY
.A.NP TO (KiVERI'lOR ROY
I~OMER,·
HAPPY BIRTHDAY. FlRST OF ALL. I HAD
TO ({':ME B.A.CK 1"0 CELEBRATE GOVERNOR ROMER. 'S BIRTHDAY; AND HE DOES
A. \<JQr~;I).~.R.FUL JOB; VERY CLOSE TO BILL CLINTON, A~"D BOTH GOVER.!'JOR
CtJNTOi~
AND I X:\ VE THE HIGHEST REGARD FOR ROY ROMER.
A!,iD Tl) MY
l!~··iL!."E.D
•
~;TAT?.S
r
LONGT~ME
SENATOR FROM COLORADO. BEN -
I
~;\'l~·!'~~::·
BEN ALSO HAD
"T!C'AL
JPD•"·E?~,..f'E""",.l.!'
1\T
nRE· 'IDEl"ffi' /'~A L RACE FOL!T.I~ "EARS
.,
\.l ··' ') .. " •
4 "'"HE
l
. )."
1
('I'
.:•. ·' ' ••
, ....,.,J..... . . . . ·' .........
, , ··-\~(-:
..... 'CO.I')
It" •. ~l
.!,:~.r),
FRJ.END, BEN NlGHTHORSE CAMPBELL~ THE NEXT
.I'<J
.....
•
!
•
•
"li'OU TO KNOVv', AND rM ALWAYS GOING TO REMEMBER THAT.
�PE+vPE TRANS OFC
•
~ (1(1.3 .. 015
BUT \.V.E'VS WOR'f.::F.!) TOGETHER ON A LOT OF ISSUES.
AND, LADIES ,4,NC' GENTLEMEN: I WANT TO ASK YOU TO GO THE D.:TR.'\
J-.!TLE FOR AN 1N!.)lV!!:JUAL 'VI'HO IS DYNAMIC, HAS
VISION~
GREAT IDEAS, AND
T!\.t5MEhTDOTJS COM!,·f1TMENT TO THE PEOPLE OF Tii'JS CONGRESSIONAL
DrSTRlCT, WJl'H \'OUR H"'".t:l.P, THE NEXT CONGRESSMAN FROM COLORADO: TOM
REDDER. 1'1-!A.NK. YOU. TOM.
t '.,\'.1\}o'"l' TO ACKNOWLEDGE THE OTHER CANDIDATES WHO ARE HERE:
BILL. STF.:.FF!S, STATE REPRESENTATIVE PEGGY REEVES,
))AVID MOP.GAN . GUY KEU.Y
A~"'D
BER~TIE
STROM AND
TIM DISNeY, JANET DUVALL AND DWAYNE
COI..F..S; LET'S GIVE THEM ALL A HAND.
•
AND, AND t.Br'S ELEcr THEM ALL WHILE WE'RE AT IT; THEY'RE GREAT
J. \VANT TO ALSO '!'HANK CHAR MCDANIEL,
CANDIDATES!
LAR.f.ME~
COU!'iTY DEMOCRATS.
.llfATJT~FUL
BECKY WILLIAMS, 'y\'HQ DID SUCH A
JOB ON '!'HE NATIONAL ANTHEM, ;\ND CASEY CROPS, THE BAND
DIRECTOR, AND UtE BAND.
Tf.RRf.!=jC.
A.L~D
CHAIR OF THE
1~HANK
LET'S HEAR IT FOR !.diS BAND.
THEY ARE
YOU.
TO :DA V"E HENDRIX, THE
SUPERI~'"TENDENT
KJRKPATi?iCK. THE MAYOR OF FORT COLLINS, AND
OF SCHOOLS, TO SUSAN
1~0
DR. KAREN DIXON, THE
PRiNCIPAL OF ROCKY MOUNTAIN HIGH SCHOOL, WHO DOES A GREAT JOB. THIS
JS A -- TffiS
'!~;
A
RES:t3A~CH .~.ND
•
$CH.OcJt,
?~ND
FOR P.Ri!\G
WONDl~itF'UL
HIGH SCHOOL.
l KNOW, HAVING DOI\.1; SOME
HAVLNG HEARD FROM TIM AND TOM AND BEN, YOUR HIGH
l!\'DEED THIS SCHOOL DISTRiCT P.AS A NATIONAL REPUTATION
~_)NE
Of )TiE BEST l.N THE COUNTRY. 1"H.AT'S SO:t\IIETHlNG TO BE
�PE+VPE TRANS OFC
•
@OO.J :(liS
r•RCUIJ O:F. A.ND I \VAS THINKlKG ABOUT THE CHALLENGE THAT DR. KAREN
Di)~(lN
H.\S FACED IN THE LAST FEW DAYS.
! \.V.·\S REMINDED. Rf::AL!.Y OF A STORY FROM M.'t HOME STAT.E. OF
·rc.l·;;..:ESSEE, A!;OUT THE-- IS THERE A TEN".NE.~SEEAN HEP..E?
~-GOOD,
GOOD! A
VOLUN'ff..F.F.? ALl.. RIGHT!
THiS STORY IS A30T.IT A GAME WARDEN WHO WAS GUARDING THE
F..N'TR.t;CE
ANI~
EXIT
~0
A GAME PRESER\'E. AND ONE
BVENL~G.
A GOY CAME
OUT !N A PICKUP TRUCK, W1TH THE B.'\CK OF THE PICKUP TRUCK JUST FILLED
WITH FtSH. A:-ID THE GAME WARDE..'\f SAID) "HOW IN THE WORLD DID YOU
CATCH ALL THOSE FlSH7 Til ERE MUST BE A THOUSAND IN THERE. AND THE
•
GUY SAJD, ''WELL, IF YOU WANNA COME V/lTii. ME TOMORROW MORN1NG. I"LL
JUST SB'OW YOU."
SO "!"HE NEXT l\·SORN1NG WHEN TIIE GUY DROVE BACK THROUGH. THE
t!AME WARDEN 1'0CK. OFF AND v,rf:.NT W1TH HIM AND GOT IN HJS BOAT, A..."''D
0~.iT
1N THE MIDDLE OF
·rz.re LAKE THEY SHUT OFF THE MOTOR A~'D TP...E GAME
WARDEN STARTED :PUTTING HiS HOOKS AND \VEIGHTS ON, M'n HE LOOKED
OVER. OVER AT THE GUY WlTH THE PI.CKUP TRUCK AND NOTICED THAT T:.AE
GT.l Y DiDN'T H.ol\ VE
A~'!
ROD AND REEL.
A.ND HF.. SAfD, "HOW ARE YOtJ GONNA CATCH FISH WITHOUT ANY ROD
AND l~EEL?'' A:ND THE GUY REACH.F..D INTO HIS COAT AN:o GOT OUT A STICK OF
DYNA~·~':I'S
•
t-.1'·IT.> LIT IT AND Tl-iREVi IT OUT If\.'TO THE LAKE AND IT W£'N"T
"f'L00?--1." _t.,:,_;-1) rN JUST A FEW Ml.NU'TBS FISH STARTED FLOATING UP TO THE.
SOP..FACf.
AI'n.:; HE TOOK O'UT A NET .FROM
UNDERNEAT~ THE
SEAT AND
�PE+VPE TRANS OFC
•
l@l.lf.15:f.Jl5
$1'.13. RTED SCOOE'lNG THOSE FISH r?-iTO THE BOAT.
THE CA.ME \"iARDE.l'\1 GOT VERY UPSET AND SAID. "YOU CAN'T DO THAT.
-::'H.-s.T·~
A(;A:!i'·:;·.c;T FFDE.Rt\L REGl!LA TlONS, Al'\'0 \VH.EN WE GET TO SHORE,
GONNA F.A.'/E TO ARP.EST YOU.''
!.'i}~"'!·.;y
..1.ND
.LiYN,4.lviT!'.€.
\.VARDE~~
AND THE GVY LO<)KED AT .HiM K!ND OF
r·n:. l~.EACHED It-rro HIS COAT AND HE GOT OUT ANOTHER S11CK OF
A.~D
HE UT THE
FU~E
AND HE HAND.ED IT RIGHT TO THE GAME
.J\.1'-.':D HE SATD," ARE GONI\A TALK OR FJSH'!h
A~'D
flSH!0f"'.
r~i
! Y.r'A'!\7 YOU TO KNOW THAT I'M HERE TONIGHT TO DO SOM'c
Al'\D I WA.NT TO-- I WANT TO SAY THAT 'FOR TWELVE YEARS THE
.\MER'lCAN PEOl->LE HAVE J3E'EN CAUGHT IN THE SAME KIND OF NO-WIN
••
~i.!TUr\TiON
THAT GAME WARDEN \VAS IN, ViHERE THERE DON'T SEE-M TO BE
ANY GOOD CHOICES. 'BUT THIS Til\liE, LADIES AND GE.iVI'LEJ'.1EN, WE'VE GOT A
.REA.~.
i)?TfON·. WE'VE GOT A \VAY TO CHOOSE A BRIGHT FUTURE.
\VF. CAN HAVE THE CHANGE TH'AT \\=E REALLY WANT. BUT SERIOUSLY,
l t-d\'1 SO GLAD TO BE BACK HERE \\TTH YOU IN FORT COLLINS.
AND I AM
GRA\'EFUL F.OR ALL OF YOU BEf.NO WILLING TO COME HERE TO HEAR l\ffi THiS
EVEN.i.NG. I WOULDN'T HAVE EXPECTED ANYTHu"JG .ELSE. THIS PLACE WAS
:;ou~:~ED
BY ~...tSN A!\lJ)
H.AZ.~.R.tiOUS
WOMB~
WHO CROSSED THE PLAINS AND TRAVERSED
J.,iOlrNTAINS AND Bl?AVED HARDSHTPS THAT WE CAN SCARCELY
fMAGJN!;:, EV't THOSE PIONEER DAYS HAVE LONG SlNCE PASSED) AND YET THE
SPlJ?J.i' OF FORT COLLlNS IS VERY STR.ONC. THIS IS THE CITY FOR THE FUTURE.
•
ThiS .iS 1"H.G C~TY \~liTH A C0~1!Tl'.iE~·T TO BUILDING A VERY BRIGHT FlJTURE.
�PE+\"PE TRANS OFC
•
141006:015
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vcrr
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r l••...:> C
. . C) VERc:D
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or..
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r'l.
THIS
Y!:Al~,
SFfj~K,
I !\3AY SAY.
W!~.
HAVB REEN GETflNG A NUM"BER OF .BOMBS, SO TO
VERBAJ.., AND OTI-!Ei<\l.1ISE . HURLED AT US. SOME. DlSTORTIONS, SOME
H.·\LF-'IT,VTI1S, DESIGNED NOT REALLY FOR PH'r.'SICAL HARM, BUT TO Dl$RUPT)
·~:o
C.\.ST DDlJBT. ANO. THO~!E BOM.B$ HAVEN'T GONE OFF, EITHER AND NEXT
T\.7;::$DA Y, WITH YOUR HEtP, THEY'LL BE RENDERED
JUST A.Fl""ER ! LEF1' HFJU:
MOR.~'C'{G
•
SEVERA~
HARMLE.~S
ALSO.
DAYS AGO, I TllRNED ON The
TEi.EVlStON, AND THERE WAS A VERBAL BOMB. I WAS BEING CALLED
A BOZO. I WAS BEING CAttED CRAzy, AND I WAS BEING CALLED "OZONE
~..1AN."
\\'ELL, MY FIRST TilOUGS'f WAS THAT TO BE·· I SA\V ANOTHER ON'£--
ISAW ANOTHEH ON"F.. EARLIER TODAY THAT SAJD, .. WE LIKE THE OZO:I\12 MAN,
SOT THE TOXIC :MAN.
N
l LIKE THAT ONE. I LIKE THAT ONE.
BUT RE.-\LLY) \\'HF.N YOU THINK ABOUT .1T, TO BE NAM·ED ··ozONE MAN"
BY THE "ENVIRO!\TMf:.!{"f AL PRE$1DENT" IS REALLY AN HONOR! I DID -- 1 DID
WO.RRY, TH01JGH, 'I'HAT WHEN HE CALLED ME A C:RAZY BOZO THAT HE MIGh-r
HAVB
BE~'l
OUT IN THE SUN TOO LONG. BUT 'r'OU KNOW, BILL CLINTON --
EX:CGSE ME?
[CRO'·ND MEl\:fBERS: HE C\N'T HELP IT ... J
r KNF.'I..V WP. WBJlE GO:N"NA HA.VE F(JN TON!GHT.
•
::ir\ Y TF..~T
I'VE HEARD BILL CLINTON
-· AP..OUT THF. V./ORO CRAZY - THAT ONE DEFl~'1TION OF THE WORD
CRAZY JS l}·G1NG ·.:He S.t"tvfE TRTNG OVER AND OVER AND· OVER AGAIN AND
�PE+VPE TRANS OFC
•
.:.::•....,.,.,.-.,_I>.,...
,. . ; ~-~t.. :~ J:·.·,.: .:'!.,_
:i)·)t;:-;!'rT ;;
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Ul<.E TRICKLE DOWN
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'·r
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• IY'~
•
EX 0 E~·~·r
'
.,.
I'l\A
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CR A z1,
.
'......
A DIFF"ERE"I'"r'
•
.
'v. 1
--ln~"'J.
. .~ NOT SU"'E
.1'. •
PEOPLE GOiNG OUT TO TRY TO SCARE PEOPLE AT THEIR.
THAT \VOULD BE SCARY.
WE'VE·· WE'VE HAD THB TfHCKS \VITHOlJT THE '7RE.ATS, AND
~JJE'RE
--BUT, IN
f;';t'El'IT, l. \'.'A.N'TTO TELL YOUTRAT I'M REALLY GLAD THAT YOU GAVE ME
.l-, SECC~ND CUANCE TO COME HERE.
•
,.,....
IS KlND OF CR.A.Z.Y? WE
,\ ,-.J J... Iq.. .r•.
h ·:o.,,.}
.""\
~"'I L
"f"RON'!' ~)('JORS FS SA 1"1~0 .'"FOUR MORE YEARS."
A~Y
or.·
DOF.SN'T V/OR.R.
."'.hi'1~
.L~''V·
(
......~,
S~)ME
r~·v
141 oo; . 01s
NEXT'
TU:E$DrA~Y,
AND IN RETURN, WITH YOUR SUPPORT,
BJ.LL CLINTON Al'-.'D I ARE GONNA OFFER TffiS COUNTRY A
S.ECONJ) CHANGE TO RENEW THE MARCH TOWARD INCREASED OPPORTUNJTY
AND . ~. HBTIER, BRIGHTER FUTURE FOR TiiJS CCIUNTR ~-.
SE'RJ'OU:;l..Y, THE -- l, i DO WAJ\1! TO SAY SOMETHING SERIOUS ABOUT THE
\NA )'
'r.~~R
CA:·1PAIGN THIS YEAR H ..~s BEEN PLAYED OUT.
KEFP.R.RED TO E.A.RLIER WAS NOT REALLY
Jr·~··n::~'-:'"DY.!D
I~c...:...I.L Y:
11\.l"ENDED~
THE DEVICE I
I DON'T THINK, WAS
T:) HT.l~~T SOMEONE. IT WAS LI\JTENDt.D TO DlSRUPT. AND I THINK,
THAT SOME OF 11IE THINGS V/E'VE HEARD AND SEEN IN THE
CA:r!PA1GH HAVE NOT BEEN INTENDED TO HURT OUR COUNTRY. THAT HAS
JU ~T .'J.F..EN A SIDP. EFI.. EC'T THA1" THEY DIDN'T TH!N.K THROUGH. AND \VE HAVE
p,.-\.1J ' • .l_\p::_;:;C\JLT SERlES OF EVENTS DURJNG THE CAMPAIGN, WITH: THE
•
~.. ::-iD.ST'.t.?.i:~MrK5D.
·suT \VS CAN CRF..ATE A NEW TO.NE IN
AJ~RTCAN
�16:56
12·'2.):92
•
~";o[ME.:..N· o:~
PE+VPE TRANS OFC
.R DSMOCRACY: TO D1VfDE US AS A NATION INTO D!FFERE.i"'tT
\.;:H:OCPS ANL TC:
l··.iARCH
~ 008 .. 015
'f(.t\VAf'.~~;
T~:Y
'fO S1DET.f\Al:.;K THr;: COURSE OF AMERlCA INrO THE
OPPOR'fUNlTY HAS BEEN
GREATER
ALMOST HALTED
ENTl.RELY.
FOf<. QL,nE SOME
·n~·IE,
P!\OPSPERlT":t' :F03. '•NOR}(.ING
OUR COUNTI<.Y HAS STAGNATED iTS GROWING
A~·fERICANS,
SLOw"BD DO\VN AND CRIPPLED.
ADDJ110NAT.. t...l!itiONS HA VB lJE.EN CONDEMMNED TO A LIFE OF WORKING A LOT
•
HARDER FOi<
A
LOT LESS MONEY .
WELL, -fP. .•"..T 1S THE TRUTH. \¥E HAVE GOT TO CHANGE ALL THAT. AND
LET
M~ A!~S~_ii?.S
YO'tl THAT 1'-T.EXT WF..EKr THE kETREAT AND PESSIMISM OF
TODA.'( 'N.(LL BE DlSPLACED BY THE RENEWAL OF HOPE FOR TOJ.,·lOR.ROW AND
.,.\
... E
J ri
r\-m
:'lr·.c···:~,,.P~
r.t.,vJ,..,.,
.• ~..1('"-~
•. 11'~ (\f
'J
o.,.•l. ...
1"1••·""'"""II
'fO\uARD
A s-cTfER
F1''rft1Rt:;
.,..;;-.(.;
'\
J;;
_
• &..J
-·
i AY.' $1.7~:;; TH.~T T~i:ERt; MJGHT BE SOME \VHO
CAME HERE TONGHT WITH
A SUGHTFSf:.UNG OF APPREHENSION, PROVOKED BY THE RATHER TRIVIAL AND
U~OLATE EV~.NT
G:\~'HER~·:\!G,
-:,::;,:r..
l Ri.FE?.Rf;;.D TO, BUT YOU CAME, AND SO DID L
1N A RE.o\L. SENSE,
.B:--:·rnn~ ~.·A~'i.PA!GN.
• r
-1·
...L.',.. .••.. 1··· ... ,..... ~=!
.. J.·.t·... L....·.t'.;.
~~OW ~YMBOLfZES
AND TIDS
THE DEE-PER .CVLE.A..""·i1NG OF
!T SPE.i1KS IN RATHER V1VlD TERMS OF THE CHOICE
·cl:'r'1-'l·c.-:-.i".
......... '
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wJ;. ·l'~ A
�16:56
12:2.3:92
•
c.:.TTZ1.'ir·
.a • • .. ;....~ J "• •.'1
PE+VPE TRANS OFC
~~ ..r·,,"Y:J~ (~trr,
.....
.,., .1 '· .....
'-~
<.
. .~·r,rD
. ""!
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BP.1.J1v.
''HTER Fu·rr·-·F.
"'
.J.l<-. ~ .. . . r\
CrJNF!<ONT A!'n::· OVERCOME OUR PROBLEMS AND GIVE OUR NATION A ~.ECOND
::JtA:•:iCE TO .MOV:: FOR\VARL> TO THE
·;.:or~T
FU1UR~
'IVE D'ESERVE IN AMERICA, IN
COU..n.;:s, ;·,\1) ALL OVER THrS COUNTRY. AND \\'E C.A.N DOlT!
P.U..
(}VFJ.~.
THIS WOR!..O: THE
U~"'TE.D
STATES OF AMERICA lS KNO\VN AS
T'Hr. PLhCE v,':t-~ERE THE HOPE. FOR HUMAi'..:Kl!~D HAS A SECOND CHANCE. HERE~
11'! THE UNITED STATES. BUT JT'S UP TO US 1'0 BREATHE NEW LIFE INTO THE
PROl\H:.E OF
.~.MERICA.
AND WREN WE HAVE AN OPPOURTUNITY TO CONFRON1
THE 'NAY VV"'ErV& LOST OUR PATH, WHEN V{B HAVE A CHANCE TO TAKE STOCK
!.o,~·lD
REGROUP AND RBNE\V OURSELVES, JT lS A PRECIO\JS OPPORTUNITY.
:-))!'.fET!.i·!E tJSE 'f:.LECT10NS TO TAKE STOCK OF WHERE WE ARE, WHO Vl.E ARE,
'J/l:f.EitE '..V'E.'RE GOrNG
A~D
HOW WE WANT TO GET THERE.
!T'S AN
OP.POP.t'TNr:-\· FOR tiS TO HOLD iJP A MIRROR Al'\1) DISCERN \\'HAT IT IS WE SEE
!N OUR (f.; N RFFI..f.CTiON. WHAT DOFS AMERICA SEE NOW IN THE MIRROR Ti·HS
r1'...5CTKn·r
evr;:.
:~. ?P.OV~D!NG
TJS1 CAN .Vv"E DO BETTER'! DO \VE \VANT MORE FOR
CB!~.D~!SN AND 1vlORE FOR OUR
1""\.VENTY·:~·ffNf.::
1l•·".
r''-::tr-.\''D·
,./ ,.
.
ARE WE SATISFIED 'hTiH A
?ERCf:.NT DRO.POD1: RATE IN AMERICA?
N0 1J
j,
•
.AR.F. '1\'l: t-;A T!SJ7·t.ED \VIT.H THB
•
Fli'TPRE?
/.EAD:tRSHF' 1"'J CONFRONT !1"'?
R.t\.GlNG EPIDEMIC OF A!DS Ai'fD NO
ARE \Vf:, SATISl=IEO \VITH TWO Mli!LON
�16:5i
..
i~.E.~ L CO:"n'":
PE+VPE TRANS OFC
~0l(l:(lt5
n·1, iE~.J· t t>l'l'HE 'Jv'HJTE HOUSE TO CONFROI-f'f THE ENVI ROl':i'.fSNTA.l..
CP.lSIS"r AF~~:. \\'E SJ: .. Tl~FJED WITH TE~ MlLLrON AMERICANS UNF:.MPLOYEJ) \.':1T.H
TENS OF
.t:~.~r.. U():~S
SATJFSY!l"~D
MOR.S WORKlNG HARDER FOR MORE MONEY?
ARE WE
\VJTci THE DROP FROM BElNG NUMBER ONE IN WAGES TO BE!NG
!'fC:M.T3E[< TE!Il\TEEN 3N
·~V,\GES?
ARE. \VE SATISF1ED WITH WHAT. ·"vE SEE:>
WE CAN--
(CROWD: NO!]
'NE C 1\N DO B.STTER. :BUT
n· JS A. CHOICE BET'.:\'EE.."'t THE FEAR OF EVEN
TRYlNG '1"0 D'..) :3ETI'ER AND THE HOPE THAT IF WE GO ABOUT IT IN THE RlGIIT
•
Vl A r, lf \VE ·r .\KE STOCK O:F \VRO WE ARE AND THEN WORK TOGETHER TO GET
\VHERS WE W,\J'-rf TO J?.E, WE 00 HAVE THE OPPORTI!NIT'Y AS WE RAVE ALWAYS.
HAD THF. 0Pf'()RTDN1TY L'l THE UNITED STATES TO MOVE FORWARD. TiiAT IS
REA!.I.Y V..1:3'AT Ti-DS ELECTION JS ALL A.SOUT.
~MI)NL~ ~ 0~ (..OJ~
~~- .fiT- Go\..1,..•.).} ~ _.
W::icr: !.:~ !-"T. COLLINS, PEOPLE STARTED REACHING INTO THEm. HEARTS
.Al~D !~~EAC!·H:"JO
JOJNED
VCK.E~~
~ l.l\c£" $le'
/Ill !.L ~
OUT TO THEIR NEIGHBORS. AND YOU HAVEjQlNED HANDS AND
TO UEL.PIEH A CLEAR MESSAGE AROUT YOUR
YOUR COM?·ilTM.ENT TO EACH OTriER.
/
-
COOI\·i~0~1TY
AND
YOU HAVE A SPECIAL GlfT JN THIS
co="n.,.~UNiTY. TRE.ASURSIT. HONO.RIT. 'l'EACH 11'TO YOUR C:!-ULDREN SO THEY
CAN
~·ASS
r:
ON T() THEIR CHILDREN.
REME.MBE.R ALWAYS THAT .IT IS A
$(JUf{CF. OF !i. ri?..ENGTH, TOLERANCE, T.JN"'DE.RSTA:N'UING, COMPASS TON AND HOPE.
E\."Eii. ~tf~·HNG THAT 'N'E SHOULD SEE IN OURSELVES iN THIS LARGER
•
C(l:~i:•.!U!-.:iT::'
\.\'E C.'\ t.l.. AM}i.RJCA. IF ONLY WE COTJLD SEE THP.T IN OVRSELVF.S
�."2J:92
•
16:5i
PE+vPE TRANS OFC
1@011.'015
AS A HAT!ON.
·..,;,T. ',l,.'(JN'T 1F V-/E"RE STJLI.. UP AGAINST MORE OF THE SAME, TiRED OLD
.,,...
~ .....
.,..c. ~''1-tJ
".#•.)L.. ...a.'..
...•.u.:,J
·' .1:~
U~:
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,~
•· ~/E
~.'""\1
,.
Cii'·
) , ..1
l.~E ~ ~~o.:
"'Pl.RJTED
CY'T
... r n'1''1·\~·o
A""'
1...,I;..
~
j".,.'-·
·'""'
~,. 6
1 o·vr'!"'\J"rG
.; ...
!"f
l':& .. r~,'\C-S
A>-iD EOL!.:~ING GS BACK WS WoN·T
J...,o
u: VIE
DON'T F!~"D THE COT.1P...AGE TO
CHANGE, lF '-VE D(.lN'T :'-'.LLOY'..' OURSELVES TO HOPE AGAIN, IF \VE DON"T HAVE
.FAITH IN OUR
FOr~
O"'l/~·.;
DREAMS AS AMERiCANS.
SILL CUNTON Atffi 'ME, T;HAT'S WHAT THIS ELECfiON !S AI..L ABOUT .
.R'SS'iORI~G
HO~E.
REN:E.WlNG FAITH, Fil',"DING THE COURAGE TO CHANGE. AND
Cl!ART.ING A NE\-V COURSE TOWARD A BRIGHTER FUTURE. CAN WE ·BFUNG TO
OlJR NATION THE SAME S.ENSE OP
COLLrNS?
WU~L
COI'vi.MU~'lTY
THAT .EXJSTS HERE 1N FORT
YOU HET..P US TO RESTORE THAT HOPE TN AMERICA:'
'SILL ~t..I.!'-!!ON .1\.ND 1 CANNOT DO IT ALONE.
THAT'S W"'rlY WE ARE
RE•\C!UN'G or.JT 10 MEN AND"WOMEN ALL OVER THIS COUNTRY.
ABO~.JT POUT.iCS.
IT'S NOT
l1"S NOT ABOUT PAR11SAN SHTP. IT'S NOT ABOUT POWER OR
1:-ER.SO.!'!AL /"L.\.fBiTIO~.
IT J'SN'T ABOUT CHOOSING ONE PARTY OR ANOTHER.
!'!"~:
ABOOT OUR FUTURE. l'T'S ABOUT YOUR FliTURE. IT'S ABOUT THE QUALiTY
(IF
YOUH LIVES TODAY AND YOUR DREAMS FOR YOUR CHJLDREN IN THE
TOMORRO'.VS THAT' V.;ll.L COME.
\VE'VE. HAD ENOUGH O.F A GOVER~''MEI'I"T THAT FAlLS THE PEOPLE IT IS
•
SH?PC·~·:J~D
TO SERVE; '!HAT TELLS US\\-"£ ARE NOT CAPABLE OF CHOOSING OUR
DP..EA:·.~S.
··~.-:;r::·vs
A
HAD ENOUGH OF PAYING MORE AND GETTING LESS, OF AN
or-.H'i1.S T'R_A.TJON THAT S.E.EMS DJ::AF TO EV.E.RYONE EXCEPT THE VERY RICH
AND VER'r'
.~::.;:uVlU?.:GJ~J.;.
A:f'.:'"D VER'x' POWERFUL. lT'S TIM.E FOR A CHANG:S; r.T'S
�•
-·,·r
n::· ,_
.·· .,
!.., ..:.,:.
.cl).•,
r._·.·.···
~
... , .,~• U
,.,l
.,. ~'I>•. ~l.,
·or•T>c ·n..·r:··
-·'1' l'I'J ' -E TO CH" ,. ...... E
ANJ) IF 'VE
A<:"· A. N!\.~,-rzo tJ
,:. .IJY;
.1..:-l:;. c.• \,J~.:.l'.ra\.;
,
.• :·\l'i£1 ~. n.~
~ "'n•~
REACH E~TCi 0(..fR HE.-\Rl$ ANJ) I<.F.ACH OUT TO ONE ANOTHER ACROSS THE
:D.f\.''l:)!J)~$
t'l-IAT NO.,f..l SEPARATE US, THEN WE ".,\''!LL CHANGE.
.A..,"..!.S.~...iC..!t
WILL ONCE
1\G.'\l~
BE A NATION OF BOLD DREAl'.iS AND GREAT
H(;}'P. -· !-1 :.,rhT10N COM2v.UTIED TO ALL OF OUR PHOPLE, NOT JUST THE
.PO'.\''fRFlTL --A NATION WORKING TOWARD A FUTURE THAT HONORS lTS PAST,
LEA!U\"S FROM lTS PRESENT, AND MOVES FOR'iV ARD CONFIDP.NTLY WITH THE
\.'I.S!ON OF 1:--:IE WORLD VIE WANT TO SEE.
r~UT
VIE .MUST tii':uERTA.KE AS A NATION, TOGe"THER, THE TASK OF
HF.ALI.:'!G OUR COUNTRY:.... HEALING THE
LiFTiNG UP THE BEST IN
DIVlSlO~S TH.~T
NOW SEPARATE USs
AMeRIC.~.
'\VE Ill'. \I"E BEEN KNOCKED OFF COURSE. OUR DEMOCRACY HAS BEEN
DiSR~]?'I'ED.
r:-.! ORDER
TO RESTORE THE SPIRIT OF AMERICA IN ALL OF OUR
COM . . .11_1F!TlE.~, \.VE MUST HAVE LEADERSHIP CAPABLE OF RISING TO THAT
CHALL2NGE.
\fr\C'i.AV HAVHL WHO WAS TAKEN FROM TBE DARKEST PRISONS OF
CZI7CHOSLOVAK!.A UNDER THE COM}fUNlST RULE, SO RECENTLY LIFTED FROZI-1
TJ-!~.T :"~.\TlONl ;~1'-t'"D
MADE ITS PRESIDENT.
Ai\I'D HE SAID IN HTS ELOQUENT
'lrVP..iTlNGS PRO.M HiS PRISON CELL, THAT LSADE11S CALL FORTH FROM THE
PEOf'L.E
THRY
UN.\\\':;~~;:EN!2D.
~\!'m ~:~E$1:..-\l~.
•
FO.RTH.
LEAD,
POTENTIALS
THAT
MAY
OTHER\VISE
REMAIN
ANf> !i; LEADERS CALL FORTH DIVISION AND HATRED. DEr---"'AL.
THeiN THOSE QlJt\.L!"S1ES
.U{;') POTl?.r-.nv~r..s
WILL BE BROUGHT
�PE+YPE TRANS OFC
•
r.n CONTRAST,
.if ()tJR LEADE."'.S CALL FOR HOPE, TOGJ:."'THER.N'ESS,
1 u· ..;:.( ·-l-'(IO'rH Tll.lrro QT~R LAND JN·ro OliR HE'·\l_)"C"S IN~"'O
v r.l'"
.l .t.r.:Pl.'n-c:. cn(1
..L ......
.. \.,;\,,.1..,.
..
..
V
,
. -.
-"· '.l .. .,
1
7~
'T ·-f"u'")
·'-'•'L ..f\...
OU~~
Ia! Ot.'J:OI5
~
L~
~..,
.U.'"f
.1
NAT!ON.
OUR
CA?vi?AiG~·J
EAS CA!J.ED FOR CHANGE. BUT
TH$ SAKE OF CHAN(1.2.
OF Tf-!E. PA.ST
DECAr.~E.
\.\r.!·.~
rr
IS NOT CHANGE FOR
C/,Ll .. FOR CHANGE FROM TH8 OBVIOUS FAILlJRES
CHANGE FROM A COUNTRY lN ECONOMIC TROUBLE.
CHAI.'IGE F.ROM INCRE.L\.SINGLY BITTER DIVlSlONS BETWEEN CLASSES
RACF.S: CHANGE FROM. A SCHOOL SYSTEM THAT IS UNABLE TO
PR.EPAP~
A~"D
OUR
CHlLDREN FOR THE CHALLENGES OF A SVIIFTLY ADVANCING SOCI.ETY Al\TD
GL(.>BP.L. C~VIClZAT.iON, THE CHANGE \VE OFFER IS ALSO A RETURN-- A RETITRN
TO THE FGUNDING PRiNCiPLES FO AMERICA, WIDCH AB.RAHAM LINCOLN
DF:.SCF-:JBED \VflEN HE
~fAKE
SA~D
THAT THE O,BJE.CT OF OUR NA110NAL UFE IS TO
STJRE 1'"'HAT NO PERSON JS BOUND TO A FIXED POSITION IN UFE, THAT
EVERY PERSON SHOULD HAVE A. CHANCE TO ADVANCE THEMSELVES AND
LF.A.VF. 13EH:.ND EVEN
\~'E c.~.N
GRE.'-~ TER !'OSSIBILlT~~S
FOR THElR CHILDREN.
DO THAT AS A !'JA.TlON. WE HAVE THAT CAPACITY. BUT WE
MUST OVERCO!'.H:! THE OBSTACLF.:S THAT STAND lN OUR PATH.
Bf:".FOR~
HE .on:.n~ FRANKLIN ROOSE'-'ELT WROT.E THAT THE ONLY LIMIT TO OUR
REAUZA T10N OF
Tr~J:1\i,
•
THE. DAY
TOr.~tOR..i<OW
WILL BE OUR DOUBTS O.F TODAY. HE WAS RtGHT
AND HIS 'WOl<DS REMAIN LQUAJ...T.:i TRUE TODAY. NEAR 'fHE END OF
T:-1\S Cl.Mf'i\f(!N, H.A V!NG
O:)UNT.~Y.
:C:
TRAV.EL~D
THROUGH EVERY SECTION OF THIS
HA \.i £COME TO H.a. V£ ~·HE GREATI!ST CONFIDENCE lN OUR NATION,
�t'.t::+ \· t'E TRANS OFC
•
Yr •\ 1 ~~~
U.~·.
_:-;.:
\\'E .!:.P..E. J·, LL .RE."-£:1 Y TO MEET CHJR .RF..SPONSJS!LITrES, IF WE MEASURE
l'KL' ON"L.Y iN
lf'
C.~ LL)
~.7/!"HI
~(Il-l: 015
\V~3
T.H~ P~IBLiC
SENSE, B'UT AS PRJVATE CITIZENS TO
f:ECOf?.NfZE 11{,.\1' F.P.EE..DOM IS NOT
LICENSED~
rriE
AND THAT UBERTY
FOR CERTAIN Qll ALITIE.S OF SELF~REST~AH'n~ AND CHARACTER THAT GO
SS ~ F;-GOV GPJ·.:MEN1', 'lHEN ViE CAN RETURN THIS NATION TO THE SERVICE
OF :\LL OUR .PEOPt:e~ A,l\;D WE C..A.N BUiLD A FUTURE FOR FRESDO~f, WHOSE.
'Gf<lGHT PReSPECTS VfiLL J..1AKE US ALL PROUD TO HAVE PLAYED A PART IN
CRF tt'f!~-s i\ LEGACY FOR FDU'f.URE GENER4\TlONS, EQUAL TO THAT WHICH We
I<.ECE;VED FRGM OUR ANCfSTORS. OUR CAMPAIGN OFFERS THAT C.P..ANCE TO
\J,iORK WITH US, TO RF..NEW OUR .MAGNIFJCE..I\7 COtJNTRY, AND TO PROVE
\VESAWlN A DISTA.a"~TI..AND, 1NTH£NATIONOFCIDNA, WH.6•.THAPPENED
\=\'I-£1:!..; ':,"()Ui-!G f-'!.~.(1!-'.LE DECIDED TO REACH OUT FOR THE PROMISE OF A:tvfERlCA.
TO T'.RY I'\.J SECUR.E FREEDOM IN THEIR NATlON, THEY BUILT A STATIJE OF
LlBERT':i. AND THF..N, IN AN E)G.R:\ORDl!'~ARY MOMENT, ONB YOUNG PERSON
HX!ND -l HE COUKAGE TO STAND IN FRON'T OF A R.O\V OF TEN TANKS. WE MUST
!·,;ry,.v f.I!-[D
·;-rn~
· ":r> ·-·r··;··
.:> .. t:.~.l-·,
rl.:'1! .
:~~FAi~~
•
COtlR.<\GE TO STAND IN FRO?\'! OF TANKS MADE NOT OF IRON
~·:..r:,..
."v
J
Tl""'
·,.1
''I'A'~r
oJ
.
•'~'-'
1
I'~
xrr
l'~ ·~RC
..
l;.,.t
Ql-:·
1 "r"Hc
.1.
r.:... ''''Nl'"'1SJI..r
..... .< L C
l"'l, THE oc···PAIR
· .......,)
~, "r"HE
:
Tf1 ~ tsJ V!SJO!'!. THE DE.i''JP.L TH:A.T NO'N PREVENfS US FROM CONTINlHNG
�~015.'1)15
....
.. ·
•
· CC'l"!V.GF. THEN,
~.VB
MUST T.:tLK.
~.vrrH
O!'JE ANOTHER ABOUT HOVl WE CAN
H1WTiTRE TH.l·.·r COUHAGE, A~D COi\:f!',ilT!'.!.EN"T TO FREEDOM AND THB FUTURE
THAT v,;t; KNC.!\1;;· T.HJ..•::. NATION CAN H..\ \'E IN ALL THE
:.·10HAT.Iv!.~.
/·.MI;RiC;,\..
YO~; ~v.'J.SH
TO
(jANC.Hl ONCE SAlD YOU MtJST HECOME THE CHANGE
THB Ct!ANGt-: 'i''OlJ \\'ANT TO SEE Il': FORT COLLINS AND IN THE
WA?·."T TO
T~l!J'-:1<
OF
T'O SEE lN THE WORLD. BY COMING HERE THIS 'f:.VE!";1NG, YCHJ ARE
B.SCO~·AlN(i
~
CO~-fMlJ!'.iTlES
J~;K
YOU TN THE REJI.·!AlNlNG THREE DAYS DEFORE TUESDAY
.A.SOIJT 1 HE OLT"fCOME OF THE CHOICE THAT WILL BE MADE. \"v"HAT
\\jLL OUR N.~TiON'S CHOICE BE? \\"HAT WILL COLORADO'S CHOICE BE? IT IS A
•
CH<'.)!CE £;ETVIl:.-:.zsN THE .fUTURE AND THE PAST, BETVv'EEN CHANGE Al\1) THE
STi~.TUS
QUC:: RET\VE.EN HOPE AND FEAR.
I HOPE THAT YOU WJ.LL JO!N ':VITH BTLL CUNTON .1\.J'\ID ME IN AN EFFORT
TO ~Er~cru:.'-~0R J'.'i\TION AND MAKe lT A NATf.ON OF HOi')EAND FROGRESS A..'ri.JD
THA~iK
YGU VBRY .M\JCH. TI!Al't"X YOl!, FORT COLLlNS! THANK YOU!
(\".'!LD CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
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•Change Is On the Way•
Pl'esidentia/ Acceptance Speech
President-Elect Bill C6nton
Old State House
Little Rock, AR
November 3, 1992
·My fellow Americans on this day, with high hopes and brave hearts and
massive numbers, the American people have voted to make a new beginning.
•
This election is a clarion call for our country to face the challenges of the end
of the Cold War and beginning of the next century, to restore growth· to our country
and opportunity to our people, to empo"¥er our own people so that they can take
more responsibility for their own lives, to face problems too long ignored, from AIDS
to the environment, to the conversion of our economy from a defense to a domestic
economic giant.
And perhaps most important of all, to bring our people together as never before
so that our diversity can be a source of strength in a world that is ever smaller, where
everyone counts and everyone is a part of America's family.
'
I want to begin this night by thanking my family: my wife, without whom I
would not be here tonight and who I believe will be one of the greatest first ladies in
the history of this republic.
And I also want to say a special word of thanks to our daughter for putting up
with our absence, for supporting our effort, for being brave in the face of adversity,
and for reminding us every day about what this election is really all about.
I want to thank my mother, my brother, my stepfather, my mother-in-law and
father-in-law, my brothers-in-law, and my sister-in-law, who carried this campaign
across this country and stuck up for me when others were trying to put it down. I
love them and I thank them.
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I want to thank the people of this wonderful small state. nme after time, when
this campaign was about to be counted out, the Arkansas travelers exploded out of
this state around the country to tell people the truth about what we had done here
National Campaign Headauarters • PO. Box 615 • Little Rock. Arkansas 72203 • Telephone 15011 372·1992 • FAX (501) 372·2292
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together, how we had pulled together, what we believed in and what we could do as
a nation.
I have the best staff and cabinet you can imagine, and they kept this state
together. And even when we weren't here, we continued to lead the country in job
growth, in keeping taxes and spending down, and in pulling the people of Arkansas
together to show what we could do if the nation pulled together and moved forward,
too.
I want to thank the people who were in that infamous group, the FOBs, the
Friends of Bili and the Friends of Hillary. No person who ever sought this office was
more aided by the friends of a lifetime, and I will never forget you.
I want to thank the people in the New Democratic Party, headed by our.
chairman Ron Brown, the new members of Congress, the new .blood, the new
direction that we are giving.
And finally I want to thank the members of my brilliant, aggressive,
unconventional but always winning campaign staff. They were '!_nbelievable. And
they have earned this.
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I want to say, if I might, a special word of thanks to_ two people who lost
their lives in the course of this campaign without whom we might not be here tonight,
our friends Paul Tully and Vic Razor, our prayers are with them. They're looking down
on us tonight and they're awful happy.
Not very long ago I received a telephone call from President Bush. It was
a generous and forthcoming telephone call, of real congratulations and an offer to
work with me in keeping our democracy running in an effective and important
transition. I want all of you to join with me tonight in expressing our gratitude to
President Bush for his lifetime of public service, for the effort he made from the time
he was a young soldier in World War II, to helping to bring about an end to the Cold
War, to our victory in the Gulf War, to the grace with which he conceded the results
of this election tonight in the finest American tradition. Let's give Mr. Bush
and his family a hand.
I heard tonight Mr. Perot's remarks, and his offer to work with us. I say
to you, of all the things that he said, I think perhaps the most important that we
understand here in the heartland of Arkansas is the need to reform the political
system, to reduce the influence of special interests and give more influence back to
the kind of people that are in this crowd tonight by the tens of thousands. And I will
work with him to do that.
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And, finally, let me say how profoundly indebted I am tonight--beyond the
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folks at home, l!eyond the wonderful people that worked in this administration, the
lieutenant governor and others, to keep our government going, beyond all the others
I have to say a special word of thanks to my magnificent running mate, Senator AI
Gore and his family.
I wa~t to tell you that AI and Tipper, Hillary and /, have become friends~
I admire them for what they stand for; they're enjoyable to be with, they believe in
our country. AI Gore is a man of almost unparalleled combination of intelligence,
commitment, compassion and concern to the people of this country, to our obligations
to preserve .f!ur environment, to our duty to promote freedom and peace in the world.
And together we're going to do our best to give you a new partnership for a new
America.
I want to thank A/'s children, his brother-in-Jaw, and his wonderful parents•.
They made about as many votes in some states as we did. I think we carried every
state that Senator and Mrs. Gore campaigned in. Their percentage was the best of
all.
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I want to say that we have established a partnership in this campaign that
we will continue into this new administration. For if we have learned anything in the
world today, it is that we can accomplish more by teamwork, by working together,
by bringing out the best in all the people that we seek--and we will seek the best and
most able and most committed people throughout this country to be a part of our
team.
We will ask the Democrats who believe in our cause to come forward, but we
will look, too, among the ranks of independents and Republicans who are willing to
roll up their sleeves, be a part of a new partnership, and get on with the business of
dealing with this nation's problems.
I remind you again tonight, my fellow Americans, that this victory was more
than a victory of party, it was a victory for the people who work hard and play by the
rules, a victory for the people who feel/eft out and left behind and want to do better,
a victory for the people who are ready to compete and win in the global economy but
who need a government that offers a hand up not a hand-out.
That is what we offer, and that is what tomorrow we will begin to work to
provide to all of you.
Today, the steelworker and the stenographer, the teacher and the nurse, had
as much power in the mystery of our democracy as the president, the billionaire, and
the governor. You all spoke with equal voices for change.
And tomorrow we will try to give you that•
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You can trust us to wake up every day remembering the people we saw in the
bus trips, the people we saw in the town meetings, the people we touched at the
rallies, the people who had never voted before, the people who hadn't voted in 20
years, the people who'd never voted for a Democrat, the people who had given up
hope, all of them together saying we want our future back. And I intend to help give
it to you.
I say to all of those who voted for us, this was a remarkable coalition for
change. Many of you had to put aside this or that personal ambition to be a part of
a broad, deep commitment to change this country. I ask you to keep that commitment
as we move from election to governing. We need more than ever for those of you
who said let's put. the public interest over personal interest to keep it right there for
four years so we can turn this country around.
I say to all those who voted for Mr. Bush or Mr. Perot, thos~ who voted
for the president, those who voted for Ross Perot, I know you love your country, too.
I ask you to listen to the voice of your leaders; I ask you to join with us in creating a
re-United States, a united country, with a new sense of patriotism to face the
challenges of this new time. We need your help, too, and we will do our best to
deserve it.
•
When we seek to offer young people the opportunity to borrow the money they
need to go to college and the challenge to pay it back through national service, when
we challenge the insurance companies, the drug companies, the providers and the
consumers, the government to give us a new health care system, when we offer
those on welfare new opportunity in the challenge to move to work, when we ask
companies to take the incentives we offer to put American people to work and export
American products not American jobs--all of this is a part of a new patriotism to lift
our people up and enable all of us to live up to the fullest of our potential.
I accept tonight the responsibility that you have given me to be the leader of
this, the greatest country in human history.
I accept it with a full heart and a joyous spirit, but I ask you to be Americans
again, too, to be interested not just in getting but in giving, not just in placing blame
but now in assuming responsibility, not just in looking out for yourselves but in
looking out for others, too. In this very place, one year and one month ago today, I
said we need more than new laws, new promises or new programs. We need a new
spirit of community, a sense that we're all in this together.
•
If we have no sense of community, the American dream- will continue to wither.
Our destiny is bound up with the destiny of every American. We're all in this
together, and we will rise or fall together. That has been my message to the
American people for the past thirteen months and it will be my message for the next
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Togethei we can. do !f~.-·: Together we can make· .the- i:ountry that we love
everything it was iniiant io be: I still beDeve in a place caJitid Hope. God
bless America. - thank
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�American Foreign Policy and the Democratic Ideal
Remarks by Governor Bill Clinton
Pabst Theatre
Milwaukee, WI
October 1, 1992
Thank you very, very much. Thank you very much. I want to thank Carol
Bauman and the Institute of World Affairs for hosting us here. I want to say how
delighted I am to be in this magnificent theater and this wonderful city. I want to say
a special word of thanks to the mayor of Milwaukee, John Norquist for this
outstanding work to bring together representatives of all racial and ethnic groups, and
to promote the preservation of the cultures of this great American city.
I also want to say a special word of homage to George Kennan, a native of this
city, for the work that he did, and has done, over the entire 20th century to support
freedom and democracy.
And finally, I would just like to thank all of you who have come here. I'm not
exactly sure what the number is, but I am sure there are representatives of at least
35 different racial and ethnic groups in this audience today, representing not only the
future of democracy in America, but the future of democracy in the world.
I want to talk today about an idea that is at the heart of this campaign, and at
the center of my vision for our country and the world, an idea that generations of
people around the world have fought and died for, and lived by -- an American idea
called democracy.
I know we may have more immediate problems on our minds. But even at a
time when America's needs here at home are crying for attention, we cannot forget
that the person we elect to lead America will also be the protector of our interests~
and the champions of our values around the world.
Democracy has always been our nation's perfecting impulse. It transformed us
from a nation of slavery to a land of civil rights; from a land of male suffrage to a land
of universal suffrage. And now it is transforming the entire world.
National Campaign Headquarters • P.O. Box 615 • Little Rock, Arkansas 72203 • Telephone (501) 372·1992 • FAX (501) 372·2292
Paid lor by the Clinton/Gore '92 Committee
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Many of you here in this audience have taken part in this democratic revolution.
Your contributions to the nation have been matched by your devotion to the cause of
freedom abroad. Here at home you have built schools, research institutions, and
libraries that have preserved your cultures, your values, and your faith.
You have raised your children to be proud of their heritage. As the freedom
movements in your homelands have gained strength, you have marched and
organized. And as the voice of John Paul II gave that movement inspiration, so you
gave your moral and your financial support to Solidarnosc in Poland. You helped keep
RUKH alive in Ukraine, Sajudis in Lithuania, and the pro-democracy movement in
China, as the freedom-loving people in each of those nations rose up to challenge
communist orthodoxy.
You stood behind those in this hemisphere and in Africa who fought to gain and
preserve their freedom. You have been stalwart in your support for our democratic
ally, Israel.
Your passionate commitment to democracy has helped carry the torch of
freedom both here and abroad.
•
Many factors contributed to the downfall of the Soviet empire. But the decisive
blow was clearly delivered by the peoples imprisoned within it.
Some Americans, especially within this election season, are tempted to
overstate their role in ending the Cold War. But still it would be wrong, and
dangerous, for Americans to underestimate the part that our country did play in the
victory that was won. It would be wrong, because there is still great work to be
done.
The Cold War is won, but democracy's victory is far from assured. It could be
dangerous, for the world is still full of perils and of nations that could easily drift
toward violence.
If this work is left half-finished, then we, our children, and multitudes abroad
who now stand at the threshold of a new life, will suffer a crushing disappointment,
and live in a more dangerous world.
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One of the reasons that I'm running for president is that I believe Americans
must help see that this work continues. We cannot turn away now and rest on our
laurels. Our national interests oblige us to join in building a just, enduring and
ever-more democratic peace in the world.
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�This is not the first time that our nation, victorious in a foreign struggle, has
faced such challenges. In the aftermath of Wor.ld War I, Woodrow Wilson argued that
we had to make the world a safer place, and that it should be made more democratic.
But the isolationists prevailed. And it took the leadership of Franklin Roosevelt,
and the sacrifices of the American people in the Second World War to protect the
world's democracies from the aggression that followed from our isolationism after
World War I.
After World War II, it fell to Harry Truman to shape a postwar world. We led
in the creation of the United Nations, and aid to Greece and Turkey; in the Marshall
Plan, and the policy of containment. And this time America joined behind a
pro-democracy foreign policy.
Throughout the Cold War our nation's leaders carried on this tradition of
supporting democracy around the world. From the gates of the Berlin Wall, John
Kennedy reaffirmed America's commitment to liberty around the world. Senator
Henry Jackson gave strength and hope to those seeking to escape tyranny behind the
Iron Curtain. President Jimmy Carter challenged dictators of the left and the right
when finally he put human rights on America's. and the world's agenda.
But to be fair, Republicans also played a very important part in sustaining a
bipartisan pro-democracy policy. From Senator Arthur Vandenberg, who was such
a model of putting country ahead of party, that tradition spanned the decades after
World War II, from President Eisenhower, who sustained the NATO alliance through
some of the darkest days of the Cold War, to President Reagan who spoke out against
communist aggression.
A pro-democracy foreign policy is neither liberal nor conservative; neither
Democrat nor Republican; it is a deep American tradition.
And this is so for good reason. For no foreign policy can long succeed if it does
not reflect the enduring values of the American people. We do not stand behind the
cause of democracy simply because of the goodness of our hearts. The fact is,
democracy abroad also protects our own concrete economic and security interests
here at home.
Democratic countries do not go to war with one another. They don't sponsor
terrorism~ or threaten one another with weapor:ts of mass destruction.
•
Precisely because they are more likely to respect civil liberties, property rights,
and the rule of law within their own borders, democracies provide the best
foundations on which to build international order. Democracies make more reliable
partners in diplomacy and trade, and in protecting the global environment, something
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we must do more of in the years ahead.
It is no accident that in those countries where the environment has been most
devastated, human suffering is the most severe; where there is freedom of expression
and economic pursuit, there is also determination to use natural resources more
wisely.
Our task then is to stand up for democracy as it remakes the world. That
challenge will have its costs and its burdens. But it need not divert us from the
pressing need for economic, educational and social reconstruction here at home.
Indeed, I have argued repeatedly from the beginning of this campaign that
America cannot be strong abroad unless we rebuild our strength here at home.
As Admiral William Crowe, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under
Presidents Reagan and Bush, said recently, in endorsing my candidacy, the world
needs a strong America, but American strength must begin here at home, facing our
problems here at home, making progress on those problems here at home.
But we cannot choose between international engagement and domestic
reconstruction. They are two sides of the same coin. Our economy is increasingly
tied to the global economy. Our access to energy supplies, export markets, new
scientific developments, and even our ability to create a healthier planet, all of these
things require our active engagement in the world.
And there are still other reasons why we cannot retreat to a fortress America.
The collapse of Soviet communism has not onlY. brought new democratic forces onto
the world stage, it has also unleashed some darker undercurrents: civil war, ethnic
hatred, intolerance, and the spread of dangerous military technologies.
There is the risk that the pendulum could swing back against democracy, freedom and
the hope for peace in many places in this world.
In the face of these opportunities and these dangers, we must have a President
who can conduct both a domestic policy and a foreign policy.
Franklin Roosevelt fought the great depression, when 25 percent of our people
were out of work, and in places like my home state, one-half the people were in
abject poverty. But he fought the great depression and the rise of fascism at the
same time.
Harry Truman carried out the fair deal at home, the Gl bill, a new housing
program, and economic reconstruction, and at the same time moved to contain
communist aggression in Eastern Europe and Korea.
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�They would have laughed, these presidents, at the idea of conducting foreign
affairs in the first term, and then switching to domestic affairs in the second.
In saying this, I do not in any way belittle President Bush's accomplishments
abroad, from putting together the international coalition and war effort against Iraq,
after Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, to his success in getting the Middle East peace
talks moving. Indeed, I have supported those efforts.
But no American foreign policy can succeed if it neglects our domestic needs.
And no American foreign policy can succeed if it slights our commitment to
democracy.
The president often takes a lot of credit for communism's downfall, but fails to
recognize that the global democratic revolution actually gave freedom its birth. He
simply does not seem at home in the mainstream pro-democracy tradition of American
foreign policy. He shows little regard for the idea that we must have a principled and
coherent American purpose in international affairs--something he calls "the vision
thing."
Instead, President Bush seems too often to prefer a foreign policy that
embraces stability at the expense of freedom; a foreign policy built more on personal
relationships with foreign leaders than on consideration of how those leaders acquired
and maintained their power.
It is almost as if this administration were nostalgic for a world of times past,
when foreign policy was the exclusive preserve of a few aristocrats.
This approach to foreign policy is sometimes described as "power politics," to
distinguish it from what some contend is sentimentalism and idealism of a
pro-democracy foreign policy.
But in a world where freedom, not tyranny, is on the march, the cynical
calculus of pure power politics simply does not compute. It is ill-suited to a new era
in which ideas and information are broadcast around the globe before ambassadors
can read their cables.
Simple reliance on old balance-of-power strategies cannot bring the same
practical success as a foreign policy that draws more generously from American
democratic experience and ideals, and lights fires in the hearts of millions of freedomloving people around the world.
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Let there be no mistake, this world is still a dangerous place. Military power
still matters. And I am committed to maintaining a strong and ready defense. I will
use that strength where necessary to defend our vital interests. But power must be
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accompanied by clear purpose.
Mr. Bush's ambivalence about supporting democracy, his eagerness to defend
potentates and dictators, has shown itself time and again. It has been a disservice
not only to our democratic values, but also to our national interest. For in the long
run, I believe that Mr. Bush's neglect of our democratic ideals abroad could do as
much harm as our neglect of our economic needs at home.
Let us look at the record.
administration's foreign policy.
It reflects an unmistakable pattern in the Bush
Fearing attacks by isolationists in his own party, President Bush was reluctant
to offer Boris Yeltsin, Russia's freely-elected president, a helping hand. It took a
chorus of complaints, culminating with the prodding of another Republican, Richard
Nixon, to move him into action on the Russian aid package.
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Just weeks before the attempted coup in Moscow, President Bush travelled to
Ukraine. There he lectured a people subjected to genocidal starvation in the Stalin
era, warning that their aspirations for independence constituted, and I quote, a
suicidal nationalism. A few months later the people of Ukraine voted by a huge margin
for the immediate and total dissolution of the Soviet Union .
For over 40 years, the United States refused to recognize Soviet claims to the
Baltic nations--Li~huania, Latvia, and Estonia. But when at long last, the moment of
Baltic independence came, President Bush suddenly became a reluctant bridegroom.
The United States was 37th among the world's nations to extend diplomatic
recognition to these countries. We should have been first.
A year ago last June, Mr. Bush sent his secretary of state to Belgrade, where
in the name of stability, he urged the members of the dying Yugoslav federation to
resist dissolution. This would have required· the peoples of Bosnia, Croatia and
Slovenia, to knuckle under to Europe's last communist strongman.
When, instead, these new republics asserted their independence, the
emboldened Milosevic regime launched the bloodiest war in Europe in over 40 years.
When I argued that the United States, in cooperation with international
community efforts, should be prepared to use military force to help the U.N. relief
effort in Bosnia, Mr. Bush's spokesman quickly denounced me as reckless. Yet a few
days later the administration adopted the very same position.
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While the administration goes back and forth, more lives are being lost and the
situation grows more desperate by the day.
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In the Middle East, I supported the President when it became necessary to evict
Saddam Hussein from Kuwait, and I support his decision now to provide air cover to
Saddam's Kurdish and Shiite opponents in the north and the south of Iraq.
But I am angered by the administration's appeasement of Saddam Hussein
before the war, and disappointed by its callous disregard for democratic principles
after the war. Just this week another friend of freedom, my running mate, Senator
Gore, laid out in precise and devastating detail the errors of this administration in
dealing with Saddam Hussein.
President Bush showered government-backed grain credits and high technology
on a regime that had used poison gas on its own people. After the war, Mr. Bush
encouraged the Iraqi people to revolt against Saddam Hussein but then abandoned
them.
The administration has sometimes treated the conflict between Israel and the
Arab states as just another quarrel between religions and nations rather than one in
which the survival of a democratic ally, Israel, has been at stake.
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I support strongly the peace talks that are underway, and if elected, I will
continue, without interruption, America's role in them. I also believe that America's
policy in the Middle East should be guided by a vision of the region in which Israel and
our Arab partners are secure in their peace, and where the practices and principles of
personal liberty and governmental accountability are spreading.
For example, I believe we can and must work with others to build a more
democratic and more free Lebanon.
This pat1:ern continues in other parts of the world. In South Africa, Republican
administrations had to be prodded by a bipartisan coalition in the Congress to abandon
their failed policy of constructive engagement, and to impose sanctions on the
apartheid regime in Pretoria.
President Bush has been slow to place America's support behind the fledgling
democratic movements in other democratic nations, or to distance ourselves from
corrupt and dictatorial leaders elsewhere in Africa. We should encourage and nurture
the stirrings for democratic reform that are surfacing all across Africa, from the birth
of an independent Namibia, to the pressure for. democratic reforms in Kenya.
In Central and South America, the democratic revolution has won the first
round, but our efforts to strengthen the fragile democracies in this hemisphere are still .
directed too much toward the central government and the wealthy.
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We should do more to support those struggling to establish grassroots
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democracy in South America and to strengthen the courageous small entrepreneurs
who are burdened by corruption and bloated bureaucracy.
We have a particular democratic responsibility in our own hemisphere to help
end the cycle of violence in Haiti; to help restore democracy to Peru, even as it
struggles to end the murderous violence of the Shining Path. And to help Cuba's
repressive regime join its communist cousins, to borrow a phrase, in the dustbin of
history.
There is no more striking example of Mr. Bush's indifference toward democracy
than his policy toward China. None of us will ever forget the images of the millions
of Chinese people demonstrating peacefully for democracy; the solitary young man
staring down a tank; or the students raising a model of our Statute of Liberty in
Tiananmen Square.
Neither will we ever forget the horror of seeing hundreds of innocent people
mowed down for their belief in freedom.
But instead of allying himself with the democratic movement in China, Mr. Bush
sent secret emissaries to raise a toast to those who crushed it .
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The stakes in China's future are very high-- for the course taken by that great
nation will help shape the future of Asia and the world. Three years after the
Tiananmen Square tragedy, the tremors of change continue to shake China. We do
not want China to fall apart, to descend into chaos or go back into isolation. But
rather, we want to use our relationship and influence to work with the Chinese for a
peaceful transition to democracy and the spread of free markets.
Today, however, we must ask ourselves, what has the president's China policy
really achieved? The Chinese leadership still sells missiles and nuclear technology to
Middle Eastern dictators who threaten us and our friends.
They still arrest and hold in prison leaders of the pro-democracy movement.
They restrict American access to their markets, while our trade deficit with China will
reach $15 billion this year. The Chinese now have the second biggest trade surplus
of any nation in the world.
Just a few days ago, President Bush vetoed legislation, passed with bipartisan
congressional majorities, that would have placed conditions on Most Favored Nation
trade status for China's state-owned enterprises. And just today the Senate failed,
by a vote of 59 to 40, to override that veto.
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But 59 senators, Republicans and Democrats, believe that we have a right to
ask a country that has a $15 billion trade surplus with us not only not to export goods
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strength.
I will say again, I do not want to isolate China. There is much to admire in the
phenomenal progress that has been made there. But I do believe our nation has a
higher purpose than to coddle dictators and to stand aside from the global movement
toward democracy.
For the greatest strength that America can count on in today's world is not our
personal relationship with foreign leaders. Individual leaders come and go --even in
the United States, I hope. It is the powerful appeal of our democratic values and our
enduring political institutions for people around the world that make us special.
This does not mean we can embark on reckless crusades, or that we can force
every ideal, including the promotion of democracy, on other people.
Our actions must be tempered with prudence and common sense. We know
that ballot boxes alone do not solve every world problem, and that some countries and
cultures are many steps away from democratic institutions.
We know there may be times when other security needs or economic interests,
even in the aftermath of the bipolar Cold War world, will diverge from our
commitment to democracy and human rights. .
We know we cannot support every group's hopes for self determination. We
know that the dissolution of old and repressive empires will often be complex, and
contentious.
Moreover, we know there will always be those in the world who pursue their
goals through force and violence. But they should know that a Clinton administration
will maintain the military strength we need to defend our people, our vital interests,
and our values.
They should also know that the danger that we will get carried away with our
ideals does not loom large. That has not been our problem in the last four years.
The real danger is that in this time of wrenching, sweeping change, under
President Bush, we will cling to tired and outdated notions that do not work, and
cannot inspire.
Even within our budgetary constraints, we can contribute a great deal to help
democracy take root around the world. But while the new democracies will need
financial assistance from the international community 1 they also need our help in
learning how democracy and free institutions work; about freedom's institutions, its
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culture, its values; and yes, about its problems..
As president, I will reorganize and redirect our foreign assistance programs. I
believe we should stress not only sustainable development but also the development
of skills, of values, and the institutions of free society. But I do not believe in this
difficult time we should spend American foreign aid dollars, as the Bush administration
has done, to subsidize American companies to shut down plants in the United States
and move them overseas.
I do not believe we should use taxpayer dollars, as this administration has done,
to pay for advertisements to entice people to shut down their plants in America, and
take advantage of 57-cent-an-hour labor in other countries.
I do not believe we should have one more year in which we spend more federal
tax dollars training workers in another region of the world than we train people who
lose their jobs here at home. I do not believe that. That not only does not make
sense; it is absolutely wrong.
But I will support the establishment of a Democracy Corps, which could provide
teams of experienced Americans in local centers throughout the former Soviet Union,
to help grassroots leaders overcome bottlenecks to democratic development. We will
renew our support for institutions like the bipartisan National Endowment for
Democracy, and its partners in business, labor, and political leadership.
We will revive the s'pirit of the Peace Corps, offering, young people the
opportunity to take part in the central political experience of their time. We will rely
on America's voluntary organizations to help in the development of independent, civic
and service sectors in the new democracies.
My administration will work in partnership with business and professional
leaders, trade unionists, environmentalists, representatives of state and local
government and other skilled practitioners of our own democratic life. We will enlist
the untapped skills of the many immigrants andtheir descendants in cities like
Milwaukee, Chicago and Cleveland, who came to our shores to escape oppression and
to build America--to help build democracies in the countries from which they came.
I
One of the most effective things we can do in international affairs is what is
called public diplomacy. This covers a multitude of our government's activities such
as radio broadcasting that allows us to speak to peoples of foreign lands directly.
When Lech Walesa was asked if Radio Free· Europe gave birth to the Solidarity
movement he said, "Would there be an earth without the sun."
•
We should build on the success of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty and
expand our successful surrogate broadcasting by bringing news and information to the
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despotisms that remain in Asia, in China, in Vietnam, Laos, North Korea and Burma .
The President's opposition to Asian Democracy Radio is further evidence that
he still thinks it's more important to talk to dictators than to their oppressed subjects.
Finally, building democracy is not a job for America alone. We will strengthen
the United Nations and seek more support from our democratic allies in Europe and
Japan in strengthening the world's new democracies. We all have a stake in the
democratic revolution.
America's purpose in the world is not simply to be another great power in
history. As the flow of resources and information and people's causes and people
cause this old world to shrink, we have a particular contribution to make to the march
of human progress. I call on us to set an example of how a nation of many peoples
can harvest strength from diversity.
It calls on us to give back to a contentious world some of the lessons we
have learned during our own democratic voyage. It calls on us, also my fellow
Americans, to deal with the increasingly racial and ethnic tensions here at home in a
spirit of humility and generosity -- reaching out to one another and binding up our own
nation's wounds.
·•
For we have learned here in America, and we relearn every day that democracy
is not always easy and tidy. We have learned that it is a process of trial and error -that it suffers from all the imperfections known to humankind. But it is als.o the only
system we know that can produce wisdom out of disagreement, and peace out of our
warring hours. America's power, prosperity and sense of justice may be providential.
But they are not accidental. For those blessings flow from the world's greatest
peaceful experiment in making one out of many, our motto, E Pluribus Unum.
The force of democracy's magnetism is reflected in the stories still told around
holiday dinner tables today. The story of the young couple who abandoned Havana
for the promise and safety and opportunity in the United States. The stories sprinkled
with Yiddish of the family from Minsk who fled to the land of religious freedom. The
story hardly known of forced exodus from Africa, and a slow exodus from slavery and
hardship to liberty. The stories still told in Polish of the farmers who left the old
country for the rich and limitless land of our own midwest.
In this election, let us join together to ensure that our American epic can offer
meaning and guidance to freedom loving people around the world. Let us seize this
historic moment to help expand democracy's embrace. And let. us act toward the
world in a manner worthy of our heritage, our ideals and our name.
Thank you very much.
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THEVALUESOFAM~CA
REMARKS BY GOVERNOR BILL CUNTON
UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME
SOUTH BEND, IN
SEPI8MBER11,1992
Thank you very much.
Thank you. Ladies and gentlemen, we know that in this room at least our
supporters can win the cheering contest.
I would hope that in this great university we could also prevail in the civility
contest.
•
I hope if my opponent or his running inate shows up at this great university
during this campaign that you will go there and quietly express your support for me,
but I will hope you will let them speak and have their say.
I want to say a special word of thanks to all those who have come here to be
with me today, to Governor and Mrs. Bayh, who are good friends of Hillary's and
mine; to Mayor Flynn. Father Malloy was entirely too modest. He did not tell you that
he and Mayor Flynn were great college basketball players together. Mayor Flynn
played at Providence, another good Catholic university. And Mayor Rynn is still a
great athlete. AI Gore went out jogging with him the other day and he called me out
of breath saying that the mayor had made him run for 95 minutes in the city of
Boston.
I want to thank Mayor Kernan and Congressman Roemer for being here. I also
want to note the presence in the audience of Congresswoman Jill Long and
Congressman Jim Jantz. They are both here.
•
You have so many young people in politics here that it makes me feel like I am
learly in the tradition of Cicero, who said that of one thing he was certain-old age
begins at 46. I want to thank my good friend, Senator Wofford for coming and all the
others who are here. And I want to thank Father Malloy and the Notre Dame family
for giving me the opportunity to come here to help Notre Dame celebrate its 150th
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birthday •
I know it's traditional for presidential candidates to stand up and tell you that
they sprang from humble beginnings, even that they were born in log cabins they built
themselves. But today I would like to turn that around, for Notre Dame literally.
sprang from humble beginnings, from a log cabin 150 years ago, when Father Edward
Soren took over a log cabin on the snow covered lakeshore and dared to call it a
university.
He came from France but it must have been something out of the American
ground that gave him the inspiration to dream dreams so that thousands upon
thousands of young people could share his vision. Out of the vision came one of the .
greatest universities of this nation, in service to its students, to country and to God.
•
I'm especially proud to be here with those of you who participate in the Center
for the Homeless, those who have participated·in the Alumni Service:Projects, those
who hav~ participated in the Center for Social Concerns. Service is truly a way of life ·
here at Notre Dame. I'm proud to be here because of the national leadership exhibited
by the Notre Dame family. Your former president, Father Hesburgh, served with
Hillary, my wife, on the Grant Commissions-Grant Foundations Commission--on the .American Family, Work and Citizenship. And they dealt with issues which have
deeply concerned all of us for many years. Father Hesburgh and Hillary and the other
commissioners issued a highly acclaimed: report, entitled,· "Youth in America's
Future-the Forgotten Half," which I believe detailed for the first time the sharp
decline in earnings among young people with no education after high school and laid
out a practical agenda to offer them hope, an agenda which is now deeply embedded
in my presidential campaign.
A former Notre Dame law professor, Harris Wofford, here on this platform is
now a United States Senator from Pennsylvania. In the best tradition of Catholic
social responsibility, he is leading the fight for health care for all Americans, work for
those without it, and national service for young people.
Your football coach, Lou Holtz, spent a lot of years at Arkansas before he came
here. I want to tell you a story about that. In his first season he took our team to the
Orange Bowl against what was then the number one ranked team in America. But
shortly before the game, he suspended three of the team's leading offensive players
for serious misconduct. He was attacked and pilloried in the press. He was even
sued.
•
And as a young attorney general, it became my duty to defend him. Against
overwhelming odds, Arkansas won the football game, but more important, Lou Holtz ·
taught our state that high standards and values come before victory on the playing
field •
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I'm also proud to be here because I have personally benefitted from Catholic
education and from my state's tradition of religious tolerance. In 1928 Governor AI
Smith of New York, the first Catholic to be nominated for president, picked as his
running mate. Senator.Joe T. Robinson from Arkansas.
They lost the election to Herbert Hoover and in part, to anti-Catholic prejudice.
But they carried my home state.
In 1960, John Kennedy was the first Catholic to be elected president. And
many Americans, especially in my part of the country said that no Catholic should_be
elected president because of their views. But John Kennedy carried Arkansas.
If elected, I will be the first president to graduate from a Catholic college,
Georgetown t)niversity.
\
And long before that, I learned a lot about life in the second and third grades
at St. John's School in Hot Springs, Arkansas.
•
On a hot summer afternoon, 29 summers ago, I m~t President Kennedy in the
Rose Garden of the White House as a 16 year old delegate to American Legion Boy's
Nation. That afternoon turned me toward public service. After President Kennedy
was killed, another Southerner, Lyndon Johnson, succeeded to the presidency with
the promise to enact John Kennedy's program to get America moving again, and to
bring.America together.
Because I wanted to be in public service, watch the Great Society unfold, and
get a first class education, I enrolled in Georgetown University, the nation's oldest
Jesuit college. I wondered when I went there whether I would be out of place, a
Southern Baptist who had rarely been far from home.
Thankfully, both the students and the faculty there held to the scriptural
commandment to befriend the stranger in their midst. And together, we found much
common ground that Baptists and Catholics could walk together. And in the end, I
felt completely at home in the Catholic tradition of Georgetown.
I was then, and I remain today, deeply drawn to the Catholic social mission, to
the idea that, as President Kennedy said, here on earth God's work must truly be our
own. I have seen it in the work that Catholic politicians like Mayor Flynn of Boston,
and Senator Wofford, whom I admire, have done.
I love the Catholic understanding of history and tradition, and how they shape
us in our lives. And I love all the vigorous arguments. How I love those arguments.
•
1 know that all of you here at Notre Dame will take from this wonderful place
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those same blessings: good friends, great and caring teachers, a strong sense of your
place in history and your mission in the world, and a devotion to a lifetime of learning
through honest debates and open, inquiring minds. .Both Baptists and Catholics in different ways are rooted in the spiritual richness ·
of America's working people-people who know the pain of poverty and the bite of
discrimination, people for whom life is a daily struggle in which they must sweat and
sacrifice for themselves and their families, for whom life is made worthwhile not only
through hard work and self-reliance but through opening their hearts to God and their
hands to their neighbors.
Each of our faiths teaches that nobody makes it alone. Ben Franklin once said,
we'll hang together or assuredly we'll hang separately. That is the heart of the
Judea-Christian understanding of what it means to be a member of the human
society. Rabbi Hillel said 2,000 years ago, "If I am not for myself, ~ho will be for
me? If I am only for myself, who am I?'"
·
Today America has wandered far from the lessons of our faiths and our history.
Most people are working harder for less money. We are becoming a nation of greater
poverty and much, much greater economic inequality. ~nd that is straining the ties .·
that bind us.
·
•
Today I want to talk about the America I see and seek·, but most of all, about
the values behind that vision of America.
I want an America that values the freedom and the dignity of the individual.
All of us must respect the reflection of God's image in every man and woman. And
so, we must value their freedom, -not just their political freedom, but their freedom
of conscience in matters of family and philosophy and faith.
I am grateful that I was born in a country where my faith can be powerful
because it is a voluntary offering of a free and joyous spirit. As that great American
Baptist, Roger Williams, understood so well, without the freedom to say no, the word
..yes" is meaningless.
Here in our country more people believe in God, more people go to church or
temple, and more people put religion at the center of their lives than in any other
advanced society on Earth. And that is a tribute to the genius and the courage of the
American experiment that our government can be the protector of the freedom of
every faith because it is the exclusive property of none.
•
That is the promise of the First Amendment's guarantees of freedom of religion
and separation of church and state, guarantees that my Southern Baptist Church
traditionally has supported strongly. Our freedom of conscience depends upon mutual
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respect. Each of us must never forget that, as John Kennedy reminded the Baptist
ministers in Houston in 1960, when intolerance is turned loose, "today I may be the
victim, but tomorrow it may be you, until the whole fabric of our harmonious society
is ripped. •
President Kennedy was right. · To preserve our social fabric, we must always
appreciate the wonderful diversity of the American tapestry. That is why, like so
many Americans I have been appalled to hear the voices of intolerance raised in recent
weeks-voices that have proclaimed that some families aren't real families, that some
Americans aren't real Americans, and one even said that what this country needs is
a "religious war." Well, America does not need a religious war. It need-s a
reaffirmation of the values that for most of us are rooted in our religious faith.
Uke most Americans, I go to church on Sunday, and until I lost my voice early
in this campaign, I sang in my ·choir. My faith is a source of pride to 11,1e, but far, far ·
more important, it is a source of humility, because it teaches that n-one of us is a
stranger to sin and to weakness. It is a source of hope because it teaches that each ·
of us is capable of redemption. And it is a source of challenge because it teaches that
·we must all strive to live according to our beliefs.
•
We all have the right to wear our religion on our s-leeves, but we should also
hold it in our hearts and live it in our lives .
And if we are to truly practice what we preach, then Americans of every faith
and viewpoint should look for ways to come together to promote the common good.
That requires a much greater respect for honest diversity than we are hearing today.
It wasn't so long ago that some American voices suggested that Catholics
weren't real Americans and invited the equivalent of religious wars against them. As
Mario Cuomo said in his brilliant speech here at Notre Dame in 1984, ..1 protect my
right to be a Catholic by preserving your right to believe as a Jew, a Protestant or a
non-believer, or anything else you choose."
We know, as Governor Cuomo said, that the price of seeking to force our
beliefs on others is that they might someday force theirs on us. This freedom is the
fundamental strength in our unique experiment in government.
I want an America with those convictions to have a renewed sense of
community, an America that is coming together, not coming apart. I want to bring
back the American spirit that says we're all in this together, and we're going to rise
or fall together.
•
It is that spirit that built America from tfle barn raisings on the old frontier, to
the immigrant mutual aid societies in the great cities, to the churches that have helped
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generations of African-Americans make a way out of no way .
It is a spirit that draws upon our judea-Christian tradition. Everything in the
Old Testament concerns not isolated individuals, but a people, a community. The
books of law govern them. The books of history recounted their wanderings, their·
troubles and their triumphs. And the prophets are the great poetic voice that recalled
them again and again to the meaning of being the people of God.
In the Christian tradition, that emphasis on community continues, since the
Acts, the Gospels and the Epistles all come from early Christian communities •. and
recount to us their problems, their failures, their strengths, but, above all, their unity.
Echoing down the ages is the simple but powerful truth that no grace of God
was ever given me for me alone. To the terrible question of Cain - • Am I my ·.
brother's keeper?• -the' only possible answer for us is God's thund~rous yes.
·
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As I've traveled across this country, I've spoken with people whose daily
experience testifies that a new sense of community is not just a moral imperative, but
a practical necessity. People whose lives have been broken, even though they are
doing the best that they can. And these people live everywhere. Crime and drugs are.·
hitting our suburbs, as well as our cities. Layoff.s are hitting middle managers, as well
as assembly workers. And corporate bottom.lines are suffering because our children's
test scores are declining •
We are learning anew the wisdom of Martin Luther King who wrote in his Letter
from the Birmingham Jail: "We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality,
tied to a single garment of destiny. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice
everywhere."
When I think of how I want to help change America during the next four years,
I want, most of all, to restore the link between rights and responsibilities, between
opportunities and obligations. The social contract that defines what we owe to one
another, to our communities and to our country, as well as what we are entitled to
for ourselves.
The American community should speak in a clear and certain voice that some
things are wrong. On any day, at any time, in any place, violence is wrong, bigotry
is wrong, abandoning children is wrong. But our religious traditions teach of more than
thou-shalt-nots. In our role as citizens, we should not
·
see ourselves only as our brothers' and sisters' Jceepers, but also as our brothers' and
sisters' helpers.
•
If we truly believe, as almost everyone says, no matter what they believe on
certain issues, that children are God's most precious creation, then surely we owe
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every child born in the United States the opportunity to make the most of his or her
God-given potential.
I want .an America. that offers every child a healthy start in life, decent
schoofing, a chance to go to college or job training worthy of the name, not only
because that's essential for our common economic success, but because providing
opportunities is how we fulfill our obligations to each other and the moral principles
we honor.
Any community worthy of the name would do more than just tell its young
people to say no to crime and drugs. It would give them something to say yes to: the
opportunity for education and jobs and the sense of connectedness to society. Yes,
we must insist that parents do right by their children, and that young people do right
by their communities. But our American community must also do right by them, by
offering them the opportunities that support families and children in do{ng a good job ··
with the lives they have.
We must move beyond the false choice between individual and social
responsibility, because, now more than ever, we need both.
•
If I could select a watchword for America, it would be the title of the recent
Pastoral Letter of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops, ~'Putting Children and
Families First."
In the letter they offer the counsel of common sense and common decency, and
I quote: '"no government can love a child, and no policy can substitute for a family's
care. But government can either support or undermine families.'" There has been an
unfortunate, unnecessary and unreal polarization in discussions in how best to help
families.
'"The undeniable fact, • the letter says, '"is that our children's future is shaped
both by the values of their parents and the policies of our nation."
I want an America that does more than talk about family values. I want an
America that values families.
I want an America that values families by recognizing that parents have the
right to take time off from their jobs when a baby's born or someone's sick.
An America that values families by freeing fathers and mothers from the fear
that they won't be able to take a sick child to the doctor.
•
An America that values families by helping every parent enjoy the dignity of a
job that puts bread on the table, buys shoes for the .children, and holds the household
7
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together in mutual support.
An America that honors and rewards work and. family not just in words but in
deeds.
I want to see us share the values expressed in the Bishops' Pastoral Letter on
the Economy, that • every institution and every economic decision in our society must
be judged by whether it protects or undermines the dignity of the person. • And for
everyone who can work, human dignity is first and foremost the opportunity and the
obligation to support oneself and to contribute to society.
When I talk about training workers today for jobs of tomorrow, when I talk ..
about helping people move from welfare rolls to payrolls, when I talk about rebuilding
America, I'm not just talking about economic policies. I'm talking about our moral
obligation to help every one of our brothers and sisters enjoy the dignity of useful and.
productive working lives.
·
•
And if there is a dignity in all work, there must be dignity for every worker.
We've got to make sure that no one who works a full week and who has children at
home is condemned to a life of poverty. We've got to make sure that our families are
assured a real family wage. If people work and have chiidren, surely we should lift
them above the poverty line •
I want to lead an America that fulfills its obligations to the future by upholding
the traditional value of stewardship over the Earth.
When I was growing up, we were taught that soils and streams were not ours
to waste, but a gift from God that we simply hold in trust for generations yet to be
born. And I selected AI Gore for Vice President for many reasons, but one was his
understanding of this -his understanding of the obligations of this stewardship stated
so eloquently in his book, ~~Earth in the Balance." We must be our planet's caretaker.
Finally, I want an America where service is a way of life, as it is here at Notre
Dame. I want Americans to learn in their own way the lesson that you've learned
from Catholic social teaching, that our individual rights flow from our essential dignity
as creatures of God, but that each of us reaches our fullness as human beings by
being of service to our fellow men and women. Any of us who have traveled this land
have seen these teachings embodied in Catholic social programs.
I think of schools where young people are called not only to academic
achievement but to volunteer work in hospitals and nursing homes, tutoring programs
and homeless shelters, as a fundamental component of education.
•
I have in mind parishes where family values are not simply evoked but actively
8
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guided and supported, where young people are offered preparation for opportunities
for adoption and sensitive counsel on how best to fulfill their parental duties as their
children's first teachers.
And I see the work of Catholic relief services, the Campaign for Human··
Development, the National Catholic Rural Conference and so many other agencies, all
deeply rooted in community service. Talking about service, here at Notre Dame is the
classic case of preaching to the choir.
Your Center for the Homeless, your Alumni Summer Service Projects, your
Center for Social Concerns- all are shining examples of the spirit of service that I
want to see in every college and every high school and every community all across.
America.
I want an America where every young person and every not s9 young person
understands what Marian Wright Edelman, the president of the Children's Defense
Fund tries to teach us when she says, "Service is the rent we pay for living."
•
Throughout this campaign, I've talked about my plan to open the doors of
college to every American. To offer every person in thi~ country the opportunity to.·
borrow the money to go to college and then require thein to pay it back either as a
small percentage of their paycheck after they go to work or, even better, by going
back home and serving their communities. ·
·
And frankly, I'd much rather see everyone whether they're rich or poor or
middle class pay back that debt by going home and working for two years in a Peace
Corps here in America, to rebuild America. Just think of it. Think of it.
Millions of energetic young men and women serving their country by teaching
the. children, policing the streets, caring for the sick, working with the elderly or
people with disabilities, building homes for the homeless, helping children to stay off
drugs and out of gangs-giving us all a new sense of hope and real limitless
possibilities.
•
I've offered this plan to help more young people go to college. But I've also
offered it because I want America to send a message that our society values and
honors service to community, just as Harry Truman's Gl bill honored the service of my
father's generation, who fought and won World War II, just as the Peace Corps, which
President Kennedy created with the help of your former president, Father Hesburgh
and Senator Wofford, sent that message to my generation. Just as millions of
Americans from all backgrounds and every walk of life are waiting for a summons to
service and to citizenship, not just for young people that are going on to college but ·
for young people in our high schools and people 'of all ages who want to do something
for their communities and for their country •
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And I would just give you two examples of the kind of thing that I hope will
become a hallmark of America in the next few years. Recendy I took a trip to Rorida
which was heartbreaking and heart lifting. ·1 went down to Rorida City after the
hurricane to a predominandy African-American community that was almoSt wiped out.
And as I walked down the street with the mayor,- we came across a man who came
all the way from Michigan with two of his friends with a truckload of food and ·
supplies for the folks in Rorida.
·
The gendemen was a genuine American ethnic-burly and muscular and heavyset and so proud of himself he could split. AQd he was standing there next to an .
African-American woman whose home had been devastated by the storm. She looked
at him and he looked at her and she said, "You know, it was nearly worth losing my
home to find out how well we can work together, but it's too bad it took a hurricane
to prove it."
And let me tell you one other story. Hillary and I and the Gores were in Cedar
Rapids, Iowa at the Quaker Oats factory having a big rally. And I was working my
way through the crowd and I noticed there was a young white woman there holding
an African-American child. And I went up to the lady and I looked at this beautiful
little girl, who came out and got in my arms and I was holding_her, and I sa.id, "Whose
baby is this?" And she said, "That's my baby, and my baby· has AIDS."
And I said, "Where did you find this child?'" And she said, "i adopted this child
~another state." She said," You know, Governor, I respect this debate that's going
on in our country about life, but how I wish we would all reach out and try to help the
children who are living."
We Americans are brilliant at doing right by each other at a time of crisis. All
across this country, however, we must know ~e are in a quieter crisis of a fraying
society and a declining economy, of an educational system unequal to the task of
global competition, of an environment slowly coming apart at critical places.
But most of all, a crisis of communitY, a spiritual crisis that calls upon each of
us to remember and to act upon our obligations to one another. The purpose of
community, the purpose of our government, the purpose of our leaders should be to
call us to pursue our common values and the common good, not simply in the
moment of extreme crisis but every day in our lives, starting right now, today.
That is the leadership I seek to offer America, and that is the America I hope
to be able to lead.
Thank you very much •
•
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Remarks by Governor Bill Clinton
National Bar Association Dinner
St. Louis, MO
July 31, 1992
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you very much.
Well, I don't know if she succeeded in making that introduction nonpartisan, but it
certainly was intimidating. I thought you were going to charge me a fee just to sit
here and talk.
•
I want to say that I appreciate that very eloquent introduction. It will pass any
standard your network has placed. And if they don't like it, I'll give you a job when
I'm elected •
I have to tell you, I promised I wouldn't do that. That's the only job I've offered. And
I'm a lawyer. I've always got an escape-hatch that's contingent.
I want to say to President Mcfale, who has been my friend for some years now, and
to President elect, Allen Webster, and to all of you, how delighted I am to be back
with the National Bar Association.
Four years ago, when I was in a very different position in life, you invited me to come
before your convention in Washington, D.C. Many of you were there, I think. That
was a wonderful night for me.
After the banquet was over, I stayed around. I had been there for two or three hours
just shaking hands and talking to people. And I hope that some of you who were
there then, whom I met, will make your way up here before I leave so that we can at
least say hello again. And then I had the pleasure of hosting this organization's Board
of Governors at the Governor's Mansion in 1989. Many of you were there then. I've
already seem a lot of the folks who were there. That was a wonderful night for me.
••
So I am no stranger to this group. You may know too, that many members of my
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Administration are members of this group: Rodney Slater, Cassandra Wilkins, who's
out here, Carol Willis, Judge Richard Mays, whom I appointed to the Arkansas
Supreme Court in 1980, who's here with me. And many others from my state of
Arkansas are here. I haven't appointed them all but I tried. And I'm very proud of all
of them and their presence here.
I know too, that a lot of your former presidents and leaders of this organization are
at least natives of my state. I can't help but mention one of your former members,
Jackie [Scropshire], who passed away this year, who was the first African American
to graduate from the law school at the University at Arkansas. We named Law Day
after him this year, by Governor's Proclamation. And I would like to note his passing
here because he was a very important part of our legal history.
I'd also like to compliment you this year on making a coalition with the National
Hispanic Bar Association, The Asian Pacific Bar Association, The Native American Bar
Association, The National Association of Women Lawyers. And I want to thank you
for giving awards to Judge Keat and Ben Hooks. I wish I could have listened to them
speak all night long.
I'm glad Judge [Keat] introduced my law classmate, Eric [Clay]. At least one of us
is still making an honest living. I want to say a special word of thanks to Benjamin
Hooks for the life that he's lived and the example that he's set--not just for African
Americans, but for all Americans who believe in the cause of justice and freedom.
He has been an inspiration to me for as long as I have known about him. And I thank
him for that.
I promised that when I came here I wouldn't tell any lawyer jokes. And I won't. I can
tell you this: Law school changed my life. It taught me what was really important.
It taught me what to look up to. That's when I met Hillary.
And I can also tell you something you already know which is that there are real
choices to be made and real consequences to be had from the outcome of this
election.
I have tried to stake out a positive plan for America's future, from the very beginning.
Last October, when I entered this race, I said it was not enough to merely criticize the
opposition. You had to offer an alternative vision for the future and a plan.
Last year--not this year--last year, I gave three major addresses at my Alma Mater,
Georgetown University, outlining what I would do if I was given the opportunity to
serve as president.
·
•
I put out a plan in New Hampshire and modified it a few weeks ago. I tried to give
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the American people something they could sink their teeth into.
It is highly unusual, I think, for a challenger to be more detailed about the future than
the incumbent who has access to more information. But I have been governor a long
time. I've been through a lot of elections. And I know if you want to get something
done, it's best to talk about it during the election, so you can later tell the legislative
branch that's what you got elected to do. And that's what I have tried to do.
I also think the American people are crying for an honest debate. And so tonight, let
me lay out some of the issues that I think are most pertinent to you as members of
this organization and as Americans.
First, if Bill Clinton and AI Gore are elected in November, I can and I will pledge you
a federal judiciary that looks like America, feels like America, and that understands the
pain and promise of America.
·
•
You all heard or saw, surely, the comments of Judge [Higginbotham] to the effect that
of the last 115 Americans appointed to the federal appellate bench, only two of them
were African Americans. I need hardly remind you that President Jimmy Carter
appointed more African-Americans to the federal bench than all the presidents of the
United States combined, before and since. And that is the legacy of the New South
that I would like to top .
I want to consult with you on the appointments of federal judges. I want to consult
with you and the organizations who are here in coalition with you on the
appointments of federal judges--Hispanics, Asian Americans, Native Americans,
women lawyers. And I want to tell you this: I will be uncompromising in my
commitment to excellence in these appointments. I don't want anybody conducting
any hearings on my appointments wondering if they're really qualified to be federal
judges or appellate judges or Supreme Court judges. But I have news for this
administration. There are really qualified African Americans, Hispanic-Americans,
Native-Americans, Asian-Americans who can serve in any position in the land.
We need an administration that will heal and unify this country and that will establish
conditions through which we can move forward. And in the great resolutions of the
issues of today, the federal bench should feel like America.
We can and we will give you an administration that enforces the Voting Rights Act,
believes in equal opportunity and acts like it, and works to make opportunity a reality
for all Americans. I would sign--not veto--the Motor Voter Bill because I think we
ought to make it easy to vote and let an American have his or her say.
•
I can and I will support a plan to invest in this country. To invest in our communities,
our cities, our suburbs, our rural areas. To invest to create jobs. To give the private
3
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sector more incentives to invest if they're creating jobs but fewer incentives to cut
short term deals and move jobs overseas.
I will promote an administration grounded in the principles of community and respect
and not division and blame. We have had quite enough of that.
Just think. The other day, this administration's chief budget officer went up to
Capitol Hill and was asked his analysis of why we were having the worst three years
of economic performance in the last 50 years--coming at the end of more than a
decade in which the American people have been working harder for less money and
he said, "Well, it's the fault of the bankers. They don't lend enough money. And the
fault of the Federal Reserve. They didn't bring interest rates down quickly enough.
And the fault of Saddam Hussein. He invaded Kuwait." We got somebody else to
pay for that. I don't what that has to do with our economy. But he said that. "And
the fault of the Congress. They won't do what the President wants."
And the Chairman of the House Budget Committee said, "Do you accept any
responsibility f~r this country? Just any? How about 5 percent? Or would you
believe 4 or 3-1/2? No. They would not.
•
Where would this country be if Harry Truman had a sign on his desk that said the
buck stops somewhere else? That's what we're living through today, folks .
Let me tell you this. I don't promise you miracles. I don't have the answer to all the
. problems. But I know trickle-down economics and special interest politics and
blinding ourselves to the reality. of the global economy competition we face are not
getting us where we need to go. So, if I become your president, I will assume
responsibility--what works and all; the good and the bad. And do my best not to work
miracles but to make progress. And that is what I think you expect of your elected
officials.
But I cannot do it alone. The presidency is a bully pulpit, as Theodore Roosevelt said.
And much of the presidency, as Harry Truman once said, consists of trying to talk
other people into doing what they ought to be doing anyway. But the preacher can't
save no souls if there's nobody in the church helping.
And so tonight I come here asking you for some help.
Many of you will remember that President Kennedy once called upon a gathering of
America's lawyers to form a network of attorneys to work on behalf of plaintiffs in
civil rights cases throughout the country. Many responded and made dramatic
contributions in the struggle for equal justice.
·
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Now America needs to restore that old spirit of partnership; of optimism; of renewed
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dedication to common efforts.
We need an army of devoted visionaries--healing leaders throughout this nation who
are willing to work in their communities to end the long years of denial and neglect
and divisiveness and blame--to give the American people their country back.
And so I want to ask each of you as lawyers and as community leaders, people who
have already shown your concern for the condition of all our citizens, to reach out as
Americans to help us to build a common future.
In too many elections we are asked to make choices which one American political
writer has labeled as false. Many of us don't vote. Many of us become cynical
because we think we have to make choices that seem to be foolish.
•
I want an America where you can be pro-business and pro-labor because we treat
working people decently and make money doing it. I want an America where you can
have both excellence and opportunity in education. I want an America where we can
preserve the environment and promote economic growth. And I know it can be done
if we were just a little more farsighted than we are now. I want an America where
you can be for civil rights and for civil justice. An America in which communities and
citizens are safe from crime and safe for the Rodney Kings of America too. That is
the kind of America that I think we all want .
In my plan, I support a lot of the initiatives this organization has historically
advocated, initiatives that will not only create opportunities by investing in new jobs
for the 21st century, but by also giving all people access to training--apprenticeship
training of two years after high school for every high school graduate who doesn't go
on to college, to restore the dignity to blue collar work. We need to ensure access
to a college education for all Americans.
I have recommended that we take the best of two great American ideas, the Gl Bill
after World War II and the Peace Corps under President Kennedy, to create a great
National Trust Fund. Let any American borrow the money to go to college and pay
it back either as a small percentage of their income after they go to work. Or even
better, by giving two years of service here at home in a Domestic Peace Corps. Just
think of it--if every American college graduate did that--if every American college
graduate went home to Detroit or St. Louis; to Chicago or Little Rock; to Los Angeles
or Atlanta or some small place and said, "For two years I will be trained and I will
serve as a teacher, as a police officer, as a nurse, working with troubled children;
working to rebuild the cities and help kids to stay out of trouble and to build a better
life, and to connect themselves to the future we want them to be a part of."
•
We could revolutionize our approach to the problems of America by dealing with the
problems of America as they always have to be dealt with--through people. It would
5
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be the best money we ever spent.
Our plan calls for making that available through the National Service Corps and
through servicemen and women who will be mustered out of the service as defense
spending is cut. Those people will be given the opportunity to earn military retirement
by serving for a few years in the police forces here at home.
We want to give 100,000 more police officers of all races and both genders back to
the cities of this country so that every city can have a community policing program
where friends and neighbors and police officers work together to prevent crime from
happening--not just to catch criminals and not just to deal in alien neighborhoods with
situations that lead you to the kind of thing that happened to Rodney King.
Community policing is the answer. You know that--and we should be supporting it.
We ought to have initiatives that focus on prevention in every way---health care
prevention. We've got to stop being the only major country in the world that doesn't
provide a basic package of affordable health care to all people, and control health care
costs.
•
But in order to be able to afford this we must focus on prevention. Health education
in the schools, including education to prevent unwanted pregnancies and to keep kids
safe from AIDS and other diseases--aggressive programs--clinics in the cities and in
the rural areas to provide basic primary and preventive care.
Most people get health care in this country today even when they don't have health
insurance. When do they get it? When it's too late; too expensive; at the emergency
room. They're lying on cots, in the hallways--many of them. Tonight as we speak,
it is costing this country a fortune and undermining the health care of America.
Prevention. Focus on that.
And the same thing should be done in the area of crime. How many young people get
into trouble with the law once or twice and nothing happens to them 1 They are
assigned to some poor probation officer who has 300 or 400 cases and can't pay
them any attention. And finally they get in trouble and get sent to the penitentiary
where they cost you $30,000 a year and learn how to be first class criminals.
How much better off we would be if we had a community oriented system of
punishment that included discipline and community service work and drug treatment
and education, all in one place in the community so that we can connect people
before they are too far gone; before they cost society and when they can still
contribute to society and have the life God meant for them to have. Prevention.
That is the sort of thing we ought to be working on.
And you say, "What does all of this have to do with the economic recovery?" Plenty.
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All those billions of dollars we're spending on imprisonment could be spent on
education and job development. We are 13th in the world In wages and No. 1 in the
world in the percentage of adults behind bars. Wouldn't you like to reverse the
number in the next eight years? I would.
When you spend 30% more on health care than any other country in the world, most
of it going to insurance companies and administrative bureaucracies--that's money
you're not spending to send kids to college or to train workers to work or to invest
in new jobs. It's one of the reasons we lose manufacturing jobs. That's got plenty
to do with it.
When you don't educate children or you don't do the kind of work that keeps them
healthy and strong and safe, then they wind up costing money when they could be
making money. Everybody in this country, whether we like it or not, is tied to
everybody else--and it's time we started acting like it.
•
One thing is abundantly clear. The governing idea of this administration is that we
should only have a national government that keeps taxes as low as possible on the
wealthiest Americans and on the largest corporations and raises taxes on the middle
class and on small business, explodes the deficit and gets out of the way .
They think everything will be fine. Well, everything is not fine.
What works in the world we're living in?
Look at the countries where the job growth is higher; where the wages are higher;
where the poverty is lower. They don't work harder than we do. We're working
harder than we did twenty years ago, as a people.
They are better educated, better organized and better led. They do not accept these
divisions that we take for granted in our society. They have government, education,
business and labor all on the same side working to create opportunity for everyone.
We had better that lesson in this global economy or we will never get out of the fix
we're in. That is the fundamental choice before you and all Americans in this election
this year.
It is a choice that you feel all the more keenly because you know that racial minorities
in this country are more likely to be poor, more likely to be unemployed, and, more
tragically, more likely to be working and still poor.
•
At the beginning of this decade, 12% of the work force in America was living in
poverty. At the end of the last decade, 18% of the working people in America were
living in poverty--because we do not have a high-wage, high-growth strategy to
7
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develop the capacities of all our people and to help them to win in this global
economy. I'm telling you that Is what we have to do.
We have to have the future opening up for our children, not closing in on us. You're
always going to have more racial tensions and divisions in society when people think
they are divided and competing for a shrinking pie.
If every one of us in this room were the same color and the doors were locked and
there wasn't any more food coming in here, next week we would all be fighting over
what was left. Wouldn't we? That is a big part of the problem in this country. We
have no strategy to make tomorrow better than today.
The other thing of course, is what you stood up for in the beginning. Even after all
these years and all the civil rights fights and all the battles that led Judge Keat to the
Court of Appeals and led led Ben Hooks to head the NAACP, there are still people in
America who think there is more in it for them if they divide us by race than if they
unite us by humanity. They are wrong but they think that.
In the city of Los Angeles, in Los Angeles County alone where the riots occurred,
there are members of 146 different racial and ethnic groups in that county. Not just
blacks and Hispanics and Koreans and whites that you saw; but 146 different racial
and ethnic groups.
We are moving into a global economy. Your children and grandchildren may never
have to worry as I did, growing up, about a bomb exploding and taking the world
away.
Our problems now are inside us--in our spirits, in our country, in our organization and
in our education. And one of the big decisions we have to make is whether or not
this diversity, which you celebrated here tonight, in which Judge Keat urged you
never to forget--is going to be a source of our strength or the instrument of our
undoing.
Are we stronger and better because we are different? Are we going to be foolish and
preoccupied and determined to aggravate those differences in a way that permits no
one to live up to the fullest of his or her God-given capacities?
•
So I say to you tonight. I can be president with your help. But you still have to be
Americans--in every community and in every way, no matter who is president. There
has to be somebody there who believes in these things we talked about--who believes
you can have excellence and equity in the schools-who believes you can be probusiness and pro-labor--who believes that you can find a way to have civil order and
civil justice--who understands the necessity to always be changing this country--to try
new things, like community policing and community-based punishment, and
8
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apprenticeships for the kids who don't go to college •
This country has been around for 200 years because we've always had a shining set
of ideas and a big vision--and because when we had to we could always recreate
ourselves.
Thomas Jefferson wrote that blistering Declaration of Independence knowing that we
weren't living by its ideas. He said, "I tremble to think that God is just when I think
of slavery. n Jefferson said that.
Abraham Lincoln went into the Civil War, issued the Emancipation Proclamation and
gave the Gettysburg Address in an attempt to rewrite the Constitution to set forth a
vision of equality.
Franklin Roosevelt lifted a nation, from the confines of his wheelchair, to believe that
together we could come out of a Great Depression and win a great war. Whenever
we had to do it, we recreated ourselves. This country has remained forever young.
Today we stand on the threshold of a new creation. If we fail to do it, our country
will continue to sink in economic decline and social disorder.
•
If we say we're going to rebuild America and reunite America, we're going to take a
different direction. Then I believe that the children of this nation will have the
brightest life any generation of Americans has ever known. It is for us to make that
decision.
In the next 95 days the American people will come to grips with their responsibilities.
But if we prevail in this election, I will still need every one of you in every way that
you can to use everything that you have learned--to bring your wisdom and your
compassion and caring to bear on the human problems of America--so that together
we can lift this country to the destiny it was meant to have. Thank you.
9
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•
FOR PRESIDENT COMMITTEE
A VIS;IOH POR AIERXCA: A HEW · COVENAH'l'
GCJYElUfOR B::rt..L CLDrl'OH
DEHO~XC ~~XOHAL COHVEHTXOH
HD ~ou cxn
7/16/92
Governor Richards, Chairman Brown, Mayor Dinkins, our qreat host,
and my fellow Americans.
I am so proud of Al Gore. He said he came here toniqht because he
always wanted to do the warmup for Elvis.
Well, I . ran for
President this year for one reason and one reason only: . I wanted
to come back to this convention center and finish that sceech I
stareed four years aqo.
•
Well, last niqht Mario Cuomo taught us how a real nominating speech
should be given. He also made it clear why we have to.steer our
ship of state on a new course.
•
Toniqht I want to talk with you about my hope for the future, my
faith in the American people, and my ·vision of the kind of country
we can build, together.
I salute the qood men who were my companions on the campaiqn trail:
Tom Harkin, Bob Kerrey, Oouq Wilder, Jerry Brown and Paul Tsongas.
one sentence in the platform we built says it all:
"The most
important family policy, urban policy, labor policy, minority
policy and foreiqn policy America can have is an expandinq,
entrepreneurial economy of high-wage, high-skill jobs."
And so, in the name of all the people who do the work, pay the
taxes, raise the kids and play by the rules, in the name of the
hard-working Americans who make up our forqotten middle class, I
accept your nomination for President of the United States.
I am a product of that middle class.
will be forgotten no more.
And when I am President you
We meet at a special moment in history, you and I. The Cold War is
over; sovie~ Communism has collapsed; and our values -- freedom,
democracy, individual rights and free enterprise--they have
triumphed all aro\md the world. And yet just as we have won.the
Cold War abroad, we are losing the battles for economic opportunity
and social justice here at home.
Now that we have changed the
world, it's time to change America.
·.I
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have netots fo:: t:he forces of greed and the defenders of the status
quo:
your time has come--and gone.
It's time for a change in
· America.
i
National Camcmqn l-4e~owt:s•:;!··, • P.O. Box 615 • !.Jttle Rock. Arkansas 72203 • Teleohone 15011 372·1992 • FAX 1501) Jn·2292
. . . . . " '. Cl·-···,. . . . .
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Tonight ten million of our fellow Americans are out of work. Tens
of millions more work harder for lower pay.
The i,.,~.l'!ltbent
President says unemployment always goes .up a .L.i~·=~~ .:.·e!·~::2 a
recovery begins. But unemployment only has to go •:.;; t:y c:-~~ ::tore
person before a real recovery can begin. And, Mr. Presiden~, you
are that man.
This election is about putting power back in ~ hands and pu~ting
governmen~ back on ~ side.
It's about putting people first.
You know, I've said that all across the country, and someone always
comes back at me, as a young man did just this week at the Henry
Street Settlement on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. He said,
"That sounds good, Bill. But you're a politician. Why should I
trust you?"
Tonight, as plainly as I can, I want to tell you who I .am, what I
believe, and where I want to lead America.
I never met my father. He was killed in a car wreck on a rainy road
three months before I was born, driving home from Chicago to
Arkansas to see my mother.
••
After that, my mother had to support us.
So we lived with my
grandparents while she went back to Louisiana to study nursing •
I can still see her clearly tonight through the eyes of a threeyear-old: kneeling at the railroad station and weeping as she put
me back on the train to Arkansas with my grandmother. She endured
her pain because she knew her sacrifice was the only way she could
support me and give me a better life.
My mother taught me. She taught me about family and hard work and
sacrifice. She held steady through tragedy after tragedy. And she
held our family, my brother and I, together through tough times.
As a child, I watched her go off to work each day at a time when it
wasn't always easy to be a working mother.
As an adult, I've watched her fight off breast cancer. And again
she has taught me a lesson in courage.
And always, always she
taught me to fight.
That's why I'll fight to create high-paying jobs so that parents
can afford to raise their children today.
That's why I'm so
committed to making sure every American gets the health care that
saved my mother's life, and that women's health care gets the same
attention as men's. That's why I'll fight to make sure women in
this country receive respect and dignity -- whether they work in
the home, out of the home, or both. You want to know where I get
my fighting spirit? It all started with my mother .
. • Thank you, Mother.
I love you.
�•
When I think about opportunity fer all Americans, I t!:::!.nk ;:tbout my
grandfather.
He ran a country store in cur little town of Hope. There were no
food stamps back then, so when his customers -- whether they were
white or black, who worked hard and did the best the? ~~ould, came
in with no money--well, he gave them food anyway --just made a note
of it. So did I. Before I was big enough to see over the counter,
I learned from him to lock up to people other folks looked down on.
My grandfather just had a qrade-schocl education.
But in that
country store he taught me mere about equality in the eyes of the
Lord than all my professors at Gecrqetown; more about the intrinsic
worth of every individual than all the philosophers at Oxford; and
he tauqht me more about the need for equal justice than all the
jurists at Yale Law School.
If you want to know where I come by the passionate commitment I
have to bringinq people together without regard to race, it all
started with my grandfather.
•
I learned a lot from another person, toe. ~ person who for more
than 20 years has worked hard to help our children--paying the
price of time to make sure our schools don't fail them. Someone
who traveled our state for a year, studying, learning, listening,
going to PTA meetings, school board meetings, town hall meetings,
putting together a package of school reforms recognized around the
nation, and doing it all while building a distinguished legal
career and being a wonderful loving mother.
That person is my wife.
Hillary tauqht me. She taught me that all children can learn, and
that each of us has a duty to help them do it. So if you want to
know why I care so much about our children and our future; it all
started with Hillary. I love you.
Frankly, I'm fed up with politicians in Washington lecturing the
rest of us about "family values." our families have values. But
cur government doesn't.
I want an America where "family values" live in our actions, not
just in our speeches--an America that includes every family, every
traditional family and every extended family, every two-parent
family, every single-parent family, and every foster family--every
family.
~·
I do want to say something to the fathers in this country who have
chosen to abandon their children by neglecting to pay their child
support: take responsibility for your children or we will force
you to do so. Because governments don't raise children; parents
do. And you should.
..3
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And I want to say something to every child in America ton~ght who
is out there trying to qrow up without a father cr. a v.othe~:
I ~ how you feel. You're special, too. · You mat7~r to A~~=:~~.
And don't ever let anybody tell you you can't becc::u~ wha"t:ave.:· ;·ju
want to be. And if other politicians. make you feel like you're not
a part of their family, come on and be part of ours.
The thing that makes me angriest about what's gone wrong l~ che
last 12 years is that our government has lost touch with our
values, while our politicians continue to shout about them. I'm
tired of it.
I was raised to believe its that the American Dream was built on
rewarding hard work. But we have seen the folks in Washington turn
the American ethic on its head. For too long, those who play by
the rules and keep the faith have gotten the shaft, and those who
cut corners and cut deals have been rewarded. People are working ·
harder than ever, spending less time with their children, working
nights and weekends at their jobs instead of gong to PTA and Little
League or Scouts, and their incomes are still going down. Their
taxes are going up, and the costs of health care, housing and
education are going through the roof. Meanwhile, more and more of
our best people are falling into poverty -- .even when they work
forty hours a week.
•
our people are pleading for change, ·but government is in the way •
It has been hijacked by privileged, private interests.
It has
forgotten who really pays the bills around here -- it's taking more
of your money and giving you less in return.
We have got to go beyond the brain-dead politics in Washington, and
give our people the kind of government they deserve: a government
that works for them.
A President -- a President ought to be a powerful force for
progress. But right now I know how President Lincoln felt when
General McClellan wouldn't attack in the Civil War. He asked him,
"If you're not going to use your army, may I borrow it?"
And so
I say, George Bush, if you won't use your power to help America,
step aside. I will.
our country is falling behind. The President is caught in the grip
of a failed economic theory. We have gone from first to thirteenth
in the world in wages since Reagan and Bush have been in office.
Four years ago, candidate Bush said America is a special place, not
just "another pleasant country on the U.N roll call, between
Albania and Zimbabwe." Now, under President Bush, America has an
unpleasant economy stuck somewhere between Germany and Sri Lanka.
And for most Americans, Mr. President, life's a lot less kind and
a lot less gentle than it was before your Administration took
office.
i. •
our country has fallen so far, so fast that just a few months ago
the Japanese Prime Minister actually said he felt "sympathy" for
�•
the United States. Sympathy. When I am your President, the rest
of the world will not look down on us with pity, but U? t" u~ ,,;ith
respect again.
What is George Bush doing about our economic problems? Now, four
years ago he promised us fifteen million new jobs by this time.
And he's over fourteen million short. Al Gore and I can do bet1:er.
He has raised taxes on the people driving pick-up trucks, and
lowered taxes on people riding in limousines. We can do better.
He promised to balance the budget, but he hasn't even tried. In
fact, the budgets he has submitted have nearly doubled the debt.
Even worse, he wasted billions and reduced our investment in
education and jobs. We can do better.
So if you are sick and tired of a government that.doesn't work to
create jobs; if you're sick and tired of a tax system that's
stacked.against you; if you're sick and tired of exploding debt and
reduced investments in our future -- or if, like the great civil
rights pioneer Fannie Lou Hamer, you're just plain old sick and
tired of being sick and tired -- then join us, work with us, win
with us. And we can make our country the country it was meant to
be.
•
Now, George Bush talks a good game. But he has· no game plan to
rebuild America from the cities to the suburbs to the countryside
so that we can compete and win again in the global economy. I do.
He won't take on the big insurance companies and the bureaucracies
to control health costs and give us affordable health care for all
Americans. But I will.
He won't even implement the
on AIDS. But I will.
recommendations of his own Commission
He won't streamline the federal government, and change the way it
works; cut a hundred thousand bureaucrats, and put a hundred
thousand new police officers on the streets of American cities.
But I will.
He has never balanced a government budget.
times.
But I have, eleven
He won't break the stranglehold the special interests have on our
elections and the lobbyists have on our government. But I will.
He won't give mothers and fathers the simple chance to take some
time off from work when a baby is born or a parent is sick. But I
will.
We're losing our family farms at a rapid rate, and he has no
commitment to keep family farms in the family. But I do.
�--~
\
Ke's talked a lot about drugs, but he hasn't helped peo~le an the
front line to wage that war on drugs and crime. aut r ~ill.
Ke won't take the lead in protecting the enviroimte~": .::.:::•1 c::-eat:ing
new jobs in environmental technology. But I will.
You know what else?
He doesn't have Al Gore and
~.:
d ='"·
Just in case -- just in case you didn't notice, that's Gore with an
E on the end.
And George Bush -- George Bush won't quarantee a woman's right to
choose. I will. Listen, hear me now: I am not pro-abortion. I
am pro-choice strongly.
I believe this difficult and painful
decision should be left to the women of America. I hope the right
to privacy can be protected, and we will never again have to
discuss this issue on political platforms. But ~ am old enough to
remember what it was like before Roe v. Wade. And I do not want to
return .to the time when we made criminals of women and their
doctors.
Jobs. Education. Kealth care. These are not just commitments from
my lips. They are the work of my life.
•
Our priorities must be clear: we will put our pe.ople first again.
But priorities without a clear plan of action are just empty words •
To turn our rhetoric into reality we've got to change the way
government does business -- fundamentally.
Until we do, we'll
continue to pour billions of dollars down the drain.
The Republicans have campaigned against big government for a
generation. But have you noticed? They've ~this big government
for a generation. And they haven't changed a thing. They don't
want to fix government. They still want to campaign against it,
and that's all.
aut, my fellow Democrats, it's time for us to realize that we've
got some changing to do too. There is not a program in government
for every problem.
And if we want to use government to help
people, we've got to make it work again.
Because we are committed in this convention and in this platform to
making these changes, we are, as Democrats, in the words that Ross
Perot himself spoke today, a revitalized Democratic party. I am
well aware that all those millions of people who rallied to Ross
Perot's cause wanted to be in an army of patriots for change.
Tonight I say to them:
join us and together we will revitalize
America.
•
Now, I don't have all the answers.
But I do know the old ways
don't work.
Trickle down economics has sure failed.
And big
bureaucracies, both private and public, they've failed, too.
That's why we need a new approach to government--a government that
.,
�...... ·.... ~.\-
~·
offers more empowerment and less entitlement, more choices for
younq people in the schools they attend, in the public scho:-:1~ they
attend, and more choices for the elderly and for peopla ·.. ith
disabilities and the lonq-term care they receive--a gover:-.lllant: -:bat
is leaner, not meaner. A qovernment that expands opportunity, not
bureaucracy--a qovernment that understands that jobs must coma from
qrowth in a vibrant and vital system of free ente~prtse. I call
this approach a New Covenant -- a s·olemn aqreement. between the
people and their qovernment -- based not simply on what each of us
can take but on what all of us must qive to our nation.
We offer our people a new choice based on old values. We offer
opportunity. We demand responsibility. · We will build an American
community aqain.
The choice we offer is not conservative or
liberal.
In many ways it's not even Republican or Democratic,
It's different. It's new. And it will work.
It will work because it is rooted in the vision and the values of
the Ame~ican people. Of all the thinqs Georqe Bush has ever said
that I disaqree with, perhaps the thinq that bothers me most: is how
he derides and deqrades the American tradition of seeinq -- and
seekinq -- a better future. He mocks it as "the vision thinq."
aut remember just what the Scripture says: · "Where there is no
vision the people perish."
•
I hope -- I .hope nobody in this great hall toniqht or in our
beloved country has to qo throuqh tomorrow without a vision.
I
hope no one ever tries to raise a child without a vision. I hope
nobody ever starts a business or plants a crop in the qround
without a vision--for where there is no vision the people perish.
one of the reasons we have so many children in so much trouble in
so many places in this nation is because they have seen so little
opportunity, so little responsibility, and so little loving, caring
community that they literally cannot imaqine the life we are
callinq them to lead. And so I say aqain, where there is no vision
America will perish.
What is the vision of our New Covenant?
America with millions of new jobs in dozens of new industries
movinq confidently toward the 21st Century. An America that says
to entrepreneurs and business people:
We will qive you more
incentives and more opportunity than ever before to develop the
skills of your workers and create American jobs and American wealth
in the new qlobal economy. But you must do your part; you must be
responsible. American companies must act like American companies
aqain -- exportinq products, not jobs.
That's what this New
Covenant is all about.
An
America in which the doors of colleqe are thrown open once aqain.
to the sons and dauqhters of stenographers and steelworkers. We'll
say: Everybody can borrow the money to qo to colleqe. But you
must do your part. You must pay it back
from your paychecks, or
An
7
.,
�...
------'
.. ... , .. :.... :, .,:_,;. :........... :\
,._,
better yet, by going back home and serving your communJ.t:ies. J'ust ·
think of it.
Think of it; millions. of .enerqetic ycunq mP.n and
women, serving their country by policinq the streecs. or t:ea<:::-~ir.q
the children or caring for the sick, or working with :ne eldc:.rl'l or.
people with disabilities, or helping young people to stay off drugs
and out of gangs, giving us all a sense of new hop9 and limitless
possibilities. That's what this New Covenant is a~l ~b~u~.
An America in which health care is a right, not a privilege.
In
which we say to all of our people: Your qovernment has the couraqe.
-- finally -- to take on the health care profiteers and make health
care affordable for every family.
But you must do your part:
preventive care, prenatal care, childhood immunization; saving·
lives, saving money, saving families from heartbreak. That's what
the New Covenant is all about.
An America in which middle class incomes-- not middle·class taxes
-- are going up. An America, yes, in which the wealthiest few -- .
those making over $200,000 a year -- are asked to pay their fair
share.
An America in which the rich are not soaked -- but the
middle class is not drowned either. Responsibility starts at the
top; that's what the New Covenant is all about.
America where we end welfare as we know it.
We will say to
those on welfare: you will have and you deserve the opportunity
throuqh training and education, through child care and medical
coverage, to liberate yourself. But then, when you can, you must
work, because welfare should be a second chance, not a way of life.
That's what the New Covenant is all about.
An
America with the world's strongest defense; ready and willing to
use force, when necessary.
An America at the forefront of the
global effort to preserve and protect our common environment -- and
promoting global growth. An America that will not coddle tyrants,
from Baghdad to Beijing. An America that champions the cause of
freedom and democracy, from Eastern Europe to Southern Africa, and
in our own hemisphere in Haiti and CUba.
An
The end of the Cold War permits us to reduce defense spending while
still maintaining the strongest defense in the world. But we must
plow back every dollar of defense cuts into building American jobs
right here at home.
I know well that the world needs a-strong
America, but we have learned that strength begins at home.
But the ·New covenant is about more than opportunities and
responsibilities for you and your families.
It's also about our
common community.
Tonight every one of you knows deep in your
heart that we are too divided.
It is time to heal America. And so we must say to every American:
look beyond the stereotypes that blind us.
We need each other.
All of us, we need each other. We don't have a person to waste.
And yet, for too long, politicians have told the most of us that
are doing all right that what's really wrong with America is the
i
�.
•
moral responsibility to make it so •
That future entered Dri life the · niqht our dauq.h:~.-~ C:e.lssa ·was
born.. As I stood in that. delivery ro0111, I was ovet:=:O::e with the .
thouqht that God had qiven me a blessinq my own father never knew:
the chance to hold my chi.ld in my arms.·
·
Somewhere at this very mement, another child is hcrn in America.
Let it be our cause to qive that child a happy home, a healthy
family, a hopeful future. Let it be our .cause to see that child
reach the fullest of her God-qiven abilities. Let it. be our cause
that she qrow up stronq and secure, braced by her challenqes, but
never, never struqqlinq alone; with family and friends and a faith
that in America, no one is left out; no one is left behind.
Let it be our cause that when she is able, she qives somethinq back
to her children, her community, and. her country. And let it be our
cause to qive her a country ~at's cominq toqether, and movinq
ahead -- a country ·of boundless hopes and endless dreams; a country
that once again lifts up its people, and inspires the wor.ld.
Let that be our cause and our commitment and our New Covenant.
•
I end toniqht where it all beqan for me:
place called Hope •
I still believe in a
•
10
..·,,
�
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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1993-1995
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Inaugural Address Briefing Book [4]
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Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-010-2014
7431955
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/52259a8608defef626985c2375057972.pdf
d4923b1828e08bd01044bd27a74f3b80
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Speechwriting
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Carter Wilkie
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4273
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91
5
8
3
�MEMORANDUM
TO:
FR:
RE:
DT:
Governor Clinton, George Stephanopoulos
Carter Wilkie
The Inaugural Address
December 22, 1992
Other memoranda outline how previous Presidents have composed their inaugural addresses.
Here are brief thoughts on subjects that President Clinton's address could include:
•
1.
Economic changes and America's material livelihood: reassure and renew the
cause of a nation that suspects the American century is coming to a close;
realize the call for a peacetime economy in Eisenhower's 1961 farewell;
recognize the emerging era of limits with a call for economic responsibility.
2.
Global changes: define America's role in the world, moving from the role of
savior in Cold War conflict to the original founders' concept of America as the
universal model for future nations -- in a new time of global interdependence.
3.
Social changes and The American Idea: close the book on the 1980s; heal
partisan and generational divisions of the 1960s and 70s; make Americans
value their identity as citizens of one country, de-emphasizing their
membership in competing social groups (E pluribus unum, not E pluribus
pluribus); restore faith in egalitarian ideals, institutions; and give Americans a
way to act on their new confidence.
The Inaugural Address should be unified in theme and in the sound of the President's own
natural voice -- not the voice of a committee of editors or assistants.
An overall theme to unite these ideas could spring from Lincoln'~ peroration at Gettysburg:
"... that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of
the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth."
•
�..·i
DOCUMSNT 14
THE
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,
JULY
•
11
2'716 Ddlrallon of lflllsp~ 1776
eqremon of lhs Amsrlclm mind." Although chs other
B4rly document. In thill tJOlume h4oe been modemj:ed.
the DecltJrallon of Independence II hers talcen. M an
example of formtJl elghteenth.-c8fltury styllng. from
che parchmenc copy
1)flt.rion.
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
4• 1776
On Juns 7 Rfchard HBflty Lee introduced into Congress a re~lutlon (adopted on July 2), w~ich Q3Serted
that "these United Colonies are, and of nght ought tD
be free and independent States." Whfls this resolu.CU:n WGS being discussed. a committee. consisting of
John AdDms, Benfamin FranlcUn. Thomas Jefferson.
Robert R. LMng.ston, and Roger Shetrn4n was appointed to draft a Declaration of Independence. The
members of the committee asked Jeterson to prepat8
a first draft. and ehis t.eas accepted by the cotnmittee,
with some alterations suggested by .AMma and Franklin. TluJ committee's draft well adopted by Congrest
on July 4• after a numbBf' of changes had been madf, .
The most important of these was the ~on of II
pll8S4ge indicting the slcwe trade. This, Jefferson wrote
at the time, ••Wtis struck out in complaisance to South
Carolina and Georgfa. who had ~ attempted to ,..
&train the importation of slaoes. and who ora'the contrary .stiU wished to continue {C. Our Northern brethren
also l belieoe felt 11 little tender undsr those cefl8Ut61• ·.
for tllo' c1aeir people haue uery few slauer themselou ···.
yet they had been pretty considerable camera of them.;.
to otltera... A formal pt~rchmenl copy of the Declarll- ··~·
Hon u:~D auailable for signing on Aucuse a, and most ·~·
of che 55 signat~'rea were inscribed upoB it on durt .::
date. As late as Nocember, Matthew Thornton of 'N61D :';
Hampahire, recently elected to Congress, became ~ ·'.:
last to sign. The intention of ths Declarat!orl.
40n later wrote, UI4S not to &ay something new,
..Co place befors mankind the common ""'"e of
IIUbjecf, in tenn.t so plain and firm as. to . cotrsnuzflll;;,~
their assent. • • • Neitlaer tJiming at origtnallfy of
ciples or sentimBflts, nor yd copied from any .,,.,.,...,... ••
lar and preuioua writing. It Will mtended to bs ..
The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United
States of America
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have
connected them with another, and to assum~ among the
powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to
which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle
th~m, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requtres that they should declare the causes which impel
tbem to the separation.-We bold these truths to be
self-evident. that all men are created equal, that they
ar_e endowed by their Qeator with certain unalienable
Rights, t~at among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit
of ~ap.pmess.-That to secure these rights, Governments
are UlSUtuted among Men, deriving their just powers from
the consent of the govemed,-That whenever any Form
of G~vernment becomes destructive of these ends, it is
!he . Rtght of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to
m~utute new Government, laying its foundation on such
pnnciples and organizing its powers in ·such form as to
them. shall seem most likely to effect their Safe~y and
Happmess. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments lo~g established should not be changed for light
and transtent causes; and accordingly all experience bath
sh~wn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while
evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing
the. forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long
tra1o of ~buses ~d usurpations, pursuing invariably the
aame Ollject evmces a design to reduce them under
absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to
thr?w off such Government, and to provide new Guards for
theu future security.-such bas been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity
·.;.
... ·, .
~
�PABT 1:
Revolution and lntkpendencs
72
which constrains th~m to alter their former Systems of
G~v~~ent. !Jle hiStory of the present King of Great
Bntain. as ~ ha~tory o! repeated injuries and usurpations,
•
..'
:
~
all havmg m darect ObJect the establishment of an absolute
Tyra~ny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be
submatted to a ca.ndid world.-He bas refused his Assent
to ~aws, the most wholesome and necessary for the
pubbc go~d.-~e has ~orbidden his Governors to pass
Laws of. munedtate and pressing importance, unless susp~nded 1n their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he bas utterly neglected
to attend to them.-He has refused to pass other Laws
for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless
~ose people. would relinq.uish ~e right of Representation
ID ~e Legtslature, a raght 1nestimable to them and
formadable to tyrants only.-He bas called together legislative bodies at ~laces unusual, uncomfortable, and distant
from the deposJtory of their public Records, for the sole
purpose of fatiguing_ them into compliance with his
measures.-He has dassolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions
'!n the rights of the people.-He has refused for a long
time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected·
'!hereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihila~
lion, have retu~e.d to. the People at large for their exercise;
the State remamang m the meantime exposed to all the·
dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
-He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these
States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturali·
za~on ~f F~reign~rs; refusing to pass others to encourage
tbezr m•~r~taons ~1ther, and raising the conditions of new
Ap~roprzations of Lands.-He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for
establishing Judiciary powers.-He has made Judges depeDdent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices,
and the amount and payment of their salaries.-He bas
erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms
of Ofticers to harrass our people, and eat out their subatan~e.-~e has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing
.Armies Wlthout the Consent of our legislatures.-He has
affected to reader the Military independent of and su•
pcrior to the Civil power.-He has combined with others
• 13
The Declotation of 1~. 1776
subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution,
.
unacknowledged by our laws; giving his ~.sent to
Acts of pretended Legislation.-For quarteriog large
bodies of armed troops among us:-For protecting them,
by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which
. · they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:For cutting off our Trade with aU parts of the world:.· For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:-For
/ depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by
.': Jury:-For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for
·;··> pretended offenscs:-For abolishing the free System o~
··~· English Laws in a neighboring Province, establishing
.:·, therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Bound·
.. · aries so as to render it at once an example and fit instru•
·· ment for introducing the same absolute rule into these
Colonies:-For taking away our Charters, abolishing our
most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms
of our Governments:-For suspending our own Legisla·
tures, and declaring themselves invested with power to
legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.-He has abdicated
Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and
waging War against us.-He has plundered our seas,
ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the
lives of our people.-He is at this time transporting large
Annies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of
death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with cir·
cumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the
most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a
civilized nation.-He has constrained our feUow Citizens
taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their
Country, to become the executioners of their friends and
Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.-He has .
excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has en. .. deaVoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the
mercUess Indian Savages, who~e known rule of warfare, is
an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and condi•
tions. In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petl.o
tioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated
. · · Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A ·
· Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which
. may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free
··. people. Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our
�.ARI'
II
Blcolf.dfon
tJflll I~
74
Brittisb brethren. We have warned them from time to
time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them
of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here.
We ba.ve appealed to their native justice and magnanimity,
and we have conjured them by the ties of our common
kindred to dis::wow these usurpations, which would ine\'ilably interrupt our connections and correspondence.
They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of
consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necesaity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as
we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace
Friends.We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States
of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing
to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our
intentions do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good
People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare,
That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be
Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from
all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political
connection between them and the State of Great Britain,
is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and
Independent States, they have full Power to levy War,
conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce,
and to do all other Acts and Things wbicb Independent
States may of right do.-And for the support of this
Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection or
divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
[Names omitted)
*PART II
,.
*
The Constitution
* * ** *
* **
WJ.m the successful conclusion- of the American
lution, one old problem of imperial organization n
to the New World. 'Ibe empire bad been unable
the American states successfully organized; could t
dependently organize and discipline themselves? I
Congress bad adopted the Articles of Confederatior. '
were finally ratified by the states and made etfe
1781. But the Articles of Confederation hardly CJ
real government. It was styled only as '"a 1lrm le
friendship" among the states for "their common ,
... the security of their liberties, and their mutual and
··: welfare." Many weaknesses impaired its etfectiven1
· · old issue of taxation made almost as much trouble
:.f Confederation as it bad for Parliament. Under the
'i Congress could requisition funds from the state
ments, but could not tax . the people directly. S:
. :;~: states did not fully honor these requisitions, Coni
~\. not have money enough to pay the expenses of
<~ ment, the public debt, and the costs of an adCClu'
. ·. and navy. Membership in Congress itself became
Many able men refused to &erve in it or, when cl:
. their legislatures, failed to attend. Tbe states wa~
.wars upon each other. Coofiicts between debtors 11 '
.ton, which culminated iD Shays' R.ebeWon c
llalrme:d men who were concerned with the de
rights or the maintenance of public or41r
uncertainties were widely aUributcd te tbe ,
the government.
�}AMJ!:S MADISON
kfluality is
the inevitable consequence of
can be an atheist in a Protestant and
the first arg,,c:s Cod out of
the second fights against him for dear
~.'""llholic way;
..,.
is the bread of man's spirit.
evokes a ne<:d. Fraternity, a hankeran ideal. But Equality makes a claim,
forecasts a rebellion. It is at the
class war and of the struggle for a
society.
Contribution, SaturdsyRcvie-..·. Apri14, 1967
:. TI11: trouble todar is that the Communist
· •'Orld understand~ unity but not liberty, while
· lbr ire(' world understands Iibert)' but not
· uni~·. F.vc:ntually the victory may be won by
· the: first of the: two sides to achieve: the synthesis of both liberty and unity.
Quoted b)· E. B. White, 11u: Nt:M· Yotk~r.
June 18, 1960 ·
)A.\1£5 MADISON
·: .· (17Sl-1836)
:. :· ~President of the United States
.:~~t.A Mr:mori:tl and Remonstr.Jna • (1784)
::J{W J• ••• The religion then of every man muat
~ ;;~. bt left to the conviction and conscience of
.-;~ ~ man; it is the right of evexy_ man to eter-
··~._·.'. ti.~ it as these may dictate.
':
......
. . ~Considered by scholars to rank with the ~larati011 of lndc:pc:Pdcnce and lhv Cettysburc Address.
_:.:. Thi• protest was m;~doa against the. biD intnlduced Loy
!,;. 'Patrick Henr,•, Oeccmber 1784, •estabJi.hing a~
~~!·vision for Tcac:hc:" ofRclicion.'" According to Dr.
'),.Brann. Washington and Marsha)) 111pported
~
l}', Jdf'cnon $Upportcd Madison.
·
:..:
.
~·
..:.:
c~
~:
3. It is proper to blce alann at the first experiment on our liberties. • . . Who does not sec
that the same authority which can establish
Christianity, in exclusion of all other Religions, may establish with the same ease any
particular sect of Christians, in cxcl!15ion of all
other Sects?
4. While we assert for ourselves a li-c:edom
to embrace, to profes.~ and to observe the Reli~
gion which we believe to be of divine origin,
we cannot deny an equal freedom to those .
whose minds have not yet yielded to the c:vi·
dence which has convinced us.
...
7. ExperieJlCC witnesseth tho'lt ecclesiastical
establishmcnfl!, instead of maintaining the pUrity and efficacy o£ Religion, have had a con•
tr.lxy operation. During almost fifteen
c:enturia has the legal cstablishrnc:nt of Christianity been on trial. What have been its
fruits? More or Jess In all places, pride and indolence in the Clergy, ignorance and servility
in the laity, in both, superstition, bigotJy and
persecution. . . .
,.
8•... What influence in f.Jct. have ecdcsiastical establishments had on Civil Society?
ln some instances they have been seen erect•
ing a spiritual tyranny on the ruins of Civil authority; in many instances they have bc:cn seen
upholding the thrones of political tyranny; in
no instance have they been seen the guardians
of tbe liberties of the people. Rulers who
wished to subvert the public liberty, may have
t'ouncl an esbbl~hcd Clergy convenient auxili·
aries. A just Government instituted to secure
& perpc:tuate it needs them not. Such a government will be: best supported by protecting
every Citizen in the: enjoyment of his Religion
with the $arne equal hand which protects his
person and his propc:rt)•; by neither invading
the equal rights of any Sect, nor sulfc:ring any
Sect to invade those of others.
t'
.
~
<'
'
9. . . . What a melancholy marlt is the Bill
of sudden degeneracy! Instead of holding forth
an Asylum to the pe11C:CUted, it is itself a signal
of persecution •••. Distant as. it may be in its
present form from the Inquisition, it differs ..
&om it only in degree. The one is the first
step, the other, the last in the career of in toler•
ance•...
Letters
Those who contend for a simple .J:>emoc:racy, or a pure: republic, actuated by the sense
..
........
: .~
V.•
261
. :,::~:;ik
,,... ...
'£.~("!':
· · ·: ;"''<·v, , ·. . ,., , ·\ .:l;<.~:~.;lij.~J~4~~Vii:~~:> . .;i:;;~"'' · ~
-·.···
r.-·.
;
. . ;.~!~t;::.;:l:~..
�·:· ..
· 262
MAtJR.lCE MAETER.LINCIC
o£ majority and oPt=rating within narro\li lim·
its, assume or suppose a case which is altogether fictitious. To
· Jc:tfc:rson, Oc:tober 24, liS7
· written in every American heart, and sealed
with the blood of a host of American martyrs,
but is the only lawful tenure by which the
United Stntes hold their existence as a nation.
Quoted by Com1nager, N.Y. Times. July 2, 1961
To secure the public good and private: rights
ag;ainst the danger of the pro~rty)=s or prole·
tarians and at the same time preserve: the spirit
and form of popular government was then the
great object to which the Convention inquiries
weredi~d.
Divide d impera, the reprobated a~iom of
tyranny is, under certain qualifications, the
only policy by which a Republic can be administered on just principles.
To JetfctSOn, Works, 1
·.:
.•
MAUIUCE MAE'fERI.JNCX
•(1862-1949)
Belgj• dTamatist
The fed.:rs!ist(li8S)
Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, :111 aliment without which it instantly c:otpirc:s. But it
could not be less fully to a'bc>lish liberty, which
i$ essential in politic:allifc:. bcc:luse it nour·
i3hes faction, than it would be to wish the ;tn·
nihilation of :1ir, which is c:sscnnal to animal
life, because it imparts to fire its destrw.:tive
agency.
. No. 10, signed Publius
•
It is of great importance in a republic not
only to guard the society against the oPPression
of its rulers, but to guard one part of the sod· .
ety against the Injustice of the other part.
If men wc:re angels, no government would
be necessary.
No. 51
.•,;
Pr:/IQ~ et M~Jis;~nde(l892)
Si j'etais Dicu, j'aurais pitit! du coeur des
hommes.
lf I were cOd. I would have mercy on men.
The end of life wuuld be much less fri!'Jht·
ening if it were not c::llled death any more.
The fear of dc:1th is the source of all religions.
Quoted inN. Y. TimeJ, May 8, 1960
MACNACAR'rA•
(written 1215)
XXXIX. No freeman shall be tuken, or imprisotled, or outlawed, or e:otilcd, or in any way
harmed, nor will we go upon him. nor will we
send upon hirn, ~cept by the legal judgment
o£ his peers, or by the law of the land.
XL. To none will we sdl, to none deny or
delay, right or justice.
:v
THE MAHJ\BHARATA
(c. 3$0 B.C.)
To the press alone, checquered as it is with
abuses, the worlcl is indebted £or all the
triumphs which have been gained by reason
and humanity over error and oppression.
Quoted in Jusdc:e William 0. Dougl:u, An
Almunac of Liberty (l9Si)
A pc)pul~r government withuut popular in·
Corntation or chc menns of acquiring it, is but a
prologue to a farce, or a tragedy, or perhaps
both. Quoted by Sen. Hatfic:ld, S;~turday Review,
July 1, 1967
If there be a prineiplc that ought not to be
questioned within the Uni~ St2tes, it is that
every man has a right to abolish an old govern·
· tnent and establish a new one. This principle
is not only recorded in every public archive.
Hindu
This is the sum of all true righteousness:
deal with others as thou wou1dst thyself be .
dealt by. Do nothing to thy neighbor which ·
thou wouldst not have him do to thee here- ·
after.
""Magna Carta. or the Creal Charter, the name
the: famous c:harter of liberties ;ranted at P.urlllill~.:i-~·
in June 1215 by Kin& John to the
pie. . • • Many regard Magna Ctrta a cnvtt~ll Clj(QII
rights to nil Englishmen. • . .. {Tjhis .•. is
only with large limitations. The villeins,
Corined the m;ajority of the population,
&om it •.. ~were} pro~e ----•
their lords-end ihc:n:fon: valuable.
thcr politic:al nor civil rights••• ,"-·Bril!:llf~~
11th ed., vohvii.
�•
DANIEL WEBSTER
0 41
result every member of the society bears with him everywhere full protection. and when he appears his firm and manly port mark him of a superior
order in the race of man. The dignity of sentiment which he has inhaled
with his native air gives to his manner an ease superior to the politeness of
courts and a grace unrivaled by the majesty of kings.
These are blessings which march in the train of national greatness and
come on the pinions of youthful hope. I anticipate the day when to command respect in the remotest regions it will be sufficient to say, "I am an
American." Our flag shall then wave in glory over the ocean and our
commerce feel no restraint but what our own government may impose.
Happy, thrice happy day. Thank God. to reach this envied state we need
only to will. Yes. my countrymen. our destiny depends on our will. But if
we would stand high on the record of time. that will must be inflexible. •
•
DANIEL WEBSTER SPEAKS AT
THE DEDICATION OF THE
BUNKER HILL MoNUMENT
''LET
our age be the age of improvement.'·
practicing before John Marshall's Supreme Court, Daniel
Webster earned the sobriquet Expounder of the Constitution. From the
Webster brief in McCulloch v. Maryland. Marshall selected "An unlimited
power to tax involves. necessarily. the power to destroy"; he edited the
phrase to "the power to tax is the power to destroy" in his decision to deny
AS A LAWYER
•
...
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42 CJ
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states the right to tax the new federal bank. This ruling effectively established the supremacy of national over state power.
Webster was unafraid to use the same word twice in a single sentence:
the double use of "power" in that famous apothegm is similar to the
repetition of "age" in the key line of his seminal Bunker Hill Monument
address.
'
On June 17. 182 5. while a member of the House of Representatives
from Massachusetts. Webster spoke at the laying of the cornerstone of that
monument. at Charlestown. near Boston. In four years. the ardent nationalist would be elected to the Senate. where his eloquence placed him in the
senatorial firmament along with Henry Clay and John Calhoun; Webster's
reply to Senator Hayne (see p. 241) made the case for union and against a
state's claim to the power of nullifying national laws.
At Bunker Hill. where the British forces had won a Pyrrhic victory•
Webster's theme was the meaning to the world of the American Revolution. In a message later taken up by Lincoln. the representative from Massachusetts held that the American experiment in popular government was
crucial to the hopes for freedom around the world and that "the last hopes
of mankind. therefore. rest with us." The tone of the speech is thoughtful
and historical; the exhortation in the peroration. V\'i.th its six sentences
beginning with "let." is neither grandiloquent nor shrill. In saying at the
start. "We see before us a probable train of great events." Webster set the
stage for a speech in plain words that offered Americans one of their
earliest glimpses of a worldview and an understanding of the new nation· s
global significance. It is curious that the rising nationalist should have
made the most famous internationalist speech of his day.
CJ
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MEMORIALS AND PATRIOTIC SPEECHES
CJ
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• · w e are among the sepulchers of our fathers. We are on ground
distinguished by their valor. their constancy. and the shedding of their blood. We are here. not to fix an uncertain date
in our anr~als. nor to draw into notice an obscure and unknown spot. If our
humble purpose had never been conceived. if we ourselves had never been
born. the seventeenth of June. 1775, would have been a day on which all
subsequent history would have poured its light. and the eminence where
we stand. a point of attraction to the eyes of successive generations. But we
are Americans. We live in what may be called the early age of this great
continent; and we know that our posterity, through all time. are here to
suffer and enjoy the allotments of humanity. We see before us a probable
train of great events; we know that our own fortunes have been happily
�DANIEL WEBSTER
•
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43
cast; and it is natural. therefore. that we should be moved by the contemplation of occurrences which have guided our destiny before many of us
were born. and settled the condition in which we should pass that ponion
of our existence which God allows to men on eanh ....
The great event. in the history of the continent. which we are now met
here to commemorate-that prodigy of modem times. at once the wonder
and the blessing of the world-is the American Revolution. In a day of
extraordinary prosperity and happiness. of high national honor. distinction. and power. we are brought together. in this place. by our love of
country. by our admiration of exalted character. by our gratitude for signal
services and patriotic devotion ....
The great wheel of political revolution began to move in America. Here
its rotation was guarded. regular, and safe. Transferred to the other continent. from unfonunate but natural causes. it received an irregular and
violent impulse; it whirled along with a fearful celerity, till at length. like
the chariot wheels in the races of antiquity, it took fire from the rapidity of
its own motion and blazed onward. spreading conflagration and terror
around ....
When Louis XIV said. "I am the state ... he expressed the essence of the
doctrine of unlimited power. By the rules of that system. the people are
disconnected from the state: they are its subjects: it is their lord. These
ideas. founded in the love of power, and long supponed by the excess and
the abuse of it, are yielding in our age to other opinions: and the civilized
world seems at last to be proceeding to the conviction of that fundamental
and manifest truth, that the powers of government are but a trust, and that
they cannot be lawfully exercised but for the good of the community ....
We may hope that the growing influence of enlightened sentiments will
promote the permanent peace of the world. Wars, to maintain family'alliances, to uphold or to cast down dynasties. to regulate successions to
thrones. which have occupied so much room in the history of modem
times. if not less likely to happen at all. will be less likely to become
general and involve many nations. as the great principle shall be more and
more established. that the interest of the world is peace. and its first great
statute. that every nation possesses the power Qf establishing a government for itself. But public opinion has attained also an influence over
governments which do not admit the popular principle into their organiza ·
tion. A necessary respect for the judgment of the woriu operates. in some
measure. as a control over the most unlimited forms of authority.... Let
us thank God that we live in an age when something has influence besides
the bayonet, and when the sternest authority does not venture to encounter
the scorching power of public reproach ....
�•
44 0
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MEMORIALS AND PATRIOTIC SPEECHES'
When the Battle of Bunker Hill was fought. the existence of South
America was scarcely felt in the civilized world. The thirteen little colonies of North America habitually called themselves the "continent."
Borne down by colonial subjugation. monopoly. and bigotry. these vast
regions of the South were hardly visible above the horizon. But in our day
there hath been. as it were. a new creation. The Southern Hemisphere
emerges from the s.ea. Its lofty mountains begin to lift themselves into the
light of heaven; its broad and fertile plains stretch out in beauty to the eye
of civilized man. and at the mighty being of the voice of political liberty
the waters of darkness retire.
And now let us indulge an honest exultation in the conviction of the
benefit which the example of our country has produced and is likely to
produce on human freedom and human happiness. And let us endeavor to
comprehend in all its magnitude and to feel in all its importance the part
assigned to us in the great drama of human affairs. We are placed at the
head of the system of representative and popular governments. Thus far
our example shows that such governments are compatible. not only with
respectability and power. but with repose. with peace. with security of
personal rights. with good laws and a just administration.
We are not propagandists. Wherever other systems are preferred. either
as being thought better in themselves or as better suited to existing conditions. we leave the preference to be enjoyed. Our history hitherto proves.
however. that the popular form is practicable and that. with wisdom and
knowledge, men may govern themselves; and the duty incumbent on us is
to preserve the consistency of this cheering example and take care that
nothing may weaken its authority with the world. If in our case the representative system ultimately fail. popular governments must be pronounced impossible. No combination of circumstances more favorable to
the experiment can ever be expected to occur. The last hopes of mankind.
therefore. rest with us; and if it should be proclaimed that our example had
become an argument against the experiment, the knell of popular liberty
would be sounded throughout the earth.
These are incitements to duty; but they are not suggestions of doubt. Our
history and our condition. all that is gone before us and all that surrounds
us. authorize the belief that popular governments. though subject to occasional variations. perhaps not always for the better in form. may yet in
their general character be as durable and permanent as other systems. We
know. indeed, that in our country any other is impossible. The principle of
free governments adheres to the American soil. It is bedded in it-immov• able as its mountains.
And let the sacred obligations which have devolved on this generation
;.•.
�DANIEL WEBSTER 0
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45
and on us sink deep into our heans. Those are daily dropping from among
us who established our liberty and our government. The great trust now
descends to new hands. Let us apply ourselves to that which is presented
to us as our appropriate object. We can win no laurels in a war for independence. Earlier and worthier hands have gathered them all. Nor are there ·
places for us by the side of Solon. and Alfred. and other founders of states.
Our fathers have filled them. But there remains to us a great duty of defense and preservation: and there is opened to us also a noble pursuit to
which the spirit of the times strongly invites us.
Our proper business is improvement. Let our age be the age of improvement. In a day of peace let us advance the arts of peace and the works of
peace. Let us develop the resources of our land. call forth its powers, build
up its institutions. promote all its great interests. and see whether we also.
in our day and generation. may not perform something worthy to be remembered. Let us cultivate a true spirit of union and harmony. In pursuing the great objects which our condition points out to us. let us act under a
settled conviction. and a habitual feeling that these twenty-four states are
one country. Let our conceptions be enlarged to the circle of our duties. Let
us extend our ideas over the whole of the vast field in which we are called
to act. Let our object be our country. our whole country. and nothing but
our country. And by the blessing of God may that country itself become a
vast and splendid monument, not of oppression and terror. but of wisdom.
of peace. and of liberty, upon which the world may gaze with admiration,
forever. •
...
�•
ABRAHAM LINCOLN Cl
49
LINCOLN REDEDICATES THE
UNION AT GETTYSBURG
". . . A
new birth of freedom ... "
1 sHALL a E G LAo, ' ' wrote orator Edward Everett to the president a
day after the dedication of the cemetery at Gettysburg, "if I could flatter
myself that I came as near to the central idea of the occasion in two hours
as you did in two minutes." lincoln replied. "In our respective parts
.:.,sterday, you ~.ould not have been excused to make a short address. nor I
.ongone....
The back-of-the-envelope legend is strictly a legend; this carefully composed speech was not written on the way to the event. Noah Brooks. Lincoln's favorite reporter. stated that some days before the November 19.
1863, dedication. he saw Lincoln in Washington and that the president
told him his Gettysburg remarks were "written. 'b,ut not finished.' "
In an early draft. according to historian J. G. Randall, "It is for us. the
living, to stand here" was changed to " ... to be dedicated here." After the
speech was delivered. Lincoln made further revisions in the copy to be
distributed to the Associated Press; it included "under God." which he
had added on the podium; perhaps he recalled Treasury Secretary Chase's
admonition to add a reference to the Deity to the Emancipation Proclamation, issued at the start of 1863.
The 266-word address opens with "Four score and seven," adding a
note of biblical solemnity to the number 87. It concludes with a succession
of parallel phrases that may have been inspired by abolitionist preacher
Theodore Parker. who in 1850 wrote. "This [American) idea. demands
... a democracy, that is. a government of all the people. by all the people.
for all the people. . . ."
The speech can be read as a poem based on the metaphor of birth. death,
and rebirth-with its subtle evocation of the resurrection of Christ-and
focused on the theme of the nation's rededication to the principle of free1 1
'~f ~;.,
~
imases of birth are embedded in its openins sentence' the nation
was "conceived in liberty"; "brought forth. " or born, "by our fathers": with
all men "created equal." This birth is followed by images of death-"final
I
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MEMORIALS
AND PATRIOTIC SPEECHES
resting place," "who gave their lives," "brave men, living and dead," "these
honored dead"-and by verbs of religious purification-"consecrate ...
•
hallow."
After the nation's symbolic birth and death comes resurrection: out of
the scene of death, "this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of
freedom" and thus "not perish," but be immortal.
The central word, as Lincoln's emendation of his early draft illustrates,
is "dedicate"-used five times in the short speech, its meaning rooted in
consecration, making the secular sacred by pledging it to God. The first
two dedications are to the Declaration of Independence's ideal-"that all
men are created equal.'' The third dedication centers on the purpose of the
occasion at Gettysburg's bloody battleground, "to dedicate a portion of
that field, as a final resting place." The fourth and fifth are rededications to
the ideals of the reborn nation: "to the unfinished work" and "to the great
task remaining before us."
Birth of a nation and its ideal; its symbolic death and purification in civil
war; its rebirth in freedom with "increased devotion to that cause"-a
profound and timeless idea, poetically presented in metaphor and a reverent tone, rolling toward its conclusion of immortality with a succession of
four "that" clauses that lend themselves to rhythmic delivery-no wonder
this is recognized so widely as the best short speech since the Sermon on
the Mount.
•
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our score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this
continent, a new nation. conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war. testing whether that nation, or
any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on
a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that
field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that
nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate-we cannot consecrate-we
cannot hallow-this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here. have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can
never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus
far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the grea~
task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased
F
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MARK TWAIN 0
51
devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in
vain-that this nation. under God, shall have a new birth of freedom-and
that government of the people, by the people, for the people. shall not
perish from the earth. •
�•
From John Marshall Harlan's dissenting opinion in Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896:
(Given the historic context of this dissent -- written during a massive wave of immigration
amidst the social disparities of the Gilded Age -- Harlan's words endure as a noble defense
of the American idea.)
in view of the Constitution, in the eye of the law, there is in this country
no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our
Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among
citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The
humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and
takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as
guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are involved ...
II •••
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WALTER LIPPMANN 0
589
WALTER LIPPMANN ScoRES
HIS GENERATIONAL COHORT
FOR HAVING TAKEN
11
THE EASY WAY''
" 'FoR every good that you wish to preserve, you will have to samfice your comfort
and your ease. There is nothing for nothing any longer.· "
helped found the progressive magazine the New
epublic; he became the most influential "serious" newspaper columnist
om 1931 to his retirement in 1967. and was the man to whom the epithet
•
"pundit"-in Hindi, "learned man"; in American English. "sage commentator''-was most often applied. In his book The Good Society, he set
fonh a political philosophy based on a moral order; his intellectualism,
internationalist bent. and aristocratic nature earned the respect of the nation's leaders. whose confidences he tended to keep in return for an opportunity to advise in private.
In the summer of 1940, world war was on the horizon. Lippmann, who
himself had underestimated the threat of Hitler, recognized the danger
that his generation of leaders had failed to counter. He spoke to the Harvard class of 191 o· s thirtieth reunion to brace them and himself for the
storm to come. This text is from the Lippmann papers at the Yale library,
which includes the speaker's editing. A despairing line. "I do not know
whether we shall see again in our lives a peace that we shall believe can
last," is crossed out.
WALTER LIPPMANN
0
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0
think I am speaking for all of you when I say that we have come here
in order that we may pause for a moment in which to fonify our faith
and to renew our courage and to make strong our spirit.
We have come back to Harvard and when we go away, we shall have
lized what ordinary words can scarcely make real to us: we shall realize
•
at it is that is threatened with destruction, what it is that we are called
upon to defend. We walk again through the Yard and we shall think of the
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SPEECHES OF SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
';)
<
three centuries during which on this ground men have believed in the
dignity· of the human soul. and how. believing this. they have cherished,
and labored patiently in. the great central tradition of the Western world.
This memory will fortify our faith. and we shall say to ourselves that this
glory which is ours. this glory which we have known since our youth. this
glory which has given to each of us whatever there is in him that matters at
all. we shall say that this glory shall not perish from the earth.
We have come back here. along with those we love. to see one another
again. And by being together we shall remember that we are part of a great
company. we shall remember that we are not mere individuals isolated in
a tempest. but that we are members of a community-that what we have to
do. we shall do together. with friends beside us. And their friendliness will
quiet our anxieties. and ours will quiet theirs. And as they live up to what
we expect of them. we shall find the resolution to live up to what they
expect of us. And so we shall renew our courage. and we shall find the
strength that we shall need ..
I am speaking solemnly because this is a solemn hour in the history of
the modem world. No one here today will imagine he can divert himself
by forgetting it. But though the world roars and rages about us. we must
secure our peace of mind. a quiet place of tranquillity and of order and of
purpose within our own selves. For it is doubt and uncertainty of purpose
and confusion of values which unnerves men. Peace of mind comes to
men only when. having faced all the issues clearly and without flinching,
they have made their decision and are resolved.
For myself I like to think these days of the words of Washington which
Gouverneur Morris reported. words spoken when the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia seemed about to fail: Washington. said Morris.
·'was collected within himself. His countenance had more than usual solemnity. His eye was fixed, and seemed to look into futurity." "It is," said
he. "too probable that no plan we propose will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful conflict is to be sustained. If to please the people, we offer
what we ourselves disapprove. how can we afterwards defend our work?
Let us raise a standard to which the wise and honest can repair. The event
is in the hands of God."
Upon the standard to which the wise and honest generation must now
repair. it is written. "You have lived the easy way; henceforth. you will
live the hard way." It is written. "You came into a great heritage made by
the insight and the sweat and the blood of inspired and devoted and courageous men; thoughtlessly and in utmost self-indulgence you have all but
squandered this inheritance. Now only by the heroic virtues which made
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this inheritance can you restore it again." It is written. "You took the good
things for granted. Now you must earn them again." It is written. "For
every right that you cherish. you have a duty which you must fulfill. For
every hope that you entenain. you have a task that you must perform.
For every good that you wish to preserve. you will have to sacrifice your
comfon and your ease. There is nothing for nothing any longer."
For twenty years the free peoples of the Western world took the easy
way. ourselves more lightheanedly than any others. That is why we were
stricken. That is why the defenses of Western civilization crumbled. That
is why we find ourselves today knowing that we here in America may
soon be the last stronghold of our civilization-the citadel of law and of
libeny. of mercy and of charity. of justice among men and of love and of
good will.
We are defending that citadel; we have made it the center of the ultimate
Mstance to the evil which is devastating the world. But more than that.
~e than the center of resistance. we mean to make it the center of the
resurrection. the source of the energies by which the men who believe as
we do may be liberated. and the lands that are subjugated redeemed. and
the world we live in purified and pacified once more. This is the American
destiny. and unless we fulfill that destiny we shall have betrayed our own
past and we shall make our own future meaningless. chaotic. and low.
But we shall not resist the evil that has come into the world. nor prepare
the resurrection in which we believe. if we continue to take. as we have
taken so persistently. the easy way in all things. Let us remind ourselves
how in these twenty years we have at the critical junctures taken always
· the road of the least effon and the method of the cheapest solution and of
greatest self-indulgence.
In 1917-1918. we panicipated in a war which ended in the victory of
the free peoples. It was hard to make a good and magnanimous peace. It
was easier to make a bad and unworkable peace. We took the easiest way.
Having sacrificed blood and treasure to win the war. having failed to
establish quickly and at the first stroke a good and lasting peace. it was too
hard. it was too much trouble to keep on trying. We gave up. We took the
easy way. the way that required us to do nothing, and we passed resolutions and made pious declarations saying that there was not going to be
any more war. that war was hencefonh outlawed.
Thus we entered the postwar twenties. refusing to organize the peace of
& world because that was too much trouble. believing-because that was
~ouble at all-that peace would last by declaring that it ought to last. So
enchanted were we with our own noble but inexpensive sentiments that.
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SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
though the world was disorganized and in anarchy, we decided to disarm
ourselves and the other democracies. That was also the easy way. It saved
money. It saved effort.
In this mood we faced the problems of reconstruction from the other
war. It wa~ too much trouble to make a workable settlement of reparations
and of the war debts. It was easier to let them break down and wreck the
finances of the world. We took the easier way. It was too much trouble to
work out arrangements for the resumption of trade because it was too
much trouble to deal with the vested interests and the lobbyists and the
politicians. It was easier to let the trade of the world be strangled by tariffs.
quotas. and exchange controls. And we took the easy way. It was easier to
finance an inflationary boom by cheap money than it was to reestablish
trade based upon the exchange of goods. We indulged ourselves in the
inflationary boom and let it run (because it was too much trouble to check
it) into a crash that threw about twenty-five millions. here and abroad. out
of work. and destroyed the savings of a large part of the people of all
countries.
Having got to that. it was too hard to liquidate the inflation. It was easier
to cover up the inflation and pretend that it did not exist. So we took the
easier way-we maintained the tariffs. we maintained the wage costs and
the overhead expenditures of the boom, and thus made it impossible to
recover from the crash.
The failure of the recovery produced at the foundations of Western civilization a revolutionary discontent. It was easy to be frightened by the
discontent. So we were properly frightened. But it was hard to make the
effort and the sacrifice to remedy the discontent. And because it was hard.
we did not do it. All that we did was to accuse one another of being
economic royalists on the one hand. economic lunatics on the other. It
was easier to call names than it was to do anything else, and so we called
names.
Then out of this discontent there was bred in the heart of Europe and on
the edge of Asia an organized rebellion against the whole heritage of
Western civilization. It was easy to disapprove, and we disapproved. But it
was hard to organize and prepare the resistance: that would have required
money and effort and sacrifice and discipline and courage. We watched
the rebellion grow. We heard it threaten the things we believe in. We saw
it commit, year after year. savage crimes. We disliked it all. But we liked
better our easygoing ways, our jobs, our profits, and our pleasures, and so
we said, It is bad, but it won't last; it is dangerous, but it can't cross the
ocean; it is evil, but if we arm ourselves, and discipline ourselves, and act
with other free peoples to contain it and hold it back. we shall be giving up
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our ease and our comfort. we shall be taking risks. and that is more trouble
than we care to take.
So we are where we are today. We are where we are because whenever
we had a choice to make. we have chosen the alternative that required the
least effort at the moment. There is organized mechanized evil loose in the
world. But what has made possible its victories is the lazy. self-indulgent
materialism. the amiable. lackadaisical. footless. confused complacency
of the free nations of the world. They have dissipated. like wastrels and
drunkards. the inheritance of freedom and order that came to them from
hardworking. thrifty. faithful. believing. and brave men. The disaster in
the midst of which we are living is a disaster in the character of men. It is a
catastrophe of the soul of a whole generation which had forgotten. had
lost. and had renounced the imperative and indispensable virtues of laborious. heroic. and honorable men.
To these virtues we shall return in the ordeal through which we are now
passing. or all that still remains will be lost and all that we attempt. in
order to defend it. will be in vain. We shall tum from the soft vices in
which a civilization decays. we shall return to the stem virtues by which a
civilization is made. we shall do this because. at long last. we know that
we must. because finally we begin to see that the hard way is the only
enduring way.
You had perhaps hoped. as I did when we came together for our twentyfifth reunion. that tonight we should have reached a point in our lives
when we could look forward in a few more years to retiring from active
responsibility in the heat of the day. and could look forward to withdrawing into the calm of a cooler evening. You know that that is not to be. We
have not yet earned our right to rest at ease. When we think of the desperate misery and the awful suffering that has befallen the people of France
and of Great Britain and of Austria and Czechoslovakia and Poland and
Denmark and Norway and the Netherlands and Belgium. we shall not. I
hope. complain or feel sorry for ourselves.
I like to think-in fact. I intend to go away from here thinking-that
having remembered the past we shall not falter. having seen one another
again. we shall not flinch. •
�Y>ILLIAM
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NOBEL LAUREATE WILLIAM
:fAULKNER CHARGES WRITERS
WITH THE DUTY TO HELP
HUMANITY PREVAIL
"I decline to accept the end of man . ... I believe that man will not merely
: mdure: he will prevail.··
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\ 0 N E MINUTE PAULK N E R W A 5 A
journeyman literary-type author
j and romantic poet and the next I guess it was when the Depression began
he found a voice in the fictional Yoknapatawpha county of Mississippi,
his characters transcending their setting to make their case about the cal
1pacity of human beings to endure suffering and emerge ennobled if still in
ipain
Then he won the Nobel prize for The Sound and the Fury and As I Lay
Dying and the quiet life of the artist in Oxford Miss was over and he
became a big name and the stream of consciousness technique was accepted as a proper literary form so long as you didn't use it too much
Then he went to Stockholm and on December 10. 1950 gave a better
short speech than most writers write and it proved you didn't have to be a
nihilist to be taken seriously you could be affirmative and even optimistic
and still be considered gutsy
Remember the key word is prevail it means win but isn't so corny
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feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work-a
life' s work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit, not for glory
and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the
1uman spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only
nine in trust. It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part
>f it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin. But I
vould like to do the same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a
>innacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women
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already dedicated to the same anguish and travail. among whom is already
that one who will some day stand here where I am standing.
Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There are no longer problems of the
spirit. There is only the question. When will I be blown up? Because of
this. the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of
the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing
because only that is worth writing about. worth the agony and the sweat.
He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all
things is to be afraid: and. teaching himself that. forget it forever. leaving
no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the
heart. the old universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and
doomed-love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so. he labors under a curse. He writes not of love but of
lust. of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value. of victories without hope and. worst of all. without pity or compassion. His griefs grieve on
no universal bones. leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart but of the
glands.
Until he relearns these things. he will write as though he stood among
and watched the end of man. I decline to accept the end of man. It is easy
enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that
when the last ding-dong of doom has clanged and faded from the last
worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening. that
even then there will still be one more sound: that of his puny inexhaustible
voice. still talking. I refuse to accept this. I believe that man will not
merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal. not because he alone
among creatures has an inexhaustible voice. but because he has a soul. a
spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance. The poet's, the
writer's, duty is to write about these things. It is his privilege to help man
endure by lifting his heart. by reminding him of the courage and honor
and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have
been the glory of his past. The poet's voice need not merely be the record
of man, it can be one of the props. the pillars to help him endure and prevail. •
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·ation of the spirit of cooperaas traditionally characterized
:ed States of America.
I,
EISENHOWER
in the Department of State Bulletin
4. p. 22g).
~congress
Italy for
Energy for Mutual
ment of the nations members
reached agreement in prinst effective pattern of NATO
JUn.most recent developmn
g this agreement in
it clear that this decision wao;
5, while preventing a general
t that the most modem and
introduced into the So,·ict
weapons into NATO forces
other countries, since NATO
1
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
Pursuant to that legislation agreements for cooperation were concluded
with four of our NATO partners in May and June 1959· A similar
agreement was also recently concluded with our NATO ally, the Republic of Italy. All of these agreements are designed to implement in
important respects the agreed NATO program.
This agreement with the Government of Italy will enable the United
States to cooperate effectively in mutual defense planning with Italy and
in the training of Italian NATO forces in order that, if an attack on
NATO should occur, Italian forces could, under the direction of the
Supreme Allied Commander for Europe, effectively use nuclear weapons
in their defense.
These agreements previously concluded and this Italian Agreement
represent only a portion of the work necessary for complete implementation of the decision taken by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in
December I957· I anticipate the conclusion of similar agreements for
cooperation with certain other NATO nations as the Alliance's defensive
planning continues.
Pursuant to the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended, I am submitting to each House of the Congress an authoritative copy of the agreement with the Government of Italy. I am also transmitting a copy of
the Secretary of State's letter accompanying an authoritative copy of the
signed agreement, a copy of a joint letter from the Secretary of Defense
and the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission recommending my
approval of this document and a copy of my memorandum in reply thereto
setting forth my approval.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
our NATO allies that th<'
modem weapons a\'ailablr
to the Alliance. Any
the sense of shared mutual
with our Allies certain train·
etely our sense of partnership
our part to contribute to thr
.,,.,,",.'"' of the forces of oth<'r
Soviet Union to belie,·e that
NATO's effecti\'en~.
part legislation amend in~
by the Congress in J!l;lR·
The text o£ the agreement andre·
lated documents is published in the Con-
NOTE:
gressional Record o£ March 7, 1961 (vol.
107, p. 3095).
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42 I f:lf Farewell Radio and Television Address to
the American People. January I 7, I g6 I
!
[Delivered from the President's Office at 8: 30 p.m. ]
r,
My feUow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the seiVice of our country,
I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn
ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
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This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell
and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
'
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will
labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed
with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential
agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will
better shape the future of theN ation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and
tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to
West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during
these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have,
on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than
mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forwarc;i. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends
in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so
much together.
n.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved
our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the
interests of world peace and human betterment.
m.
Throughout America~s adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and
among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free andreligious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt
both at home and abroad.
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Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the
conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology-global in scope,
atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To
meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and
transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry
forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle-with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we
remain, despite e\'ery provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or
domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some
spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to
all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture;
a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research-these and many
other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested
as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programsbalance between the private and the public economy, balance between
cost and hoped for advantage--balance between the clearly necessary and
the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as
a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the
future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually
finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their
government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new
in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.
IV.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment.
Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential
aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known
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find essential
of which will
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by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men
of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no annaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and
as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create
a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this,
three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than
the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large
arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influenceeconomic, political, even spiritual-is felt in every city, every State house,
every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative
need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave
implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the
very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition
of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the militaryindustrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced
power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties
or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an
alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the
huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peacdul
methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent
decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more
formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary im·entor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientistc; in laboratories and testing fields. In
the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free
ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct
of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government con·
tract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every
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old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present-and
is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should,
we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy
could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate
these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system--ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
y the fighting men
tates had no armawith time and
longer risk emer-
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Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time.
As we peer into society's future, we-you and I, and our governmentmust avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own
ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. "''e cannot
mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss
also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to
survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom
of tomorrow.
;.
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VI.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that
this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation
of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come
to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as
we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table,
though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the
certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing
imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not
with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need
is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who
has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war-as one who
knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has
been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years-! wish I
Only an
meshing of the
our peaceful
together.
in our indusduring recent
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C.Jl 421
could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward
our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done.
As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the
world advance along that road.
ice to t;
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th
So-in this my last good night to you as your President-! thank you
for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war
and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy;
as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance
in the future.
You and 1-my fellow citizens-need to be strong in our faith that
all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May
we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble
with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation's great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to
.1\merica's prayerful and continuing aspiration:
We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their
great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall
come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the
needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease
and ignorance ~ill be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the
goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
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(jf The President's News Conference of
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January I 8, I g6 I
Good morning. Please sit down.
I came this morning not with any particularly brilliant ideas about the
future, but I did want the opportunity to say goodbye to people that I
have been associated with now for 8 years, mostly I think on a friendly
basis-[laughter]-and at least it certainly has always been interesting.
There is one man here who has attended every press conference that
I have had, at home and abroad, and who has been of inestimable sen·-
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THE PRESIDENT.
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REVEREND MARTIN
LUTHER KING, JR., ENNOBLES
•
THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT
AT THE LINCOLN MEMORIAL
"l have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where
they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their
character.''
since
Frederick Douglass and, like Douglass, owed much of his preeminence to
the ability to write with power (as in his 1963 "Letter from a Birmingham
Jail") and to speak with passion. A disciple of Mohandas Gandhi's dedication to achieve great change through nonviolent means, the well-educated King-awarded a Ph.D. from Boston University in 1955-came to
national attention later that year by leading the Montgomery, Alabama,
bus boycott. He was subjected to harassment by racists and wiretapping by
the Justice Department, fearful of Communist associations. Dr. King was
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964; having led the "Poor People's
DR. KING WAS THE MOST SIGNIPICANT BLACK LEADER
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MARTIN LUTHBR KING, JR.
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am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as
the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago. a great American. in whose symbolic
shadow we stand, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light ofhope to millions of Negro slaves
who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a
joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later. we must face the tragic fact that the Negro
is still not free. One hundred years later. the life of the Negro is still sadly
crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.
One hundred years later. the Negro lives on a lonely island of poveny in
the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later
the Negro is still languishing in the comers of American society and finds
himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize
an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When
the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. they were signing a promissory
note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise
that all men would be guaranteed the unalienable rights oflife.libeny. and
the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note
insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this
sacred obligation. America has given the Negro people a bad check; a
check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to
believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there
are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opponunity of this nation. So
we have come to cash this check-a check that will give us upon demand
the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this
hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no
time to engage in the luxwy of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug
of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.
Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to
the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the
quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment
and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering
summer ofthe Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an
invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not
an end. but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off
I
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0
�498 0
•
steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation
returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquillity in
America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds
of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the
bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the
warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of
gaining our rightful place. we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us
not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of
bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high
plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to
degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the
majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous
new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us
to a distrust of all white people. for many of our white brothers. as evidenced by their presence here today. have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to
our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk. we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.
We cannot tum back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil
rights. "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as
the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We
can never be satisfied as long as our bodies. heavy with the fatigue of
travel. cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of
the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is
from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a
Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has
nothing for which to vote. No. no. we are not satisfied. and we will not be
satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a
mighty stream.
I am not unmindful tnat some of you have come here out of great trials
and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.
Some of you nave come from areas wnere your quest for freedom left you
battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police
brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to
work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama. go back to South Carolina.
go back to Georgia. go back to Louisiana. go back to the slums and ghettos
of our modem cities. knowing that somehow this situation can and will be
changed. Le~ us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today. my friends. that in spite of the difficulties and frustra-
•
II
•
INSPIRATIONAL SPEECHES
L______
�•
MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.
499
tions of the moment I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the
American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true
meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men
are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former
slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together
at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi. a desert state
sweltering the the heat of injustice and oppression. will be transformed
into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation
where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content
of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama. whose governor's lips
are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification.
will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls
will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk
together as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted. every hill and
mountain shall be made low. the rough places will be made plains, and the
crooked places will be made straight. and the glory of the Lord shall be
revealed. and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With
this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of
hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of
our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we
will be able to work together. to pray together. to struggle together. to go to
. jail together. to stand up for freedom together. knowing that we will be
free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with
new meaning "My country 'tis of thee. sweet land ofliberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride. from every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let
freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom
ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the
heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
•
•
0
�500 0
•
•
•
INSPIRATIONAL SPEECHES
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California I
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From
every mountainside. let freedom ring.
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and
every hamlet, from every state and every city. we will be able to speed up
that day when all of God's children. black men and white men. Jews and
Gentiles. Protestants and Catholics. will be able to join hands and sing in
the words of the old Negro spiritual. "Free at last! Free at last! Thank God
Almighty. we are free at last!" •
�Lyndon B. Johnson, r¢5
·bserve that the I 5 min:lt at 9 o'clock, in Mr.
•nday morning, we plan,
· that we will have the
JU, If you will be ready
l briefing there.
.v weeks, I have deterld have a voting rights
'ut November 15th, and
Members of the Con·overnors of the States.
:e talked to the majority
s, the chairmen of variSpeaker of the House,
tith them the highlights
J have asked the Attornto some detail in coninciples that we would
JUS to have Democratic
?POrt. As you know,
n the Kennedy-Johnson
)63.Ahe civil rights
el~and worked on
itted to the Congress a
that provided, however,
~ederal elections. That
in the legislation that
1nd, as a result of that
that we should again
t, but to extend it from
both State and local
l~ders of the Negro
country and asked for
d asked for their counvarious Southern Senleaders including Govreviewed with them
what I hope to have encompassed in this
legislation. Of course, there will be amendments and changes, and extensions and deletions. But I think that our message will go
to the Congress Monday. Perhaps the bill
will accompany it. If not, it will go there
very shortly.
We will not only expect the Congress to
give fair and just consideration to the administration bill, which they have been asking for for several days now, but to give
107
Mar. 15 ( I07]
consideration to any me suggestion, as they
always do.
So if you will be~ at 9 o'clock Monday,
we will have a brieimJ on the details of the
message.
We thank you for ::~during us this afternoon.
Merriman Smith, ':"nited Press International: Thank you, .Ar. President.
NOTE: President Johnsm.r thirty-eighth news conference was held in ~ lose Garden at the White
House at 3:45 p.m. on S..."Urday, !.!arch 13, 1965.
Special Message to the Congress: The Americar.?romise.
March 15, 1965
[ As delivered in person before a joint session at 9:c:: p.m. ]
Mr. Sp~aker, Mr. Pr~sident, M~mbers of the
Congr~ss:
I speak tonight for the dignity of man and
the destiny of democracy.
I urge every member of both parties,
Americans of all religions and of all colors,
from every section of this country, to join
me in that cause.
At times history and fate meet at a single
time in a single place to shape a turning
point in man's unending search for freedom.
So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it
was a century ago at Appomattox. So it
was last week in Selma, Alabama.
There, long-suffering men and women
peacefully protested the denial of their rights
as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of God, was
killed.
There is no cause for pride in what has
happened in Selma. There is no cause for
self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal
rights of millions of Americans. But there
is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight.
For the cries of p;m and the hymns and
protests of oppressed ~eople have summoned
into convocation all ::i:e majesty of this great
Government-the G:;1'crnment of the greatest Nation on earth.
Our mission is at :nee the oldest and the
most basic of this c;;~mtry: to right wrong,
to do justice, to sen•: :l:lll.
In our time we h.."""Te come to live with
moments of great =.sis. Our lives have
been marked with d::ate about great issues;
issues of war and pc:c:, issues of prosperity
and depression. Bu: :::u-dy in any time docs
an issue lay bare the :.:ret heart of America
itself. Rarely are w: :net with a challenge,
not to our growth or mundance, our welfare
or our security, but .:::l6er to the values and
the purposes and the ::caning of our beloved
Nation.
The issue of equa rights for American
Negroes is. such an !:sue. And should we
defeat every enemy. :il.ould we double our
wealth and conque: ~e stars, and still be
unequal to this issue, =en we will have failed
as a,peoplc and as a ::xti.on.
2BI
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(107] Mar. 15
Public Papers of the Presidents
For with a country as with a person,
"What is a man profited, if he shall gain the
whole world, and lose his own soul.?"
There is no Negro problem. There is no
Southern problem. There is no Northern
problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as
Americans-not as Democrats or Republicans-we are met here as Americans to solve
that problem.
This was the first nation in the history of
the world to be founded with a purpose.
The great phrases of that purpose still sound
in every Amerian heart, North and South:
"All men are cre:~ted equal"-'•government
by consent of the govemed"-"give me liberty or give me death." Wdl, those are not
just clever words, or those are not just empty
theories. In their name Americans have
fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as
guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.
Those words are a promise to every citizen
that he shall share in the dignity of man.
This dignity cannot be found in a man's
possessions; it cannot be found in his power,
or in his position. It really rests on his right
to be treated as a man equal in opportunity
to all others. It says that he shall share in
freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate
his children, and provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a
human being.
To apply any other test-to deny a man
his hopes because of his color or race, his
religion or the place of his birth-is not only
to do injustice, it is to deny America and to
dishonor the dead who gave their lives for
American freedom.
THE RIGHT TO VOTE
Our fathers bdieved that if this noble
view of the rights of man was to Sourish, it
•
must be rooted in democracy. The most
basic right of all was the right to choose
your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the
expansion of that right to all of our people.
M:~ny of the issues of civil rights are very
complex and most difficult. But about this
there an and should be no argument.
Every Amerie:1n citizen must have an equal
right to vote. There is no re:lSon which can
excuse the denial of that right. There is no
duty which weighs more heavily on us than
the duty we have· to ensure that right.
Yet the harsh fact is that in many places
in this country men and women are kept
from voting simply because they are
Negroes.
Every device of which huii13n ingenuity
is capable has been used to deny this right.
The Negro citizen II13Y go to register only
to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour
is late, or the official in charge is absent.
And if he persists, and if he manages to
present himself to the registrar, he may be
disqualified because he did not spell out his
middle name or because he abbreviated a
word on the application.
And if he manages to fill out an application he is given a test. The registrar is the
sole judge of whether he passes this test.
He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or e."Cplain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college
degree cannot be used to prove that he can
re:~d and write.
For the fact is that the only way to pass
these barriers is to show a white skin.
Experience has clearly shown that the
existing process of law cannot overcome
systematic and ingenious discrimination.
No law that we now have on the books- ·
and I have hdped to put three of them
there-c:10 ensure the right to vote when
local officials are determined to deny it.
�Lyndon B. Johnson, 1¢5
Axracy. The most
.~e right to choose
The history of this coun·
·re, is the history of the
ght to all of our people.
::s of civil rights are very
Jifficult. But about this
ould be no argument.
izen must have an equal
~e is no reason which can
that right. There is no
more heavily on us than
' ensure that right.
:t is that in many places
n and women are kept
?lY because they are
which human ingenuity
used to deny this right.
may go to register only
'ay is wrong, or the hour
ial in charge is absent.
. and if he manages to
the registrar, he may be
: he did not spell out his
: . h e abbreviated a
ttl
:es to fill out an applica:st. The registrar is the
:her he passes this test.
:o recite the entire Con·
1 the most comple."( prov. And even a college
sed to prove that he can
1tat the only way to pass
1
1how a white skin.
clearly shown that the
E law cannot overcome
:genious discrimination.
JW have on the books! to put three of them
the right to vote when
tennined to deny it.
1
In such a case our duty must be clear to
all of us. The Constitution says that no
person shall be kept from voting because of
his race or his color. We have all sworn an
oath before God to support and to defend
that Constitution. We must now act in
obedience to that oath.
GUARANTEEING THE lliGHT TO VOTE
Wednesday I will send to Congress a law
designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the
right to vote.
The broad principles of that bill will be
in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they have
reviewed it, it will come here formally as a
bill. I am grateful for this opportunity to
come here tonight at the invitation of the
leadership to reason with my friends, to give
them my views, and to visit with my former
colleagues.
I have had prepared a more comprehensive
analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow but
which I will submit to the clerks tonight.
But I want to really discuss with you now
briefly the main proposals of this legislation.
This bill will strike down restrictions to
voting in all dections-Federal, State, and
local-which have been used to deny Ne·
groes the right to vote.
This bill will establish a simple, uniform
standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to Bout our Constitution.
It will provide for citizens to be registered
by officials of the United States Government
if the State officials refuse to register them.
It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote.
Finally, this legislation will ensure that
properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting.
I will welcome the suggestions from all of
Mar. 15 [ IO'J]
the Members of Congress-! have no doubt
that I will get some-on ways and means to
strengthen this law and to make it effective.
But experience has plainly shown that this is
the only path to carry out the command of
the Constitution.
To those who seek to avoid action by their
National Government in their own communities; who want to and who seek to main·
tain purely local control over elections, the
answer is simple:
Open your polling places to all your
people.
Allow men and women to register and
vote whatever the color of their skin.
Extend the rights of citizenship to every
citizen of this land.
THE NEED FOR ACTION
There is no constitutional issue here.
The command of the Constitution is plain.
There is no moral issue. It is wrongdeadly wrong-to deny any of your fellow
Americans the right to vote in this country.
There is no issue of States rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for
human rights.
I have not the slightest doubt what will
be your answer.
The last time a President sent a civil rights
bill to the Congress it contained a provision
to protect voting rights in Federal dections.
That civil rights bill was passed after 8 long
months of debate. And when that bill came
to my desk from the Congress for my signa·
ture, the heart of the voting provision had
been diminated.
This time, on this issue, there must be no
dday, no hesitation and no compromise with
our purpose.
We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect
the right of every American to vote in every
election that he may desire to participate in.
283
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[107] Mar. 15
Public
Pap~s
And we ought not and we cannot and we
must not wait another 8 months before
we get a bill. We have already waited a
hundred years and more, and the time for
waiting is gone.
So I ask you to join me in working long
hours-nights and weekends, i£ necessaryto pass this bill. And I don't make that
request lighdy. For from the window
where I sit with the problems of our country
I recognize that outside this chamber is the
outraged conscience of a nation, the grave
concern of many nations, and the harsh
judgment of history on our acts.
WE SHALL OVERCOME
•
•
But even i£ we pass this bill, the batde will
not be ·over. What happened in Sdma is
part of a far larger movement which reaches
into every section and State of America. It
is the effort of American Negroes to secure
for themsdves the £ull blessings of American
life.
Their cause must be our cause too. Because it is not just Negroes, but really it is
all of us, who must overcome the crippling
legacy of bigotry and injustice.
And we shall overcome.
As a man whose roots go deeply into
Southern soil I know how agonizing racial
feelings are. I know how difficult it is to
reshape the attitudes and the structure of
our society.
But a century has passed, more than a
hundred years, since the Negro was freed.
And he is not £ully free tonight.
It was more than a hundred years ago that
Abraham Lincoln, a great President of another party, signed the Emancipation Proclamation, but emancipation is a proclamation
and not a fact.
A century has passed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised•
of the Presidents
And yet the Negro is not equal.
A century has passed since the day of
promise. And the promise is unkept.
The time of justice has now come. I tell
you that I believe sincerely that no force can
hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man
and God that it should come. And when
it does, I think that day will brighten the
lives of every American.
foor Negroes are not the only victims.
How many white children have gone uneducated, how many white families have lived
in stark poverty, how many white lives have
been scarred by fear, because we have wasted
our energy and our substance to maintain
the barriers of hatred and terror r
So I say to all of you here, and to all in
the Nation tonight, that those who appeal to
you to hold on to the past do so at the cost
of denying you your future.
This great, rich, restless country can offer
opportunity and education and hope to all:
black and white, North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the
enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They
are the enemies and not our fellow man, not
our neighbor. And these enemies too, poverty, disease and ignorance, we shall overcome.
A."l AMElliCAN PROBLE.'\1
Now let none of us in any sections look
with prideful righteousness on the troubles
in another section, or on the problems of our
neighbors. There is really no part of America where the promise of equality has been
fully kept. In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as in Selma,
Americans are struggling for the fruits of
freedom.
This is one Nation. What happens in
Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concem to every American. But let
each of us look within our own hearts and
�Lyndon B. Johnson, 1¢5
~day
of
; unkept.
v come. I tell
1t no force can
\C eyes of man
:. And when
1 brighten the
only victims.
gone uncdilies have lived
:hitc lives have
vc have wasted
:e to maintain
ror?
:, and to all in
: who appeal to
> so at the cost
1vc
untry can offer
~d hope to all:
I South, shareThese are the
disC3Se. They
"el.an,not
em
oo, povwe shall over-
ty sections look
on the troubles
problems of our
o part of Amcr.uality has been
as. in Birmingas in Selma,
or the fruits of
hat happens in
matter of lcgiti:rican. But let
own hearts and
our own communities, and let each of us
put our shoulder to the wheel to root out
injustice wherever it exists.
As we meet here in this peaceful, historic
chamber tonight, men from the South, some
of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the
North who have carried Old Glory to far
corners of the world and brought it back
without a stain on it, men from the East
and from the West, arc all fighting together without regard to religion, or color,
or region, in Viet-Nam. Men from every
region fought for us across the world 20
years ago.
And in these common dangers and these
common sacrifices the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less
than any other region of the great Republic-and in some instances, a great many
of them, more.
And I have not the slightest doubt that
good men from everywhere in this country,
from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico,
from the Golden Gate to the harbors along
the Atlantic, will rally together now in this
cawe to vindicate the freedom of all Americans. For all of us owe this duty; and I
believe that all of w will respond to it.
Your President makes that request of
every American.
PROGRESS THROUGH THE DEMOCR... TIC PROCESS
The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. His actions and protests, his
courage to risk safety and even to risk his
life, have awakened the conscience of this
Nation. His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed
to provoke change, designed to stir reform.
He has called upon us to make good the
promise of America. And who among us
can say that we would have made the same
progress were it not for his persistent brav-
Mar. 15 [ IO'J]
cry, and his faith in American democracy.
For at the real heart of battle for equality
is a deep-seated belief in the democratic
process. Equality depends not on the force
of arms or tear gas but upon the force of
moral right; not on recourse to violence but
on respect for law and order.
There have been many pressures upon
your President and there will be others as
the days come and go. But I pledge you
tonight that we intend to fight this battle
where it should be fought: in the courts, and
in the Congress, and in the hearts of men.
We must preserve the right of free speech
and the right of free assembly. But the
right of free speech does not carry with it,
as has been said, the right to holler fire in
a crowded theater. We mwt preserve the
right to free assembly, but free assembly does
not carry with it the right to block public
thoroughfares to traffic.
We do have a right to protest, and a
right to march under conditions that do not
infringe the constitutional rights of our
neighbors. And I intend to protect all those
rights as long as I am permitted to serve in
this office.
We will guard against violence, knowing
it strikes from our hands the very weapons
which we seck-progress, obedience to law,
and belief in American values.
In Selma as elsewhere we seek and pray
for peace. We seek order. We seek unity.
But we will not accept the peace of stiBed
rights, or the order imposed by fear, or the
unity that stifles protest. For peace cannot
be purchased at the cost of liberty.
In Selma tonight, as in every-and we
had a good day there-as in every city,· we
are working for just and peaceful settlement.
We must all remember that after this speech
I am making tonight, after the police and
the FBI and the Marshals have all gone, and
after you have promptly pa5sed this bill, the
�•
[ IO'J] Mar. 15
Pz1hlic Papers of the Presidents
people of Selma and the other cities of the
Nation must still live and work together.
And when the attention of the Nation has
gone elsewhere they must try to heal the
wounds and to build a new community.
This cannot be easily done on a battle·
ground of violence, as the history of the
South itself shows. It is in recognition of
this that men of both races have shown such
an outstandingly impressive responsibility
in recent days-last Tuesday, again today.
RIGHTS MUST BE OPPORTUNITIES
The bill that I am presenting to you will
be known as a civil rights bill. But, in a
•
•
larger sense, most of the program I am recommending is a civil rights program. Its
object is to open the city of hope to all people
of all races.
Because all Americans just must ha,ve the
right to vote. And we are going to give
them that right.
All Americans must have the privileges
of citizenship regardless of race. And they
are going to have those privileges of citizenship regardless of race.
But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges
takes much more than just legal righL It
requires a trained mind and a healthy body.
It requires a decent home, and the chance
to find a job, and the opportunity to escape
from the clutches of poverty.
Of course, people cannot contribute to the
Nation if they are never taught to read or
write, if their bodies are stunted from hunger, if their sickness goes untended, if their
life is spent in hopeless poverty just drawing
a welfare check.
So we want to open the gates to opportunity. But we are also going to give all
our people, black and white, the help that
they need to walk through those gates•
THE Pl1RPOSE OF THIS GOVERNMENT
My first job after college was as a teacher
in Cotulla, Tex., in a small Mexican-American school. Few of them could speak English, and I couldn't speak much Spanish.
My students were poor and they often came
to class without breakfast, hungry. They
knew even in their youth the pain of prejudice. They never seemed to know why
people disliked them. But they knew it was
so, because I saw it in their eyes. I often
walked home late in the afternoon, after the
classes were finished, wishing there was
more that I could do. But all I knew was
to teach them the little that I knew, hoping
that it might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.
Somehow you nc,·er forget what poverty
and hatred can do when you sec its scars on
the hopeful face of a young child.
I never thought then, in I928, that I would
be standing here in I96s· It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I
might have the chance to help the sons and
daughters of those students and to help people like them all o\"cr this country.
But now I do ha\"e that chance-and I'll
let you in on a secret-! mean to use iL And
I hope that you will usc it with me.
This is the richest and most powerful
country which C\"ct occupied the globe.
The might of past empires is little compared
to ours. But I do not want to be the President who built empires, or sought grandeur,
or extended dominion.
I want to be the President who educated
young children to the wonders of their
world. I want to be the President who
helped to feed the hungry and to prepare
them to be taxpayers instead of taxeaters.
I want to be the President who helped the
poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in
�Lyndon B. Johnson, r¢5
IS~MENT
gc was as a teacher
tall Mcxican-Arncrm could speak Eng-
!ak much Spanish.
nd they often came
Jst, hungry. They
tb the pain of prcj:ncd to know why
:ut they knew it was
their eyes. I often
afternoon, after the
wishing there was
But all I knew was
.bat I knew, hoping
n against the bardforget what poverty
you see its scars on
oung child.
n 1928, that I would
;. It never even ocndest dreams that I
to l t h c sons and
:nt
to help peatis c ntry.
:tat chance-and I'll
mean to use it. And
it with me.
and most powerful
,ccupied the globe.
res is little compared
.vant to be the Presior sought grandeur,
1
sident who educated
e wonders of their
the President who
:tgry and to prepare
instead of taxeatcrs.
ident who helped the
, way and who prory citizen to vote in
every election.
I want to be the President who bdped to
end hatred among his fellow men and who
promoted love among the people of all races
and all regions and all parties.
I want to be the President who helped to
end war among the brothers of this earth.
And so at the request of your beloved
Speaker and the Senator from Montana; the
majority leader, the Senator from lllinois;
the minority leader, Mr. McCulloch, and
other Members of both parties, I came here
tonight-not as President Roosevelt came
down one time in person to veto a bonus
bill, not as President Truman came down
one time to urge the passage of a railroad
bill-but I came down here to ask you to
share this task with me and to share it with
the people that we both work for. I want
this to be the Congress, Republicans and
Democrats alike, which did all these things
108
Mar. 15 [ zo8]
for all these people.
Beyond this great chamber, out yonder
in 50 States, arc the people that we serve.
Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes
arc in their heartS tonight as they sit there
and listen. We all can guess, from our own
lives, how difficult they often find their own
punuit of happiness, how many problems
each little family has. They look most of all
to themselves for their futures. But I think
that they also look to each of us.
Above the pyramid on the great seal of the
United States it says-in Latin-"God has
favored our undertaking."
God will not favor everything that we do.
It is rather our duty to divine His will. But
I cannot help believing that He truly understands and that He really favors the undertaking that we begin here tonight.
The address was broadcast nationally.
See also Items zo8, 109, 409.
NOTII:
Special Message to the Congress on the Right To Vote.
March 15, 1965
To the Congress of the United States:
In this same month ninety-five years agoon March 30, r8j'O-tbc Constitution of the
United States was amended for the fifteenth
time to guarantee that no citizen of our land
should be denied the right to vote because
of race or color.
The command of the Fifteenth Amendment is unequivocal and its equal force upon
State Governments and the Federal Government is unarguable.
Section I of this Amendment provides:
The right of citizens of the United States to
vote shall not be denied or abridged by the
United States or by any State on account
of race, color, or previous condition of
servitude.
By the oath I have taken "to preserve,
protect and defend the Constitution of the
United States," duty directs-and strong
personal conviction impels-that I advise the
Congress that action is necessary, and necessary now, if the Constitution is to be upheld
and the rights of all citizens are not to be
mocked, abused and denied.
I must regretfully report to the Congress
the following facts:
r. That the Fifteenth Amendment of our
Constitution is today being systematically
and willfully circumvented in certain State
and local jurisdictions of our Nation.
2. That representatives of such State and
local governments acting "under the color
of law," are denying American citizens the
�)
Ji1n1ny ((llste•· Presidential Campaign
•
ADDRESS BY JIMMY CARTER ON
LAW DAY
UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA, ATHENS, GA
May 4, 1974
Senator Kennedy, distinguished fellow Georgians,
friends of the Law School of Georgia and
personal friends of mine:
i.
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Sometimes even a distinguished jurist on the Supreme Court doesn't know all of the background on
acceptances of Invitations. As a matter of fact, my wife
was influential in this particular acceptance, but my
son Was even more influential. This was really an acceptance to repair my ego. There was established in
1969 the L.Q.C. Lamar Society. I was involved in the
establishment of it, and I think a lot of it. As Governor
·of Georgia I was Invited this year, along with two distinguished Americans, to make a speech at the annual
meeting which is going on now.
I found out when the program was prepared that
Senator Kennedy was to speak last night. They charged
$10 to attend the occasion. Senator William Brock from
Tennessee Is speaking to the Lamar Society at noon
today. I found out that they charged $7.50 for this
occasion. 1 spoke yesterday at noon, and I asked the
Lamar Society officials, at the last moment, how much
they were charging to come to the luncheon yesterday.
They said they weren't charging anything. I said, "You
mean they don't even have to pay for the lunch?" They
said, "No, we're providing the lunch free."
So, when my son Jack came and said, "Daddy, I
think more of you than you thought I did; I'm paying
$7.00 for two tickets to the luncheon," I figured that a
$3.50 lunch ticket would salvage part of my ego and
that's really why I'm here today.
I'm not qualified to talk to you about law, because in
addition to being a peanut farmer, I'm an engineer and
a nuclear physicist, not a lawyer. I was planning, really,
to talk to you more today about politics and the interrelationship of political affairs and law, than about what
I'm actually going to speak on. But after Senator Kennedy's delightful and very fine response to political
questions during his speech, and after his anarysls of
the Watergate problems, I stopped at a room on the
way, while he had his press conference, and I changed
my speech notes.
My own Interest In the criminal justice system is very
deep and heartfelt. Not having studied law·, I've had
to learn the hard way. I read a lot and listen a lot.
One of the sources for my understanding about the
proper application of criminal justice and the system of
equity Is from reading Reinhold Niebuhr, one of his
books that Bill Gunter gave me quite a number of years
P. 0. Box 1976
ago. The other source of my understanding about
what's right and wrong in this society is from a friend
of mine, a poet named Bob Dylan. After listening to
his records about "The Ballad of Hattie Carol" and
"Like a Rolling Stone" and "The Times, They Are a
Changing," I've learned to appreciate the dynamism of
change In a modern society.
I grew up as a landowner's son. But, I don't think I
ever realized the proper interrelationship between the
landowner and those who worked on a farm until I
heard Dylan's record, "I Ain't Gonna Work on Maggie's
Farm No More." So I come here speaking to you today
about your subject with a base for my information
founded on Reinhold Niebuhr and Bob Dylan.
One of the things that Niebuhr says Is that the sad
duty of the political system is to establish justice In .a
sinful world. He goes on to say that there's no way to
establish or maintain justice without law; that the laws
are constantly changing to stabilize the social equilibrium of the forces and counterforces of a dynamic
society, and that the law In its totality Is an expression
of the structure of government.
Well, as a farmer who has now been In office for
three years, I've seen firsthand the Inadequacy of my
own comprehension. of what government ought to do
for its people. I've had a constant . learning process,
sometimes from lawyers, sometimes from practical experience, sometimes from failures and mistakes that
have been pointed out to me after they were made.
1 had lunch this week with the members of the
Judicial Selection Committee, and they were talking
about a consent search warrant. I said I didn't know
what a consent search warrant was. They said, "Well,
that's when two policemen go to a house. One of them
goes to the front door and knocks on it, and the other
one runs around to the back door and yells 'come In'."
1 have tQ admit that as Governor, quite often I search
for ways to bring about my own hopes; not quite so
stringently testing the law as that, but with a similar
motivation.
I would like to talk to you for a few moments about
some of the practical aspects of being a governor who
Is still deeply concerned about the Inadequacies of a
system of which it Is obvious that you're so patently
proud.
I have refrained completely from making any judicial
appointments on the basis of political support or other
factors, and have chosen, in every Instance, Superior
Court judges, quite often State judges, Appellate Court
Atlanta, Georgia 30301
404/897.:710q
A copy of our report is filed with the Federol Electoon Comminoon <>nd '' ovoiloble for purchose from the Federol Election Commiuion. Woshington, DC.
>
£.,
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�~ '. jud.ges; o~ the basis of merit analysi~ by a highly com-
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petent. open, qualified group of distinguished Georgidns. I'm proud of this.
We've now established in the Georgia Constitution a
qualifications commission. which lor the lirst time can
hear complaints from average citizens about the performance in office of judges and can investigate those
complaints and with the status and the force of the
Georgia Constitution behind them can remove a judge
from office or take other corrective steps.
We've now passed a Constitutional amendment,
which is waiting for the citizenry to approve, that establishes a uniform Criminal Justice Court System in this
state so that the affairs of the judiciary can be more
orderly structured, so that work loads can be balanced
and so that over a period of time there might be an
additional factor of equity, which quite often does not
exist now because of the wide disparity among the different courts of Georgia.
We passed this year a judge sentencing bill for noncapital cases with a review procedure. I've had presented to me, by members of the Pardons and Paroles
. Board, an analysis of some of the sentences given to
people by the Superior Court judges of this state,
which grieved me deeply and shocked me as a layman.
I believe that over a period of time, the fact that a group
of other judges can review and comment on the sentences meted out in the different portions of Georgia
will bring some more equity to the system.
We have finally eliminated the unsworn statement law
in Georgia-the last state to do it.
This year, we analyzed in depth the structure of the
drug penalties in this state. I believe in the future there
will be a cle~r understanding of the seriousness of
different crimes relating to drugs. We've finally been
able to get through the legislature a law that removes
alcoholism or drunkenness as a criminal offense. When
this law goes into effect next year, I think it will create
a new sense of compassion and concern and justice
for the roughly 150,000 alcoholics in Georgia, many of
whom escape the consequences of what has been a
crime because of some social or economic promInence, and will remove a very heavy load from the
criminal justice system.
hi our prisons, which in the past have been a disgrace to Georgia, we've tried to make substantive
changes in the quality of those who administer them
and to put a new realm of understanding and hope and
compassion into the administration of that portion of
the system of justice. Ninety-five percent of those who
are presently incarcerated in prisons will be returned
to be our neighbors. And now the thrust of the entire
program, as initiated under Ellis MacDougall and now
continued under Or. Ault, is to try to discern In the
soul of each convicted and sentenced person redeemIng features that can be enhanced. We plan a career
for that person to be pursued while he is in prison, I
believe that the early data that we have on recidivism
rates Indicates the efficacy of what we've done.
The GBI, which was formerly a matter of great concern to all those who were interested In law enforcement, has now been substantially changed-for the
better. I would. put it up now in quality against the FBI,
the Secret Service or any other crime control organIzation in this Nation.
Well, does that mean that everything is all right?
It doesn't to me.
I don't know exactly how to say this, but I was thinking just a few moments ago about some of the things
that are ol deep concern to me as Governor. As a scientist, I was working constantly. along with almost
everyone who professes that dedication of life, to
probe, probe every day of my life for constant change
for the better. It's completely anachronistic in the
makeup of a nuclear physicist or an engineer or scienlist to be satisfied with what we've got, or to rest on
the laurels of past accomplishments. It's the nature of
the profession.
As a farmer, the same motivation persists. Every
farmer that I know of, who is worth his salt or who's
just average, is ahead of the experiment stations and
the research agronomist in finding better ways, changing ways to plant, cultivate, utilize herbicides, gather,
cure, sell farm products. The competition for Innovation
is tremendous, equivalent to the realm of nuclear
physics even.
In my opinion, it's different in the case of lawyers.
And maybe this is a circumstance that is so inherently
true that it can't be changed.
I'm a Sunday School teacher, and I've always known
that the structure of law is founded on the Christian
ethic that you shall love the Lord your God and your
neighbor as yourself-a very high and perfect standard.
We all know the fallibility of man, and the contentions
in society, as described by Reinhold Niebuhr and many
others, don't permit us to achieve perfection. We do
strive for equality, but not with a fervent and daily commitment. In general, the powerful and the influential in
our society shape the laws and have a great influence
on the legislature or the Congress. This creates a reluctance to change because the powerful and the influential have carved out for themselves or have inherited
a privileged position in society, of wealth or social
prominence or higher education or opportunity for the
future. Quite often, ·those circumstances are circumvented at a very early age because college students,
particularly undergraduates, don't have any commitment to the preservation of the way things are. But
later, as their interrelationship with the present circumstances grows, they also become committed to approaching change very, very slowly and very, very
cautiously, and there's a commitment to the status quo.
I remember when I was a child, I lived on a farm
about three miles from Plains; and we didn't have electricity or running water. We lived on the railroad-Seaboard Coastline railroad. Like all farm boys I had a flip,
a sling !;hot. They had stabilized the railroad bed with
little white round rocks, which I used for ammunition. I
would go out frequently to the railroad and gather the
most perfectly shaped rocks of proper size. I always
had a few in my pockets, and I had others cached away
around the farm, so that they would be convenient if I
ran out of my pocket supply.
One day I was leaving the railroad track with my
pockets full of rocks and hands full of rocks, and ·my
mother came out on the front porch-this is not a very
·Interesting story but It illustrates a point-and she had
in her hands a plate full of cookies that she had just
baked for me. She called me, I am sure with love In her
heart, and said, "Jimmy, I've baked some cookies for
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458
Se/e(ttd Spmbes
chipped into the marble face of its Capitol these memorable
words of the great Rabbi: "Ifl am not for myself-who is for me?
And if I am for myself alone-what am I?" or heed the words
~;::.;o:.u.::r~g::re;:;a~t~P;;.o~pe~:~.7i.F~r;;;e;;;.ed7o;;..m~a;.;n;;.=d~r~ic7h.;.;.es· and strength bring
responsibility. We cannot leave to the poor and the disadvantaged only the crumbs from the feast. Rather, we must treat the
less fortunate as guests."
A society as blessed as ours should be able to find room at the
table-shelter for the homeless, work for the idle, care for the
elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute. To demand less
of our government or ourselves would be to evade our proper
responsibility. At the very least, the government of this generation should be able to do for those who follow us what has been
done for us.
And if my election proves anything, it proves how very much
the system has been able to do for us.
Like all of us in this room today-and all of us in New York
State except our Native American brothers and sisters-! am
the offspring of immigrants. My parents came some sixty years
ago from another part of the world, driven by deprivation,
without funds, education or skills. When my mother arrived at
Ellis Island, she was alone and afraid. She carried little more
than a suitcase and a piece of paper with the address of her
laborer husband who had preceded her here in search of work.
She passed through all the small indignities visited on immigrants everywhere, in all ages. She was subjected to the hurried
condescension of those who decide if others are good enough
to be let in . . . or at least not quite bad enough to be kept out.
Like millions of others, my mother and father were provided
with little other than a willingness to spend all their effort in
honest toil. They asked only for the opportunity to work and to
be protected in those moments when they would not be able to
protect themselves. Thanks to a government that was wise
enough to help them without stifling them, and strong enough
to provide them with an opportunity to earn their own bread,
they survived.
They remained a people of modest means. That they were able
to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children
go from behind their little grocery store in South Jamaica, where
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Stltcttd Spmhes
459
he was born, to occupy the highest seat in the greatest state of
the greatest nation in the only world we know is an ineffably
beautiful tribute to the magnificence of this American democracy.
This is not a personal story. This is the story of all of us. What
our imperfect but peerless system of government did for these
two frightened immigrants from Europe, it has done for millions
of others in different ways. That experience is a source of pride
and gratitude. But it must be more. It must serve as a challenge
to all of us, as we face the future.
The achievement of our past imposes upon us the obligation
to do as much for those who come after us. It would be a
desecration of our history to allow the difficulties of the moment
-which pale when compared with those faced by our ancestors
-to excuse our obligation to produce government that excels at
doing what it is supposed to do .
We need not fear the challenge. Underlying everything I believe about our government is my unshakable conviction that it
is good enough to do what must be done-and much more.
For all our present travail-the deficits; the stagnant economy; the hordes of homeless, unemployed and victimized; the
loss of spirit and belief-for all of this, I believe we are wise
enough to address our deficits without taxing ourselves into
bankruptcy, strong enough to reconcile order with justice,
brave enough to bring opportunity and hope to those who
have neither.
We can-and we will-refuse to settle for survival, and certainly not just survival of the fittest! I believe we can balance
our lives and our society even as we manage to balance our
books.
We can-if those who today stand on platforms built by our
forebears' pain and are warmed by the applause earned by their
courage remember who we are and where we came from and
what we have been taught. Those who made our history taught
us above all things the idea of family. Mutuality. The sharing of
benefits and burdens-fairly-for the good of all. It is an idea
essential to our success.
And no family that favored its strong children-or that, in the
name of evenhandedness, failed to help its vulnerable ones-
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460
Selerted Spelfhts
would be worthy of the name. And no state, or nation, that
chooses to ignore its troubled regions and people, while watching others thrive, can call itself justified.
We must be the family of New York-feeling one another's
pain; sharing one another's blessings, reasonably, equitably, honestly, fairly-irrespective of geography or race or political affiliation.
These things I pledge as I begin my term: that I have learned
what our forebears had to teach; that if we do not succeed it will
not be because we have divided one part of this state from the
other or dealt unfairly with any person or region, or forgotten
that we are a family. Nor will it be because we have failed to
expend all the strength and effort that we might have.
This will be a government as hard-working and realistic as
the thousands of families and businesses struggling to survive a
national economy more distressed than at any time since the
1930s. I have no illusions about the difficulty of converting
these noble aspirations into hard reality. It will be a fierce test
of our resolve.
But if the risks we face are great, the resources we command
are greater: a rich, good earth; water that ties us together, replenishes us, feeds our capacity to grow; an education system
matched by few other states or nations; an intricate, irreplaceable
weave of roads and rails; the world's largest banks, financial
institutions, communications systems and markets.
And more than all of this, our marvelous people-the offspring of Native Americans, Africans, Europeans, Asians, people
from the North and from the South, the children of those who
refused to stop reaching, building and believing.
We are the sons and daughters of giants, and because we were
born to their greatness, we are required to achieve. We begin to
meet that obligation today-all of us together.
So, good people of the Empire State, I ask all of you-whatever your political beliefs, whatever your region, whatever you
think of me as an individual-to help me keep the moving and
awesome oath I just swore before you and before God.
Pray that we all see New York for the family that it is; that all
of us sworn into office today give New York the leadership it
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Sekrted Speerhes
461
deserves; that I might be the state's good servant and God's, too.
And Pop, wherever you are-and I think I know-for all the
ceremony and the big house, and the pomp and circumstance,
please don't let me forget.
Thank you and Happy New Year to all of us .
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AMERICA AT THE WATERSHED
U.S. SENATOR JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR.
LCiuisiana Jefferson-Jackson Dinner
Baton Rouge, Louisiana
April 4, 1987
1 come today not to seek your approval but to tell you what iS on my mind.·
And 1suspect some of you may not like what I have to say. But there is too m_uch.
at stake - the challenges facing america are too great - for me to do otherWISe. ·
we stand today at one of the great watersheds in our hiStory as a nation. ·.
In· the next few years, we face a series of fUndamental decisions - ~voidable,.
irrevocable decisions - that will determine the direction of Amenca for the,
remainder of this century and well Into the next, decisions as Important as any we:
have made in the last 35 or 40 years. But the challenges are far more sUbtle than·
those we have faced before, and the challenge is as great as any faced by our
forefathers.
•
The threat to our nation today is barely dlscemable to the naked eye. For on .
the surface, America is a land content - on the surface, a nation at peace - no ·
wars engage America's soldiers; on the surface, a nation of prosperity - more :
Americans work today than at any time In our history; and on the surface, a tranquil :
nation - there are no riots In our ciUes and our streets are empty of massive ,
protest demonstrations.
·
But I come to tell you today that America is a nation adrift, and if we do not ·
tackle some of the problems we face· head on, If we do not take hold of the ·
opportunities spread before us, we will become a nation at risk. If the threat IS not
yet at our gates, we can see - if we raise our eyes - the flickering of ominous .
campfires In the hills.
Fortunately, we still have time to put an end to the unsettling trends that .
disturb our prospects for the futUre, and keep America on its historic course. We
can still resist - if we have the courage to do it.- the temptation to adjust to 1he :
slow and subUe forces of decrme. Above all, I believe we do have the courage to ·
focus directly on the chaHenges contronUng us, and to meet those challenges with ·
unprecedented energy and innovation.
·
We can all see ~e decline in what has become for many a twilight economy,
an econo'!'¥ that is neither collapsing nor surging, its growth, its productMty, its
world position steadily. inexorably afowlng; delivering a sluggish and stagnant
standard Of liVing to our middle class and hopelessness to our poor. There 1s
economic bounty, no doubt, but it is unevenly spread over America, subtly dMding
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Joseph R. Biden, Jr•
•
America at the Watershed :
our nation by region, by class and by group, and the prosperity of one Am:;!ca.can
not hide the traumas of the other Americas. One out of every three . ~can,
children Is bom into poverty today. and whole generations are trapped within our .
inner cftles, wasting away, day by day, without hope.
·
our relations With Ute rest of the world .are in chaos, as our p~ll~es OSCillate
Wildly from acCommodation to aggressiVeness. Nowhere Is the futility and ranure
of our foreign policy so clear as in Nicaragua, Where the President seems·
determined - despite all history, logic and common sense; despite the will of ~e
United States congress and the American people -to desfi'oy Cenlral America m
order to save lt.
In the Middle East, we sacrifice hundredS Of Marines to terrorist viol~ce,
and then, WhDe promising the swift sword of justice, we instead clandestinely
deliver arms to those Who mastennJndecl their murder.
•
Instead of dealing With tilese difficult but solvable problems, our leaders in .
both poliUcaJ
parties, spurred on by the media, move from mantra to mantra, '
11
Chanting C0mpetitfvenesa- in this season, 11dfUg abuseD last season, Ddeficit
reduction• the season before that, and .,ndustriaJ policY' In yet another season all the while seeking the SOOthe the fickle beast of public opinion•
The Victors of 1984 would have made George Orwell proud of their own
version of doublespeak -where abandoning the SALT If limits means progress in
arms control, the MX missne is the ..Peacekeeper,.. the Damlotr exchange is not a·
trade, the Iran arms transfer is not a hostage deal, and the Contras are the moral
equivalent of our Founding Fatltersl And we have Rstened to au of this uncriticaJJy, ·
as though the people in Washington have been making sense, When In fact they ,
have taken reason and stood it on its head.
For too long, we have sacrificed personal exceuence and community values
for the mere a~mulation of materfal1hings. Our brightest graduate students seek .
quick riches as investment banker&, rather than as producers of real wealth. Our .
economic managers pursue quarterly paper prafif:s at the expense of long-term
productive investment. And WhHe Japan produces thousands of engineers to drive
the technologies of the future, we produce legions of lawyers who can engineer
only takeo~~ and leveraged buy-outs. For too long In this society, we have
celebrated IndiVIdualism over community. For a decade, led by Ronald Reagan
self-a~grand.izement has become a full-throated cry In our SOCiety- ~ot mine, get
yours! 'What"s In It for me?" These have been the measures by Which we have
looked at ourselves as a nation. And they haw become the operative ethic, until
we ha~ reached th! point Where Ivan Boesky, before his fall, would be applauded
tor telling a graduating crass that "Greed Js go0d!11
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JDSeph R. Biden, Jr•
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America at the W8letShed
Ladies·and gentlemen, something~s wrong!
Ronald reagan's America has set a new standard - wealth, economic·
success and personal gain -the "bottom line!11 That bottom line tells us everJtb!ng .
about our lives, except that which makes rrte worthWhile. H tells us everyttung
about America, except that which makes us proud to be Americans~
America stands today at a crossroadS - it is a fatefUl moment. And the ·
choices we make or faD to make as a nation in the next few years' will bind this ,
country for a generation or more. The question is whether we will continue to anow :
ourselves to be held hostage to the politics of the moment, or whether we will make ·
up our minds as a nation to ascend the rapids of history to reach for
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greatness once again. How we deal with these watershed deciSions will determine
whether the United States reaches the year 2000 a great power -still groWing, still ·
Vibrant, still the world's engine of economic progress - or whether we will instead
stagger into the next millennium, derwering to our chDdren and grandchDdren a
lesser AmeriCCts the fading shadow of a dimming promise.
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We can not escape these choices. Either by conscious decision or by
indecision, we will make fundamental changes in foreign policy, education, nuclear ;
arms, ciVil rights. FOr example, in the next few years we will do one of two things: ·
we'll either deploy a new, so-called strategic defense system - bStar Wars!" -or we
will achieve the most far-reaching arms-control agreement in history. Either
Man-tile-Statesman Will prevail over Man·th~enti~ or we wDI sUffer the
consequences. We have to choose - now - because,. one way or the other, six .
years from now the nuclear equation Will look nothing like it does today.
In much the same way, under much the same sort of pressure, in the ·next
few years, we will fUndamentally restructure our system of education. We will either
continue to drift toward a dual system - one for the riChest and brightest students,
and another tor everyone else; or we will radically refashion our ~ucation, by
demanding much more of our students- more time in school, more than 180 days
a year; more Englis~, math and science; and more homework. By demanding more
of our teachers - longer hours and harder work, more professional dress and
conduct, as well as more degrees - and more demonstrated competence - in the
subjects they teach. And we must demand more of ourselVes as a people - if we
want teachers to be professionals, we must treat them like professionals we must
pay them like professionals.
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You•re saying it costs money - well, you're damned right it costs money!
Excellence costs - it costs in every way!
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Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
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America at the Watershed
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choice we make on education or on nuclear weapons, I can not!'
guarantee. But there rS one thing 1can guarantee you today: the nuclear sitUation!
and our education system wiD look nothing like they do today 10 years from now.;
And although the choices we must make are fraught with danger, they also presentj
us with a phenomenal opportunity- 1beUeve with every fiber of my being that the!
next six to eight years Will be the most exciting period in the last half of the. 20thi
Century, one of the most exciting periods in the nation's Whole history, and thisi
generation of Americans enjoys an opportunity rarely granted by fate and history.:
We have a chance to shape our own future, to put our own stamp on the characte~
of America,: and if we pursue our destiny, we wiD be able to stand before ou~
chlldren, as :our mothers and fathers stood before us, and say, "We kept the
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I'm not satisfied, that to advance the American ·economy and produce jobsJ
we have to look to foreigners to build our plants, taking the profits of our laborsj
overseas and leaving us to cl~or for the crumbs of a few jobs. I'm not satisfied)
that more ttian haH of all the jobs we now create pay less than $7000 a year
unspoken price never mentioned by those who would have us welcome the change
from an Industrial economy to a service economy: when you move from makin~
steeU to ~g hamburgers, you move from $17 an hour to $3.50 An hour.
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I don't intend to be satisfied with an American economy whose proud~
boast Is that it Is the world's largest McDonald's outlet! And I am not going to b~
satisfied just to 11COmpete;• to compete means yo~ can lose, but I am not inte~
in losing. I~ america to win! The Japanese, the Europeans, the Koreans, don,
striVe simply to compete - they strive to win the economic contest, and so m~
America! We can do better. We must do better.
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Ladies and gentlemen, in order to achieve these great goals, there are many
things we must expect our government to do. We must have an economy driVen
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by technological supremacy, a Vigorous economy that stamps the 111nformation Agei
with the label 11Made in America!" And that means changing the laws In thiS
country, as wen as changing attitUdes. We must invest as much time and talent
developing :the strategies for manufacturing and distributing and selling ow!
technologie81 breakthroughs, as we do In developing the technology in the first
place. It is ridieulous that we introduce the VCR to the world, and then stand asid~
While the Japanese reap the profrts and the jobs from manufacturing and marketing
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lfs just as futile for American banks to shrug off the threat of a staggering
Third-World debt. Bankers must simply face up to their obligation, reschedule
Third-Worl~ loans and forgive the interest - and stop looking to the Americari
people to ball them o·ut of their miSJudgments •
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Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
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And In making these economic decisions, we do not have to choose betWeen
the oversimplified prescriptions of free trade and protectionism. lbe world is a lot
more complicated than that. Let me give you an example- we don't have to have.
protectionist policies to compete with Japan. We should put everything on the.
table. lhe Japanese now are extremely worried, as they should be, about the fa~!:
01' the dollar. So lefs say to the Japanese, •Hang on, or open your markets!
or,
DQod bless you, you're a great ally. lsn, it time you
to pay for more of
your own defense?• so It doesn't require protectionist legislation to deal With the,
Japanese, the Taiwanese or anyone else.
star!
But let us not delude ourselves - our foreign rivals are only part of our
problem in trade - the ultimate problem lies With us.
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must have a government that defends American jobs, and·
accommodates tne transition to new industries Without pennanenUy propping up.
those that have become obsolete- rather than consign to the industriaJ scrapheap.
tens of thousands of Americans between the ages of 45 and 60 because they were,
bam too soon to be-part of the new technological revolution. We can. not condemn
them merely because they would rather make steel than make hamburgers. We·
need to deal with their problems head-on; we can not walk away.
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One thing we could do is change our current quotas to tariffs, and dedicate
the proceeds to re-educating, retraining and relocating workers who lose their jobs
to unfair competition.
Government can do these things and many more that you may agree or
disagree With. The point I Wish to make Is 111is - In the final analysis, government .
can be no more than a catalyst. Indeed, ru teD you that if government enacted all :
the Ideas, programs and policies being diScussed in Washington today - even if ·
we assume that every one of them is well-conceived- AmeriQis fate would still be
In jeopardy. For au of the correct monetary, fisccil, and economic policies can not :
do as much to secure our economic future as we can.
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Yes, we must demand more of our government; but even more, we must
demand fi!Ore at ourselves! Nothing wt11 sUffice short of a wholesale :commitment
by our entire society- our managers, workers, and consumers -to revitalize and
reeo~ct our entire economy. And the way to start this reconstiuction is by
recognizing that the central SOCial as
as economic chaUenge of our time is to
reclaim the tradftion of community in our society.
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. For too lang we have been told that our only obDgation Is ·to our own
self--interest, our own states. We have been told that the problems of others those not near us, or in some ~er part of the country, are not our concern.
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Joseph R. Blden, Jr..
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How many Of you in Louisiana felt the deSperation Of the auto worker in N~
Delaware, when he received hiS last paycheck? How many of you in LouaSJana:
understood the numbness of the Iowa fann .family as they stood by ~d watched:
the auctioneer sell off the farm that had been in the family for generations?
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And how many of you, only a few years ago, smugly laughed at the b~per
stickers that read •tet a Yankee freeze In the dark!11 Now we must recogniZe that
our strength lies in helping each other. 111at your problems in Louisiana are the
concerns of all Americans - that we can not afford as a nation the loss of our
domestic oil industry; just as we can not afford the loss of our domestic auto, steel,.
or textile industries!
Only by recognizing that we share a common obligation to each other and:
to our country can we ever maximize our potential as a nation and as individual
Americans. America has been and must continue to be a seamless web of caring
and community, for U1at has been the story of America -so it alWays has been, so:
it always wiD be.
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We also need new political leadership - a leadership that recognizes that its
role is not just to preside over government, but to lead our society. We need a .
leadership prepared to go to the American people and teO them not What it Will
promise them but what it wall demand of them; to tell them that excellence must·
once again be the measure of our worth - excellence in our government, :
excellence in our education and excellence in our personal fives; a leadership that
declares that equal justice, equal rights, and equal opportunities - among blacks, :
Hispanics, and Whites, between men and women, rich and poor- are the overriding .
issues that this country faces In 1987, 1988 and for as long as it takes to achieve
these goals. We need· a leadership that promises on the journey to ~e future that ·
we Will reave no one behind. Our nation still demands that we treat those at the
dawn of life With love, at the dusk Of life With care and in those in the shadow Of life
With compassion.
~ove au, we need a new kind Of presidential ieadershlp. A presidential
feadershrp that'~ prep~~ to teD the hard truth and lead this country. Remember
What John_ ~ennecty dad 1n the early Sixties, When the steel industry raised prices
after pro~rng not to? He did not commission a study or ask for new legislation;
~e called rn ·the captains Of f!te steel Industry and said, •Now, let me teU you What
I d like to see ~ou do - and ff you don't, I'll put the prestige of the presidency on
the ll!le by go!ng to the American people!• He setued the problem. What an
Amencan pres1dent should do today is calf in the readers of Industry and labor
SSC:,~' by sector, and ~y, •okay, guys, I don1 need any new legislation. Here's th~
:~~e;n you Work it ouuu That's the kind ot leadership we need in the White
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But in the final analysis, the greater America that we seek will not be;
achieved by porltlcal, or even presidential leadership alone. 111e fate of ourj
America lies more in the hands of you in this room today and among your fellow!
citizens, than it does With those of us who crowd the corridors and Chambers
Washington;, D.C. The resolution of our watersh~ choices lies ultimately in the!
hands of the people. And only if they have a real and meaningful say in setting thej
direction of their counby into the future, can we expect them to proVide the energyj
and commitment, the perseverance and the imagination, that will be reqUired to!
achieve a true American renaissance.
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Our living rooms and our Classrooms, our workplaces and our rocat!
communities, Will be the battlegrounds far the American future, for I beReve that
American ~en and women - by disposition, experience, competence and crea~ are more th~ capable of infusing the tired blood of our politics with new ideas an~
new approaches, and most importanUy, with new passion and energy. 1 fervently
believe that our people are only awaiting the call,. and that they will respond to UUS,
chaUenge and opportunity in a ftoodtide of enthusiasm and commitment that Wll~
see the regeneration of public life in America. It is this new participation that Is th~
hope for our democracy.
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And I believe that the Democratic Party can be the nation's political vess~
once again.: But only if we reclaim our heritage as the party Of the people and n~
government; the party of economic growth and not just economic distribution;
party Of the:common Interest and effort, rather than the party of special interests;
the party of community, not charity; the party of idearrsm, not patronage; and m~
importantly~ the party, not of the status auo. but once again the party of innovation~
experiment ;&nd change.
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The ~sk of our political leadership today, and the task for our party, is tq
define our candidacies not as vessels of mere personal ambition, but as a coRectivel
effort toward a common goal - not simply toward victory for "me,• but toward ~
Victory -w~ achieve together. ThiS VISion is not some pipe dream fueled by
miSplaced romanticism, but a realistic vision of modem America - it is nothing Iss$
than the legacy Of our generation.
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You know, 1share with many of you in this room the distinction of being part
Of the post~war generation that ls the largest in our history. In our youth, w~
Changed America - not by our votes, but by our Ideas and our Ideals. When w~
marched, we did not march for a 14-point program and a white paper. We marched
to change attitudes. Whether it was civil rights or women's rights, preserving th~
environment or ending the war ln Vielnam, we profoundly altered the face Of thi~
nation.
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Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
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America at the Watershed;
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Now in the season of our maturity, fate has delivered us to a special
moment ..:. 'tor a· second time, our generation has a unique chance to redeem the
character and the futUre of America, for In 1988, more than half the voters
come:
from our generation. And fate has not only cast 1988 as an eleclion abo~ the
future, It has also woven Into its fabric an important coinCidence- for_1988 Will not_
only be a year about the future; it will also be a year of annaver:sary and·
remembrance. In 1988, we mark the 25th anniVersary of the assassmation of.
President John F. Kennedy, and it stands exactly 20 years from Dttle Year of the
Locust", 1968- Tet, Chicago, Nixon's election, and the assassinations of Martin.
Luther King and Robert Kennedy.
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Twenty years of darkness and confUsion 8eparate that fatefUl year from 1988,.
anef to many in our generation, the interval has seemed an almost biblical=
wandering in the Wilderness for America. And so, for us, 1988 will be a special
year, the closing of a circle, as our past meets our future. And once again, we have·
to choose, because, remember, affixed to the balcony door of the Memphis motel·
where Martin Luther King was shot there is a plaque. It reads, antey said, one to;
another, behold, here cometh the dreamer. Let us slay him, and we shall see what
becomes of his dreams.a
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The cynics believe that my generation has forgotten. They believe that the :
ideals and compassion and conviction and courage to change the world that ·
marked our youth are now nothing but long-faded Wisps of our adolescence. Tbey :
believe that - having reached the conservative age of mortgage paymems, :
pediatricians' bOis and concem for our children's education - we have forgotten :
who we are and what we believe. But I'm here to tell you, ladies and genUemen: .
they ~ve misjudged us! For I can still hear the dreamers, and so can you, ·
speaking to us across the dMCfe of those Wilderness years: 11Letthe word go forth, ·
from this time and place, that the torch has been passed to a new generation or ·
Americans•••• ar have a dream, that one day the son ot the slave and the son of the
sl~veholder Will srt down together at the fable of brotherhood.If •some men see .
things as they are and say why? - I dream things that never were and say wtty ·
not?
_Just beca~se our heroes were murdered does not mean that the dream does
not Still live, buned deep in our broken hearts. 1 remember those dreamers, and
so do you. They made me feel good about myself; they made me teei good about
my r:'arty- and most of au, they made me feel proud ot my country. It was a
~oanng sensaUon, and I am reminded of it every time 1hear the communion hymn
1n my church based on the 91st psalm. rt goes like this -
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�Joseph R. Bfden, Jr.
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America at the Watershed:
And he wm raise you up on eagle's Wings,
And bear you on the breath of dawn,
And make the sun to shine on you.
Well, thafs how 1felt, and 1think that's the natural feeling for an American. lfs time
to mend the broken hearts of my generation with the same tonic that fired their
actiVism two decades ago. It's Ume to end the political apathy and alienation which
have characterized it for much too long. lfs time to restore Americ£s soUl. Irs
time to be on ·the march again. It's time to get America moving again. Our time
has come!
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�KEEP HOPE ALIVE
Jesse Jackson's
1988 Presidential Campaign
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A Collection of Major Speeches,
Issue Papers, Photographs, and
. Campaign Analysis
Edited by
Frank Oemente
with
Frank Watkins
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·A Publication of the Keep Hope Alive PAC and
South End Press
�Speech to the 1988 Democratic National Convention
KEEP HoPE ALIVE
Atlanta, Georgia, July 19, 1988
Hamer and Aaron Heruy-who sits here tonight from Mississippi-were locked out on
the streets of Atlantic City, the heads of the
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. But tonight, an African American and a white delegation from Mississippi is headed by Ed Cole,
an African American, from Mississippi, 24
years later.
Many were lost in the struggle for the right
to vote. Jimmy Lee Jackson, a young student,
gave his life. Viola Luizzo, a white mother
from Detroit, called nigger lover, had her
brains blown out at point-blank range.
Schwemer, Goodman and Chaney-two
Jews and an African American-found in a
common grave, bodies riddled with bullets in
Mississippi. The four darling little girls in
church in Birmingham, Alabama. They died
that we may have a right to live.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. lies only a few
miles from us tonight. Tonight he must feel
good as he looks down upon us. We sit here
together, a rainbow, a coalition-the sons and
daughters of slaves sitting together around a
common table, to decide the direction of our
party and our country. His heart must be full
tonight.
As a testament to the struggles of those who
have gone before; as a legacy for those who
will come after; as a tribute to the endurance,
the patience, the courage of our forefathers
and mothers; as an assurance that their prayers
are being answered, their work has not been in
vain, and hope is eternal-tomorrow night my
name will go into nomination for the Presidency of the United States of America.
We meet tonight at a crossroads, a point of
decision. Shall we expand, be inclusive, or suffer division and impotence?
We come to Atlanta, the cradle of the Old
South, the crucible of the New South. Tonight
there is a sense of celebration because we are
moved, fundamentally moved, from racial battlegrounds by law, to economic common
Tonight we pause and give praise and
honor to God for being good enough to allow
us to be at this place at this time. When I look
out at this convention, I see the face of America, red, yellow, brown, black and white, we're
all precious in God's sight-the real rainbow
coalition. All of us, all of us who are here think
that we are seated. But really we're standing
on someone's shoulders. Ladies and gentlemen, Mrs. Rosa Parks.
The mother of the civil rights movement.
I want to express my deep love and appreciation for the support my family has given me
over these past months. They have endured
pain, anxiety, threat and fear. But they have
been strengthened and made secure by a faith
in God, in America and in you. Your love has
protected us and made us strong.
To my wife Jackie, the foundation of our
family; to our .five children whom you met
tonight; to my mother, Mrs. Helen Jackson,
who is pieSent tonight; and to my grandmother, Mrs. Matilda Bums; my brother
Chuck and his family; my mother-in-law Mrs.
Gertrude Brown, who just last month at age 61
graduated from Hampton Institute, a marvelous achievement; I offer my appreciation to
Mayor Andrew Young who has provided such
gracious hospitality to all of us this week.
And a special salute to President Jimmy
Carter. President Carter restored honor to the
White House after Watergate. He gave many
of us a special opportunity to grow. For his
kind words, for his unwavering commitment
to peace in the world, and the voters that came
from his family, every member of his family,
led by Billy and Amy, I offer him my special
thanks, special thanks to the Carter family.
My right and privilege to stand here before
you has been won-in my lifetime--by the
blood and sweat of the innocent.
Twenty-four years ago, the late Fanny Lou
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can survive a nuclear war. If lions and lambs
can find common ground, surely we can as
well, as civilized people.
The only time that we win is when we come
togethe~ In 1960, John Kennedy, the late John
Kennedy, beat Richard Nixon by only 112,000
votes-less than one vote per precinct. He won
by the margin of our hope. He brought us te>gether. He reached out He had the courage to
defy his advisors and inquire about Dr. King's
jailing in Albany, Georgia. We won by the margin of our hope, inspired by courageous leadership.
In 1964, Lyndon Johnson brought both
wings together-the thesis, the antithesis-to
create a synthesis, and together we won.
In 1976, Jimmy Carter unified us again and
we won. When we do not come together we
never win.
In 1968, division and despair in August led
to our defeat in November.
In 1980, rancor in the spring and the summer led to Reagan in the fall When we divide,
we cannot win. We must find common ground
as a basis for survival and development and
change and growth.
Today when we debated, differed, deliberated, agreed to agree, agreed to disagree,
when we had the good judgment to argue our
case and then not to self-destruct, George Bush
was just a little further away &om the White
House and a little closer to private life.
Tonight, I salute Governor Michael Dukakis. He has run a well-managed and a dignified campaign. No matter how tired or how
tried, he always resisted the temptation to
stoop to demagoguery.
I've watched a good mind fast at work, with
steel nerves, guiding his campaign out of the
crowded field without appeal to the wo:;:st in
us. I've watched his perspective grow· as his
environment expanded. I've seen his toughness and tenacity close-up. I know his commitment to public service.
Mike Dukakis's parents were a doctor and a
teacher; my parents, a maid, a beautician and a
janitor.
There is a great gap between Brookline,
Massachusetts and Haney Street, the Fieldcrest
Village housing project in Greenville, South
Carolina. He studied law; I studied theology.
ground. Tomorrow we will challenge to move
to higher ground.
Common ground!
Think of Jerusalem-the intersection where
many trails met A small village that became
the birthplace for three great religions-Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Why was this village so blessed? Because it provided a crossroads where different people met, different
cultures and different civilizations could meet
and find common ground.
When people come together, flowers always
flourish and the air is rich with the aroma of a
new spring. Take New York, the dynamic metropolis. What makes New York so special? It
is the invitation of the Statue of Liberty-give
me your tired, your poor, your huddled
masses who yearn to breathe free.
Not restricted to English only.
Many people, many cultures, many languages--with one thing in common, the
yearning to breathe free.
Common ground!
Tonight in Atlanta, for the first time in this
century we convene in the South. A state
where governors once stood in school-house
doors. Where Julian Bond was denied his seat
in the state legislature because of his conscientious objectipn to the Vietnam WM- A city that,
through its five African American universities,
has graduated more African Americans than
any other city in the world. Atlanta, now a
modem intersection of the New South.
Common ground! That is the challenge to
our party tonight.
Left wing. Right wing. Progress will not
come through boundless liberalism nor static
conservatism, but at the critical mass of mutual
survival. It takes two wings to fly. Whether
you're a hawk or a dove, you're just a bird
living in the same environment, in the same
world.
The Bible teaches that when lions and lambs
lie down together, none will be afraid and
there will be peace in the valley. It sounds impossible. Lions eat lambs. Lambs sensibly flee
from lions. But even lions and lambs find com. mon ground. Why?
Because neither lions nor lambs want the
forest to catch on fire. Neither lions nor lambs
want add rain to falL Neither lions nor lambs
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There are differences of religion, region and
race, differences in experiences and perspectives. But the genius of America is that out of
the many, we become one.
Providence has enabled our paths to intersect. His foreparents came to America on immigrant ships; my foreparents on slave ships;
we're in the same boat tonight.
Our ships could pass in the night if we have
a false sense of independence, or they could
collide and crash. We would lose our passengers. But we cannot seek a higher reality and a
greater good apart. We can drift on the broken
pieces of Reaganomics, satisfy our baser instincts, and exploit the fears of our people. At
our highest, we can call upon noble instincts to
navigate this vessel to safety. The greater good
is the common good.
As Jesus said, "Not my will, but thine be
done." It was his way of saying there's a
higher good beyond personal comfort or position.
The good of our nation is at stake--its com'llitment to working men and women, to the
poor and the vulnerable, to the many in the
world. With so many guided missiles, and so
much misguided leadership, the stakes are exceedingly high. Our choice: full participation
in a Democratic government or more abandonment and neglect. And so this night we
choose not a false sense of independence, not
our capacity to survive and endure.
Tonight we choose interdependency in our
capacity to act and unite for the greater good.
The common good is finding commitment to
new priorities, to expansion and inclusion; a
commitment to expanded participation in the
Democratic Party at every level; a commitment
to new priorities that ensure that hope will be
kept alive; a common ground commitment to
D.C statehood and empowerment-D.C deserves statehood; a commitment to economic
set-asides; a commitment to the Dellums bill
for comprehensive sanctions against South Africa; a shared commitment to a common direction•
Common ground. Easier said than done.
Where do you find common ground-at the
point of challenge. This campaign has shown
that politics need not be marketed by politicians, packaged by pollsters and pundits. Poll-
tics can be a marvelous arena where people
come together, define common ground.
We find common ground at the plant gate
that closes on workers without notice. We find
common ground at the farm auction where a
good farmer loses his or her land to bad loans
or diminishing markets. Common ground at
the schoolyard where teachers cannot get adequate pay, and students cannot get a scholarship and can't make a loan. Common ground
at the hospital admitting room where somebody tonight is dying because they cannot afford to go upstairs to a bed that's empty, waiting for someone with insurance to get sick. We
are a better nation than that. We must do better.
Common ground. What is leadership if not
present help in a time of crisis? And so I met
you at a point of challenge in Jay, Maine, where
paper workers were striking for fair wages; in
Greenfield, Iowa, where family farmers struggle for a fair price; in Oeveland, Ohio, where
working women seek comparable worth; in
McFarland, California, where the children of
Hispanic farm workers may be dying in clusters with cancer; in the AIDS hospice in Houston, Texas, where the sick support one another,
12 of whom are rejected by their own parents
and .friends. Common ground.
America's not a blanket woven from one
thread, one color, one cloth. When I was a child
growing up in Greenville, South Carolina, and
grandmother could not afford a blanket, she
didn't complain and we did not .freeze. Instead, she took pieces of old cloth-patches,
wool, silk, gabardine, crokersack, only
patches-barely good enough to wipe your
shoes with.
But they didn't stay that way very long.
With sturdy hands and a strong cord, she
sewed them together into a quilt, a thing of
beauty and power and culture.
Now, Democrats, we must build such a
quilt. Farmers, you seek fair prices and you are
right, but you cannot stand alone. Your patch
is not big enough. Workers, you fight for fair
wages. You are right. But your patch, labor, is
not big enough. Women, you seek comparable
worth and pay equity. You are right. But your
patch is not big enough. Women, mothers,
who seek Head Start and day care and prena-
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�multi-billion dollar party. Now the party is
over. He expects the people to pay for the damage. I take this principled position: let us not
raise taxes on the poor and the middle class,
but those who had the party, the rich and the
powerful, must pay for the party!
I just want to take common sense to high
places. We're spending $150 billion a year defending Europe and Japan 43 years after the
war is over. We have more troops in Europe
tonight than we had seven years ago, yet the
threat of war is ever more remote. Germany
and Japan are now creditor nations-that
means they've got a surplus. We are a debtor
nation-that means we are in debt.
Let them share more of the burden of their
own defense--use some of that money to build
decent housing. Use some of that money to
educate our children. Use some of that money
for long-term health care. Use some of that
money to wipe out these slums and put America back to work.
I just want to take common sense to higher
places. If we can bail out Europe and Japan, if
we can bail out Continental Bank and
Chrysler--and Mr. lacocca makes $8,000 an
hour-we can bail out the family farmer.
I just want to make common sense. It does
not make sense to close down 650,000 family
farms in this country while importing food
from abroad subsidized by the U.S. government.
Let's make sense. It does not make sense to
be escorting oil tankers up and down the Persian Gulf, paying $2.50 for every $1.00 worth of
oil we bring out, while oil wells are capped in
Texas, Oklahoma and Louisiana. I just want to
make sense.
Leadership must meet the moral challenge
of its day. What's the moral challenge of our
day? We have public accommodations. We
have the right to vote. We have open housing.
What's the fundamental challenge of our
day? It is to end economic violence. Plants
closing without notice, economic violence.
Most poor people are not lazy. They're not
Black. They're not brown. They're mostly
white, female and young.
But whether white, black, brown, the hungry baby's belly turned inside-out is the same
color. Call it pain. Call it hurt. Call it agony.
tal care on the front side of life, rather than
welfare and jail care on the back side of life,
you're right, but your patch is not big enough.
Students, you seek scholarships. You are
right. But your patch is not big enough. African Americans and Hispanics, when we fight
for civil rights, we are right, but our patch is
not big enough. Gays and lesbians, when you
fight against discrimination and for a cure for
AIDS, you are right, but your patch is not big
enough. Conservatives and progressives, when
you fight for what you believe, right-wing,
left-wing, hawk, dove--you are right from
your point of view, but your point of view is
not enough.
But don't despair. Be as wise as my
grandmama. Pool the patches and the pieces
together, bound by a common thread. When
we fonn a great quilt of unity and common
ground, we'll have the power to bring about
health care and housing and jobs and education and hope to our nation.
We the people can win. We stand at the end
of a long dark night of reaction. We stand tonight united in a commitment to a new direction. For almost eight years, we've been led by
those who view social good coming from private interest, who viewed public life as a
means to increase private wealth. They have
been prepared to sacrifice the common good of
the many to satisfy the private interest and the
wealth of a few. We believe in a government
that's a tool of our democracy in service to the
public, not an instrument of the aristocracy in
search of private wealth.
We believe in government with the consent
of the governed--of, for and by the people. We
must not emerge into a new day without a new
direction.
Reaganomics is based on the belief that the
rich had too little money, and the poor had too
much. So they engaged in reverse Robin
Hood-took from the poor, gave to the rich,
paid for by the middle-class. We cannot stand
four more years of Reaganomics in any version, in any disguise.
How do I document that case? Seven years
later, the richest one percent of our society
pays 20 percent less in taxes; the poorest ten
percent pay 20 percent more. Reaganomics.
Reagan gave the rich and the powerful a
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But you need to know what we know. We can
go and buy the drugs by the boxes at the port.
If we can buy the drugs at the port, don't you
believe the federal government can stop it if
they want to?
They say, "We don't have Saturday night
specials anymore." They say, "We buy AK-47s
and Uzis, the latest lethal weapons. We buy
them across the counter at Long Beach Boul~
vard." You cannot fight a war on drugs unless
and until you are going to challenge the bankers and the gun sellers and those who grow the
drugs. Don't just focus on the children, let's
stop drugs at the level of supply and demand.
We must end the scourge on the American culture.
Leadership. What difference will we make?
Leadership cannot just go along to get along.
We must do more than change presidents. We
must change direction. Leadership must face
the moral challenge of our day. The nuclear
weapons build-up is irrational. Strong leadership cannot desire to look tough, and let that
stand in the way of the pursuit of peace. Leadership must reverse the arms race.
At least we should pledge no first use.
Why? Because first use begets first retaliation,
and that's mutual annihilation. That's not the
rational way out. No use at all-let's think this
out, and not fight it out, because it's an unwinnable fight Why hold a card that you can
never drop? Let's give peace a chance.
Leadership. We now have this marvelous
opportunity to have a breakthrough with the
Soviets. Last year, 200,000 Americans visited
the Soviet Union. There's a chance for joint
ventures into space, not Star Wars and the
arms race escalation, but a space development
initiative. Let'~ build in space together and d~
militarize the heavens. There's a way out
America, let us expand. When Mr. Reagan
and Mr. Gorbachev met, there was a big meeting. They represented together one-eighth of
the human race. Seven-eighths of the human
race were locked out of that room: most people
in the world tonight-half are Asian, one half
of them are Chinese. There are 22 nations in
the Middle East. There's Europe, 400 million
Latin Americans next door to us, the Caribbean, Africa-a half a billion people. Most people in the world today are yellow or brown or
Most poor people are not on welfare. Some
of them are illiterate and can't read the wantad sections. And when they can, they can't
find a job that matches their address. They
work hard every day. I know. I live among
them. I'm one of them.
I know they work. I'm a witness. They catch
the early bus. They work every day. They raise
other people's children. They work every day.
They clean the streets. They work every day.
They drive vans and cabs. They work every
day. They change the beds you slept in at these
hotels last night and can't get a union contract.
They work every day.
No more. They're not lazy. Someone must
defend them because it's right, and they cannot speak for themselves. They work in hospitals. I know they do. They wipe the bodies of
those who are sick with fever and pain. They
empty their bedpans. They clean out their
commodes. No job is beneath them, and yet
when they get sick, they cannot lie in the bed
they made up every day. America, that is not
right. We are a better nation than that. We are a
better nation than that.
We need a real war on drugs. You can't "just
say no." It's deeper than that You can't just get
a palm reader or an astrologer; it's more profound than that. We're spending $150 billion
on drugs a year. We've gone from ignoring it to
focusing on the children. Children cannot buy
$150 billion worth of drugs a year. A few high
profile athletes-athletes are not laundering
$150 billion a year-bankers are.
I met the children in Watts who are unfortunate in their despair. Their grapes of hope have
become raisins of desp~ and they're turning
on each other and they're self~estructing
but I stayed with them all night long. I wanted
to hear their case. They said, "Jesse Jackson, as
you challenge us to say no to drugs, you're
right And not to sell them, you're right. And
not to use these guns, you're right."
And, by the way, the promise of CETAthey displaced CETA. They did not replace
CETA. We have neither jobs nor houses nor
services nor training-no way out. Some of us
take drugs as anesthesia for our pain. Some
take drugs as a way of pleasure-both shortterm pleasure and long-term pain. Some sell
drUgs to make money. It's wrong, we know.
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�big boats are. And then, for our children,
young America, hold your head high now. We
can win. We must not lose you to drugs and
violence, premature pregnancy, suicide, cynicism, pessimism and despair. We can win.
Wherever you are tonight, I challenge you
to hope and to dream. Don't submerge your
dreams. Exercise above all else the right to
dream. Even on drugs, dream of the day that
you are drug-free. Even in the gutter, dream of
the day that you will be up on your feet again.
You must never stop dreaming. Face reality,
yes. But don't stop with the way things are;
dream of things the way they ought to be.
Dream. Face pain, but love, hope, faith and
dreams will help you rise above the pain.
Use hope and imagination as weapons of
survival and progress, but you keep on dreaming, young America. Dream of peace. Peace is
rational and reasonable. War is irrational in
this age and unwinnable.
Dream of teachers who teach for life and not
merely for a living. Dream of doctors who are
concerned more about public health than private wealth. Dream of lawyers more concerned about justice than a judgeship. Dream
of preachers who are more concerned about
prophecy than profiteering. Dream on the high
road of sound values.
And in America, as we go forth to September, October and November and then beyond,
America must never surrender its high moral
challenge.
Do not surrender to drugs. The best drug
policy is a no first use. Don't surrender with
needles and cynicism. Let's have no first use
on the one hand or clinics on the other. Never
SUITender, young America.
Go forward. America must never surrender
to malnutrition. We can feed the hungry and
clothe the naked. We must never surrender. We
must go forward. We must never SUITender to
illiteracy. Invest in our children. Never surrender, and go forward.
We must never surrender to inequality.
Women cannot compromise the ERA or
comparable worth. Women are making 67
cents on the dollar to what a man makes.
Women cannot buy meat cheaper. Women cannot buy bread cheaper. Women cannot buy
milk cheaper. Women deserve to get paid for
black, non-Christian, poor, female, young, and
don't spe~ English-in the real world.
This generation must offer leadership to the
real world. We're losing ground in Latin America, the Middle East, South Africa, because we
are not focusing on the real world. We must
use basic principles: support international law.
We stand the most to gain from it Support
human rights; we believe in that Support selfdetermination; we'll build on that Support
economic development; you know it's right
Be consistent, and gain our moral authority in
the world.
I challenge you tonight, my friends, let's be
bigger and better as a nation and a party. We
have basic challenges. Freedom in South Africa-we've already agreed as Democrats to
declare South Africa to be a terrorist state. But
don't just stop there. Get South Africa out of
Angola. Free Namibia. Support the Frontline
states. We must have a new, humane human
rights assistance policy in Africa.
I'm often asked, ''Jesse, why do you take on
these tough issues? They're not very political.
We can't win that way."
If an issue is morally right, it will eventually
be political. It may be political and never be
right. Fannie Lou Hamer didn't have the most
votes in Atlantic City, but her principles have
outlasted every delegate who voted to lock her
out. Rosa Parks did not have the most votes,
but she was morally right Dr. King did not
have the most votes about the Vietnam War,
but he was morally right. If we're principled
first, our politics will fall into place.
Jesse, why did you take these big bold initiatives? A poem by an unknown author went
something like this: We mastered the air, we've
conquered the sea, and annihilated distance
and prolonged life, we were not wise enough
to live on this earth without war and without
hate.
As for Jesse Jackson, I'm tired of sailing my
little boat, far inside the harbor bar. I want to
go out where the big boats float, out on the
deep where the great ones are. And should my
frail craft prove too slight, the waves that
sweep those billows o'er, I'd rather go down in
a stirring fight than drown to death on the
sheltered shore.
We've got to go out, my friends, where the
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the work that they do. It's right and it's fair.
Don't surrender, my friends. Those who
have AIDS tonight, you deserve our compassion. Even with AIDS you must not surrender.
You in your wheelchairs. I see you sitting here
tonight I've stayed with you. I've reached out
to you across our nation. Don't you give up. I
know it's tough sometimes. People look down
on you. It took a little more effort to get here
tonight
And no one should look down on you, but
sometimes mean people do. The only justification we have for looking down on someone is
that we're going to stop and pick them up. But
even in your wheelchairs, don't give up. We
cannot forget 50 years ago when our backs
were against the wall, Roosevelt was in a
wheelchair. I would rather have Roosevelt in a
wheelchair than Reagan and Bush on a horse.
Don't you surrender, and don't you give up.
Don't surrender and don't give up. Why
can I challenge you this way? Jesse Jackson,
you don't understand my situation. You be on
television. You don't understand. I see you
with the big people. You don't understand my
situation. I understand. You're seeing me on
TV but you don't know what makes me me.
They wonder why does Jesse run, because
they see me running for the White House.
They don't see the house I'm running from.
I have a story. I wasn't always on television.
Writers were not always outside my door.
When I was born late one afternoon, October
8th, in Greenville, South Carolina, no writers
asked my mother her name. Nobody chose to
write down our address. My mama was not
supposed to make it You see, I was born to a
teenage mother who was born to a teenage
mother.
I know ab~donment and people being
mean to you, and saying you're nothing and
nobody, and can never be anything. I understand. Jesse Jackson is my third name. I'm
adopted. When I had no name, my grandmother gave me her name. My name was Jesse
Bums until I was 12. So I wouldn't have a
blank space, she gave me a name to hold me
over. I understand when you have no name. I
understand.
I wasn't born in the hospital. Mama didn't
have insurance. I was born in the bed at home.
I really do understand. Born in a three-room
house, bathroom in the backyard, slop jar by
the bed, no hot and cold running water. I understand. Wallpaper used for decoration? No.
For a windbreaker. I understand. I'm a working person's person, that's why I understand
you whether you're African American or
white.
I understand work. I was not born with a
silver spoon in my mouth. I had a shovel programmed for my hand. My mother, a working
woman. So many days she went to work early
with runs in her stockings. She knew better,
but she wore runs in her stockings so that my
brother ~d I could have matching socks and
not be laughed at at schooL
I understand. At three o'clock on Thanksgiving Day we couldn't eat turkey because
mama was preparing someone else's turkey at
three o'clock. We had to play football to entertain ourselves and then around six o'clock she
would get off the Alta VISta bus when we
would bring up the leftovers and eat our turkey-leftovers, the carcass, the cranberries
around eight o'clock at night. I really do understand.
Every one of these funny labels they put on
you, those of you who are watching this
broadcast tonight in the projects, on the corners, I understand. Call you outcast, lowdown, you can't make it, you're nothing,
you're from nobody, subclass, underclasswhen you see Jesse Jackson, when my name
goes in nomination, your name goes in nomination.
I was born in the slum, but the slum was not
born in me. And it wasn't born in you, and you
can make it Hold your head high, stick your
chest out. You can make it It gets dark sometimes, but the morning comes. Don't you surrender. Suffering breeds character. Character
breeds faith. In the end faith will not dis-appoint
You must not surrender. You may or may
not get there, but just know that you're qualified and you hold on and hold out We must
never surrender. America will get better and
better. Keep hope alive. Keep hope alive. Keep
hope alive. On tomorrow night and beyond,
keep hope alive.
I love you very much. I love you very much.
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PLAYWRIGHT-DISSIDENT
,
VACLAV HAVEL AssuMES
THE PRESIDENCY OF
CzECHOSLOVAKIA
"LET us teach ourselves and others that politics can be not only the art of the
possible-especially if this means speculations. calculations. intrigues. secret
deals. and pragmatic maneuverina-but also the art of the impossible,
namely, the art of improving ourselves and the world."
Spentthreetermsinjailfor
"subversion." During the longest, from 1979 to 1983, he wrote a classic of
dissenters' literature, Letters to Olga, in the form of letters to his wife. Told
by the Communist leaders that he would be released if he requested a
pardon. Vaclav Havel refused to legitimate his conviction, grimly choosing to serve his full term-indicative of his philosophy of "responsibility
as destiny."
In the United States during World War II. playwright Robert E. Sherwood wrote speeches for FDR; in Czechoslovakia in the last throes of the
Cold War. playwright Vaclav Havel wrote and delivered his own speeches.
but he did not fool himself about the ability of the writer to mislead as well
as lead. "The power of words is neither unambiguous nor clear-cut," this
intellectual turned politician told a group of Germans in 1989. "It is not
merely the liberating power of [Lech] Walesa's words or the alarm-raising
power of [Andrey] Sakharov·s .... Words that electrify society with their
freedom and truthfulness are matched by words that mesmerize. deceive.
inflame. madden; words that are harmful. even lethal. The word as arrow .
. . . The selfsame word can at one time be the cornerstone of peace, while
at another. machine-gun fire resounds in its every syllable."
This is his address on assuming office on New Year's Day, 1990. As his
symbol of uncaring. removed-from-the-people government. he uses "political leaders [who] did not look or did not want to look out the windows
of their airplanes." returning to that image repeatedly in the best-written
speech during the demise of the Communist empire.
THE FOREMOST CZECH PLAYWRIGHT
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y dear fellow citizens. for fony years on this day you heard
from my predecessors the same thing in a number of variations: how our country is flourishing. how many millions of
tons of steel we produce. how happy we all are. how we trust our government. and what bright prospects lie ahead of us.
I assume you did not propose me for this office so that I. too. should lie
to you.
Our country is not flourishing. The enormous creative and spiritual potential of our nations is being wasted. Entire branches of industry produce
goods that are of no interest to anyone. while we lack the things we need.
The state. which calls itself a workers' state. humiliates and exploits workers. Our outmoded economy wastes what little energy we have. A country
that once could be proud of the educational level of its citizens now spends
so little on education that it ranks seventy-second in the world. We have
polluted our land. rivers. and forests. bequeathed to us by our ancestors;
we now have the most contaminated environment in all of Europe. People
in our country die sooner than in the majority of European countries.
Allow me a small personal observation: when I recently flew to Bratislava. I found some time during various discussions to look out of the
window of the plane. I saw the industrial complex of the Slovnaft chemical plant and the giant Petrzalka housing project right behind it. The view
was enough for me to understand that for decades our statesmen and
political leaders did not look or did not want to look out the windows of
their airplanes. No study of statistics available would have enabled me
faster and better to understand the situation we have gotten ourselves into.
But all this is not even the main problem. The worst thing is that we live
in a contaminated moral environment. We have fallen morally ill because
we became used to saying one thing and thinking another. We have
learned not to believe in anything. to ignore each other. to care only about
ourselves. Notions such as love. friendship. compassion. humility. or forgiveness have lost their depth and dimensions; for many of us. they represent nothing more than psychological idiosyncracies. or appear to be some
kind of relic from times past. rather comical in the era of computers and
spaceships. Only a few of us managed to cry out loud that the powers that
be should not be all-powerful; that special farms producing uncontaminated, top-quality food just for the powerful should send their produce to schools. children's homes. and hospitals. The previous regime •
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armed with its arrogant and intolerant ideology, reduced man to a means
of production and nature to a tool of production. Thus it attacked both their
very essence and their mutual relationship. It reduced gifted and autonomous people to nuts and bolts in some monstrously huge, noisy, and
stinking machine. whose real purpose is not clear to anyone. Such a machine can do nothing but slowly and inexorably wear itself out along with
all its nuts and bolts.
When I talk about the contaminated moral atmosphere. I am not talking
only about the gen~emen who eat organic vegetables and do not look out
the windows of their planes. I mean all of us. We have all become used to
the totalitarian system and accepted it as an immutable fact, thus helping
to perpetuate it. In other words, we are all-though naturally to various
degrees-responsible for the creation of the totalitarian machinery. None
of us is just its victim: we are all also responsible for it.
Why do I say this? It would be very unwise to think of the sad legacy of
the last forty years as something alien or something inherited from a dis·
tant relative. On the contrary, we have to accept this legacy as something
we have inflicted on ourselves. If we accept it as such. we will understand
that it is up to all of us. and only us, to do something about it. We cannot
blame the previous rulers for everything-not only because it would be
untrue but also because it could weaken our sense of duty. our obligation
to act independently, freely. sensibly. and quickly. Let us not be mistaken:
even the best government in the world. the best parliament. and the best
president cannot do much on their own. And in any case. it would be
wrong to expect a cure-all from them alone. Freedom and democracy, after
all. require everyone to panicipate and thus to share responsibility.
If we realize this. then all the horrors that the new Czechoslovak democ·
racy has inherited will cease to appear so horrific. If we realize this. hope
will return to our beans.
In the effon to rectify matters of common concern. we have something
to build on. The recent past-and in panicular. the last six weeks of our
peaceful revolution-has shown the enormous human. moral. and spiri·
tual potential: the civic culture that has slumbered in our society beneath
the mask of apathy. Whenever someone categorically claimed that we
were this or that. I always objected that society is a very mysterious crea·
ture and that it is not wise to trust the face it chooses to show you. I am
happy I was not mistaken. People all around the world wondered how
those meek. humiliated. cynical citizens of Czechoslovakia. who seemed
to believe in nothing. found the strength to cast off the totalitarian system
in several weeks. and do it in a decent and peaceful manner. And let us
ask. Where did young people who never knew another system get their
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longing for truth, their love of free thought, their political imagination.
their civic courage, and their civic prudence? How did their parentsprecisely the generation thought to be lost-join them? How is it possible
that so many people immediately grasped what had to be done. without
needing anyone else's advice or instructions?
I think there are two main reasons. First of all, people are never merely a
product of the external world-they are always able to respond to something superior. however systematically the external world tries to snuff out
that ability. Second. humanistic and democratic traditions. about which
there had been so much idle talk. did after all slumber in the subconscious
of our nations and national minorities. These traditions were inconspicuously passed from one generation to another, so that each of us could
discover them at the right time and transform them into deeds.
Of course. we had to pay for our present freedom. Many citizens died in
prison in the 1950s. Many were executed. Thousands of human lives were
destroyed. Hundreds of thousands of talented people were forced to leave
the country. Those who defended the honor of our nations during World
War II. those who rebelled against totalitarian rule, those who simply
managed to remain themselves and think freely-all were persecuted. We
should not forget any of those who paid for our present freedom in one
way or another. Independent courts should consider the possible guilt of
those who were responsible for the persecutions. so that the whole truth
about our recent past is fully revealed.
We must also bear in mind that other nations have paid even more
dearly for their present freedom. and that indirectly they have also paid for
ours. The rivers of blood that flowed in Hungary, Poland. Germany, and
not long ago in such a horrific manner in Romania, and the sea of blood
shed by the nations of the Soviet Union. must not be forgotten. because all
human suffering concerns every human being. But the sacrifices of these
peoples must not be forgotten also because their suffering forms the tragic
background to our own newfound freedom and to the gradual emancipation of the nations of the Soviet bloc. Without the changes in the Soviet
Union. Poland, Hungary, and Easf Germany, what happened here could
scarcely have taken place, and certainly not in such a calm and peaceful
manner.
The fact that we enjoyed optimal international conditions does not
mean that someone has directly supported us during the recent weeks. In
fact. after hundreds of years. both our nations have raised their heads high
Without relying on the help of stronger countries. It seems to me that this
constitutes the great moral asset of the present moment. This moment
holds within itself the hope that in the future we will no longer suffer from
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the complexes of those indebted to someone else. Now it is solely up to us
whether the promise of this moment will be fulfilled, and whether our
civic, national, and political self-respect will be revived.
Self-respect is not pride.
Quite the contrary: only a person or a nation with self-respect, in the
best sense of the word. is capable of listening to others while accepting
them as equals, of forghing enemies while expiating their own sins. Let
us try to infuse our communities with this kind of self-respect; let our
country's behavior on the international stage be marked by this kind of
self-respect. Only then ·will we restore our self-confidence. our respect for
one another. and our respect for other nations.
Our state should never again be an appendage or a poor relative of any
other state. While it is true that we must accept and learn many things
from other countries. we must do so as an equal panner who has something to offer.
Our first president. T. G. Masaryk, wrote: Jesus, not Caesar. Thus he
followed our philosophers ChelcickY and Comenius. I dare to say that we
may even have an opponunity to spread this idea abroad, to introduce a
new element into European and global politics. Our country, if that is what
we want, can now permanently radiate love. understanding, and the
power of the spirit and of ideas. It is precisely this glow that we can offer as
our contribution to international politics.
Masaryk rooted his politics in morality. Let us try-in a new era and in a
new way-to restore this conception of politics. Let us teach ourselves and
others that politics should be animated by the desire to contribute to the
community, rather than by the need to cheat or rape the community. Let us
teach ourselves and others that politics can be not only the an of the
possible-especially if this means speculations. calculations. intrigues,
secret deals, and pragmatic maneuvering-but also the an of the impossible, namely, the an of improving ourselves and the world.
We are a small country, yet at one time we were the spiritual crossroads
of Europe. Is there any reason why we could not regain that distinction?
Would it not be a way to repay those whose help we are going to need?
Our home-grown mafia-those who do not look out of the windows of
their planes and eat specially fed pigs-may still linger in our midst. muddying the waters from time to time. But it is no longer our main enemy .
The international mafia of which it is a pan is even less our enemy. Our
main enemy today is our own bad habits: indifference to the common
good, vanity, personal ambition, selfishness, and envy. The main struggle
will have to be fought against these foes.
Free elections and an election campaign lie ahead of us. Let us not allow
�VACLAV HAVEL 0
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633
this struggle to diny the clean face of our gentle revolution. Let us not
allow the world's sympathy, which we won so quickly, to be lost with
equal speed in the coming skirmishes for power. Let us not allow selfish
desires to bloom once again under the noble veil of the desire to serve the
common good. It is not really imponant which pany, club, or group will
prevail in the elections. The imponant thing is that the winners will be the
best of us-in the moral. civic, political, and professional sense-regardless of the winner's political affiliations. The future policies and prestige of
our state will depend on the personalities that we shall select and later
elect to our representative bodies.··
My dear fellow citizens!
Three days ago the deputies of the Federal Assembly. expressing your
will, elected me president of the republic. You therefore rightly expect that
I should mention the tasks that I as president see before me.
The first of these is to use all my powers and influence to ensure that we
shall soon step up to ballot boxes in free elections. and that our path
toward this historic event will be dignified and peaceful.
My second task is to guarantee that we approach these elections as two
genuinely self-governing nations. which mutually respect their interests,
national identity. religious traditions. and symbols. As a Czech who swore
his presidential oath to an eminent and personally close Slovak, I feel a
special obligation, knowing the various bitter experiences that Slovaks
have gone through in the past, to see to it that the interests of the Slovak
nation are respected. and that the way to any state office, including the
highest one, will never be closed to Slovaks in the future.
My third task is to do everything in my power to improve the lot of
children, old people, women. the sick, national minorities, and all citizens
who for any reason are worse off than others. The best food or hospitals
must no longer be prerogatives of the powers that be: they must first be
offered to those who need them most.
As the supreme commander of the armed forces, I want to ensure that
the defense capability of our country will no longer serve as a pretext for
anyone to thwan peace initiatives, including the reduction of military
service, the establishment of alternative military service, and the general
humanization of military life.
In our country, there are many prisoners who were convicted of serious
crimes and are being punished for them. However, they had to undergoin spite of the good will of some investigators, judges, and, above all,
defense lawyers-a debased judiciary process that curtailed their rights.
Now they live in prisons that. rather than attempting to awake the better
qualities that inhere in every human being, humiliate people and destroy
...
�•
63 4 0
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•
SPEECHES OF SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
them physically and mentally. In view of this fact, I have decided to declare a relatively extensive amnesty. I ask the prisoners to understand that
the damage caused by forty years of unjust interrogations. trials. and imprisonments cannot be repaired overnight, and that all the changes that
are being speedily prepared will nonetheless still require a certain amount
of time. By rebelling, the prisoners will neither help society nor themselves. I also call upon the public not to fear the prisoners after they are
released. not to make their lives difficult. and to help them in a Christian
spirit to seek within themselves that which the prisons did not help them
to find: the ability to repent and the desire to live an upright life.
My honorable task is to strengthen the authority of our country in the
world. I would be glad if other countries respected us for showing understanding. tolerance. and love of peace. I would be happy if Pope John Paul
II and the Dalai Lama of Tibet could visit our country before the elections.
if only for one day. I would be happy if our friendly relations with all
nations were strengthened. I would be happy if we succeeded before the
elections in establishing diplomatic relations with the Vatican and Israel. I
would also like to contribute to peace by my brief visit tomorrow to our
close neighbors. namely, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. Nor shall I forget our other neighbors-Poland.
Hungary, and Austria.
In conclusion. I would like to say that I want to be a president who will
speak less and work more. To be a president who will not only look out the
windows of his airplane. but who will always be among his fellow citizens
and listen to them attentively.
You may ask what kind of republic I dream of. Let me reply: I dream of a
republic that is independent, free. and democratic; a republic with economic prosperity yet social justice; a humane republic that serves the individual and therefore hopes that the individual will serve it in tum; a republic of well-rounded people. because without such people. it is impossible
to solve any of our problems. whether they be human. economic. ecological. social. or political.
The most distinguished of my predec;essors opened his first speech with
a quote from Comenius [the great Czech educator of the seventeenth century]. Allow me to end my first speech· with my own paraphrase of the
same statement: My people, your government has returned to you!
• • •
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- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - · · · - - - · - - ·----
I
.;.
..
THE AMERICAN IDEA
When he died seven weeks ago, Theodore H. White, the Pulitzer
Prize-winning author and journalist was working on an article for
this magazine to commemorate the Fourth ofJuly. Below is an
excerpt from the unfinished piece.
•
The idea was there at the very beginning, welJ before Thomas Jefferson put
it into words-and the idea rang the
call.
Jefferson himself could not have
imagined the reach of his call across the
world in time to come when he wrote:
"We hold these truths to be selfevident, that all men are created equal,
that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable rights, that
among these are life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness."
But over the next two centuries the
call would reach the potato patches of
Ireland, the ghettoes of Europe, the
paddyfields of China, stirring farmers to
leave their lands and townsmen their
trades and thus unsettling all traditional civilization.
It is the call from Thomas Jefferson,
embodied in the great statue that looks
down the Narrows of New York Harbor,
and in the immigrants who answered
the calJ, that we now celebrate .
•
SOME OF THE first European Americans had come to the new continent to
worship God in their own way, others
to seek their fortunes. But, over a
century-and-a-half, the new world
changed those Europeans, above all the
Englishmen who had come to North
America. Neither King nor Court nor
Church could stretch over the ocean to
the wild continent. To survive, the first
emigrants had to learn to govern themselves. But the freedom of the wilderness whetted their appetites for more
freedoms. By the time Jefferson drafted
his call, men were in the field fighting
for those new-learned freedoms, killing
and being killed by English soldiers,
the best-trained troops in the world,
supplied by the world's greatest navy.
Only something worth dying for could
unite American volunteers and keep
them in the field-a stated cause, a
Bag, a nation they could call their own.
When, on the Fourth of July, 1776,
the colonial leaders who had been meeting as a Continental Congress in Philadelphia voted to approve Jefferson's
Declaration of Independence, it was not
puffed-up rhetoric for them to pledge to
each other "our lives, our fortunes and
our sacred honor." Unless their new
"United States of America" won the
war, the Congressmen would be judged
659
�660
•
•
THEODORE
H.
traitors as relentlessly as would the
irregulars-under-arms in the field. And
all knew what English law allowed in
the case of a traitor. The victim could be
partly strangled; drawn, or disemboweled, while still alive, his entrails then
burned and his body quartered.
The new Americans were tough men
fighting for a very cough idea. How
they won their battle is a story for the
schoolbooks, studied by scholars,
wrapped in myths by historians and
poets. But what is important is the
story of the idea that made them into a
nation, the idea that had an explosive
power undreamed of in 1776.
All other nations had come into
being among people whose families had
lived for time out of mind on the same
land where they were born. Englishmen
are English, Frenchmen are French,
Chinese are Chinese, while their governments come and go; their national
states can be torn apart and remade
without losing their nationhood. But
Americans are a nation born of an idea;
not the place, but the idea, created the
United States Government.
The story we celebrate this weekend
is the story of how chis idea worked itself out, how it stretched and changed
and how the call for "life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness" does still, as it
did in the beginning, mean different
things to different people.
THE DEBATE BEGAN with the drafting of the Declaration of Independence.
That cask was left to Jefferson of Virginia, who spent two weeks in an up-
•
WHITE
AT
LIR&E
stairs room in a Philadelphia boarding
house penning a draft, while John
Adams and Benjamin Franklin questioned, edited, hardened his phrases.
By the end of that hot and muggy June,
the three had reached agreement: the
Declaration contained the ringing universal theme Jefferson strove for and,
at the same time, voiced American
grievances toughly enough to please
the feisty Adams and the pragmatic
Franklin. After brief debate, Congress
passed it.
As the years wore on, the great debate expanded between Jefferson and
Adams. The young nation flourished
and Jefferson chose co chink of America's promise as a call co all the world, its
promises universal. A few weeks before
he died, he wrote, "May it be to the
world, what I believe it will be (to some
parts sooner, co others later, but finally
co all), the signal of arousing men to
burst their chains." To Adams, the call
meant something else-it was the call
for American independence, the cornerstone of an American state.
Their argument ran through their
successive Administrations. Adams,
the second President, suspected the
French Revolutionaries; Alien and Sedition Acts were passed during his term
of office co protect the American state ·
and its liberties against French subversion. But Jefferson, the third President,
welcomed the French. The two men,
once close friends, became archrivals.
Still, as they grew old, their rivalry
faded; there was glory enough to share
in what they had made; in 1812, they
began a correspondence chat has since
_j
�•
MY CIUITIY
•
become classic, remembering and taking comfort in the triumphs of their
youth.
Adams and Jefferson lived long lives
and died on the same day-the Fourth
of July, 1826, 50 years to the day from
the Continental Congress's approval of
the Declaration. Legend has it that
Adams breathed on his death bed,
"Thomas Jefferson still survives." As
couriers set out from Braintree carrying
the news of Adam's death, couriers were
riding north from Virginia with the
ws of Jefferson's death. The couriers
et in Philadelphia. Horace Greeley,
then a youth in Vermont, later remem-
•
661
bered: "... When we learned ... that
Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, the
author and the great champion, respectively, of the Declaration, had both died
on that day, and that the messengers
bearing South and North, respectively,
the tidings of their decea5e, had met in
Philadelphia, under the shadow of that
Hall in which our independence was
declared, it seemed that a Divine attestation had solemnly hallowed and sanctified the great anniversary by the
impressive ministration of Death."
THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE)11Iy 6, 1986
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
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1993-1995
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
Description
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
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Inaugural Address Briefing Book [3]
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-009-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/aeef445716e8020b9a4bcab4f25f15eb.pdf
995dfb88ad28409af274a1b4fe01d030
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidentiaf:Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
Subseries:
;·
·'
4273
OAIID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Inaugural Address Briefing Book [2]
1~.~
Stack:
Row:
Sedion:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECfffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Paul Begala to Governor Clinton, HRC re: Some Thoughts on the
Inaugural Address (3 pages)
12/23/1992
Personal Misfile
002. memo
Carter Wilkie to George Stephanopoulos re: Notes from Conversations
about the Inaugural Address (3 pages)
12/16/1992
Personal Misfile
003. letter
Address (Partial) (1 page)
12/07/1992
P6/b(6)
004. memo
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
12/22/1992
P6/b(6)
005. memo
Andrew Robertson to George Stephanopoulos via Carter Wilkie re:
President-Elect Clinton's Inaugural Speech (6 pages)
12/22/1992
Personal Misfile
006.letter
Alan Brinkley to Bob Boorstin (3 pages)
12116/1992
Personal Misfile
007. memo
Jim Fallows to Bob Boorstin (3 pages)
ca. 12/1992
Personal Misfile
008. memo
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
12/19/1992
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural Address Briefing Book [2]
2008-0699-F
"m488
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) orthe PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) orthe PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) orthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) ofthe FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�r
I
'
ESSAY.
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·WASHINGTON, Jan. '21- The llne.
··ori8ina.IIy ran ''no b&rpers. born of dis- ,
crimination." Going Over.a· draft of lh~
ln&qural address with· a writer, Ken
·Khachfgtan, · Ronaid. ·Reagan· said::
. "There's :been such an increase in
·aitti-5emiiism !around. the world -.
· let's include the ~oi-d 'bigotry.~ " As '
delivered; the. phfase read ."~o bam- .
ers born ofbi~ry or d!scrimlnation."
· The speech' was crafted.with care..
On a scale of 10 ~with Lincobt's lnau- ·.
gural' addJ:esse;s ~d Wilson's first at ·
· the top, Kennedy's at .nine, j Nixon's
· first at eight· and!· secOnd .at· slx, carter's' at four - Reagan's lriaugural ·
a resj)ec:table seven. ,To:grade it
lndetail: ·
.~ .:
. .1. Structure:· He gave two speeches.
·The first was an FDR-style warning of
.economic peril, coupled with an attack
Oil big Government Bs the sourCe Of our . ....,.,. r:nTI'1!!1<::1 "CJilUJit~m~r\"
problem. After his flnit draft of Jan. 8,
Reagan·was disturbed at'What he told.
aides .was "an Impression that 1 will " cdu1Dtr:YJD1en"
back a.,..ay" from the campaign's ~
nQmic promises; he inserted .the "no
com~romlse'~ .J~e:
· .i
Tol.buttreslf. ~at anti-Go~mment
theme of th;;.first speech, he Used .the
. device . of "Thl!se · United States
· sift.'.. " as if by construing tJie singular "Unhed States" as plural, ,.e could
reinterpret our .nationhood. In remind. lng us that ~e ·nation ~a:s formed by
the states, the' new President seemed
to realize he might be overemphasizi
lng'hls point; he had to explaln, with a
touch of hunior, that' he did riot Intend
:."to do awaywith.Govemment.".
· ·
. In· the second Speech, begun. about
· hallway through, he. resutrected ·the
"forgotten American" . and evoked
memories of patriotic ferior, national
will and · lridiVtdual sacrifice. . Both
speeches fitted the occasion, the ~·sec- ~ .
ond more dramatically, but were not
S1{gge51tl~
thematically ~fled. Give hJm a.~·~".
mo:nU1111enrs
for stnicture. ·.
.
2. Slogan: He took the "e~ of national renewal" from "his election-eve·
address, drafted l;ly.Anthony Dolan. I ·
flinch at, "era" pronoqncements, ever
since our "era ·of negotiation~· turned
out to be not as secure a:s our ."era of
confrontatlon.1'. Wisely, Reagan put
the .Inaugural committee's slQ8an, .'
"new beginning'~ (based·on an ~~gl- ·
nal line of· his own), In quotatlon.
marks, acknowledgiJ!8 its theme with-.
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_,_;_aJI!L.a_(.aii...Ja...JIIaJdlaw--me&Uo-llel~tranaltr~allollo.;;":..·--,........,....---1---~··•""ertcans: t~·· shun "a nell'
lntq.JacL · ..
.
,. .
•To IJie · So•:lrti. bl' lllu-
. rhetoric~ and aeek aolld ~c- • ,,. . Jlere . !'resident ~ :Sixon '-··11cm, ll!r. :Six,on proposcd •. ai'
compllshmrnt.
broucltl lorword a UDIPIICD • jlls. two predel't'ssors ha\'l!'
ln"lhort,_•.the. 11ew !'real- Jheme: •we are approulll.nc ."atri"t·(hus far wllhout &U«!dcnt-.·speech WU lnt.nd..s .•. the llmlll 'of wh¥ coma- · ceu, explorslloa ofospaie toto be In tune wtth1he.llt'Lcs~..,eilt· alolie. ~ Ao."· It la7'cetl'lurwhlle eni:aclrtc here·
• .. and-,jtfl· 'the ·moocl··nt th~,... Umr,-now,"•to reath be)'Ond -olt earth ·Jn··~Pt'~l't'ful com·
voiAin wh~ Pll' M= 'n ' h
I I
lilt II I
""1111." d t'
I
---Willie ·u~: He had
;,~·::·~'i"U:e c~::.::eti'~nd rr•r:~ue:' ·r.::a~~·~j
IJietr volees, at leut their the eommllled.". Here wu a." UIIIL---- . ·
. ..
, 'maJorill' volee, and lv was·· promise whose. futrlllaritnt .... And lor lhos~ h~re at •.
.. rellcciiJU:I\._
.
<ould be a maJortriiOlbla-.hqme-and .. abroad .u well.
Jnaucural . ad~un arc auceeu. •· · ·· · ·
· -who have come 10 re~:ard
not eampalcn •echn-aml·
Mr. Nlxoo.llld..JIL.wu.not ·tile United StaTes u a self·
10 there was none of the ex•
ofltriDI •unlnsplrlnc eaae• • proelalmed •·orld poii<"Co
tra.,attaaee of the partiSen nor ,.,., he catllnc for •crtro man, the President depleted ·
platform nor Indeed a alnl!lr • sacrltlco but ratljtr propos. 1 n~w American elm: ··we
·cesture In IJie dcll•'e"' l'H•. Inc :hiCh ad9entlare." Non.. dnnot cxpe<! to make e.·tr)'· •
. t.t/'da)'. lnaucural addreues-·· thtleu. he 111adr the" future one our friend. but we un
1re derlalltol)' ot"lnttnl.lons .....,.IOun'd more "nl,undane" Ulan 'trr'. lo maltP ·no one cnar
ljut not .oj...~pedtl~ and ao. ·· 'adveniiR'OUL 1 •
• •
"'em)'." Instead of maklnll
.=a .. f4.wwe•LEo
ffFiHP .i&tfitfiffirii.1ii
ua wuaua use· tDP"'dbiGb'
.. .:;~.:...,.admlnlstr~U.~proposa~· or . said with some IHIInc thst. reey," 11 WOOdrow Wilson'
.·r
promises. . • - ··
~ .
"the creates!,. honor hlltCII7 wonld haw had II,· Rl'thard
··· I n a u 1 ~nra can bestow II tlae UUe ot Nixon ulled the measure qf
'\IIUall)' ar_ 'IR"J\.Cnf'd, U IIIII
fiC,IIC'ftllihr.•· He d~Krlbed Amerlta'l IUI't'f'Ss'lts 1blllll'
.onti, Wll,·~ &e( thd liiDf fot . It II ,ari hODOr •beekoniDC • tD. -help "make Ihe world
1 . the next four yean. And · Amerlea but Indeed Ills an sate· for mankind." ·
.'.JUcha:d~llaoa·,..t..,he.tone .'honor bectooJac·· Rlrllald~-.Hb ~al'allroad, IJien. hr
.:<)( wbat he hopes to do and
Nixon. · .
• · · :
-pat tlals war.• "Where peace
... ..::.=.:. iotrered a.d~c:as to h.,.;:he ·:~ Thrrt"'l!l\no ll~riPV"a-:-;.~"<ua¥own,:makt It wrk
intenda ta co about it. •
ror endlnc· the .\'lttaalll_toll!e;_l,rbere peace Ia frac•_
·
. For those -ary of lntff. .. \\:er, · lndefd no..:..sllftllll" ·lie, malie It stronC: where .
. •
nal contenUon, there was . menU on of llaat war. - ~
~m Ia .te:'poroi'J', anob II.
condenu1,1Uoo of "aocr'l' · .. It tntthlnc. ,Ujere wu a pennannL
•.
•
rhetoric," "'anated rhrtortc• •.· word or cauUop Dot tD ex,for all theM Iaska. fo;.•.
•
and· •bombastJe· mtoric.•' J>t'Cl '-mUcls tOO soOD, for ' i'lln "and domtstle, Rkhartf.:....__Thell· · · ·" · ::Wu.re.Cu~&~~UD ..ar..-aa~oUaredJI...,._..Septll- .. · AmeiiCM.I &e ......!Ttlloaiii:i .tn'a -pe..... -And: ·t ._.. · of • expertenee lhd bowl· ·
'
at ·one an~r, f11UPieO_ lftit jifiee•.
Qt,eoape edlte! "I ,., , Uiow the peo.
---with a"".prvraitJe• 'Ill 1!1~ "tbroli&h. wtshlnl lorlt-'llaa&.. pie of tlae wort~·
ad. "!
' • toimpied to shout that' :Yai • 'there Ia.. no substltut. tor lulow AabfrlcL- An to the' ·
.,_ ...•Coveramrntwllllllteft.•· · 1' days and evea·,_.,. 91 pa. attalilment:of·th
Ia h~;
,_.·. j, ·."To lOwer -our.. ·"f~Df aDd prol0111ed dlpiJ enanda~o;oW'I'6·
e sa-,:
r-- >"'wouldbe&almplollllnC"IIa·.:mary.•,_ ... /· •• · .w .,lion aod-tlae world at the
· ~;-. ..,., dl4.: ud~ lowered •·olcea &one wa• ~·cwmpaJa
CIP,Ilol.7nterday Lbe ne....._
•
. trorabeWIIIte Rowi anl.n .- t1ietoril! ·or.~· ·"'le&oUaUaC. ··Prcsadeat sobscrtbecl hlr
· • · prDIIPtt"t.:Jl. htt 11aa bla war'"' fiGIII.alliltlltb':lllll. -nucteart. owa "*red C'OIIIIIIIIIDCnL" .
..:..;..:.:: •our wordl can be ll•arot• - ' aupertoi«))." ..Ja -1M ~ ~ -:- "~ · "'fk'tl!. "'' •~~ttrc!H-'
-:
owords r.- all eldl'l In tht • wu the ulm td• ... "to tl . tnd all lh~oacl;\m I un .
.•
· ·IIJOie wtiD would Ill ltmpted • IUIDDIOII• 'lliU "- uNCI In tile ;
_ · .. - Natlof\al dllloiiM·
• ..,. . . And tllt"GclvrrntnUt will " bt.;'weMiiesa• to ll&te •ao cnae of peau. lit mlatu·
..._. :; • ~.II In .dw hope ot Cl.ndlni ·MUll& • Uitl ·
dl 111-' u .
In tilt cauu.
~ ·· · ··~·t!O "'!riV~IU'OIIJ.-.we.DMt~::JA.~.
....,..,,. ar";"''..wq,..,•
• • ..... laaftjo 1*11 left OVI • •. U Joal U wt Died lo Ill,
'. 'ftl1. : ··
. . •.
·
hu"'
•
.
Ul':
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·· · -;: ~-d· ... :r.-....w·:·:it··· ;r . ·"" -·- ... ; .~·-.~..:.-f:r. . .
11
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...;.. ........
...
~~~Jdt;,·:ad : ·'b;, ,;;~~~c;I'JIIU011at"p7Jb;:.~ ~~~11~~-;-: ~~~'·::~-~~~:;~~~
~..:;-..- "Richard :L. L)ooni. .C:C".1~11it:'.!O.,':toMoll'4a~~ --:J~~Miii:':;M&Jiitreld llicN~~:o;•Pf.'d-,:'~~7 ~14: ·. ~-~".
~- ~-·~--- ... ·•·. ,..,..., ,111•-st.ald.:-~-:;:~·.l!lelllt'at:mlu~·r~-·:.u.t~IIIJ'.<:rltlcAI ·' . :...::.._:
~Ia ·IIIR.Jaalll ot Conrr+a~_:,,;..!n~~"1i'1J'IIII-~•• -t llope"W.:..il/r"llat.·f~.-·~··rM! npb·lftdi~
l• --iild ~nd t:lie"''orld, Prtd.-·,1n" .. ~ ·~ >.aD,~-.Ba D!Oft·ta·tll9w6J;'l~:Jt'Qiil» dWft'eftU,. Dftlrl.
C! ..:. ·1;'~!~~=~~= :~":~~~.. ;~~ior.-'c~_m·; tlahm tnU·III~~~IJir;,~t~"f~
!"'!'"'; eb~d wu acottptf'd 1a11el7 .. "(oriel,. oa~e.1lt~alllloid ot~ ·icllltYin;' ::!'f~;- ~a....:.~&.f'llllp Coalennre, aald
'·':'' 1a aut tplr1t:- · .
, · •· hlll>e •.• ~ ·
· • • :; ·' -. lnolll!la ahud: Manafleld '· the ~!pHd! ahvwf'd "no -~~~
~ :t_. "11' w(r,ft'aJIQtt ot ~iri·'·'.·:. ~r thlnt .lie embnb""O,Ir-..ald."',.:';' :.: · ::":· . ~;. "'..,._.,.Dt:.~nc7 and no ..,mttiY·
·.~ ~ncll~on '11'111ch f.·. llli'Job with 111e ltl1lt ~c:'" o::.-,A·~ 8piftb'""' · · ~·1: .·~·.II,)' .10 1J!e butc prvbleiN at
:" ••; ·"Uioqll& wu hnlftiiiYe," _ ol hope MdNuUonandthe . .: .. ....:... ld t'MzO' ·iaJ4J"r.f':lluncerc PGYer1r Ud.zve."
\'~··· a.·. ,rna Ha.n11 ·(Do . l"foC'>CniUoo ·lila& ·there are. ·:.:;.ortt"
...~ e~--bll" .. 'Sea.~ Wblle to ~\or Wllklno,•·
··
11 will -no · ~•11 oolutlcn!L 10 • the ·
·~ .. ~ CID ;.. __ : . Uw dJrcoctor oi'Uie .l'hUoali
t.~~~-~ u.e -~Un
wor1d'a ·Proble~ Wilooa·'~"· J'aYI&f, ·.·~~aa_c _
_::-~llolloa·tor tlle.Aduaae-.:
___U>e_oppoat 011 wv aa_ &ld. ·•• · .· .... -.-.--. 7"f1bemdo'llfllls'1ncembeftCJ'. ~~~ent·otColorrd People 111c
1: .. :: D&Uo...
, .~alnnl"()ll L~r0 urt:~- ! From .·(b... v.u~..; ~ ~':-~lfe, He'a well equ""'"' ...:.,:rpeee.~~l' "n!•Nl~ ail .~i ...
ant 011r ,ean. · ""' ......
~
· •
~'1t·come.·.at·a'1ortldloaa rwu or ~ Nr1ouanoa ol
we1J wut· Co "" to we •. ~aul
Nn: ~iO own., "\ime. In lllltorr. t thlak lt'a.·-c.~~e r8c111 crtall.•
•.
.
• ll.at 111e drtallaare.• · •. - . >l::f~~ c~da; )'au to ~':; _; the rlcbt.-16iue.• · ·· ::. · : . ·· .. i11 consreu. howe;er, the .
~ ~~·"11'tiiiJ' think he did vei'Y-o·~u to your eftoru t~W'
or.o' ·.prominent Demo-.;. ensphull wu oa a trlendlr
:;··well,• sal~ Maine's .;"::· ;:~ unity and puce, and to be.-..: .cnUI! .aeaaton with naUoaal ~~llanlnc. an 11 ~pl.\o be
[ • ;. mund S. Muf;kle,
. ••- C'Oplous 'blenlaca upoo. _ poiiUcal . toUowtaca. Ju~cf'd ·.andcnuDCIJnc.
.
1 .
......._. acllut the Nlxon-llcne~1111.4'a"• ramn, 1 nc~ •h be ··'tilL •PttSIJ:f"aucrey. "A ·
•J&'f dllll..,ll ...,. 'lo · ••
,. ·- tictet Jut fell •n.d ~~~. 'love<i people ot,.P~e.lJnlted.:.;..rood apeec!'t," I&Jd..5en; E~"'-Part.lwi,!!.::.Rep-CbaicJ..s._,
~•caln;tomf'da,..... , . ·---Stain af·AmmC"L• - .... ;-ltne'l.Mce&rth;,(D-Mlii'aJ~-.Joelaon.•• New Jerwy Dem,·~- ~ma . problem." Muokle..
. ·
. · • .•. ~.• •,pprvpr1ate lor an·tniuru·. ocrat 'admlllrd. •"It .-aa- 1
' - - ·ulcl,. -was to rn~a&e the ron· . 'Stale otf'rllltraUoa•:. • ~.,.. ~allqn;~ _Stnalot ~ ;Ed.~..,-ttne;-:.aPf«'h. 1 -ill9pose:.u·~tldelld!-OLthe .• counl.r)'•. --A Racllo"R'anol'&iii.d~Kenaeclt;;;tO.lt&u.) ciCCei'M~ ..John .. P'. KtnntdY had made·
-:-::-EftrT nlw t>r.sldent· areds·:· m'onllored . Ia. Hong Konc,-- mild pralle. •r.toat allftlll· :... JI. l,w.,.ld have I&Jd INICDU·:
...-:-'\4 -do Ibis,, but with hla 4Z · made 110 direct reftt"ence to.. cant · wu lbe emphula he·, l.ttnL"
·• · ·
·
·~:::..per eht vole and \hr dlv· · Ule riew'l'realdeot but char· ·.. -~--~ .,·:-:.·. ;,. ·.:..,.-"'. ·
.·..
-~ lcte~f_'COunlrJ',_ hr needed ll_.aclcrlaed ..zoeUrinc.J'rea~ettf
.:,..: · more t.h&A mOll. One~pecch _., JohnsOII u .lh~aa W!!o _
,. ..- DAar1unatcly, · no maller •lf'd ·lhe UDII.ediiLalea Into a,...
t_:,
·
"p!... ·.
.
~
.v!w
~--:::'rf~i:o':t.!~'n~~nthrl:·1·~dudl~~;.~~-~~1::··.
''belnc.llltod.a~_tci a. de-_
· · • -·~tree aotoowo .to J.he Uultod .:
;:. · apeeclllu fOOd beclnnlna.•
;.,.. ... ao.ici·Bectli.BlAi
•
::.: '.';..,.A-100<1 be1lnnlnc wu.the-Suus.-:bclo~a-Jt .
..;__,:_jndcmeat no CapiiDIJiiiLJD.....!~td:.....:!J.tL\IItJaUIII'e_o(_
. • botll~ From olhir. Jo~~n be_.a..Jeuoa-~ olh::..... • rapl~. J.he·aew p,..sldrncy en.. - .
.
~
IN!C'D ,with charitable creel•.
P'rvm Prtlnc;the Commu·
~· •
L1!p or at leut an absente
nbt Chloe~< News Agency
.;;__- oLJ!Ie...ll,o&tl:ZbeiOrlc ~hal ~f'IC!rl~ -10,000 -Amerleana-'
=:;:,NizoD IIOf>!S 11,-dtofiCallle. .. dem::::r~·~~=~
•.
Sovle& President Sikolal -too ualnlt .S: Imperial bra·;.
•
• · • Poc!comi...,nd ~:.Aii..-&Ad·
• .•. n .. · Koaycla wired ,heir . (.he ...Ameriran ·Jieople-.re ..
• .; ' coap-atlllaUoDI . and . el• · rapldiJ awakenlllc ••• lna hope that btller . f•ce ot the nctnc namea of
__.: ~ laUoas would follow.·
the Amerlran peoplt'a ltniC·
~llolll • our · states ft!Uit • -~:~e; Nlaoa: 'will certainly··
• ltl'lte 10 atreJ11:1:11t"D trlead(J.- !lad hll .eolnc IOucber thlll •
•: relaUOIIII between 1Jie PfOo that of L)'ndon Johnaoa." • ·.
:·. pies o~ tile Soviet Ublon ud • At home, the eommenta
-;--·lbe. UoiUd States . ..........nd were more aaqa:uJae. Repub;
do al\ •bat II oeeded to aolve · 11 ~ 101 In Concreu telt
~~ ••
·•
·_I'IIXI7II: m1.1 .ll••e aLnaclt .the. •.
::- ., ]ob,.;;, ki riui' ... tone.:.;~at eoulcl. 10 tan,
. F.reued
=- . .
ill
N;
.
'baluc1J&E cuaabJ. tucctflcr
. .
i& Pa.u' . In Uie'i9'1iiiiiimoatlii:
'Heed.
-:', . NEW _:~~Ji-;,:. Jaa. ;-
..
·'!t;"~:: z:.; ~PJi~:
~ .. (AP)- Jl'ottDer President,
nie." ...u111
Stli:-: Howlril:j
,:( .• =~':x':: ;:v~i!t~~' Baker (ft:TeanJ "wll the re-_
:......wol'dl ol·IIUt·PI'flidtaU"··· .acuon oa lllc.,pJ•tl~tnn.aspec.::
.. ·~ . dl
c:taiiJ from mJ Dmlocri&lc:
ea.oo. e mpooo-- eolleal\ld:':TIIe~ lua···
•bWtlea of tJie olllce•• ,
lint but tbt nd~ up...u irtl.cle Ill Ule eu.... . a .... ·~-" ~.... be · u:;;
reaf..~t.qpk maca-__u,u,~ - . 1
,..
c •
- . ~· ."ztu, Mr• ...Johnson pre- ..• do IL Tbe coa.!!Jr7 111d: the .
-:- · :. dloe.ecl that Prestd..,( Nla·
C:oncreu·•re ~ ot 'bl~kc.-.
;... . ..;oa "ww:U. fiad, .&& I did,·· .to~...-e.ad7tobeled.
.
~-.:t.ll.at.'.all•tlle .Presidents ._SomefeeialaiOI'Icoulilftot_,
,: : ., wflo!lav"e ·cooe before blm-::.:-~t-&.,..utue-llao1er·over
'- · ,.he· lei\ aomt1111nr·\ ot .. Nl1on'1 plea tor-"1ew:. bam·_
r.-:-al!l!IRIMC"'IIflltnd.--..,... __ gaiJC"'h--==raii'IIIIC1!{12[!:
~-He. will dl~over, u F-fJliiiD. ooe 1aotber
~ •.-:.did; tt..t 111e OYal otnce- .. 'IIDP: lhou\lll& . a& .oae • aa· _
•: . - wtllle • loclfl' · place In .-otbcr.··· ,._ •
·,
...: • • _ , . ·~ nued
.•rm: nre "" ;....,,~:·
r-·-
.::.
-
':.- . -le
uowY.
1:
~· :'~~a ~bot! ,'tnc about ~'.:~:· •tel_ ..
• _,.,_.~·.,~no~· •. SGL~·-·~ .1 '-i•' • ..,j.~~ia~~~cli- u...· • ... . ·"lli;_W.• a. ftfl'. ;OQg e
.
:,:.;.__. Mr..oJalt- -.cldl'd·that- ~ee;-o,;o aald......._ C[aud•~a.- ~-~~a- ,Peppft'..D),.ll&.\.dl~
· "a;edod .:UI._ ,.....
ot 111 a-.. leella& otllopa .·
~
l'rfl!llflll1,~· •..~ '11Dtt1r-.Ba~ ~
· 'a .t•••• \1\M • A..•ttae · 11111: • aw 1 .1oM · allot!& 11 muda. •
;:= ·.:.:_,.
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Aln'"%1.·~. '•.: PAGE .Ut : '.;
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.. ...:.r:....,!'latDl....,_IUIU~Iw ~~.ll.llllllot'tbe·l!nt tlma' da to tbe .. ~.: ...
;..,:;.!n lill•mrUa:JDrma~ ·nuhlk'.\dit ··Dil 'e"n!?e,aiiii 4 :Uti.t.;.,lfq"an·~,.cr;~ " ,.,._ nw·:· · ..
1·~··.·
-~d~·~~h-•u,D~ .~JJUon.;Mr•• ~,:.'Jif'OCedanl:flurdltt-oa:.~~t'le:of.lhi]AncantJGL,.t~
•• - .....oi,UIIr':'"~.ti"DDi(the:moon~«~ln'e•~l•IIM~-'-hatto·~..:...•,
~~·~to I Vll'W .P1'6JecfR t1D'iii~~ wurPrlR uM liMtt:DOlli'_oC neco"SO'il:i'
·"'7"""
: .. ": ·::_:Jo.h~D,iD:IItr ,rnailcuftll'~il.dJ:e~::'f~#;;i~oll~·:ot:reilciii ~tfOul"dltciualoD u.rth8,:~
·. • · • :· Beciure. boC~.IneD...III~ 'ReD the·prolll'e~tliJi~liDcT 111· wlllda ·pOnlllle:opea!Dcrlil 'D'IIIIIId·lh-:"'"'- 'l
-~··-··""llllft·f ' -t"~..:. ·...:.,:,._ · ...... tttve-~ :>.
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· · '·:_ ~llii~J.:.lhe~pUcalloD~I)l:..U-.11'~be~ihaUhtJ •. · ·-Mt~'nsi>D'• "lmrldtj:~··mi'eL:~- ·
. · · · wW approach there JJroblema ID.Ihe.llme·'II'IJ· TO~ blm "_tot P.l• imrel.eat!Dt~Jllcf!
~ol.l tP altaJrl.\ :-_: ••
_ .-:-:•n ment-tbq--proliiTITT:WW. ·tor:-xr:"N!i.cilff'll:l:=-lfe:mt~d=Diif-JJI~ u,etted' . ._~tt-:~·.'
·.7 .... mueb. that'
aid ~eterday;
that-;eoa..;.,: dowp wblle be dlznl)ed •
114ee¢;h!Ciaamp-.-: : ~
~ulty11tu pfecedeDei"'ver· ndlcaf chi~ tiri.W:..,tloD~of ,ornee :ball.~ to do _'Witb ·c~c 11p !be·. ·
=--_:thla,kl~f· .He •.1pote. mo~: oLbUJJdJDi-:-diif,."~~~'!i!_Dt~whlt1! eveata Cllll'~Ur ~· Hlr teU.··-:-~:
we· ha
th . ' b"""'"•
· ,.,,_ · . -;-.;mg Iii the blgbest role be hu stated ollt lor lWn- ..•.•
.:_ ..-7
·:- ve.·.: an. 0•. --.som.e.....,g....:.~~ew_.,..,ell"thator:;spe.&e'md:er," ll~pob-,'b.lm.::--:-· .: . ·.•
;-·-·But there wtll bn:hange, of.~une: 1 M'W'']IIrtT:"; .!Ja!::" -"
, '. · ' ·-·-·- ·......,---·•... · •
.~.· ,.JJ Ia ;ower w weD iu new Presldeut.-loloreqver"Jt .;.;;.: ·:·.-' · .-:.:.. - · :
,..
• .... _. · • · -· ·.• · ·.~
·
he
.uuested
---:-:-•li.iiloc::r;m®,kuiL.ri.i.iuoa:.liiuctt)iifnbr:- ·-·
·- •· t"thoeallf L)'DdOII Johnso11 In Mr. Nlxo11'1 Tbetone, ·
. · · for there were alsO echoe-s of Adlai ·steveiuon and·
~:-:--:: Jfuber&..liUmphrey,. anif..:a'bove iii~~ wealtb.oiiO.::
~IJORI,Ind admoi\IUOni rerftlnrieent.ol Pnilden~
~ ·..,-:Ktriiiec17'1"inaucunl ·Addresa.· "Lft·thb-me~c•' :.:..: -:Jie .bwd.b~oac..afti.t:we.114iif.;i£iLe-~al=
_deot·derlared; the~r]lythm_and)~PoJ!_or-.UiJi;,D.;.
J .. ·..::_l!ie imlon olnls apeech-bavlnc.a_haul!liDf;rlnf.:
:
• ~ot 'lll, the hori-ow.lnc and. tnalformlag,' hcnr•
t_·_.
•
~~-:.!:::..t..!e~ean ·~iltribufld to-ldlol)'Jietal)'f.l!iu~
I'' .. ·.::-~LaJWed.!ndJtloll q( thJI echolll oar.prealdea-..
- . .;,bl·1nalicWtl addiuse~.lndeea.a.relldeat..Ken
;-- ·:·.' ni!dy Ia ,aid to haye founil'llisp!J~Uoa:tor o~~
:: :-~ I'J:e of b.la ape«h In tlle..'IJrore of "ir&&ntEa-..!-:...'-..:Jag,': DO•Ie...:·.Beyond that.:bf:Vlrtue~- 'is(
:~ • · . · lludy-of !Jilt addreue.t by.. Dew ·PreJI
to-be,·
11
··_the ID1U£1!ral IJit'ICh~ar..'a-lonn -hu acqulred~cer
ft---4ll~tlllllr1llmosrwn1gtrirthiiSI!""RIIIe1r
,.. ·
'deriDe, the Petnn:l)aa. aonnet...Finally,. there..are.
ot.lhemes. whRhlifasnm:. ~ JJreu.tbamselvl!a.oD .a: lliaD.IIL\ny.aeiiSiuvity.u:
~nln"t'fmrn .nambft
~
:belnr..aot.-Juat-ftilal!J~~._.._
•. · mtnt: · ~~. juatlee. securliy, and the composing
';of bitltt,dlfftreii~· within the ~untry u·a whole.
·· . J>reslden\ ~lzoil,.ctrudr a.ll the11 notu llroncly
. · ancfrtptlltdiy. ~e &!lowed tlle'tonventlon,.o.(. ~he.
,
.Inaugural address. ·'bill he ·did ·Jt well Wllea.)llu
: • -:··look baetr" it whai'hl('illro~pre.re(uslirs tooti.l,he·
::~ ~inU1cai!DiL to:u'y;:'yota::wtli~ilnd~ thaL.both:
"*:::l'rdld~nt ..Johh~ alld1>J:e~lc1ent '.J~en,rita)'-wen-:• - ·~ ·• tor au ·their' nourishes-las' rlletortcal aD.S. rather
• ~ moreijle"CillFID pjnpo1ni!llg luuea andJdeniDYinc
--· Jll'9blel!ll.thrn·lie.. JJat.the .,icht 'of'KJ':.:filxoD'a:
• · ... - exhokationi-arid ptain1res\ls-.not·dllCI!'ult•llt~lnd.
~He made~·nrm ·1and-welc'limeJ :h~reaee ·.to.r..the:
=-~alioa'a. ®llptl0nll0lti11fatl'1llfzeiii':'ti;;,etral-
- • ..,h~•hlte:-·-n• ·taws-hive capeht "up''wllll''our·
::....;.eo'a~~A.:iiJme:
-~=::·...:...~Jt ::i~~~iq~~a~n::r:'~~~;~
.. ··
·-:-
t~m eqUal 1a ·~JC\Ifly>hef~!'-Jl!:fl~-
-."preu llrgently',fp[Witd~ ~a··~t ,Qf iDa!¥ bJ..
liousiDg, -edil£JUoD ~and .eJDplojia'eDt- •.hlch.• have.
"----$nmtled--dlrtttrdttbrlar"etuaet t!t CHill otr
.
f;
,
~~'llftlel:
•
··---
:
....
· ·· · His rtroncea( theme. w.a: the aean:h 'lor peaee.
- From hja owa earller'WTIUnp. Hr: Nixon harrowed·
· the line ·ahout the hoDor "h.lcll..W co~ne· 1o the
· peacematen: and ~~ most' ~inlYII. of· all COlla Ia
- ~dearly whanli'eOciliplee-Jiliiithi~aii .In' 1111'
· · - ortlrlai'JIUnult.;.nOt ~uir-tn •hfl-ptabllo- •ddrtiHI.•
, . .'The Pruideot haa'lq •hci/t. made.aorne hold .•nd,
• · ·. ·· JJresalnc·and worthy proilaea. '111e)" wtll be •nT·
. · tlilnc 'but eaa,- to keep. --: - •• :.:. · •' • . . · ·: '
.:
. .. .
. ··.• :.-:· . . ...
-
- .. ...
·
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~
•
•
l(t,l(fv)
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I
. .
•·-
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j- · - · - - - ;
From /?artisan to Pr_esident of All ·
~
.
lhnt-buc aboul hnw lo ,,,.. •h<lul lhr<e t~in~•. bul ••
prnoch lht'lr prnhlrms. and
1~••1 lht)','hO\·t Jdtnllrltd lh•
porlicularly ahnul how In" di•o•l•rs lo be avoidtd ·and·
Prtsldtnl · Nlxnn hu ~IArlod kttp lhin~S frnm £fllin~ lhty Stem 10 h.Wf dtcidtd on
his Adminislra!lon wllh a rvtn wor~~e than they arr hnw Liley Lllin"ti Lllry micht
.
.
avoid them. •
•imple statement . now. of priorities:·--- Out of these hurrltd pre·
Their tentacivecondusions,
N••·•
puce abroad and llminary taJ1cs with one an· which may help uplaln Mr•
. An•lyola rr<oncllla_uon at othor In New York. -·encly,
h
H 1
...
Ni•on's s~rh loday, are
nme: " nou- .. tw11 thlncs hove emer~od. firsc. that V•lcnam, il il con·
gurOIJon. Spttch Thr division and dlsruplion
linuu a• in lhe past, will
followed lh~ !r>dillonol P. of lhe nation ond a rully incrruin~ly dJ\·ide lhe ••·
pools to unUy; and ,lnvnktd srrinus ond uncontrollable
"!h• normal thcmn of potrioc·--mllltory-· confronlalion-he·. Mn >nd thrrcfort should be
,.m, rrll~inn ond lhe rnm· ~he llnlled Stales ond rndrd In compro'"l~t.n soon
mon mnraiUy of lhe nalion. lhe Soviet Union in lhe Mid· •• Pl>"iblr.
_hut.thtre _w ... mnrr In _this die East are Ihe major pmh·
f:vcn more impottonl, as
than lht rn1ntlnn and rhrtnric ltm" bffore the n.-w Admini~· nnco und~r1t.1nds their thiftk•
.or a· t:rtat o.trulon.
... __ tralinn,. '•nd_thr!lif q~stion~ in&:, thr Arab·r"r.trli ('flnlrn•
·• Mr. Nixon and his ptJnci· • muat have.r~tsL priorliy__ .:. '"<roy really mi&ht got out of.
·pol ~d,·l••rs.have betn.lalk·
h would be mislud•nc In • h•nd ·and~nlronr hoth lhe
•nc a grru deal In !IIese lui say IIIII Mr. Ni~on •nd hi~ United Slot•• ••d the Soviet
few _wteks, not •bout WI!' . usociotes hJ\•t h•d lime to Union with a m3JOr war
pollcJos-it.J•._IIIO.. ~orJy . for make dtllniUve judRmenu ~~ntlnutd ~Column
•
~lfl•':1w!'Wt•Y ... t~lltft
WA.~IIINGTON, Jon. 211-
31
~A~S~ift-: ~~-o~ .Pa~#san -~to~1'ie~1dent,~Is . Dfscerned .in the ..Inau_gural ~ddress
C..;iift'iifci ·;,;jj,j'pif:~
1, CoL 7 friend I ·arid all-.he"" drali1- IUnnftllrr:so ~the cause • of. the.·ICtnnedys or e•en Orne tile end of the' iut thlnf~f - Demnrrats were cynical. Y•!
.
. :. , _ _ _ ·
. suucsted hy hl1 new Cobo Jltact amon~ nanou-- ~t - Mt<:ltllly.
.
~T... ntfeth Ce.nNr)'l JIOW Rich rd Nl 0
· b bl
nr"lihfr'Wiiii:J.'Nierelore VIti;- lnel and· Whlle·House-.col•-lhll~meuage ·be .. heard • by,,. The •. hawkish, political, Just- bf•lnnlnc? .~ uk!"~. He'"
~
!_. n was pro. 1 ~
',
ltiRUes who h••• ro dul 11rong and weak alike.• •
combative, · anU-Communtsc.
•
,..
.,.
rract1ng !way, not on y •~
,,.m should _be sellltd_ 11 soon with the problems of tilt ru.· · · Thll wu not the Nixon of· anti·Democntlc NIXDn of .the . celebraced the Jeeond Llllrd 1 the political yearnlnR ,,,,
.a• ponlble_Jn ordcr_tn holt ture. . .7· . :· • .:
the campaign. Something In put was not·the man on U.e of the century, dominalod peace abroad and rKOr.dll•·
'lhe'li!Yis1o'!WIIhln·the Unllrd ·
The· cnnntct 'llifW'Oeil"'lhl" -111m"'11fnonally.:or-:'111'" thtr:""pllttllll!l"loday•. He reached~br11rrllemt!cna;-bat- ~ Uon at home, but to bls own
··scaler ·and" the Middle East ad•ice of his past and, lull""·:· splrlt..of.the nation Impelled ·out to •II the penple who opo • beyond lhe partllin "b&tlle personal behtfs and• ytarn·
.: proble:, lhould "be made the colluguu must have betn·c him toe add this. paracraph,' posed him In lhr lasr elec· "ond ll'ltd 10 sre.the c~mmon Inc•. which he Is now free
. "nt order f buJintll In lnterr•rlnc, but It Is clear which :.9as clearly beyond cion-progressive Democrats, -problems of hUI1\anlly ., a to J•presa lor the l1nt lime.
1d - 4d lh d
whore he come out In the lhe ocope of any ol hiJ 1peech the younc, cha blacks, !lie whole. It ,.11 ·a Ioree and
• has been a symbol ol•
.~or ~to ••o1 . e ancrr o1 final draft of rlle,eech he ·wrllen, .·
- - -- Sovletr.
Impressive perspective.
party c!oclnne for more than
w.ar~voiVInr. the whnfe mode on C.Spltol Hll today. . He arped with-creal ~o- ·. He did not tmphaslze his
The polllicol-characcen In'· a «<neration.IJnder Pres!drnr
balance of power In the
He rook ciJe oa
·OIIice quence all the themes of . differences with lhe Demo- the audience toclay on Capitol ElsrnhOwrr he wu the par:y
1
:world, • ·"'"
and then .he was .,ovrd 10 most of tile people he
d ."crats but the similarities. Hill, tho rxtrtmlst Demo- propagondiSt.• scolding rho
:,..
d ··
d
moko what-was an unnO«S•. or,posed ln.tho pasc..He.,.·b ·-He did not quote lhe Isola. crallc ond Rrpubllclll lead· Democrats tn party ran1cs.
1
ury but obviously sincere d screetly ·cmerol. but he·- tlonlst. or. laJSsoz !alre Re. •rs who· hl\'e opposed and. In lllo campa1~n l~r.llle Pre•·.
• • Old an New A Y ee
. Mr.-Nixon had ·co rare polnL
·
made a speech. thll could publican
PrrsideniJ, but .....upportrd Mr. Nixon II\ the ldency,_ he wu _ma;unc <!e~at·
-these problems as he read all· ... "I .. now_add .thls.sacrtd ..• htllle_been. wrlt1e11 by Ted __ FrankUnRooscveiLHis rheme-illllalr, were utonlshtd b)' his ln.: ~Jnts aaa•nst the Dem·
•. the drafts of his lnaucura· rnmmilment: I shall conse• s.orensen_or.ArthurJchlts•_wu not.opposlllon but con•.!:jperrh.
.
•: ocrouc rrrord In aenerot ond.
The iiiwlir" fiRiDii blfciiii
Hubert Humphrty •n p&rtJC·
· linn •f'Oech pro~sed by all crue my olflce,: my rnerAits Inter Jr. or StiAitor J, w, . Unufly.
nls ol~ "po{Rlclf Ideological and all C.he" wRdom I un--rulbrlk.hl,-add dellvelrd".hy:- WherewiR-we all·be-at-;elt btlraytd ~.-a.:f:
-ular. But today, on.lll• •t'lle
..
ol the responSJbi~uea of the
Presidency, he hid to dul
objectively. w1th · tile rrob··
1 ltms nf the naunn.
_
Ho cnuld havr lollowt<l th~
.
.
.
.
--pu~n:atiout and •~tarrSJI\'t'
fa
•
-
¥: ,oirring Prayer.
Seiv_ice~ _Sets the .!.~ne.: for
i
·
..
J_
,.:'J!':
.-.
1
Darof Ceremon} :1-:~~~~~~~¥n~:~~~~~
"I
anti • Communan Saxon "f
yorr. Bul he chos~ 10 ao
- ._.,,.,.,... ,;.. , _ -:· •a!;!Th," he'sald. f"7.." pfrl.-~,-·ISt::Polll's "Chu"fcli'tor J.he" slnc· benedlttlon·Wfll be ortered byj~aJPIIn:Splrr'tuollrader ot·!h cjclte ot.llrr. ,.-ay.
•
1 n a crisis o lnv s
we!inc ·0r 1 "Te" Deum "
Arrhblshop 11
J C k w·
'
..
,
He pro•..-.t the Democurs.
• ·
WASHINGTON, Jon. 211-Th~ n••d an aMwer of !he tplrfL .,.
·
rrrnc. • 00 e.i dsh 110 Boulevard ••mple i·
fie ruchtd out lor help In
fnau~unllD!l of Richard M.; F_.rlltr, Mr. Nixon atld his As In U11 pu~, ~lrrll)'lllen The Archbllhop ol New York. Los Anceler, His Emineric ·• lh<t younc and lhe :vearoes.
.. Nlson was mirkrd ·by an lnltn•:wile began thtlr otrldal day bJ1frotn · Yarlous faJLIII .oflertd Ia. normally a. cardinal, and lt;Arth.hlshop. lokovos, the OrMI
He went back 10 rile religious
sitlrd focus on the splrilual .,.;aurndinll' an lnlerlolth lnaucu·.Jirayers today during .the,cere-lsaenerolly assumed that Arch· Or:hodo" Primole ol North 1 ,.. ' b&ckaround nl his youlh and
-oMIIrliillon'l'1'roblrms:'at pra~er Jervlce.ln tht .Wosf:l·oiiiOIIIfi.O!IOI.hii·Ciplloi.SI
bllhop_Cooke,_who hu .bftnSoulll Ameriea,-and -lhe Rtv • ~mp/la\17od tho old. reconcd•
.Audllorrumof the State Depart· Amonr: them was the Mllrt In the post ab6ut 1 year will' am 0 ham" lhe evancelfllt. •1 •nR wnrds olth~ p.11: recon•
11 ..... h I& k ot
n .,. __ , e s I
govommenl. llmenL ..... , _'. . _
_ --,ROY. Terence J, cook,- Roma be el ted 1 th
k • ••• . '1 ra
•
• CIIJatJOJn, c11mpass•on, undtt•
0
11 nn at ""' The prayor stmce, whld :1-Jtand•n•· rqu•luy, d•IIUIJ'
- n blslnaucural .Addrrss, Mr. It wu•.one nf thf Cew Uines..C.thollc Archbishop- ot. New
e_YI
1
Nixon apoke of a "crisis ol lhe possibly the first IInce Otorc:ejYorlt, who wu mlslakenly ld..,. next conSISiory, probably qvilt1Wis ollended by obout 750 110'" 'I •!'d !'oblllty.
, •.
· IPfrlt" 11 underlylnr .the coun-:WashlnctOJJ, that a lull·scale,lifed on the official lnaucurall•oon. ·
sons, was ltd by·ftye Proles :1 TillS IS probabl~ someth•n:
I· lr)l!a.major.dllllcufUe..__- .wo,rshlp SHYtce ,had_been pan procram u_Canfinai_T,rence __ Ot/ler_ clffiYI'IC'n _offerln~:Lint.. Cltholfc and Jewish cl~ , ••Qmatek tlwld!spedieo.cy. The
r,
"W
d
ri h .o on lnaucun1 procnm.
Cooke. ·
-. · ·· !prayers durin• the lnau~ural·umen and Included the rndiftr : u1 er en 1110n •n th•• 1•m·
:. - . e 11n oune1\'fl ~ • 111 , Followlna his firs~ swtarlnc- In lnlnoduclnr: Archbishop cerrmonles were the Riaht Re•.·ot a •cafl lor spiritual reMwaJ' 1 lly 11 nry stron~~o tc waa In•
'1..·
'·~but: f!ICCtd l~•rlt:jln· ceremonles'1n-·1few-Yo 1Cookf' todlf:1tnatnr ·&•·ereu;Chlrler-Ewbank Tucker-of·by the Rf't. Noanan YinCftlt ' ttrf1t1n1: In watch lhe St•nns
. reRbln(' Wllh macnlncem Pll· CIIJ'" 111: 1789;"'WallllnJ:tilli'"ltil ~tcKinTe)' Di:ucn" iild!' .. - 1Lollfsvnle; Ky., a Bishop orthr'"prile; puJtff of· Manhattan' durin: lh• rrrtnJnny to.!.oy.
t dllon for. the moon, but falling, VIce Prrsldent John Adams andl "' apOiicize'for a sllcht ln•IAfrican Methodist Episcopal Marble 'COIIecllle Church. .
'ftlrrw<'no·..tnrly moW<f flY
1
•
•
--•
·"' •
••
the ntrasron. Hrt v11fe ant!
·
r-..:"'-"cholt· ·~.
durin1 clle .ncr,tm•n•bl~ pr•y·
""· f'\'f'n dur•na Billy Cn·
'OV'hit"h _,, al:'"'" ~ .
pehtinl documtnt.
R•chJrd Soon ~.. , t!'•rly
By EDW.\RD 8 nsK£
1
1n1n raucous discoid here. onhhe·· "members nf Congrrls ID·IdYrrtence
In the program. Tltr'Zion Church· Rabbi Edgar 1 t
1
1
ll.
·I·
ha......
:~i:1nw~~ !:tb~j: cci~!
wdl approarh them. He has
~ almnrw;.c wuhdra"A·n sint~
hi• tll'CI•on. H~
choson
I
h••
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itn.J JW it *·f'VI~l~
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.
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t\'fr)'b<ld!f tn l<l•ur choir
c~!k~~-:i!".!!Uh~~·-
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A• • furmur.. tur ~IYin~
1 ·pro~temt '"'""
aotn&&IYa PUIIocift. it DOll'. be
..,.n.
a 'iiift"t•riiTor illuiiOii. ·bul' . , Ill
•PP'•'•th. •" •r.rw.al •.,
the•. ,·••mm.,n m.•r• uy an.J
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•
'7 !O'Iho-morai~
-.... -- "'--··-~--=.
--
--·
..
.IUI\1.-
•
.,,..
-__::::-. ...-
-::!
•o -ao- rorwara-:11r:all-:
11-'tO~OTWW.Ill"""'lDI'C'Ul'l;l'f---,•~~·-."'v.----••.,..••Jw•
.. ..
exiemt~~irtJre'-ienmticin-s•PraPns••
Jil:!di-·tliiniicfa_B:;}ou!h&rellilr:anJy.:betler·
:-:-:----:-eclueate.J bUi •llo _..mo,..-·pu.lorialilf:-1nmr:w-~ - 1 conadence.lhan.MY.aeacraUoo.JD.out.hlstory."_ _:_
I---·-..,.-· For the molt part, however, Prulden~,Nixan empha•
I
:·sized ·the traciJUonal'"laOnservatlw"""lrtues.- He·urzedcalm aod • lowerinc of neryone'l voice In the public
-~=--~•----...-~·deb&te.lh-pled&ed"1mfcr.·Hrpi'OIIIIsed-to· build· on; what hal ion• before without teartnc up. or tumlna
.::::::::.....====-----ewa)"fronH!Ie·le~~JiaUve programa.of.lhe.nceat past...
.~·
, He userted~that the nauon.Js:approaclllnltho llmlll
. or :what GDV'etnment llano .can do." He called tor
·\ ..
. mo~e private lind Individual and neiGhborhood effort
t.
. to meet public problem~.
· ·
:--•·.-.:.:_-_.-_-...;iii
. . .
. .
--------.---
-~~---
:.·:,
Because It Is custo~ry for leaders to use hortatory
and aomewhat romantic lansuaae on·sreet occasions, ·
President Nixon described• thll calendar ot homely
~ . ____ - - - · . virtues u a call.to "l&ll.adventure.:.But.thls:niiiC!t_
· ·
· · a venturesome mesiji~;u reflected tho mertiJ or the
.
.
.• •
. '4 man who dellvered'lt: .tenaelty, lnduttry, psvdence,
~~ _ · - - ·
' ·•
. caution and a meuunl of JntrospCctlon. · ..
: ·:.. _
It wu to the exercise of these virtue• 'that Mr.
•
Nixon aununoned the· nauon. A. lowerlns of the public
. temperature· II cl~ desirable, but there ant reason•
to doubt that private vlrtue..IJid-llel&hborly etrorts,
Important I I 11\ey~ut:'Can remeofy aer!OUI InJustices •
.. . _ . • ---- - · · . and ·detlelendei·ln-1lle·aoelal·order-wlthout-vutly-
•7,...
•
.
. ,. : ·· ·
••• .
..~...
:---· ·
·. • ·
., ·
. - ·· expand~~an-and-vtsorour-Prest·-
· dentlal leadership.~"'.
-,-.. ·
.
President Nixon•• tOile and .1111$~Jll!ut'cOnsonant ..
with the sober quality· of hll ..Sdriu. He wu deiJb. ·
•
= ·
·.· erate, reJtra'""'" quietly reasonable. detennllled ·tJ
-~ .. -- '·· •
calnltho naUon'a pusl0111'111d dlmiDIIh 1u·.u-ru•
He bu IIepa with a ·apeecb which ll'a model Ot tho
• ::·
:.:::::=:..:.~ ....:.__-;.-.:..·.:.quiet _vlrtues.be .wft14.~1cate.IUiitillowciUz'Cnr.:
=:=.__ •. :.._.:.._ .. _ . - The naUon ,will awalt_llle_apecl~ci_of_a:proc!'llll tor~
! &lviDI aD A.merfcanl.&:fullrr allan ln·the·bountJ of,
.,
· this rtcb DAUDil li1d for maklni the· United Stalei a
.-:---:.- ..,........ more effective putner,lii • peaceful' world.,...___-
~
.=:....:_..
;
::.::.:~·~ .• , . ,...,
···~.:..~~~~·~.--~.~
~-':--~ ~· .•.
•
· ·--
'-~·
�•
rJ 1' Tl >Y?E~ I( '21 (CPS
Pasf?fii~ugural Words· ~
.~1 ivf15~,ecJ_ijL3~T_hemes~
..
. --.-~.-
• •
·-:...
.'-·-1·-.
- - . ---ie'tcllelunelt•wran:Tta~t_.,.._....___
WASHINGTOI'l, Jan. 2G-PreJident · Nixon's In•
au~tural Address was Inspired In part by the words of ·
paso Prerldenu. • • •
· .:..:. ·- ·
. ... · ... .. . ·
·Mr. l'lfxon,. who' ·~ad' every previous Inaugural' Ad·
dress, found that·ln general the speeches fell Into ona of.three· bro~d thtrnaUc categories: ·Those that called for .
_unii,V._thosc that called fpL,sac:rtnc:e, and those that de·
llbc!ratcly souiihC(o strike a note of corirfaence "Derori'"'ii
trouhl~d nation.
·
·
•
..
::FoUciwing, divided Into· those three categorieS',' are
· selections from. the Inaugural wordJ. of past Presidents
that Mr•. Nixon read:
· · · · -- ·
_
-~·-~N'atfonal-Unil5" . · •nj,yJeDow.:Amerf~·~~tc=
.. -J.ut£5-K"rPOLK:'''The·ln·- not wh~t_)~our_: country: can .
.- --. - -do ror you,.ask·what yoir ranestimable value or our Fed· .. for your country." 1961.--eral union Is. felt and ac• : Confidence C .
1n r 1s1s
WOO ·
knowledged by all. By this
'1)"te~f-united-«nd-eon-,,., .. , - D.R.~W-:-.:..'~_ItsON;..:
11
· d : states .our .people men's'·llves
•' en .t ear's
wartill upon
1\.S:
federal~
hf!!tB
the bill·
~are iie.~ll.ed::col!~ctlv.ely~and:;::ance;)ien:s'.hol'fs.call
•
oKPorL
Individually to seek their own us to ray what. we wilt "do
happinen In their own way, • Who shall live up ,o th~
and ·the consequences have 1reat trust? Who. darq. ran
been most.~uspfclous." 1845, to try7 I summon all honuc
- 'ABRAH..\M ;::-LINCOLN:- men, all patriotic, all rorward·-wtnrmallcr-toward--none,- looklnc men, tom~ side. Cod
_wiLh.dw-ity..tou.fl.wJA.llrmo-.;...htfJ!~( m~woiiS not--faiL:
-ness-In the l'l&hl·tr God-ilves-tliiei!.I.JCUifY,.;I'flll_ ,u.L~OIIn:..
us to 'lte the ·nghc, fee us" se1 and-sustam me." . Firsc
• mTve-on 'iO·t!iilsh the ·;.;0 rk-IJiaucu,..l,-1913.
..
we are Jn, to bind up tile·na:-'.· , FRANKUND.ROOSl:Vtt.T: ·
tion'r woundt, to care for him:~ 'Thls_sreat _nation_ will_ en-_.
who •hll have borne the bat·-;dure_as It fiu endured,.wlll_
d hi1 .. revive •nd wid pcwper,. So,
tl ild fo hi1 Wid
e a . : r.
. ow an
. first of .all, let me 'issert my·
orphan;-t~ ·.•II ·whlcfl-may -flrmDllieT'that the Ol)fy thin
ach!eve ,a nil che.rish a.Jusland ·.-we have to fur Is rear' Itself·
~·rn·~~trnelw..:J~Dtta~un..:
•.n nllf!~S:::. JiistJnet-==·
_ ·";"'
Seco~d rnay~~a1, 1165:· .
lrus: neect!-8r;;,t;wj0';;;:··
,.~e. VJ:~ ~, c!_lf!!~
-:-:-...;.Caii-COI'-8ac:rillce--Y~Lulr.w.JDto,.llh- ~·· · •
........ ,.,. .. 0 . , · ·
ABRAM"'" UNC LN. •' •
·'ln.every dark'hour of bur'
natloJ!al life ·ur•lftnhJ :...OJ,
71f;Uur~nt~t)':wlll"110hcr-fra'iiliriesl'in'd vlaor has Pmec
- qulesce; '}Jie:m.Jonty...musc.....o.,ntlr-iliat-uncrmrandlnr-and
= .
~t-ust~rnr-tll~pll"fllein:..u~; ~~g ruo·
~
~
· leiiiS.9 .eonori::QJ)._, aiii"QQn:~ that
Oove~ent-Jr-acqufesan~~·, you will •c•fiL«Ive that sup.on_CIIIII::JI~e·or the other_. •.•...t:::....P"rt_t~~_;,leadenhip .. in .the.e ..
~1'
•• ,
~,:_. .
'·::1\IID·
•1......,, •
·•
• .
-·----.---- ...... ~ • ·..4
···: ;.' ·. - . •-:- ·;"·+
1
·--
·~
c=r .. \ : ·{ -~• ... ~· ·--:..,.. r•• ~ .. c. ··~···; .· ·.;.--:
=....t:.:....k.....,:·:'71~-·. I o ••• \ ·-~ .~,:.
~-
•
L__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ,_
1
�~:J ~·
·. .-RL :;:-~-~--cr,~·t·.~~o:._.~-: ,_ ·. ~ ·-~.
I": •·•
-'
· ·· ·
··--:.(;~"· :tu£s·D~Y
•
IANU~R.Y:' 2·'1.·~--:l·
~
··-:·.-~-- .-: · -~
• ·• •• • • ·· ·
•
:CS9•.... ~.;•.:·.:!·:·.~.~:·:·Pbolft'.-2"
ou,._:.:._.oi_,·. ;-v.~,CI. ·-o, . ·_ .. J
·:· ... ---:-~,_ --~-.--.-----.-· .: . _·..__ -_· .•. ;;;.:__
llll=t"..:-::;
-
: ·
1: ~....·:·_.
- ~- ~
... ·
~~~~·~n··:--'~;~::~~~~~~~&.~l~fr:
~·~:e~-~-s:-~~-;~d-:·
. _-;~-~~n·:~t-:·:.: . mr~~a .. ··l?Jl~~uJ.~·.lto--.E-:,. ·. ••
.. I~.
-~~:-:. .: -. .:_~t~ri-~::~:;;..~~::~:~-.-=-~: ~:~i:~J::---. ~~3::--:::':::.·:.- ·_~;.:; . . ~~~~ .: :=~-~ _;, : :z~--
·:· . _- ·. -·.· .; ·~·
··Pro1mses :to·.Listen· : ;~'t6!~t~~--~~;nd ~~;n;;·~~~;~.~ -~~- :~~~--;~-. :~~e:,~~A-- w· n·· ...._
. ._···u··.. a·d... :_~;Humphrey.
·relbsqulahtc~
·-. s· e a··s· to:
-__
--:-._-:-.
=....;::_::__=---=.-.. =-...
... :._.-.-_.
..'· ·. .'•fu'.
·
:...Q
.
.
.
:
·
.
:£.. . ·. ·u . ·"i ':·. ·
. . . uest· oi·l. : . 'Il'Ity·· ·. : .
3
-
·
·
.
-:--reaonant vo!Cil were Lyndon 8. John10n·arid Hubert 1J_.
:
who h•d.just
hlgh.ocnce after
- ·
o:-l'·)'t!IU':_ln·whlch many Ol their hopes-were·duhed.·AJao
._ ..••.there,was Spiro T. Agnew, who was plutked from national
-.:=._:.:_.__
=_=_:.....:_.~_::=:__~_~:-.;,:..:__~_:.._.:._=.,.!·::;-~.~-~
·.ob~rlty by llr.· Nlxon:;:t~ bel'Ome. bll vice presidential •
;runalng.mate. It was tile flrrt lime .In hl.story that thrte .
of,tbe principals. ln. the transfer o_l _power· had' served II
'"':·:.~ .' •. ·.
.
. . :,.a..
. · . vlce:~resldenl, •.~d the foutth:._wu. !~Um!ng !hat otnce.
· ;.-'· · ·
··
· ~lrtfl\flllo,of ·splcilu~l Pdfltl were al10 mach .ln..... ·
· : .: ' .. • ,,. · · -· · · · :· ,.
~~:': \::· BJ:_Carroll Kll~~_rrtek 'and ~Oberdorl.t;,.. .:~- :: · :·evlden~. ''!fr."~lroil bt)!2li.''hli activities et an .ina~~~Ural -;·
P~P,~rer Senrlc. ~;;lhe-Departmeat-of St.ate;'lflth prayera_ • ··:
. ·-r· :~u.ard M. Nltan becaine'tbe 3'7tli'Pri~d"eni"'6t 'ilie · · ·. -or ·apeeches' b1.hve- clergymen. On the 'llifuKUnl -plat- 7 ·•
.-.:'~Unlleci"St'ier'·)·esterd3y wilh: a·"acred.rommllmeat" to·.
,.f¢"ni,,he_pl•_~d.hls.lell !!.•lnd-on two old family Blhleau •
. -~..
.
.
.. .. .
.he fWOre to tne oath of -o flc-..Five different clerg)'TIIen,
.~....-11avote Jllnuelf and his oH1Ce lo lhe41use of, peace. .
-IRc'll,ldlnr the Jlav~--Dr. BUJy Crahan1, rendered pra)lera
~-~ :·: .TIIe~:groet"r's. soli
I be small . towil of Whittier,·
· · . '!
• _
· :· ·
·
••
·
..
-=;.. · Calu~· the only man rn: tllls·eentury to be defeated tor
-s~e :osrxos, ~~·CoL,!
. • ( .- .,.-1
" .... the Presldenry and ·!~en come bock to win. com.,leted tht
• · ..
\:-iO&U!:pf·ottlce •.at:.l2;I&: p.m. Lcs& lhu.two. weelu ago he
•:;';('eli!bbffd hJdeth. birthday. · · · ·
·
'":'r.:~i -~ltmn. and ·rellralned. Jn3u~tiral Address. devoid·
;::;.!~ogan.s, .. oratnr's gest1.1res. or specific propnals, )11r,_ .. - .
·• ~NJXon promised to listen u well as lo lead In lhe quest
_1.~.lor naUonl! and lnlemallonal l!concillelloa_; . . :. :.. .:::. ·.. ·
" :__.Jie. clUed upon Amerlc:~ns to ~lower .our voices·:. aad lo
: sliUJI Inflated and:.-an_gJO:" r~etorlc. ·
· • ·. · •
--: ·: ..
cannot learn from one another uniU we stop shC!IIt· • .....~:,.
, • lng 'al'one anot he)', untU we speak quielly_ enough 10 that ..... .
our word a' can be hep-dJ.·u....niL,aa. 0111 voice a." he .d• . · ..
. • · ·.
. .
· .
·
.
.
. .
·
,.,,.,..,.., ,.,,.,,_, w.r,,...... . · •.
.
..
tram:
-r;: j- ._
. · ::we
-r--:-:___:
_rJ~r~d.~. ~ -~. ----· ··--···
· .· ·
· .
'oc~uin5lrahirs ·uu,l Ro·. k: . · - · ,;
·
111
.
.· :·
th&D·two h. ours·12ter,"11own•i-: .. croapi:ee. mliiia_~·{.. -·.::
~9fUY;fl'PII!flfl!!:'!4rJ11..2.~~~oed. ~ .... _. •··~•· ~':'"
gana and hurJeiJ roc~ aluf"beer caris ·it the cloaely' · .' ·
~~-~llllarCied: Priltidrlilla~I,-JIIIIIIIIUoc- bttrlrtl Mr: Nlun fninl'' ·• -··
,,!~~.capu~l.'to.·~t~e'-'1 •
_ ,.pvi~·:~.c. .uncS.i_t·:: ·'
· ·•
·.; .. ·:11Je ·pi))'Jinl-lec~lstOrded-tlie new Presldellt on •
·. lU,a"Tirat.,cW)o .In -QUII:t,~n~f thepll elabo(ale In memory,,
• ; IJ!tlu~DI, morr- tflaa· 300;0''QI.itrlet' pollee. soocl·reguJ'ar
, :· troop• ..•.nd :10!10 _Natronar:Gilar_d_lmen;.deployed.. ~ Jlt~..
.... ::.Cap,tol, alone the 'J'Iande route· and throlfrhout the .cily. · .·
. • . 'Ofe dliOrderly demonstntod numbered about a thou·
. und &mOna- the many thouunds alone lbe parade toute.
-· • · ""7\ffiirl!tllg 'to 'Distrtcrpollce;-a·roransr WTeast -atjJer·--·
'acillf Were_arrested In -lht'dlaorders. Twelve plTSODll were.
·
· .· ,
- lnjll~ed, .JJu:ludJag one poiJcemaa.
. ·l:or . .the most part, however, Mr. NL'foa was greeted
• wltll tood wUJ and good wbbes expressed trlth much the
.same· spirit of restraint that characterlud bls Inaugural •
· AddreSL There seemed to .be a sense oa all sides t.lla't
.. · the Nation's problems are too deep and the dilf~Jtles
. too leftre-for-elther~xullatlon
partisanship.•
• . Ob,·lously P.rnud and · Jlappy
Though obviously proud anit happy at arhlevlng the
high office that had eluded him before. the"new President
made no reference In hb adllress lo the relum to exeCil•
tlvp, power ot' the Republican Party afler etcht yurs or
::::-;~·~1_\.! Hou.~~~ .•. , )~1ijf¥!ilt·!he llmouJine. .
or
• Dtmocratlc rule.
;
'
·--- "'nle·~moc-rstic Party's power was Iot~ed in'ihtdepres•
•loa when, Mr. Nixon noted, the Nation's deepest troubles
were deserlbed by {'resident Franklin D. Roosevelt as
· conceminc. "thank Cod, only material things. •
.
_,
· "Our rrlsls tftllay Is ·the rcvoriM', • lolr. Nlwn declared
•· ln'"lbe crowd nr 115.000 J:alh~ro•ol at the C•1•itnl und~r
leaden. windle1i sklrs.
"We have found oursrlves rirh in goc11ls but ragged 'tn
spirit: reaching with n~acmllcrnt :precision for the muon
but fall lite Into raucous dprd ,berc on tar1h.•
.
.. •.
"\\'t are C'3Ut:ht in a .V. wanting P••r~. \Ve are torn
....... ·
· 'vision, wanllng unity. We see around us e111pty Jive~.
c fulfillment. We aoe Inks that ne~d doing, wilitlnc
.
nds to do them..
·
• ·~
,
• o a C'rilil of lhr spirit," 'he declar~d. "we need tn
&nlrirer of the splriL"
.
. •
WbJJe promising to. "press urgently forward" Jn p u U ·
'
ault of the governmental social goals which have been
celebrated In Ills predereasor's Gteat Soci\'t)'o !'lixun Ul'!ltd
the Nation to •took within OUI'st'lv~s" f11r the sulutluns --1J!•.f!!.e, grf'll4!f....J!!I.D.:."'It~rial, .!!r!!b)ems.
.
•
·:
,.
.
.
.
...-:-. -
{lz_
�0
••
•
0.
•
•
0
•
•
-
0
•
••
•
•
•
•
••
0
0
•
•
-
.,
. ...
. __..;..·_...,. .....:.....,.....;
.
:-.:,....
.. ~· .
•• · !'I lXII~. t'rmn AI
... ·.· .• . · Nlton wllh'-a
~tlldshakund Mrs. Nlxoa wllh a klu.
w.-rm
:•. ·· __:lor
·. .. lhr :l:ahon
· and Us new Jradm durmr
.· lhe_l~a~cu~a
· · . · t··
· On tilt ride to t~apl~l, tile tw11 men appeared 10
. .""6e 'Jn., anJmaled c'oiMrsaU~n, •ith Mt,.Nisoa gertutillf
· · cerrnu'">"·
: . · •· ·.
wltli: bll'lltrldt:to l!lilus;a. point: .The.~
:.~~f'~enM):lwlllfii\itiiu~-Jid.tr'tt"
·?·~·
iid 11\co
·.·.--:-:-A\ lht luncheon tor Ihe l'\ixon and A~e~~ lamDil!i,~.fli! '
... Co~ouion~I.J~dara~ad.la.augural partlc1panll Jmmodl·.~::;.~t rr''lts:~i~i"".'.~rdepur
. altl)' al!~r lhe"rerem(lny, NlsM said that "lhe· fl'e fn~:;.;·lntr.Vibt(!>fesid~nl ,.Jio--tad 1aU~1lJ!l..hll;try·for promo-·
r~llrohs 1:1\'CR today, were all Jlrayrd.to.t/le·aam!_.GodJ·:.~II~-... tiOJL~tful•lir::tfalui~SIICCClso.tdAJrbaLoace.....IIJd..
-:·Ia in Ihis -rOt•m, and. earh o( Ihose. lnvorallon.s 'Mih
btrn CIITrd.?tha·mo.Jt blrt,nlflcaat-6fflce" Jo the.worlcl. ..
"·rll, in hislory." Besides Graham.- the llrl)ltrt.were.br.:.,.... A&...llle Ciplt6l;Jlsl~U,·tbora'"Wir11at·:i. slnlt\e. pusace'·
an.~r~n ~lrthodlst Epls<"opal mlnlsler. a rabbL a GrHk 'o('lmplltd~crWC'Itm.·bY Mr. Nlsdn:al':hC. preC!eceuor,•
'"':' "011~odos Arcblblshop and a 1tllbian Catholle bishop. A·· :-despite the :Republican'• 'hlstol)'· JIS .lh6...1850s· u a fiert'l•
QuJker leader ,from Callfornla-represenUnlf the faith; 'Jiartliati. dd the •'"thrOW tile fulures oat" tenor of 111.1
. Into. "'hkh _Nixon wn .born-gave the ~edictloa at. t~~ 1988 camp~lgn.-~n·argulas Uiat tile Goveiym'e~t .and',I!M
··- earlier pra) u sen'lce.. .. - ..- ...... .., .. - -·· - ··- --- ·-:-P"""people-mull· SII"'teed -IJY hanaony-ln-teekllng -MUoaak
~usLbelore 'the:.Juncheql!, the •. new....ete£1dent..algnecl.:....:.probl~n.e~...:P'!estdent...AI~~a.ajlpar_e~t..;..J11.;.:;
w ~. his f1rill official papers, ineludlnc the formal nominations · ·ere nee to M~Jol!nsoa'r 'repudlftlon lt;, pb"bllc: oplnnin..• '·or ·the 1:! iuc-mbers :ot his cabinet. All'at the cabinet. that &'llie JeJSISti·of·pUt agony Jr that without tlle.veQ.PI~
..'::.choices w6're quickl)l con(irmod .by.llla.si.Aata..acept for:..:.:~·<an.-do-::nolhlnrw1tlr·~~D";""dll7~e~:,:
• · S!'Crt'lary of the ·Interior-designate Walter J. Hickel, his .•)lllng:i':., .':~ ... ~.~~~! .. :.,. • ?-:-.;~··~.....:.;-_;.,•":;SJ';
·. Gal~· ~nt.revt'l'Sial selection. Conllrmalli!D' o( lfickel 1•.;·..-':~e. ·statement. met,. lth I~ • se_f.z:.oll,!.)h~),'~li!vfd
.• exjiN'ted 500fr.11Crhapatoday..
,.;, .
• . ·•· . ··, :.handi'.I!C.~~l~U)y.
il~"f!!~
·
·· . •: Uollke..!h&JtepubUcan assUmJIIIon.oLaff~n:a tlie:...:.:ri!Y.,;Q.t:,po~12lit
. • ....'..
, "',
Demomls in 1953 and some other prdldenllat.tlfnst~-;::Mr..~~~~
~Uiiin.lJY.,.TIIp}'ea~
or pc"m tn· dmdts past: the relationshiP; lle_tw.eeii ;th(·. :'of~apJIIall~~... o )~I~ . 'l~i!4,1,!~~~~~ n~~ •?
outGoing and tho Incoming leaders -yesterd•y.appeared;t>. o( lt:eatbu11~.~tl~~ • · .!"11.«-·:~~~~t
to be amicable and, at limes, even cordial. At ihe .While~. ·It wunot.l~cif~lt'\titfp~-:Or·. ; t~(~~
~o.uso before the ceremony,_ M_r. J~hnso.~- ~~~~-~~·:M";..;;;~'f!l.~~~~~;.~~:~~~·~!~
,..a.
0
0
.....
L
c·omiD1tiDerit'~.·to~·Peace-~~~
··~r~h~;. of the t~11 hrouj~, nf C~~~"~ ·~ih ~rif~~:·~oiln~ll: lor. 2 ·p.7n. tad~;-; 'i.~;..~v~ and· will "meet -~th
•
by the llemi1Crolir rarty. In fron(, just ahriad of the.· •C:en Earl.· Wheeler, ·Chllnnan oC 111o Joint ChlafL a!
lrc1em, wu a arreen o( bullei·Jiroof glass, a ~mlnder "'Sial(, 'af'3:30 p.m.
.
e>f the uuuinalions whlrh so suddenly had ;nerc(Hht.~ ;··: Mr.'1l,xi>!Vinade 'nd ·rerotence.IO:tbe ~miolltt~ment In'
· J!Oilllril fC1rtunes 11f the leaders preaent. • ·" ;~-£::-····~"·-=·.~~~~~~J;it;~r?.~h'fWl'cl\SIMel.::nrt~St ·tii ··u~ 'aimed ·at'
·-~·"11rltnmpllng to 'l\1n con(ldenre •and !lippoii,;n'r,ir. 'J:\Irblhg )trategle 11Uelilel- ·aniu.. JJe aid propose ~· ''~o
flrmly ullbllah his leadership, Mr. Nl~on •IIUDDtd ,aU·.:~ ~p~,..te. to' J'e'lllice'Jhe.:!lu'~eli· or"aiiiii'' 'but declared In
of tbe. Cl11.Wd·plc.uln.:.:nmc:ll:..Jiacs..;'!tlll1L..hiJ.,Jall,~~~he·.nm-IOIIJilllca.·Lil.USWL•Ul.he.as. stron; as. -.need ---palgn, usUng bls nil to the Nation Jn_sJian:.and·genent·;··:to bi tofas jonc~u·w-:nl!e4 to bt.". · .. ·
.
..
11rose. thuauy; he me111o11zea ht.- apetotollea ·an4 •. 9mtltl'.:· ',: ·TIIe.honot"Ot7bdnJ:'·~cemaii:IL'I"~.III tllewor'ld;·hf sal4· ..... ·..
lishes tllem with c;estyn:J. Xellerday ho read hll ape:ec:~at. ano\her. point, Ia ·"our .IIUIIinons' to cn:atneu"; u. a .• · ·:.;..
. ehanglnc hardly a "'llld from the prepared tut,:hts nma :·· nation.
.., . · ... . . .. . · .·
·....
ytnually 1tiiL
.
•• : · · · '· ··
.... '·•· ~-·.,,'> ''For"the:nrst time, bedule 'the·pe'OpJes of the woticl •.
"We shfU prom I~ on I¥ what .we dn ptl)duce," he ·want..
avd .til& .leaden .•are .atrald cif.!l\'ar;!.~e·
: ·
said, and tboae pi'OIIIJsea.were general Jn nalhre-U Iotty
Umea.are on the.&lde.alcpeae...• ·._-...:·:·•..:.··;_·~~.:.:•.:...c-.
•• Jn 6~&:··~coactti~ii~nonfi~·
..' 'together, u one nation, not twa.." Alter an en Ia whicH • ·
'"'lhe pasuge·-or laws. was .o£ 'cl!lei'Jmport.inee;:Mr.
· slid that t.he job now 11 to gtv• flte·to whal.ll law•.••_•. ;.,.:.~:
·
~~~~;:;·'111 ''....~==::1011
have~~ta~k~en~a~n~oia~th~~~~~n·~-~~ii!lllli~~~~~i~~~~~~~
··the presence .ot God :ani! iny
;. cleclared& ''TQ that .DJUa,'· J .'add
I aha II. consecrate my ofllce, my
•dom
Allotller.
Job Ia peace.
I· can summon,
to the"Icause
•. Mr. NlxoiUIIade no apecUie'.
war, wblcll he 11 pledg~ ta
h~ K"~eclul~ lbe II~ m.eetl~l
•
•
•
•
&; " ~
.
·'
NiX
Oil Assum¢·s··_P.i·esiden¢yWith
-· _____ __
....
...
______ _......... _......_ .... ·-··.. ·~.Sacte·d
- ·-
··--•••·.•
••
�•
Jo&ee~tf•.::·~- }.: >.-!~
•
•
.. N!::::t:. -~ .·
·-: U.ofi·
. . .,
....
····-"C~'./'
-- .~-..:~···~
~ Mu~t:Be:
'l~--~=--·a&trNe
::nr.sm~,;.:v~~;.~~~;g~t.. \Q-~ ...~·?~'
..,.. ... 1!1~-=-=~11
... ...
.~ ~
•
•
qWQd:r 'J)hn.Hod, redolent of':;. lD. Ott. tlf'ld" ol tortillt-.1·· ..... ~
1t
be... ~f.
· ·,roocS :m~ona. Jdmtnbl1,;·' tallW- .·;.~·:~,.·-:~-~ ·.:...·-tA:~~-..·~,1L·.~J..1:
•. deUrm<l but--tQ put 1t \"rrt ~~; lA •V1•t:Mift:~ a:i~bf.-.1 · .~:J.; .. :'"N~ .:.:~_;l~.J ;:: - · ·
~nDdl7-«~<~t enonnol.ll\1 IJ\.'. · 'Ancfmr OoodpMtff 1\Uir>ld''.I",..,~U,.~Ore;.''" Ule ('Oun-·.::.::N'l•~·lM· Nort!l·, ~· ~~t.1'".(a.:wbk'h·'Siflit
••tf1 Jltt1.. wttrre It .... b«-lono, • • f'H ban ~n ftt7' hfnt11, •l~l:rlfddl~·l'Ot4 ratiiUI'el· to··:.·
. _."wUhout ~clear ldl't about ,. thtlu(!l DOt .aa,-.t., dldllftl1 ~~101..-. • t.l)e· .crHt ...·~:-::
·
.: t~u". _It
.·: UN .d!rfctJan Ill. new leadtr .4. d•t.atecL-1'•·· bf -4\lr't1-Uie' ..;JI'ob(~-'iri.IL no-4oacu ~
'W'O\lld.:t.al:e ln du.llnt .wlt.h :· 'lh.noi' "'~lubell :.• W11J• !• COU!Itft'·the 'ecrated·~J. ..';·
...._::::i..i:l1}I:UJot: Jll'DbltonC:---:;::::;-:- p~babl1 ; ~r~a'jt-;anf Ot,:&sl , ~- QOia :lbn;::;woii1.r:»"~a .
_ ,Oa.l:l&lance, t.hla '111'11 rood·· .mer. COIMILC~;eftor:t.LO~... ~~..;_whte.'lhe Old .
·~ tlld fOOd ludenhlp,· "-. W1Df- Ott otlra&J,.., ~ CMICh·• .L.{Dabw 'ftl'l a til~.=.·
~ ~ et &117 r-at.e at thla pal' · lJ ·l.bdJcak'd ,'tr/ the f:D9Jtn- :\:i!ttt:.t~.·.a:raJ.a.,.~ the ;.new.• ,;
·."'tl~· .JUDcture Jn· •the" .Udn flrure-.;ior~Df.ct'fDbet .. !'~tWillntt'dl\ll.llnd . ;
- -Amen~ ~~tory. E'o'tr llnce· . and Jl.llDU1.... ...: .•• .,., ;':,''- ;!. ~-~t.lmr. 'l,lll t, . to ....·~
Pmldent E1JPnhowtr ldt . "Xet, tbe thrNt.nlt'd
.btulb;.OS. the \\1 'mlbbo- .
emce; the-White HoUle ha.I:_~IIVJ.:.dot't :not-In; the::leut•-;tbli .abocrt;Uie ~~ ~~
.~D .the:ffntar of m&Jer, · alarm.. ~ral. ~l.chton ~}em..lor,dlilt.anc:e, and~ .'
.olt.ta :('Ontrovenlal naUonal.".Abram1. ~ ,Otaeral, Good- _._otld ~d &bon a~;tb get the·:::.:;
driJI!u • ·
. ·. - - pwtet.• CAD4,; PriJ'COd the7··-.Conlt:"l "to- .proncse·.:'tbe ...
-.. •IA·~U~«', the new·_: art ri.iht .abOut't.h.ll!) Tbe :\IIHded.~..;for real.,.
oae12-.·
•
r
· ?reside at evl~nlly decide-d .. toreeut II, l.lr,fla(, that~· pro~ • .. ~- . ·:.;. :. :... _ ..
:. '",
'"
,_" d·"- nol'l. l"tpT'"ent.IUYH~·lJl
'-"1• .... 1 COUDw.r n& uc-f\lll. J' -'• . ""'II ._~
... U ..·-:-.,..,..;OtNlt.·.lJirdol,.•~-······
.... ~~ .. , ·~·· . , ...
...
'tD h&Dnr for an E1unh0Wf'C'
.... .... •. ·""" ·aero ... llf • :-_.· t '· ~ •:; ··\•"-- .-:..:..::·· • ·.'.,
Ilk# ctll lor lranquJ.I.J..t1- and- egaiDit Uie bad:d.ra'p ol·a·
· -·. tU&-....... what he ;avt "'· -· rathlt"l'IJill!tTllttmmUJlr:
"i')
_
He W1ll •~mpllah mucb,lt .-· mlllt.aey-poliU~_att~nln.
l • Jj}?fJr. rO-:>)
__ he. cu merely rtduca the.. Sou~ V~tnam. And, t~.um .\.!::!..
abruiven.u• and biller ron·. I• ~omct. ... pat!ellot.:.~
: • • tt11t1oa ot our c-urrrat -poiJtJ.-,.; ftrmne~ &bould brinl an ae-_..,
-- ul dJI<-oune. •
-·
_ _ ctpt.ab~~- tt~~et~t Ill t.bt ·
'. · To' do thlr lJ an_enUrrli-end.---- ""-:··-:;-:·· ·
proper-l'relldental-&!zn•. lf~J'-nf~'E\Y~•Ideat ·
:I
woUCO~
• ·,
----
dUet. a.ad ... e I"*' de--. Hi!tD actln~ecnnrna
.&ratraUo~t_ oLAmerlc&ll.-..wfu-hrn-to~-for11o
-.urban llff'-that u no more. 'Middle Z:utf'm uttlement ·
· ..... t.baa a ahort U.at. It leave•, . 11 remotely poealble, uc:ept :
~--.nttal IMI emblttrl't'd-:-a- a~ttleme!lt, Jointly. and.
ve17 pnlllin& matl«-n,
\'t:iT tlrthly lznposed br the
1 ~uu-CJHt.tbreat.ened taJiure-~;, 0 ...:..rtant • po~-:1iolh-.
Arab• _and•tsra.elli' will dl1-.·
of the world monetary. 1)'1:
•
~-. i:fie. ib·s;nc:e::;.~ :~~'hi~[ ~;">4~t.~~-=:J~~~~fr! ~
or the. President I
a.ctual In• . on wlt.b mounting rl.skl
~.&..ft__.lfft ~-
•
- - - - - - - . lftltCl,VVTJU'11111'.
to Compu~· faeton •
.
•
or a
,
1~~:f J ~ i-1 1 In ·
11l "tscll·wt of -ucly··-probo ··ahort; Nixon 'ein .Ceompll'ah
-·
. Jemr.~-&1 Nb:oa.,hlmaelf · SJ:: :rpueh,. .i( he:h•• ~e tv~.~::.
·:~-;.;.~elf td' compute. UJem.: lf_,: do IL .rn Ja odd wq, tbe,pat.·.,.
·r.'- · you' do:..Wir-Yeu•llndr~!rt11 ott ltie UtJTIHtle hult 11:.
L;_ bellA.; ~tb,._ that· be· .b&~·:~ 'mueb .th•·um••. Ill other.:·.
'· •.
• • ••• • ·
•·
• •
•"
1
·word•· o• the domeat1e-front-·'
. u on.' tht forelcn. troat; t.be· :
• altuadon hu rlpe'ned t.o the· .
•
·-· --·-··r.
.-~ ·~!~'r ....
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Uzz/.&'7
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iAd:~r~Ssj/JfhA~IJli~Sdlf;,Jl,.eyetiling
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Js.""!'.;~·hio-1'11~ ~
-.tftd-·-11
c:-Drl:llelmm· M,""'Robfor1.1 _
or "'"'""' u....,..-.
1'1•~·
.,.,t
• nulled •ben be .apo\e of dttlartd tHat "lilt tints that thin'
.T'orrt
no ;
Tbr .l'rulcltftl allrmplod juolic'r denJC'd 1 m I 0• bf. ·are drarrll to 111e an llloSI ·• sPttlnc• •1•• ,,... warnlo\f
....
.
· •••"", ol
lor Ot .11'- bf.
• &/•i)-1'\rJinJ•"
•.
·
·
, JfiiC"'IJ.J.t.lell
bla own·-yr.r
U 1111
I ..
brlfl)'ll
of. · - e 111't
-··.IMIII\>11.
o.....l ul 111>111100·;
1
t· proplt- ....S .Qw IMOPI• of:- Aawric:f.•.·
..,.,_ • , ··- , :. A ·p-eat 'fesi.IW. lr'tjll,,:.:.bm 11
1 rollloUtlon.
1
1-1M .,.01111 - " ' " " ol w11al
W'f
·
001 Jallinc. retUne nd. trrlnC ol P • • I
11
I :\mmc.-U·'J%r.aboiii:"'-Hr-jjj"i\!f
;i-ii.
ol ;
ro•••ll•r
of··<>f :huon llle CbWf Ex..-w·· ..
/
.•
! wmcllllltC oboul lbt nouarr
/
,
,,.., saw In hi• mood'l .,., · Thr
mmrtot• hrrr 11
l.radoa
• .•• ..:.}trtr.l
:rratrrdar """"·· .\nd lhf ·.hull) .,...,. llkr thuar lu • _
; It '"'
rol .
· ....
·.
... :, . s 111 on; if. II uuchl lhr nu• · r).ett:J """ •• Utr oloor anrr ·.
...-.4,....._.kH"'
I, ...
lh1ei ehel qt"" be' lot\-' tad ante or hk·WOrcl .. nlU\1 1\1\'; )' lht' 1al'flnU,.,
uf :
, .J. .111fCIIICJ,
lar,rl · 'lrusurt IPtUfcl •tn tO..n· • "''" lllf mtnd ano! soul. of 11'1'1 u" lor '""' d II"' I
: 111
.« • oermu1 Til
!net we bu'tlr
•• 1
rttll•"'· anlnt:. .!all· .,.h.,.• '""" no .. nonc '"'
a >rdfin ht bod Ia r &•.I r the
al .. lbft'rJ,
: . inl, reollnc and 1,.,.,,, 1 110 '"""" ,.., not qunr ,.• ,..
· 11p riled out ontr 11, dayo•
.II· wu to u.e P<"fCII,. nO( Pr.. idtftl.
,
taan hu hAd_
.
',
on hlo Ss.•t• .•!. thr _ 10 lllr put, U> ..l . a ... Jlllnd _
Brtlnnlnc "'ilh ll•Or'o
' ln•ucural .\d·
l!nlon odd'""· '
_
n!llllfd ·he, opon
'll'ioluncton - lhr 6atronr- dro .. wn not lltr htrnrr
11
Urnco )'rnrrd•r
.• ol
.Yori<'o:l'rd•nl Holl .
ol llldl.a.., IIWI h&lluroe
: ·"'" - " " .cl\llo(lr 10 d•IUif, larmrr
ettr_and, "14 1181.)11all4:\lrll
· Glt,teoiY. or
boll nroth•r
1M
.. d ot /o.II\H··
1ft .. ot
M·'\l>e .,..·u .. lt JollA Kcnn<(l)' or
.lc&D lliiCAitJ,.IO",
·.•Ilion ntllll! S!:U• of
.. ·wbCI1:ave
· 1\broluo,. Lon<ulq .... toouk
ccrwellll>i: JC: owr forr-:
"
• ... '. ·
,... , loW< .tllan. J"!SIU': lht ,oasb. .It .,,., l.rndon
"toUicn·
ul aiJIJ"
bJIWIOII "JohDIOft • "'..-:&!" diJ's,. dO, ohGIVf, ....,j j 81\1100 Ahn..,o'l diJ IDd
JUStUf, \lbonJ ond oaao..:·
bla lnDil ,..,...1111& whr11
more. broltnl wllll •Ppl•-· ....
ho 111d U>td "' ....,... Bat Lrodon Jobn ..n· 11 • IOCI&hl 10 dcw:rlbo ln• C.. at t:.t'lt · \1\ •tu . waf- bdpelllf •:'\llln& mort 1boul b.. ,.;.,.
N.c n.-u Jrlf•n<>n or .:-.$1>c'fly; llol •t ''liM ordcrr<l, b>r ""'" wbo bod jus&'""'"'· ol biiiDri' .and abOut the tu·
Abraham l.lnt'OID "' iun . cbllll&<lea and str.rll• bat·
ao:•,PrCVI'!.•· pNIKI and . I)U'e 10 ,..b..:ll he woll, If
· J<ollo Ftucrrald
ol lilt '"'' 'hot u
dclucl
COIIIItul\loa ·of,.
ND, tud &lw .x au on.
1111 foru 11 nol lilt .boo .. · I> ~···lenttftl of btcomlnl lilt \!nllwd 51&1&1-"
. - - ·- ~
'of 'blstorr btil "'M-mrat·l'"....WIJt· .,..,,.,nne. 11'J'111J:;--TUI'f1Cii"¥oiesion li>Wli'Of:=---·
upon .ft'.
. -_. • •·~-P"'bln&, lalhne. ruun~..and __ Mr: Job..-· u1d )'Utm!ar ;.
II .,.u 10 1hr pr...-ol, nol • ttJinc OCalA - but· 11•••• -aDd 10 W'bll ht did not' '
• . •• · - .;._ _ _ • .'
111i11AC'-"
·
oay-IJ lllocb' to be onf
l
. • - ,.., ,,.., """'
ho•~·"'
L-"'~..,._ln
~~
''"~'
t~rlll!
opo~
10-.~..-..t.
onAU~~n1tnU
·u..--mrn~coln .~oocrt<"I:...)O.u.r-toiod~broaaLul. \IILJI~IIIlt
.'n~a-1..•1110\or
·Analyai•·:~..
:.t .
pr1~
know~
.\mr~"'"·
::\'n~rlhln•l
~rl1l
~ .
<>U~h•.
YtsiOnJI~
-~f
~lr.'John-~ rap&llt~t- anct·•·wor\or~ ~·•
~·"'
and'~
lddr~uI~;
oluak~"'Or ~00', IliA~-~•ld•··
·~··.'·~· ·~ooCP-.o~
'lht~~~o,Soa>r.
~
·•~··
,•,.~·
~dii
to ·..'
« :.
~.~
Kcnnrclr-·~
•
•
~
,l•'
===-.....----
�•
•
•
�•
•
•
�"!
fod U.. Ormi'Crauc
, wtll.l It 'oUII prof<
.
I
' !
f
\~"\lit
pit," ·t 1 ;
party ot
· AncS: t.•'l<~<on
'11
" moot art rul'll F.
; ha4, has lmpi"'\'C'd
j •mula Ill o!\1~· one w
• L abo IOIICh\ In make
I nt Ult rt'O~If lht
•·!,·
!
I
n•.-e•k tit. Tl'lt ••"':"''- ''""I
"I'm cladj:"'' fln1lly cot • ".·'o-mon outfit. In ~uhlncton, too.r;
·1
: Jll'<'f"NII't 'bUMftt:<.•.
I
1
. ; i1
.
'GI"f•d Ooab'
A'bo+t. &II,
Jolul...,._n,..t
J>&l&'11 ;lUI f&lJ.
Ills two maJor
aad ~o""
I
.;
. Juatlu rdtmandf<t. h .aid,
U.at 111 ,a !l&nd of ,.•.,.a a tam·
rroi'OJ&II In
"'"'t
1'<'&11 or
"nit s'...lt
Mt~:,..u
ICIC'I&L
...... eovthlcl( uron
U.•Uc,
I
"'"'l' '
ve&UOD
J'l"'cro.m
Ho e&D...S
fnr a \hal would
fod·
ud acbooll n: &II " ~:~ons.
ltf' L~ mfld1~al r&n or U••
"'''M. Ht ullfod an u rnso~n
· ol lllt mll:lnlum ,.,.,,
C'oll\-et"ffl ,."'rktu. Ht
l'ftMd. . ftf'W J'rotrama~..,. Ult
\ c:o\I..,IDr coa ...n·a \con
n&\•
llr&l "a>o~rrao, tD
1\'tlop
bt\\fr \I'I.N;>.'fl&\oon s, stom1,
to bt&oUt~ Ult ~•Ch"' )'1. to
·end I'O&tr dl><"nmonatco • Po¥•
.
•
I
:·l :
wtU.o t; the
I
,..s
on .
I
pumt•:
i
"!
•
I
I
A;~
t.r+-1
·1l
.'ruwr,. ''" !'ialu,. '
"!.! -1 1
..:Jow ltt ut a!l riht our
· i l d~~~
detP and
tur,- old.
111<1 should not 11-. Ia PG'I·
~rty: U.&t In a land or iJIIrnty
·rhtldl"tn •hould not
hUll• almoot a mtalenttnt ot lilt.
cry: Ulat ttl a land ot "bC'allnlr , Amtrlcan:4.....,.,• Tilt ldta ot
moracl"- ~ fl"'•rte should not 1 htlpCnc 1114 untortunatt wont:
sulttr and !'!If untendtd: lhat I Wut Wl\li lilt frontier: ,..l-:
111. a land: nt lurntnr. lle ·i hal'l all ~tn brtc! on slnr1tl:
younc ollould .bt tau~ at.
ot nrlchliOrhood . hou,...rat,.;. ·
,
· : •.
,
:, :
. lnCS and i tom•>hatkiiiCS.
jthe
nouoa: or cvuv. kind or
.
I
I
'
Lobtttyi!Jir rl"t~d. uitd, ~troup &etl~n; from \llr bndAI:
t:m~aoned; ~r ~
r all. &ho"'"'~ t.j \ht tomlllu:llt)'
And he 111'(1'<1 tht .
to pt)t . chtsL
•I 1
j:
Uldt "multi')' Ol'a' otil.rs to :
Tilt coal of tdutaloon IS I& l
nai.itf'ry u\"tr n~ture\•• ~ U\t hn.r\; C'lf f\'CI')" Amtrlt&a;
As foritlon, )lr. JDh~ : rathtC' p~~lnr on hoo rhllll;
said ot ,..
11mo to "~hltve : tilL• lo, attir all, lhr count 1
rhanc•
U.out halrod: Ut· : Ulat •onttlvt<l ulll•rr .. l rrl1
..;u.out dln.rl"fnct
oplniDn. . ..surauon: · And lilt wn.t.
rJI
,..,.._d.,\ r
I"U\r t
Wllolt
l but.
1
conrrt
1s. A • ,
abldlllr divisions whlcn liCAi'·;
: i 1: .... I
the union' ro~ renerattons." 11
Somtlarl~·. olnrt . t.'le: first
: Hfa cod~tpt ot tilt Crtall .,.tllrn rut &II 'ut tD . u.e .
Society, llel Kid. wu ont t.ll&t~ "11dorn.... .Amtr1~. lla"";
wu ·-a.....,Y. beeornlnc.
SOl&Chl tn conqucor W.turt~·
lnr. probfllrJ f&lllnr, J"fs\lnr·· sue ror U.t alaurlltft. ot. tilt
and ll)'lnclac&lft-but Llwayal lndlu.a,
h&Ytj bttn, toO:
trytnc
&JWa)'s ptnlnr~ I
at It n"tr alnqt to aeelt'
•
~ .
<'<'OqlltS\ 0\'01' miJI. ::0:0 ll&tloG
I Reatat~en& :
1 l>rn\II:M up on tl\f Jecmds ol
1 Tilt lnau I ;.1 •,..1
In r <t.. tho Polrnms' ntcllt itrom ,..,.
1
fll
._
.~ ' !ll't'IIIIM IUICI
alt"Oai!Mn.i
Col·rrnmrnt, d I"'
turU.er upansl~n Jot
U.t fCOnomy hAd \o'rdme '.
· TIIIJ ""ttk, Ill Ills lnadcurel. ·
ht put c!-.c the phfloadJ>IIIcal
found&llotll of tills: proj:r&m:
a platform. ot "Juatko.!btrty
n~· In
",
~ ••oL
-...f'IC!IaftDftUC.
· r
;
trlr, he ""ld. had to ro· tcan·
•t&;r;
I ..
1
1
di
I
:
~
I
II
u..,-
bu.,.
crt
IU .,.,.
lti:htl~· I~
,.,til
1r~·•nr::
'
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l
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' ' ttl~ t.~ lh~ Ar..
ra~Ul Ul lh•
an
•fiar1l
J'C"ift\.lf•
lt1hl'' "''' ~•• and.~ 4'\1 mat
n.ot ~• "'"e-1•rtid l•errno~
lo•t r••..,, ou btcufmsp 'til
n•tt.•n
lha• rq~•"''[~l
"o\h ,;.,..,.........~11\, nd wh.
a Pl'f'>l4~nl srcr. 1
""' w'orl
Ar.4 plf\lar to
Ulr h....."O Dl
II,' II
t.-'1\~~,
t~
C•'\o a r••~)o'
.
N"'"'·1.....
rrn
(I'Qm·
t
I
tD ·a
~:><
. oir ·~Ill t.ll&n ~'
ot, Tcxu. ·: 1•
·.d.;;·~
&I a nauon
\111"111
en1('1J11.
A•• anJ
thr ld••l" ·&J~~~'
alwafl
II
II
· -t1111il
.
~ toll'\'lft'
L'IOUJlo\S
fradlll,.nal ltl,..i
u,..-:r
J.;
lll&lita' llMi con~~eet:
a:
uj a 'Pf'OPit "
ell u.... bUt a;
JUSeM." ht
pll\ 01\t
said 1D 1\11 ;
'rJ.allfr&J.· "By 'ftrklllr 111o1:
, , AmtCJcutt . · !,...~ll"!"}deT.; toctllltt .
•·
.'c:an'lntr- ~· a.bare ot r.:.
i. J&! II that lClnd of rlotUI:
rali>tri~:. -:.n.s fu.e ~ocuail n w ro:
;oll&dowt<!
t.ll&t llu made t
:,0
o1
~rtl\lc ~ty the ru!·.
1\7 ;part7.. tn~mmoa; <;
~UI lo'l't \II Nn\lllfll ms
~ In sl.ld.
auat 1\e m•
~em. · And
· ~ pc:raUc ..,.ty lonr
• ; ,.
l'd \d collnt ht&cls. ·
I
·
•I ·
c
a.
�.
.·
I
.
.Contrast
'I
'
:..
.
.
Kennedy Drama~es the. Change hut .
.
,'
II
· The Ba8ic .ASpikiions
R~main·
I
.
. !
I
B:r ARTHUR KROCX
I .
WASHINGTON, Jan. 2l,.l.The mUUons who, by direct
or Indirect med!UDi, saw the Ceremonies by whicli. John F.
Kennedy legally became the Piesident of the United States,
. and llatened to.,hla Inaugural address, were also afforded a
study In contraSts which wereiextraordlnary, even on these.
occa;aions. For the first time !a man boru In .the twentieth
cen~, though it llr now ten years beyond ;its half way
mark, was assuming the highest and moat pl)werful office
' In the.limd azld the potentiall~erahlp of the.non·Commu·
Dist ~rid, replacing the last Of his predecessors who were
boru In the nineteenth:. .And for the first time those of the
new President's generation wlio came to maturity after the
·First World· War were
over the tespOIIIIIbWty, not
·
ru~t=::~~~~
of the· Presidency,
nearlf
iiJI the high
offices of' an entire
· tlon/·
This. undsu&I contrast
tWeen ~the· olcl ancl new,
PI'O~ At any lnaurum~
~ore Roosevelt
--.~Chief
of iilWtary age at the be111nllllnir:l
of ·th• War Between the
~
rl!pe'ateclly
· !Pudent Kennedy's tna·u~ru,mll
adilress, He called on
foe alike"
to Witness "that the toi'ICAIOUr
beenofpassed
to a new r~~~~;:,::t::
.,...uon
Amertcans-bom
lf.hla century • • · •... And
· :aoted that Amertcans of tho
he embodies were
����lgry
ailllllat
ultural
theo're• from
3d the
•f ortl·
a state
11eweU
ie, wu
oaa; It
Lt prollWU
JucUoll
ltwu
Jer obfutun
am·
ol
oknow
Soviet
In most areu
lllovu
Freelar the computer: baa
'would
tered, It baa bee!l
c jailed
Teacbtr Ilene<~ to replace
alwaya
pie. Happily,
to Wl• DDt lb.e cue wllb. Ule 11ew
ma.cblne.
T2le
device Ia not
'Ill of a
,...
•te lb.at
wtUI dell.&alona ol CJ'&ftdeur,
enU:y reattor CODteAt to limit
lAoCl h1a
b.u110t
ot l.aa·
... beea
•
. bclt.e!lt
e polltl•
I l&lcAt
~
baa &Ad
-.,
womm
"'•'""'Llk..
�--·
liN • .,...........,,.. . . . . .v
ISSIOD and the· problema of
vidual chile!. The new mac
, particularly usefUl In
lth the gUted chllcLJ In
~7eaaln!l' eontonnlty, his
1 Important national
e fBil to preserve at our
. •ent our sy.ttem of
1
Is not geared tor
While .their cla.uma~l
·e aaugg~~Df to muter the n
le&UIID t&ble, tliey *ve their
, ~veliDg the mystery. of
om. The new machine mould
ole these chlldret\ to learia at
"" paee and 'tO give them the
•um opportunity fori growth.
'.L.L...-
I
L
But even :more
eltlllg are the
Ideal
for Ho- cations ·ot the
Inc- mai:hlne outside
StadJ'
the classroom. AD
~aptltlon ot the elaborate ach~l· ope f,Uon
om computer, . tor example, .. ~ ~ln~t~'uonai law wlilc
eal for home atudy. \The
a.bi;1in'ot a laui'~~Uon
uc-ht aucceu Is one ofj the more
ll'lble ' legencl.l In American uie,
th .A.brah&m Lincoln 'j~t one of
• Pratdenta who educa.t~ them·
lves Into the White .House. To
.
1a.t heights might they h&vel•trulnrllnJr
&red wtth a m&chlna tha.t would
.ve enabled them to ream three
nea as fast, which Is the conten·
•II of . thoaa marketing! the
Yicea. Those ol 1us Jl'ho
eamed our way across the aeften
as and Into the jungles jof .A.fii\& B1l
II be conlent to kllowJ that our the· :ucnflqea 1
lldren are now g'Oing to be helped
a more modem way !Into new
eu of kllowieclge. But the biggest
e of the teaching machine· may
me otrom the emerging nations of
!Ia aa4 .A.fl1ca, where there Ia ur·
·11t .Deed\ tor uslst&Ace! to bring
a lllto the modem worlcL
·
llbake our headS over the
aa4 wh&t It clots :to
•
1t the te&chlng m&chlnt sees
a.chlne at Ita best a.ncl most UJetul.
•elf·
I
EPITAPH
b&t wU1 they aay about· me when
rm 4e&d
1
ston the teus h&n 4iied: then
l.liM'I raplte
. I
, lUdc• the epitaph
llOW
rea4
,1
a4 po:14ere4 CJ'Ier like ; a
WJ'U•
1
.
'beD ~bta repl&.ce the ':ttn&l van·
illll.Dc
i
.'
'
,--lllllr611oNWI'- ,.._
'
;
I.
.
J
J.lou.IA
IMOI.IVU1 &VWV
·
'
t cnet. 1114 truth revokea the tonn
. 1.114 fttce,,
. I
a4 loadly ec.bDIA&' Ute' 1 hollow
UICell the put. Anotber
'
",..,
-·
I
amU:mpl&ta
Ad tile
~
111141
~- -
Ot
the
i
&Ad:aew.
ldzlablpe to the ;wtDd cold
U:D~""'~toraoJ.cbooltll'l~.-:::~~-~~~i~~~;,
...._
Loa..,_ .. - r · '"'" il"_ - - -~-. ~--'
w'h&t !!Ia)' 11&;,--t!le
Ill my ..,._
Ueat .. llpe
Je&IL
.
~
Ullhe&nl wor4a ._...;:::::::
1
,_8dJ.4 i wtth
.....__._ ·
'jJ"I t,;UQWUIUI A
'
UIL.
.,.VC\O~Lc.-, ~~
·
'
.......... .., ..........
·
·
· ·
�~lrt. Nt:tv IMk ~int.es.
.ADoLPH S. OCR!, Publllher 189--1935.
PUBLISHED EVEIIY DAY JH
m
YL\Il BY "mZ NJ;W YO.X TIMUICoMPANY
·
~II.THUR. H~YS SVLZBII:,R.CI:R.
. Publla"-'Cllafnnatl 0/ tile .Bclard
.
i
L
E.
DII.,YFOOS,
lUolUIIINC F. BANCROFT,
PnlaUent
Bet:retcry
President 'Kf!nn•..tv'• Inaunrral Address Was
concerned
In the world and
not, except>- by,lntoerm~ee.
her domestic mal•
i ;adjustments. 1 In
It reflected the
!cumnt moment.
years ago an·
; other Democratic PrE!Sident
himself to
: what he called a
of our national life"
,and assured
only thing we have to
. fear Is fear Itself."
' Franklin D. Roosevelt ·
'
economic depreswas talking about a
. our apparent
• slim. He was
lna~lllty to control
our own bound· aries;
I:.ater on, Mr. Ro·OR••v,.lle
· 1111 lhe peoples of
ihe llostile· ones and
with whom we had
•~ ~~ver bee~J eritleally conFerned before 1933. In
~ l-_,....r .,and preparation for.j war we almost forgot
. ~~the .Great Depression.
·
·· .;; · · Mr. Kennedy made D!l prelense ot stopping
;'with our land or water fi'Ontlers. What he did do
. -and he did this In an elOquent and moving way
ti -,wu to reach back lnt~ our treas.ury of tradl·
· tiona and apply them to our relationships with all
the nations of the globej He went bac:k to the
_.. theory, not unanimously accepted today by polltl·
• cal acl~tlsts, "that the rights ot·man come not
1:: • from the generosity ot ~e state but from the
hand of Clod." It was evident In what followed
1
· In his speeeb that he do~ not regard lhese rights
as automatic:. They Involve struggle. We are'to
:•pay. any prlee, bear any burden, meet any
. hardship, support any f1end or oppoee any foe
In order to, assure the survival and success of
li,berty:" The !arms of Itansas were not central
In this kind of thinking but rather "the huts and
vilt.ges o! hal! the globeJ'struggllng to break the
bonds of mass misery." In a way this apeeeh
carries us back a century and more to a time
when our predecessors on this continent thought
of Alncriean democracy als something that would
by. its very virtues and Iallurements sweep the
earth.
.- · We are not now quite as lng~uous. We face
· ?ur n.ew t.aaka In a mood of sad neeeaalty and not
ot a wUdly uuberant hope. Preald~t Ke.a.aedy
could n.ot have expected o0ur oppo.a.~ts lmmedl·
at.c:ly t.a. obey·lhe c:ommand ot Isaiah to Mundo
the. b~:avy burdens • • • and let the oppressed
ro. free.~·
1
~'hat a Prealde.a.t saysl,n ht. Inaugural Addreaa
o.a.ay nut whqlly reflect fwhat he thlnka about
II' the a4eepleaa houm pf the nlch:. but tht
tbluca the nrw Pn:aidrllt dlac:uaaed are surely
alii grc:&tl:lll Jlrt~C~CCUJ.I&Ii~. He will have to ~
&W&I'e •t UAeiDJiluym..nt~ u! the drai.a. 011 gol.t
ul !luctuatlu.a.a lA the m.tr'krt.a. But theae bav~
t-e dealt with torture IliAd, ctvr11 time, ea.a t.o
dc:< wat-h acW.. Tbe bai.ic queaUw a Preaide.a.t
4u to t.blWt at.c.ut .u.di.Y 1.1 wb.rther the reat ot
U.e wur"' wiU ctn ua tke Wile we 11eed. Thia
tnu.la J>J\eics..ut IUADedy h._. ~ly .Wd luu.a.e·
~t.c:Jy rea.r.a.iuc1..
:
Axoar H, BUDJ'OR.D, v~
FaAKCIS
A. COX', 2'nlaever
rn--
us
I
!'he Escape
Tl..e JIU')' lA 91.1eation waa 1101:11 leavi.Dg 1600
l'euuyln.wa Avc-.a.ue by the !ru.a.t duur aburtly
alt.c:r elen11 u'dc.ek laat Friday mumi.a.g, Later
he w._. rt>CC~gni&ed lA a crowd lt.llaC'mbled at the
leaat.fr=t ot the O.pit.ul. I.at.c:r still be w~ idea..
· titioct-u UAt< ot the -!Jton u! a lu.a.cheo.a group
.
~
Freedom for Djilas
•
MUovu
The YugoalavGovernmenl'e releue ot
Djilu 18 to be welcomed, lhough Belgrade wolild
have been much betler advt.ed uat to have. jailed
him lA the tln1t pt.ce. We ot the Weal alwaya
have found, aDd etUI find, It lmpoaelble to ua.•
detatand ur to apJirove ot lhe lmpriaonment ot a
man tor biB ideu and ht. wrlllnga, the tate lhat
befell .ll. DjUu.
'
Nuw that .ll. DjUu baa been granlecl biB
treedum, it 18 to be hoped that biB heallh bu a.ot
been hurt too badly by bla lateat term ot lm·
priaunment. Over the 'ut deada ht. baa bee.a
u.a.e of the moat IAtcn:allng and atJmulallnr a.ew
vuiue to be beard lA the Coaua.u.alat world. , The
Bcwe that he wroLe five boob while lA prtaoa.
en:atea the hope that the world may aoo.a be.aetlt
�.I
' •"•• uti S$~ /or A..dli•t
£•11 o,••
E••••tov:a, Wt~ll•rt,
,,,!
!
!.
I
���necesa•ry
liberty and extend
the hungry who po:pUI!Lte
·., . ~,,. I . .
. !
I
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Acclai'm
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.•
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...A. .. - ••
:,: .~:!:- PElPING 'EXPOsES· Top Hats a High-Level" Pro
:~;··~f:~. KENNEDY CkBfNET WrtM·:~n:'lr-t!Tl:W:u [nat-J,~~ia·o,;,~;- ;As lor-~·
.
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mAAII\Iuranr abaoL atlla
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.·,·I·
••• so
41 8 P.
r<'p<lrt
s.t.
trom
n>palll.an poilu: lllqrw
llawt bHn
lnr Ill IIW l.oa~
swnona
"""""
'.,
• j·
1
\lo"lllle IIW K•nn..Sy ru•l•
lo IIW <l<>wntawn. hol•l 'i
�d
were
e~
and Mr.
!
traditional m6>i'nliDI!' ~lnr_n ......
black'
tOIJIC~~Lts.
led a 'top
nere
\was
:se foJ:'
on wore a.
:k· caracui
tered ;hat.
[.xoil,
h.
• J
ite House
�nd were·
����•
Sonoien :o Ktnn.Oy
WAIIIIISC:Tt)~t.
;..,
��������c9uld .expect no awltt
solve the nation's probl
r .end the "cold· war." '
His .(\dmJnbtr&uo~·s
��"Let
voke the
.etead of
·oli. "Together
a!&J's, conquer
cate disease,
depths and
and
·
��I ;- .;:.1
!f "f "I·. I ll}{p
. :..:
.
'AIM·.·~nm NEW YORK TrMns, FRIDAY, JANUAltY 21, 1949
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I \T
ot datlontJ Ja1 kn.t· O&l'llinl. 'I'M r&a!
fU1
I. parade
!'OUt. ":"U an..ud.a~uu- (ihiE&Uon.,
TR UM SWORN' JNi
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ter mliN lOll( &nd onr tt moved
ne
llawner.
~ of ~ J>r.&Jdeat,
: THE 8$.DPin"SIDEltrll
wt~·c~.~
or.Oonc.m
.1\.n
11 l ~~on~,'WJ~~.~~~·
,..tl'otlt ......·."
···-.),-~-·
common ·ln!tare
:aM
overton•
far
the
Cl4 wottd
:~11&1\ pMC8 ...... lti'OII(\J' &eeentM:,b)'
lracs.•& town callecl ·I'rldepe~~donee Ill& ,.:dtt&rJ power of UN natsuo.
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c-u•aed !"rcml' h p 1 • &lid. '11"1.1 lledc at the enCS· wu a
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· · ~..as c:lrc:\18 c:aDiope. 8mften
HDitllfT, l'o- ~ted : .
In th«! pattem of the W..tem thtlll "tfta the fla~, the rlaiDour,
Of' the atomic l>omb lllere Willi
• lfomtephore ~ent.
·
the humbr, the llhaCIUip or dlt.lect aniJ' a atmple remlader, 'but
rn ht1 tourth •I'Oint Mr. Truman and ~ · ot the MUon. · lA ee- llthMed .. Mr. Tram an voteecl lt.
~ rro,..,.tld a whol17 Dew proo&""JD, IMIIOI It wu Ule Amet:~aM oplrlt In IIU atatement that thla OOUDtr)'
..~ •WI t.o be u:poUDded In deLIA ~~ IUid It moved to~ I!Uo~Uy to ha4 made . eveey ettort "to 1ecure
,J alW'In&" Amonoan .ICienUftc .&lid the. muate of manr II&DdL. ·
arreement' on etfecUve eonlrol o,!
', tndllltrlal rro£T&M with the ~ot Oo~MIOI' TIIID'IIIOIId·~Beapeotl O'f"·Dioet powertUlw~apoa • .• .•
·• U!t world, Ke made the prcttar Oil The bulc unity ot ·1t au JrU ""erhead, thouct\, roated cme ot
~ a globAl aet.Je, but It wu aDde,.. ittated wben Oo¥, J,.IJtl'ODI 'l'flaro lbe &rMtut &Jr atmad.. t.bat hu
••·• ..·.: llood th11t It.,.. tnt6nded prtmar. mond ot SOU!ll Carolbl&,'ltader or evv courae4 over the captt.lllly for the· colonial areu ot Atl'le& the .Stat•'• Rl&'bta mo"IIWit tha~ about 700 'JII&IIea, led by Uve ot th•
.~ 1r.nd AJIL :
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bad bCttertycSJvtded lbd!t)unoerauc B-38. mon..tert capable ot lntu'nle Kt't'&t crowd ..UicecS what the p&rty, pauec1 by; In ....,.,. betan conttilental aetlon.
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• ,l"rntdent laid,. IUid applauae '"" lhf eonttnned leliSen;: .:-... ••
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ror the . am'buladora . and lt•
' perllapJ ltronp.t Whlll llr, ·'rnJ· .· 'nlt crownlna' tQueh Of limp lefty tadl41 Of Dl&ny ll&tloDI, .In their
mari at.at.fd, In connection With the C&llle. jlllt at l 1'. lot, 'lr!len Wl-. bnrht unUonn. IIDd 111Jt; hat. oa.
North .A.U&ntlc "eeunty Plao. that Truman and I!Jo. Barkley arrlnd the lllaugural atud, u W'dJ aa for
It "" male• It 1Uttlcl111~ plain at 'lb~ l'evii\V'Ina' ltand. Tiley were eveeybody ela6, they came In lm·
·'11J111t Wf 'A"Ould meet a lllreat .With top-batted . and -trock-eoa.ted ¥• J)T'tUIVe and preetae pattema over
"''trv.·helmtnc torce, "th• UDied cordfn&' t.o eu.st-m, but the day wu the tne1 acreentnr t!le Llbn.ry
attaclc tnlght nn"er o6eur.'' · : i:o14.' '!lomebOdf,plac:ed a ltack of of CoJI&TUI and paaaed · crvv the
Senalnr that clappln(wlth h"'dl eandWichN IDcl. C&l'dboarcl ·con- Capitol Dome•. The Cl&At
glo\'l'd ~lllt llle ·cold '414 'Dot t&lnera of coffee bato,. them. . · ware 1oUowed by fluh.IDr feLl and
r•rry wtll. the crowd bep.a poWid· . At. ~~ m0111ent. Ule cadel.l ot by lumberlllg tr~ Uke thos.
Inc lhfir a.ppi"CCY'aa wttll their teet West !"olllt, smiUt· llt;Jbelr · Jri'&Y that are feedfnr BerUn.
.
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<>n the pl&nk Ooorlng of their teats. capea ·nd In Che r~· ot U!elr The pr«!CCaton ot the air squad· 1
, Thutafltr tor about a dozen Ume, man:ll, . were pa&ldn&' ··.In .,review. !'01111 W&l matched 011 the. &'fOund
·; !UI~ dulltd h&lldclapplng wu almoet Mr. Truman &nd Kr. Barkley faced by the znlllt&'J' and Mnl cadtt.l,
,• 1droWlled by .the. zvmbte from the each. oCIIv, t.ouche4 their cups
. the toldSera and l&llora, the eadet.J
~ raw lumb«!r. .
- - .• . • ' • • rether &lid' cSranlc thell' coffee, In trorQ u. prlval.l llllllt.ary IChooll.
The crrfmOZiy of thi PrUlaenU&l .. IDeDt tout. nan they JDUDc.hed ·, .JCqUallJ eloqulllt ,.. another
oath, lehedui.S tar Dooa, :WQ de- l&lldwlchN ae .. the· cadeta were ldnd .of a~the people who
l&yolft'll·enty-lll!le mlllatec. ,appar- m&leh1ng by. _.;. 1 · · ''
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did.: aoc~· tlle people who did 11ot.,
MUY 1Moca111e In the !'Otulid& of : For a br1lll&Dt oCeaalon lCr. Tru.; ·'rOte fOI' Trulnan pa.cl!ed JJtertJ.Iy
Ule C&plt.ol thare were to many man had a cold but ~t day. &'Y1117 meh &lOIII' Clio e'lell~ ucept
ameii.IUu t.o be a:ch&lll'ed. ·~ 01\lY a tew we&lc etre&ka ~· cloucla at the tew crou atn~eta lrept open
a '""t -blare ot at&tllllleD wa\ J.n. the Dorthern ~:a. !lie r~ tn.ftle. 'nJe7 had came trozn
&nd dlploma.ta.
· .. ·
· . : oaUus were adm.lnlat~~ tem- evert part of the utSoll. The
,
Tht II&UI·.th&t Ule oeNmofty perahJr. .ranfed. be~ _thirty 40,0!)0 .Nal.l Were cUed lnd tYtl')'
} would IOOil bq1ll C!ame 'llltlllll tlle e.nd the low tortS-. · TJuire wu a llldl ot atandlng room wu packl'd
1'1 Mt.rllle B&zld at U:U P. X pla7ed wtnd '!91th a lll&rJI edrt lbat chUiecS with· old and youlll', \white and
'j"HtJI t.o the CIISIL" Chief J111Uee the C!'OWISI ad kept . the· tlag 011 black, tram the curl! o butllllllft
rr.ct :It(. VInton,. In 'ja41elal robe lbe vort!CO of tho CJ,pltol r1pplln&' trout&. KUAclredi of llmple pen·
'· · ud PNI1 cap, nm c&ala IDto VIew oontl1111o~.
.
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~0~1 were thn~at al>ove the l.eadl
on the tnaururaJ at&ad In froDt of . The· action·-.· not all Dl '.rplen- of l.h.oN In floont by th- ac Uw
Ute CapitoL a-KJo, TNmaa and 41d lloat.,,· and. Pf&llclne1• bare- rear tor a rllmp.e of Ulo camlvaJ·
Mr. Barkler
lened drUm m.aj0rett11, and pa- llke·~OII..
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Aaloc1ate JuaUoe lt&ll.le7 1\etd,
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wv.-. . ·.. ·. ,
~e·i..zou.::; ~r::r.: ·
mtnut•"lat.r KJo,,Trwlllzl too1c the .
oeth bwn Clllet JU.Itloe· '9lllloa. ·. ·
K~ th&a 100,000 peraou, ,It
wu ett!rn&ted, , _ m the pl&l:a
ed ID tht Vfltble 1111vtrolll, &lid .,, .•
~; idc!H~j6&cll ot the ut1011'1. IMdcw:wa. •
pht!~l eannrmecS .Ia otJJoe ~· waa 'trVIDIJ'
. - appl&llded. · :
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P,_. 'K
~~·,_
.A. bout 100,000,000 more p8d'ple
llltened In 011 the MI'IIBOIII 011 tilt'·
ratio t.hro\1111011t tile DatSaa,'tc,...
Mum& tad. &Ad the .vosoe ot Amero
lea beamed It t.o many mora IIlii·
U0111 abroad ID Dl&ll7 tGquw. JPw
the tlrat tllllt televt~ wu.. at'·
h&lld tor the uUOD&l ~
and ~b
W.m~
mediUm,.)~.
waa~·.
a&Jd,
10,000,000
were ·iidded.
I Jt Mimed pl&\lll~le thll'lfln .
that t.oday'l ~ .... ~ .:,
, tllla aiJo I
" aUIIIdecl .
IU.IICUJ'all. , · ·;,
• IBll1loa PfGPie oould '
Mlltecf Co IIIAil'l <
. ~tlni
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Moe~ OOIIlbllled, wtlo
the prevt.o\11 forb'
~
b&Yt bMn ooaata4, toe, Ill the
Cllol• J*llltd ftllltl .sou-~.
van1a A,._ laW u tlle tormer
.tum llo)' &lid ttaa Kentualdia wtao ..
'ea.rne trom a. ~ oalda rode' ta1o . ·
Wapii&Atq ,.... u. Capital - Ull
White Houae revt.-t~ae atue.. ,• . . :
Aputo , . _ till tol...atlel ot •
_ , . &Dd
u.e·..n....,..... .
Ult PMt ·~ tetolc - ·a'taae '.
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'· :rm: OOO~LE ':Rts'OJrn.CES
HarrJ S.1man, t.lllrit ~·. ~th · . - - . - . - - - - - - . - - - - • )'rote~ay ai realdent or. Ilie 1Up! ted' ltlett:.· 'nit · tldrrly yerterOay murt
~
.. states, apoke , r thla nat!ctn'al'!lmpoa-_ Jlan. 'been ~m~mberln~.. They ,tad
, derable rtiO ea." 'I'ho~e' 'wilo wert teen "':_OO<b-ciw, ~Ilion I dr~ be.' Jlh>·•tct.lly' p
nt In Wullj~·on land a-&yed •. l:vtn th! :rouar· miit have
.'the many· otllltr mllllona ··wbo !1,1teneci · thoupt .. four· yeiJ"'I be.c." .14 a Ume
·:to Ule . procdt~nr• over ~. • idlo ~r ·when victory In war wu atlll being
~ perhapt aaw them. tn a )Lst~ tc. tele- bought With man'• agony and blood;
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; Vlalon . broadtCt mU~ ;n&\1• '! ·~t the' but when 'llctor)' \11 peace did not Item
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~ pruene. or, · t,lmpOIId~rabl · .. ThJa IOo ,dltnc:ult. , And. many muat have
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waa not merel a day'ot'~~r:·tor one looked &head. What Will be the scene,
· . men. · It wu tl day of ·cfej11e;f.lon · tor. on what subject will the sptech be, four
i the democr~~oU4~splrlt. ", 1' ·I' ' .. , yean from yeat.arday! Will we have
· · ·The UtUe tlifftra &lid· the, ~l thlnga woa through to, a luting JK'llCe! No
were In harmdfty. The 'cle~r abn1Jillt,, radio, no televtaton .aet. can gl\'e.·UI
1
the I'reatdent•llevldent hlp!aplr(U;.the
that glln1pae Into the tuture. We can·
. rauenee ancl~eertuln~aa: of 016·rr,at only eay today-&nd thla wtth no par•
: crowdt, auth 'ovtnr eplilodell :,., 'the Uaa.nahlp .nd no magnltlcatll'n of en 1
• Jlrelence ••. ruard of honor '« Mr. Individual-that the Amencan deiiiOC• I
, Tn1man'a .co
dea ot the li'S~W.orld racy approaches the challenge of the I
• War trom 8& ry D ·or thi.129u( Field yeara wtth confidence: :This truth lei
.ArUlleey,. the owl)'. movtnt' ziuaail of not eomethtng.· one can prove b)' con·
men and ve
ea 'coming, ldoWII • the ntng the woi"CU .of a speech or by lis·
• A\'tnue fromthe aea.t of tha: na:tfonal tenlng aucceaatve!y 14 Ule n1uslc of
·. l•g1alaUve po r~to.the aeat 1of· f\a .ei· forty banda .. It La eametlllng one !orll
·: ecutlve powe the ll9oml~ 'o(; the In one'• bonoa •. And yoetorday, we
' '·Presidential · lute, the planiea ~ver· . believe, the vut• majority of the Amer•l
•·head, Ula who~. mood of ·the OCCII,I\br(- ~· lean people dld eo tu( lt.
.
all these thin aeemtd, to apt§k bf &.
.,~------.. contldent and 1even e.'(ul~t Aili•rl~an-·
., ~
_111m. It was t!ldeed mo~a th&ri .Arilerl·
tV"~
/1Ylld3
., can lam, u Secretary Trygve Lie ot1'the ----'~----t:nlted Nauolis, one of thi hllncired
' guur..s. must tiJ.,ave. felt;' It'~r~ ~.de·.
. mocracy lootdnr homeward aero•~ . a
.
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· great conllneA,l. but a.lao loo nr.· out·
wa~ toward ~ world In wlllc'h 'democ·
,
racy will nev~ lagaln .be lmpot~. nil'· or
aah&med or apolorellc. .
, The words JOt Mr. Trulllan s ,p.;.ch
· ~were. eloquent! and movtng. .Franklin
, D. Roosovelt,J:Woodrow Wllsan, tTheodore Roosevelt, .Abraham' Lincoln and
other Preetde\jta of the mora z'eaicite
past. could j'il\oe applauded tha·i piiaaclplee upon
lch he dwel~ He 'apjlke
for a faith
which. Amerlca:nl lah
united, the
lef, aa be saleS. ''thir,'tl &U
-men have a · ght .to equal J~\tcfe ~h·
~ der law and ' ual oppt»rtunlty·to \.hue
•In the comm
rooct.'' He
In
hie \peech 'wttli dell~rate emph •!an
atUck on coni.lnuntamJ but ilo OJie obld
have Interpreted hJa word.~ u be ,U..·
ent. Over afatnat the phllOIOI'tli I ot
abaolutlem 11~\placed the phlloaqp.y,ot'
freedom. He~de It plain that we fH1
etronr enoug21, In peace, to
thta
gonenUon'a ~atUe tor mell'l 'aoUIL
That . battle, ru he aald; llu alrtady
b<-);UII. · We ~i.ve gtven help to rtxteen
tree naUona ot Europe In "the greatest
cooperative ~onbmto program tnr:hlatory." We niean to conUnue ~t !lelp.1
We mean ro~o our. beat to cu' dawn:
the banters w reatrlcttnr Ute now ,or·
world trade. W i mean .t.o .. llelp Iow i
: frlenda buUd p their armed delebea;
: agalnat attac
We mean 14'wor\l i'rtth'
the other fre'i people• of th~ 'lforJ(for
a bet ~er etanbrd of uvtitr•• tor 1Mift.er
het.ltll end r~~ more knowledp
tho
'. waya.ot nat~. Thla prorrt.m l-riJi,
finitely peac:etuL We do DOt apjleal
t.o force. excdp~ tO ,pre;ent force~~;
being Ill~ IIHCI.agatU\ u.-!,· .i
.
0111' materW l'OBOIII'Cel, aa Mr.:~'
1nOt •wttllout lbldt. 'HII-<
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man aald, ·
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dld nllt.
. to.: he -t&mPl&~ta
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of ·forelp. atd .llh ..
form ot·cap . poda.! ·\ft&t he' d:
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"Hoe I POWVfll( Baler"'
Lord 8e&YVbroolc'1 Dally
,U. comm-.t.:
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1 "'Pre&l4eat Tnim&zl beoora .. In
llllllle &I w.U' &I Ill fact tilt mo.t
po-.maJ Nler .Ill the _,.ld. lf•
wtll PIWildt. ll'ler toar.i:r-an ot
.l.mtr1c&ll ~ •t·a ~ W1i-a
4raencaa ~ .IDIII\\Othl-ao.
-o-
11adall«-rr-.
• Mrtla
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PNetodefttecl
' Tile J1D&IIdal 'l'llll..
IIQo\
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ot the dlaotuo. AIDvlea h&a "tra yo.;
. . Ill the &a.t. ,_ ,...,.,J~ -'i:_: .~
I Ill 1.11 ecllt.orf&.l Mided,.. ......_
to 'Z'rll.alaa... n. Oaa..!Duaflt D&U7
1: ·I ·. ; '
· -z..t 'J'Nzaaa l1bt &t OODullu·
.. ~ wt11. He ~ tor-r:
Worlrer ...,.., , •. · ·
a~a
CIDIIIIU,.
wtaJQ.
11c!L1
lilt
ot War
U4WUe4
·WIUI !a&o
DOC alld
I 11omb
lt. temtory,: But GAO .A.JIIeri.
tac.cs wttla ...\'Val
~ 'l&ll&lapio7'ecl loot t-vd
"'til ~ot to the tiiCI&r.. 114
11&11 the eo.s.c ,eopa. ,. -;·u ,t ;
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SPEEtlfsEEN'As· AID. ·: .:r:.:::. ·. · ~· ;·
·To WEStERN WORLD ~~ell: EBN.~SAID
. I . . . . .. I TO.WES RN;WORLD
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Capl~al Observers Hold lt~tcp · .··.:-:"Ooathl.--t-Bif-to Expand Ec~~~~~~. and · ~~; ·
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Military Defenses ~broad
n,.
.IAMt:S
ar..sroN ·
l '!lt~bli
e&~. aw
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. '1!f'r ;·
Ulc •'tlin-ent"
0
.
t.lllllfl .Jn · \he
d'•'
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UCIII tH.i.!...d~fe
, •-"."' t..""" rou,'\'nla.
Yltt .. ~~ • otten•
\\ ASHD:ClTON, Ja.n. %~Pre.sl· 1tyt•'t.nd oth .ettotU i&t llome to
dent Tnlmin'e · lnauzyral addrus nicid4ft.te · · t •·. n~tll>i.•a • yoollc7
....... 'eMrally lilterpreted In \he toonl'CS
tt.'UDl~• TN•
caplta.J u one ot tile mcst am· m1Ul."441nlr.t.b-t.tlan I& ldet.,Un..S
blllou. pronouncunenu oo foNigTI 1
· to ~Unlla aM ~4 ltl •ttorU
t.lf&Jn ~\'er macle by •n · AJnerlcAn to rebuild ~·
'~0111Ui~t.il4
miU•
1
T'!'Niident.
L&IT def.n.t. ,Wuten\~
Mr. Tnlroa.n aald so much about ~(S.) '-.\notr to tht' ptoJilu of
,.·hat \he United Statu wu pre· l.ld~.1111d. $t Ntndlt drnlopo
pared to do about opf'<"'fng com· IMI!tl~ln Cllln' :b'ldonul,, etc.\hrfiii~IIUcal &nd ttclull·
1munlam, bu!ld 1ng • collecU\'e ..,.
cul'1ty t)'Jtem &lid rrstnrtnc · th~ :a1 ~;but a. ~InC not
1
of Wo•••.rn !:u· to \hrow
otren
coro* ho.,..~er. till\ oon11 . of hi I ~ Qlmlll
. ' ' • I · •.
1'l11'1nclp&J ad~l'l on fore~ t.l·
(S.). A.ft .. IJI+iU.Uon to .A.JnerlCI.ll
I
.
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X'ln.tt capltlll to lllveat In non•
f&Jra felt Ulat .1\e dlcl .not put .Jnt>VUllrJc !(anturea 111 ~ colo1·cno~ omp.'l&<lll on the r~clprocaJ ual.,.,.... a(;\ha world 11'1\h the
·· · · ·
\14 0c A.menOb tee~~n~c::al alc1ll ...,d
O.llllnuocl on. Pale 1, C'oluiNI I
~ w11JL' N~ trom 1_.141
·
UDe.rit.&n Uf!UU'7 to hnl.ll~ Ule
echlllclaN ibd C'J&nJil.. the tn•
.'Mtment&.
..
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to'.rtft
l ~nomle rt.....,~h
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k~ !1&4
hiiP,runt ~ut
lea e!Uio"-'6 IA.JUID4. · ·· • ,·
lA Ule lu\·.,..U, UlrN ractara
h&\'e colnclcled h&N to· IDc:rt'Ue
\he lnltrtll of the' Ameliean Go,..
\om;'ihkf
~~!:~~\~~·· }'~~~ent .~!.
F'll'lt, manr Important raw m.,.
terll.la . Uld· atn.tt""C mater11.1a
·
••
ne<:NI&l1 to the Unlt..S Statu reo
~onnam1111t prorri.JU &nd the EIIJ'Oo
Pf'&ll Reeo'"1'7 Prornm e.ldrt In
the cololllal U'tiUo
- : .
Second. .aectu to tlle.ae ,..., ma•
hr1l.la IIIID~..S by laclc of tnJII•
porUUDD. laclc.~f ca.ptUJ, uul l&.c.k
I
•
•
• •• •
•
of adrqoate btAIUI 10!'\'ICe&. .
•
· QoMtloa
....S Ia ." ~pi tAl,
.Mel Ullrd, Ule Jleoplu 111 10ine
'\r.'bat· .,,.. \hll, obaerTrl'l ,..,,.. of thuc ..,...u !lave btt.n 1howtnr
1.1ldll&' thll t.tt11"11oon. \ho JlrD- an tncrrulnc·llll\h\l.t&ml for 1elt·
10IUICCI'Dellt of & c~.ntulll' cit· go\'tmment.
.-elopocl. pollc , or m•Niy & ape«h,
To \ncrrue the production. of
' .U.ttllnellt of hopu and lnttn· copper, Cor example-& product In
JOI\I: • . . · .
. •.
i
· · ahol1 aupply' boUI here Llld Ill
· 'nt ~
to \hll quutlon •P' \\'utem Europ-the Brltllh have
,..,_tq II' at .It ,..,. N&JI)' • bHn talking to au, otncl~ &bout
IIUMiarj of ~llctea t.nd principle• bulldtnr: 1 r&Jirolld from Broken
~~~ ~ed by \he Admlnll· KUI In Nort.llem IUiode.al& \hrouir:1l
ratlOD: ,\h~ll ,..... & kind of de<:• Morocoro Ill TIJIZioll)'\k& to the •U"&tJ= ot
terdepelldenea: a.nd Krn)'& rort of M~buL _ •
.
hat ,It ro
adow..S. not 1ome· BI'1Ua/l omci&Ji have rec~o~~tl)
~ DeWJ&IeM&Uone.J but ~.n tallclnr to offlclall at tlH
o..rel7 lUI
on ot pro£'Rl"l Economic CoopenUon Actmlnlrtra·
IDd kleu.
&d:y \D .xUte~~c:e.
Uon here about proYidlll&' twenty•
'ne Prut4t.nt 1t&ted ~ prlncl• ftve coodeUe eng\nters to lurYe'
>1et beh\Dd p!e.at cuntnt ~llcle~ Ull1 line. SlroUarl)', a 1mall C'f'O\IP
.n4 prognnfa_ 10111nrhat DIOI"f em· ot Amer1c&n eoctolo~tl t. COin&
lh&Uc&ll1 tod&:r \hloll 11 eua\om• to A!nca 1111der ICC.\ au1pleu to
.rr. !&Ad to the dla&ppolntment at ,1\Ud)' Ult problenu which bamper
.....,3' otncltll Vo1lo b&\'e to "'"" 1\he de••olopmtn\ of venou1 NCICNLI
tatAI &nd 1J11ple111Uit bll poUclu. u potenUa.l 110\U'Cel at tmport&Jit
>« ltft 01.1tllo\ ot verr tmyoorta.nl raw mat.r1o.la.
·.
u&l1tlca\lo wlllch ar. D- uadtr Till• 11 Ule eort of \hlnr \he
1I~OA.
,
Prealdrn\ wu oupporUnr In 1111
TWo UU
11116tr moet urgent apeedl Ult. &J'\emoon. 11M ·\he
utoCUU!on Ill Wul\lng\Dn at pru· ttei\N' here II t.b&t It mora ldtD•
·nt lA Ule riaJno ot toreJp t.lt&ln Ult.t; lnduot11&Jiot., t.n4 pr1ntt
ore. tlnl., """eUler UI&N W Ul)'• t&plte.J CIJI be lndueocl tO fD tO
hiJ\(
behind \he SO\'\t\ \htee anu. not only Ule oconoroY
~e • o!f h'l," a.nd, NC:Ond. ot Llle ECA COIIIItrlcp CUI benertt
•·be\Jwr mo ttrill&'ent eon1!1Uona Ibut Ule rolaUon1 between Ule Welt
JIO!Ild.bt ·
on the - d yur'a 1a.nd Ule colonial world might even•
•plfropn&U
Cor \he Europ.... n 'tua.ll)' bt Improved.
•: ·
boovecy Pto(T&tn. now betort Ule
lJ 0 k \\,U. Roo
ell Jd....... ·
1
•
n.ue oft. coDIIdrrallle 1\ronC
Thll pel1 of" "Ule ~dent'a •
'tellnC In
't.ahi~OD \hal lilt apeech lo vecy muctl Ill llno wl\h
"remde11t.
ON ftndtnc out
•·&1'10111 ldru Ulo late. Pruldent
So•1et· overturu,
... d call '
Ule SO'l'ltl Union
oe........S)' In bla apcecla tht. t.lter•
')OCII'Io and
\hat he h&d madt &
&Jrt7 06\
mllmtat to c:onunur
Jle '~Duro
Rocovr17 Pro£'Rl"
•1\JIW\ dtl\lllne. Ule cond1Uon1 to
:11 <acbed! IJierato.
·.. ... . .
""i
~ure&U
~.Budct\.
,..,. &>d\injt
•
"'"''f
I
�•
I
dl~c~
..
int~ded achla~
1
~~
~UN
clal conndence t.hat the U32 ~at
• Room"elt
with tonner phulze that he
to
cl.lm, DOl
ot what be
l'rtme Minister :OVIMton Olorc:IIW U\1.1 coal, oot by minlmldllr Ut parUcul&rly,;.blt btcaUM .oe wb&t
wtll bl reached.
·
1, dun~. the war. Jt ta &110 In line etfor!A to build a. eec\lrlty I)'WtaiD he did 11ot _:y;
'1'111 etfoct of till l'Tealdent's ad·
, wtth a theala. otten developed Ill In a reconatr\IC\ed Weatei"D 1C\lrVpa,
•· •
·
' drns today on thll problem, bow·
. privata by the Secreta I')' ot State, but that lie hoped to adllew Ue
rr-ve M Europe aa ' r wu preciMIY the oppoelte of
' DeiJI Achuon.
·. ·
· obJectlw throurh bold c:oopen!
ror 110111• d&)'W DOW, &I\ u p ever,
t.he effect desired by -t.bt:l'• ~o
· What malctl It ne""' now ta not etfort.a. b&eked 'by torce. •. · ..
meat ot :conaldel'lble lmpoi'U!ICe
wial\ to m~oke a new effort toW1Lrd
only that the Pl'eatdent aa1.: It but
H• hoped MIIOOI\" to Mild to e hu 'be;elll·
W\th!A the
encoan«tnr more unlll' amonr the
that the economic development of !;enate u 1o rlre&t)"\ plaN for 1a A.dJI\Inlilti'IUdo on whether to pat
economtea of t.he Marallall l"IIJI
the Weal and It, aomewhat un· North A.Uanttc teCUrlty pact.
more prnsiU'II oo the ltJU> countrlea.
happy telaUona With the, colonial
"'I'll• pnmal')' ·JIW'l'OIM ot th
trlet to
thet.r
aDd
"BY hllllnr the communiii'D Ia·
-rid now demand that new ef· arnngement.l,'' 'be obeel"l"ed. "1.1 to t&ke the dlttle\llt poUUCIJ doCUIIOIUI
au• and etreaalnr what we are ro·
forta 'be made by the United Statu proVIde unmtlt.iJr.able proof ot
wb.Jch our oUiclala teet en oec:eeInC tn do and not what we expert
to combine our power W\th our Joint · dotonnlnatlon o1 tile m.o AI')' It the ICRP Ia reaUy to ret
U•• Marah&ll f'lan countrlee to dn,"
pr1nctplee In l\lpport of the policy countrlu to reslat armed attaok Wutem ICIIrOpe on a more or l one otflclal said tnl\lght, "the Pr••·
ot OJTioDizlll&' anct' atrencthen~ from any quart.er. · ltac& COIIAlf)' aelt·.supporUZIC' bull by 1~
!dent
en~ouragrd those In
the non..Communwt world.
partldpa~ tn ~ arnnr'- 'l'llere If raereJ lo(TMIJ>Uit hare 'lrrurr.huItaly,
Crerce and e\aAo
,It ta aoted here t.hat Mr.·Trumin menta must contribute all It caa to that the Mlt•hel'p ud mul\1&1-eld
where
who
~lleve t.hat the ERP
did not dlroecUy attack ~e SoVIet the common dett:Me.~
1 progn.ma o1 the ~n partldpet• aid will ro on
u
an utt-Commu·
Union but leveled hl.l attack. on
The President did DOt t&llc 'about 11\r countrtea· have Dot been IUUInlll mruur• reprdleaa of what
the tacUca or communt11111. lt 13 the problem of dean~. Wltb ar· cleot to (lve uy ~Ill• ote•
Ole paTtlclpaling countrlu do."
.~d noted lha\ be expresaed COI\tl· grewon by !Dtlltl'ltlol\, 'but be did
·
The aame rr1t1cbm il made of
once that thoee countrte.a nqrr op- empha.sl&-ln tact M .almost tool!·
the Prtsld,t.nl'~ rrmarks about the
posing the niCOIIIftr\ICUan of the ror rranted-that th"'e European
!INorlh
Atlantic pact: na,mely, thAt
-rid would one day gtve up their Recovery Plan would ro on.
1
he Jt&YI the lmpreulon Ulat th11
dreams of loft Amerlc&n depreaslon
lt wu on theM two subjec~
rommll.ment by Ole .United Statu'·
and a chaotic We.atem Europe 11111 the !'{orth Atlutlc P..:t &114 Ule
""'"" almost crrtatn to be (lven
oooperate with the"Wut.
European R~ovel')' Pla..D-'that l(r
without quallflcaU6na.
The P~dent did, bo"'fever: em·ITrum&l\ c~me lA tor ~· .cnU~
Aalde from theae o'baervattona.
• TAIL~...a wnw•w
I
however, oCCicl'&ls here praised the
ar<•pe and ton• ot the speech and,.
f•l~ that the rollclu he outlintd
Illustrated what J'rMklln Roose•
\'tit mMnt b:· quottnr Emerson
t.hat "to have a frtend you mu•t tot
onr.'' '!'he cnttdam mAde of It
that lt.tendf'\1 to over-commit th•.
\.:n11tt1 lltat•• durtnx a rrtll~ai
t~rlod at ntJCOtlat1on.
AI one of :O.Ir. Truman'• a\\'n
OIII"I"'flfl'l put It, the spe«h W&l
0 .. K.. but It •aid too Much too """"
11nd without outncl•nt qualltlca•
J.
Ul•
proceed~~~&'
hal~
b~Jdieta.
""""I'
c( 2--
·lion.
•
•
�.... ,_......
ldelit: II -u tii'IJ\ 1'1'01D14 wh111 ba crJll
, · · :. tar ~..... upor{a"\Df''· tactiolecfcal'
:j . ·~,\0<; lll..lltJKtltloa ;11·1D'b,lect
• · .
''DOW·KOW" ·:
~r&l addteu Pre.rdal . .to ~..qu&llft~ .• n:JDq Ill
''We mult embark on·• ; :'Nn~tOI'·~S., IJI&t'~I&At~
am ot'makl~ tba 'ben.. : ·tar·llbell lldlla II·IICit llkelt to ~~a.: of
lentl(lo ed\'&IICU and ;: .1~.bt!'lllt lis ~.'llliMI!ta' 6t &
,... natla'bla for, tba ·· 'Uiilllzl'l~f•"::rinr, ~·~· .~ua lldD.a
U.d rro~ of• 'uailer·WO:eeoon· ro to 1117 rot. In a COUDtzy
. .N
In other wofda; Hr. > ·wbe . ·at&to: lntervelltlon llt'lnduatzy II
eon•
•
u · We .collntJTI
rreat :- the d
ant pat tam: Hdl'eG\'er, e\"UI
rt of Ult fUtUre , Ult .. ......
find Ul&t' oilr' l)lppUea of IUCb
allJ'"terred to bt:.U.a' ~JidAdenbla u;pcirt.l":.ue lnexhaua•
.Anlertcul Nkilow·h-." ,' ,Uble,inllttt we 'ad ccniit.anuy oa Ow'
~ dlft!nlfllllh!Jir:dluae:-; ,·cuar41Plnat u.~ Uull11blan4liiuneata
~~m~JiiOdllf; a. Ule Pru1•
, •. ot • ~ • W!lo would· Ulra to. pem1w
1
Ja IJI&t'lti.1Upplt, ln~ ~:a': \':Ult ltale•bioww IIIOI'il. l~t
depleted, II
I
.•teadl17 1
lllateriiiJ "IDUitel
I.
..
wb&t .bUt tor Ladilltz7,' Ulaa lliilu.tr;r
lt.Mif,,,,._ •
"
'
·., .
.'.afflficl to·~ 'for.U!a '· ... • · •.~==,..,..;..;.__ _
lher p.oplu,". ,lie
1101111,
ut. OIU' Imponderable reo
caJ kllowlldre ue eo~~•
and are lneXII&uaUIIle."
beUe••
u.at we should
to paace\tovmr peoplea
our Iton • · ~ •, to belp
t
ell'
uplratlo~a
. tor · rr·
~
~
~··
~
~
~
,
~ :
~·
~.
~·
,\
.,
=
•
..
,
.. ·
::
~:
,.
~·
•
. .... ~.-- ~: ..~ ....
�•
TRUMAN
breakfast of Missouri ham and grits wilh "lhe boys" from Battery D, who,
to the tune of "Tipperary," sang: "You're a great, great guy-Harry Truman, for you we'd march through hell." He didn't give a damn what they
did after one o'clock that afternoon, he told them, but until then they
were to stay sober.
'These boys are real," he told reponers. 'They have no axes to grind.
They don't want any jobs. They're just here. They don't call me Mr. President They call me Captain Harry." He wanted them wilh him today, as a
"kind of honor guard."
From the Mayflower lhe big car sped to the White House, flags snapping from the from fenders. Already crowds were converging on I.afayette
Square. People waved as the car passed, or shielded lheir eyes against the
morning sun, trying to catch a glimpse of him. From lhe West Wing, after
perhaps fifteen minutes at his desk, he returned to Blair House to change.
At ten on the dot, in inaugural attire, frock coat and striped trousers, and
accompanied now by Bess and Margaret, he drove lhe two blocks to St.
John's Episcopal Church on I.afayene Square, lhe historic "Church of the
Presidents," for a prayer service. Only a small number attended-the
Cabinet, a few friends, a few parishioners-since at Truman's request
there had been no prior announcements of the service. Sitting in pew 63,
traditionally reserved for the President since lhe time of James Madison,
he joined in the opening hymn, "0 God, Our Help in Ages Past," and
read responsively from the 122nd Psalm: 'Pray for peace ... Peace be
wllhin lby walls . .. Peace be within thee . .. " During lhe prayers, as Bess
and Margaret, bolh Episcopalians, knelt beside him, Truman sat wilh his
head bowed. "With Thy favor ... behold and bless Thy servant, Harry, the
President of lhe United States, and all others in authority."
It was a day in which he would fill many roles, from Captain Harry to
Servant Harry to President of the United States. For a time, technically, he
was not even President but plain Citizen Harry again, for by law his term
of office expired at noon and as lhe morning wore on, lhings began
falling behind schedule.
WEICHT OF THE WORLD
•
another rayer spoken by Rabbi Samuel ~urman of
Stanley Reed, and
P .
f S Louis it was approachmg 12:30.
the United Hebrew Congregauon o t.
•
.....:::-....
.
.
rf and overcoat. He stood bareheaded in
put aside hts hat, sc:a •
i ht-backed, bespectacled figure
the wind, his right hand ra~sed~ a st~!ion deadly serious. Above him
with closely cropped gray ha~r, his exp hite columns and dome of the
in the winter sun rose the lmme~se w fifteen members of his family
Capitol. His wife and ~ught~~:Cial:o:r~e land, many of whom he had
h'
And it was Chief justice Vinson,
sat nearby among the ?lghes
known since first commg t~ W~ ~~~~~d who administered the fortyhis mop of gray hair blowmg m t ated siowly and clearly, his left hand
three-word oath, which Tru.m~n r~f~e Gutenberg Bible, a gift from the
on two Bibles, a large facsimile
lhe same small Gideon edition that
people of Independence, and, on ~op,
Ap ·112 1945.
h d'ffi m circumstances on n
•
had served under sue I ere
l'k Andrew jackson at his inaugural,
The oath completed, Truman, I e
~Truman
bent quickly and kissed the Bfiible..
as President in his own right, he
d
It Was 1·29 and for the rst ume
· ' the microphones an d th e expectant crow .
turned to face
. h the American people have
h Tty the honor wh tc
I accept with umt I . . h
I to do alii can for the welfare
conferred on me. I accept It wu a reso ve
. nauon
. and ''"'orthe peace of the world.. · ·
of thts
f:
Missouri twang had sounded in the
("How strange the matter"?~- act. h
ther man's phrase and another
I •
945 . orld famlhar wu ano
spring of 1
to a w
"Today for listeners evcryw lere
man's diction," wrote one repo.ne~· s'mply was the President speakthere was nothing strange about lt.
IS •
ing.")
.
.
has had its special challenges.
any in the past. Today
Each period of our nauonal htstory
f
w are as momentous as
Those that con rom us no
f
dministration but of a period
marks the beginning nothonlydo ~:~f~r us and for the world.
that will be eventful, per aps ec
•
He rode to the Hill with Alben Barkley, the two of them now in white silk
scarfs and top hats, sitting up for all to see in lhe back of lhe huge
open Uncoln. At the Capitol, the ceremonial greetings inside lhe Rotunda
took longer than expected By the time everyone was in place outside on
lhe inaugural platform, by lhe time the invocation had been delivered; by
Dr. Edward Pruden of Washington's First Baptist Church (Truman's
church), lhe national anlhem sung by tenor Phil Regan, and Alben Barkley, looking like an old Roman, sworn in as Vice President by Justice
. d as he read from a looseleaf noteHe looked solemn and d~t~rmme n There was no hesitation, no
book. The voice was surprtsl~g~y :;:~ :~ had worked on all of it, knew
stumbling over words. It was p am 1 tfi
ould see his breath frosting
every line. Those close by on the p a orm c
728
729
theThe
air. speech was devoted exc1uslve
. 1y to foreign policy. Though a major
�•
TRUMAN
WEIGHT OF THE WORlD
statement of American aspirations its t;
of the wocld .. ..
ld
•
ocus was the world-the "peace
nounced comm' w~r recovery, .. "people all over the world .. He de
umsm as a false d
· d
·
fence. The line between com
. oanne ependem on deceit and viomumsm and democracy was clear:
Communism is based on the bel" f ha
quare that he is unable to govern ~~ t t man is so weak and inaderule of strong masters.
tmself, and therefore requires the
Democracy is based on the conviction tha
intellectual capacity as well as th i .
t man has the moral and
with reason and fui~ess.
e na1tenable right, to govern himself
Communism subjects the individual to ar
.
punishment without trial and forced labo ~t wtthour lawful cause,
decrees what informatio~ he shall
. r as e chauel of the stare. It
what leaders he shall follow and w~e;:~~ve, ~an he shall produce,
Democracy maintains ~ ov:
o~g ts e shall think.
of the individual and is cha g edern_r;;.em ts established for the benefit
the rights of the 'Individual ~d hv:• freedthe responsibility of protecting
15
abilities. . . .
om in the exercise of those
.
The future of mankind was at stake
Union, he stressed that "the aa·
• and Without naming the Soviet
1
ophy are a threat to the etfo:~;esu ting ~rom the Communist philosrecovery and lasting peace. ..
free nauons to bring about world
Democracy was the "vitalizin t;
"·
pie Stood "firm in the faith" tha~ ~~c~ ·~the world. The American peoning. Americans were united in the :~·;~ the nation from the beginequal justice under Jaw and equal
•e ~ all men have a right to
0
pponunuy to share in the common
good."
··
He was affirin ·
posals to make, f::e~~:ir! :<!a~cteris~icalJy he had Specific proto suppon the United Nati~ns; it wo~l::~nu~~tates w~~ld c~ntinue
Marshall Plan; and the United States w
p . . weight behmd the
rangement" among the freedom-lovin ould jom m a new "defense armake it sufficiently clear that
g nedations of the Nonh Atlantic, "to
.. .
any arm
attack affi .
security would be met with O"erwhel . &.
eamg our national
B
..
mmg 10rce "
ut it was the final proposal his founh . ·
surprise. He called for a "bold,new r
po~t, that caught everyone by
American science and industrial
p ogram. for making the benefits of
countries. It was th fi
. progress avadable to "underdeveloped"
Point Four Program~ rst menuon of what would become known as the
The old imperialism · expl . i &.
•
Ottat on 10r foreign profit had
1
nopaceln
•
the plan, Truman said. Half the people in the world were living in conditions close to misery, and for the first time in history the knowledge and
skill were available to relieve such suffering. The emphasis would be on
the distribution of knowledge rather than money.
The material resources which we can afford to use for assistance of
other peoples are limited. But our imponderable resources in technical
knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.... Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoples of the
world into triumphant action, not only against their human oppressors,
but also against their ancient enemies-hunger, misery, and despair.
The applause was immense and sustained. He was extending the promise of America beyond America. Poverty, he had said in his State of the
Union address, was just as wasteful and just as unnecessary as preventable
disease. Now he had extended that idea.
''Truman Proposes 'Fair Deal' Plan for the World," said the headline in
the Washington Post. Moreover, he had been eloquent and moving, as he
had seldom ever been. Many thought it the finest speech he had ever
made. Franklin Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Theodore Roosevelt, and
Abraham Lincoln would all have approved and joined in the applause,
said Tbe New York Times.
Before the parade, in the interlude during which the President was to be
received at lunch in the Capitol, a giant air armada like none ever seen
over Washington roared across the sky, some seven hund'i-ed planes,
including transports like those supplying Berlin and five gigantic new sixmotored B-36 bombers that had flown, nonstop, 2,000 miles from Texas.
As the last of the planes pasSed, the grim President of the inaugural
platform, the man with the weight of the world on him, became radiant
Harry Truman once more, as he and Barkley, bundled again in overcoats
and grinning broadly under their high silk hats, pulled away in the open
Lincoln and staned slowly back down Pennsylvania Avenue.
To either side now marched the Bauery D honor guard, two lines of
somewhat ponly, gray-haired middle Americans swinging white ash walking canes, keeping pace with the big car rather smartly and all more or
less in step as the delighted crowd cheered them on. (Only two would
drop out in the mile-and-a-quaner route to the White House.)
The whole pageant struck countless viewers, including many who had
witnessed numerous inaugurations, as profoundly stirring. It was a day of
dedication for the democratic spirit, with all elements large and small
momentarily in harmony.
730
731
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Paul Begala to Governor Clinton, HRC re: Some Thoughts on the
Inaugural Address (3 pages)
12/23/1992
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural Address Briefing Book [2]
2008-0699-F
'm488
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P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
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P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Carter Wilkie to George Stephanopoulos re: Notes from Conversations
about the Inaugural Address (3 pages)
12/16/1992
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural Address Briefmg Book [2]
2008-0699-F
"m488
RESTRICTION CODES
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Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) or the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
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financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
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and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�•
•
•
notes from Roy Spence:
1.
Fewer words is better.
As learned from the convention
speech, the actual delivery will be slower than in
rehearsal.
Once drafted, cut speech down 25% more to
allow for actual pace of delivery.
2.
America is yearning for lost ties to family and
neighborhood.
There is a sense across America that we
need to build a new "home" -- a home where everyone has
a seat at the table.
Consider biblical imagery.
The
home can't be built on shifting sand. It must be built
on the foundation of what America is.
3.
Americans are alienated. There is a longing for a sense
of belonging and rootedness.
They need to feel "I am
important."
4.
Government must slowly re-earn the trust and respect of
people. They don't think they're getting real value for
their dollar. This will have to be done, piece by piece,
block by block, one person at a time. Think of a new way
to say "We wori't get out of it overnight."
5.
Give people a sense of our destiny.
Why are we here?
What is the purpose of this nation?
There are more
people today willing to give.
There is a sense of rebirth, a new nation being born, rekindling, an American
revival. Dolly Parton has a great song, "Starting over
Again." This is a new spring time for people. Listen to
Michael Bolton's song that says "back on our feet again. "
�•
12/22/92
To: George Stephanopoulos
From: David Kusnet
Re: Notes from meeting at the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies
These are my notes from a meeting at the Joint Center for
Political and Economic Studies with Eddie Williams, president,
Eleanor Farrar, senior vice president, and Mil ton Morris, vice
president for research.
These points are not necessarily the views of Eddie Williams
or the Joint Center but are ideas that emerged during our
discussion .
•
•
�•
Notes from Joint Center for Political Studies, 12/14/92
Domestic
o Inaugural speech should "bring us together" -- "E Pluribus
Unum" means "Out of many, one." We need to be the United States
of America.
o The growing diversity of our society challenges, enriches, and
strengthens us.
o "Bringing us together" means finding a way to define America so
that everyone is included.
o This is an important -- and exciting moment -- for democracy in
the United States and throughout the world.
o In the post-Cold War era, there are new opportunities for the
United States not just to preach but to practice democracy, at
home and abroad.
•
o Return to the Clinton campaign theme: Making our economy more
prosperous means making every American more productive. This
means: child nutrition and health; preschool education; improved
public education; college opportunity or job training for all;
and lifelong learning and job training.
o Especially since the inaugural speech is likely to summon
Americans to service and sacrifice -- John F. Kennedy's themes in
1961 -- it should not seem to mimic Kennedy's phrasing.
o Americans do want to believe they are contributing something to
their country.
o At its best America is a synergy -- different people, races,
regions, cultures, classes, sectors of society all working
together. The best leaders -- FDR, JFK -- inspire that synergy.
International crises -- the Gulf War, Somalia rescue operation
inspire that synergy. The challenge is to inspire and maintain
that synergy for the challenges we face here at home.
International
o Exporting democracy can be as important as exporting our
products.
•
o At the same time that democracy is gaining throughout the
world, much of the world also faces deteriorating economic
conditions, nutritional and health problems.
o A President who will be involved throughout the world needs to
reassure Americans that he cares about American cities as well as
Russian cities.
\
�•
o Find a new way to talk about the "new world order."
o Our mission of mercy in Somalia tells a lot about America: what
kind of people we are and what kind of role we can and should
play in the world. People want to believe that this is not only
the most powerful nation in the world, but a nation with a heart.
The Future
o Look ahead to the new century and the new millennium and
discuss what kind of America we want to build, what role we
should play in the world. We are an increasingly international
country in what will be an international century •
•
•
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•
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. .. ·:-:. ··-·· ..
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
004. memo
DATE
SUBJECfffiTLE
12/22/1992
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural Address Briefmg Book [2]
2008-0699-F
"m488
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b)l
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRAI
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�F'.2/4
December 22, 1992
TO:
FROM:
SOBJ:
George Stephanopolis
Bill Galston (office:
Inaugural Address
301/405-6347;
home
I.·
P6/(b)(6). ·
··.I
[oo~]
~~--~~--~
David Kuznet asked me to share some thoughts with you concerning
the president-elect's Inaugural Address. I know how busy you are,
so I will keep my remarks to a minimum.
As you probably know, I was asked to take the lead in developing
some policy options for the national service/student loan program.
Perhaps I'm now a victim of tunnel vision, but my consultations
with people around the country have convinced me that there is a
tremendous public hunger--not confined to young people--for a more
meaningful citizenship.
Americans haven't forgotten about their
own problems and their self-interest; but they are also seeking new
kinds of connection with other individuals, new modes of service to
their community, and new forms of participation in the public life
of their country.
None of this is news to Bill Clinton, of course; he stressed these
themes consistently from the beginning of his presidential
campaign.
The Inaugural Address would be an excellent place to
restate them, with emphasis.
specifically, he could call for a New Birth of citizenship in
America, with the following thematic elements:
o the acceptance of personal responsibility as the necessary
condition for the exercise of individual rights;
0
the principle of reciprocity, that every benefit from your
country entails an obligation to your country;
o the idea of community--the understanding that we cannot seal
ourselves off from one another but rather that in the long run we
will rise (or fall) together;
o the opportunity for service (local, voluntary, and national)
as a way of expressing citizenship and making it real;
o finally, the commitment of our government and its leaders to
new forms of openness to, and dialogue with, the American people.
The rebirth of citizenship goes hand in hand with the renewal of
democracy.
I am not recommending a sermon: the president-elect has an
opportunity to give life and bite to these principles by
challenging every sector of our society to contribute its share to
the American Renewal. Some examples:
1
�.
--
--·-
-~._,,-,'
P.:3/4
~rr-t
~.(
•
o Elementary and secondary schools around the country could be
challenged to follow Maryland's lead in making community service a
graduation requirement.
o Colleges and universities could be challenged to establish
campus-based programs of community service, as 650 institutions of
higher education have already done during the past decade.
o Businesses and corporations could be challenged to contribute
a percentage of their skilled employees• time as teachers (e.g.,
math, science, computers), mentors, and leaders in local service
coalitions.
o The more than 135,000 returned Peace corps volunteers could
be challenged to bring their foreign experience back home, to take
the lead in helping a new generation of Americans serve their
country.
o Senior members of the new administration could be challenged
to seek out new ways of listening to, learning from, and responding
to the citizens they are sworn to serve.
Two concluding points:
•
1.
For too long our political system has been locked in a
fruitless debate between · the proponents of markets and the
proponents of government as the best way of achieving national
goals. What this debate leaves out is civil society--the network
of family, neighborhood, local community, voluntary associations,
and religious groups that has always constituted a distinctive
American strength.
Bill Clinton has an historic opportunity to
restore balance to our public dialogue by refocusing attention on
this powerful but neglected "third force" in our national
community; the comprehensive challenge to serve is one important
step in this direction.
2.
In my reading of 20th century American history, the most
effective Inaugural Addresses have been short, thematic, eloquent,
light on government programs but heavy on public values.
These
addresses tell a story that makes sense to citizens--the story of
where we have come.from, where we are today, and where we can go,
together, as a people. Today, that must be the story of how we can
continue to be "one nation," of how unity is possible amidst
increasing diversity, of how "e pluribus unum" can be a vital
reality in our public life. A New Birth of citizenship is at the
heart of that story, because citizenship is what we share in spite.
of all our differences.
I attach a recent short article from the Chronicle of Higher
Education that amplifies a few of these points. Please let me know
if I can be of any further assistance.
2
�P.4/
•
i2
1M Ch~idc of Higher Education • Dunnber 2, 1992
'~'
'(
4fnt of View
By William A. Gal.rton
~
is:. moveniCRIIh:\1 SCC:kS
scholars (my:o;clrincluded). Mr. Clinton cnme inl(o coni
lo balance ricllls and respon,ihililies and lo
lnct with lhese icJea~ during his chairmunship nr lhe
nourish lhc mor:ll lie~ of ramily, neighbor·
ot.c. and the org.'\nizntion's a.rcnda or pa.lly renewal
hood, workplace. and cili~en•hip ns a basis
h11d a significant impact on the thertle:J and policic:~
ror innovacive public policy. Ever •inc:e Presidenl-elect
advanced uuring his c:lmf'l;littn.'U is. I lhink,. f;~ir IQ sny
Dill Clincon dc:cl:ued his cancJicJnc:y for the Presidency
thul Mr. Clinton'• repealed chlim lo he a "diiT.-rcnl
1.5-months ago. poliliealjournalisls have noted impor, kind of Dcmocr:~l" in pari renec:ted lhnl agend-in
lanl ;,c:ommunitarinn·~ ~rrands in his public unc:ranc:cs.
particular, lhe idea thnl indivicJual ri(thiA mu~l be joined
: He proclaimed a "New covenanl" designed lo rc:·
with person~! responsibility """ thai every Ailvnntnge
de line lhc dulics or citiuni and or chc:ir government.
• cained from the communlly generales a cor...,.r.nncling
. As lhc lhcmillic framework (or h~ domcalic policy, he
obligarion ro rhe eomm1•nity.
chose I he triad ·•opporlunity, rcsponsibilily. c:onununi·
This lranslalcd, at the lcvc:l or policy. inrn .•ever:ol
· ty." He also idcnlllicd "reciprocal obtisarion" a• the
· ellamplcs or what may be regarded ns c:ommunilarin.l·
moral basis of progi-.=sslve 'social :~crion and in•istcd ·
ism in :set ion. nley included Mr. Clint''" 's aiiVOC.'lC)' or
thai divisions among group; must be pul oside bec:\Use
voluntary national ~ervic:c nnd his l'i'OPQ~III rnr an end
we shsre a common rate and will "ris-or ratl-loto the welrare Sl'~lem "'we now know it. in ru•ur nr11
gclhcr." ·;.II these phrnses :md concepts IJ:~vc been
p:rcknge of services including job lrnining. ~nd lumlllr
imporlanl in the development of comnnmir:ui:m theory
and child c::~re. if needed, lo ~"l,rlc:ntenl priv:~re-~cclor
and policy reconunend:Uiomr.
cmploymcnl. They :llso included hi~ c::lll ror rc:rorm~ nr
Funher. Mr. Clinlon·.s running mule, Vice-Presi.'
the political •ysrc:m 10 diminhh che power "' ~rr:ci:•l
dent-elect AI Gore. allc:ndcd the lirsl "co•nnmnit;u·ian
inlercst group.•, anu hi~ in~istcnc:c lhnl the: •no•l fonute:~ch-in" held on Capilol Hill in November 1991. and
nate memberS or our society have ;o pnrlic:ular nhligllhis posl-elcclion victory speech W:IS studded with com•
lion to participate in the 1:1sk or n:stional renew:~!.
111uniU1rian themes. such as the links bel ween citizens•
righrs and rcsl'~n~ibililies.
onuavs thai m:~ny "-'ays exisl in "'hio;h interest•
Communilarinnism seeRIS 10 have llchicved uncxed scholar$ c::an contribute to the r•mher d.:velon•
pec:ced polhicnl rr~lcvance. 'l'his hns occurred, in ~'lrl·.
menl of this agenda. On lhc lhcorclic;d lc•·.-1.
beCDusc il undergirds a "third" way of conceiving govmuch remsins to be d•me. Principlea or pcr~on:ol
ernment and policy, beyond New Dcnllibernlism a11<l
rc•ponsibilily mUll be neshcd out in ..,ays rhal
Re:IS:III·Bush c:onJcrvati~m. or equal lmporl:lll<:e hM
morc-panicipalory, more-cooperative, and lcu•coon·
slrcnglhen. rnlher.thnn undennine. lhe bc:i.ln•ck ri~hl~
been a decade-old cunnuenee or mtollidi,r:iplinary
pelilivc democ:rolic governl\nce--labelcd "slront~"
<'f individuals. The idea or corrmn•nity mu.•l he c:onc:cp.
scholarly discu5:.ion ami prac:ti.:al political c.llpcricncc:.'
(Dcnjamin Dnrber :tl Rult:crs University). "unitary"
lunlized so that ir recognizes ancl dr:~w" ~rrensrh (rum
ch cili7..ens have demonstrated the tmwc:r o(joint
(Jane Mansbridge :11 Nonhweslern University!. "de·
divcnity wilhOIII being Qvcn•helmed by penplc'• tlif. Within academe. developments in •ociolugy,
libcr:~tive" (James Fishkin at tl>e Univcrsit~· or.
t'c:rcnces. A more prcciM: un.Jc:nlancJin~ t~f I he ~encml
..
• ond political science have been or particular im·
Texas al Austin ~nd Amy Outmann at l'rinceton Uni·
wclran: or common good "'"'' lake #rot.•r int.:o~~t~ nnd
por1anee in the evolution Clf corrrmunilarian thinking.
versily). Thi, work revised lhc previously donti·
iclentilic.• into account while •tllndin,; llf':Orl "" mosre
~r.~nt 'understandinG of democratic politics llS necessarSociolo&ists have lon(l insisted on thr; Importance or
lh:an their a~mregale. A theory or puhlic pcr••r.uion ""
ily driven by ciMhcs among self-seeking inlcrcsl
affective ties-ramilics, neighborhOods, local commu3n alternative 10 bolh t:ocrciCin "''"' h•dilfcrence muM
croups.
nities-and or 110cial norn1s. In reccn' yC3rs. Amilai
be wor~ed out.
On the policy level, new aprro:~chc:$ arc nccdctlthat
On the· pmeliCDI side, events :11 home and abroad
El~ioni's Tlor Moral Dimt'lslon ami Philip Selznick's
served 10 illustrate the validity of some communilar·emphasize participation in rhc larger community willo·
Tlor Moral Co'""'"''"'l'oltlo have offered constructive
ian . principles. The civil-rights and environment:al
nltem:uivcs 10 the emphasis on individu!llism anu self·
out callins for sacrilicca ao &UI-oSI.tnliallllat c;tizeM will
r~ect them. findine W:t)•s to reduce inequalinterest thai guides so nauch of contemporary 3ocinl analysis. Both hllve argued Umt
ities between wcalchicr and poOrer locnl
schnol districts is an example or 1he kind of
il is impossible to carry out empiricnl inproblems lhnl can be uddresscd frons this per·
quiry without including the human capacity
speCiive. 11ae discussion or value~ in public
ror inlernalb:ing 01nd acting on moral priru:l·
policy also will h:~ve to be c:arcrnlly di~lin
pies.
guishcd from the kind or intolerance lhlll the
Among h:pl scholars, cwo linC8 of develop•
American people have clearly and l'f'Opcrly
menl arc particularly noteworrhy. Mnry Ann
rnovcnic:nls dcmonslraled the pCiwer of citi~:cnll ;.,orkrejected. Family policy (dirccced tnwnrd working flllr·
Glcnc.lon's /Ugllls Tolk points-to Che destructive eonse•
inglogelher on the basis of sh:lrod beliefs to offer mor:~l
enls. leen•liSC psrcntll, sin&lc mol hen. anot others) is n
quences or rran~lntirig every political i.lispule into the
arguments that lr:an,rormcd our politics.
key e.J~ample or lhi:< challenge, Dddressed ill lhe Com·
· lansulll:c or un!tanmMiled individual enlillcmcnt.
Movements such as "People Power" in the Philipmunitorion Nelwork'sjusl·issued posilion f'arcron 1he
Scholars such as Ha~varcl Universily's Frank Michel•
pines, Poland's SCIIidllrity movement, C~cchosluva•
family. Historically oppresocd (,U'OUps will need mean·
man and rhc Universicy of Chic::~go's Caas Sunstein
kia's Velvet Rcvalution, and the den1oer:~tic: dis~enl in · ingl'ulreASsurance that "conlmunity" ill a rormnlo ror
have worked 10 develop a new leglll philosophy based
the Soviet Union Inspired t>y Andrei Sakharov drove
Inclusion. noc code for palernali~m.
on lhc themes of deliberation. participation, nnd the
home the poinlthal a communiry's mor:~l voice could,
All in all, I believe thai cornmunit;~ri:tni:<m rcprc•cnl:<
pvblic inlcrcsl-nd to apply thia new lhinkint~lo arc'ltl
lhc most promising basis :ro far rnr muting the lcnlri!!hl
in che end. prove stronger than lhe forces or rouriniu:d
such as adminiscrativc law and regulation or nc\YS medivisions that have sh:~pcd (and stalled) so much pu"·
oppression.
dia .. · .
. .
lic·poliey debate over I he pnsl gcneralion. II .,rrers rhc
My ow·n discipline of political science presents a
most hope for building on widely sh:m:d moral ~cnli
,peclal c:lSc. In lhe early 1980's, scholan~ such as Alas•
TRA,.sMassroN or communilarian ide:as to
rncnl,.....c;onccrning family, nei11hb(lrhood. work, and
. U.S. politics occurred in partthrou"' osmoclair Macintyre, Michael WR!Zer. Ch11rles Taylor, and
citizen responsibilily-notro juKti(y the ztnfrl~ qo•o. btl!
sis, bua al1o as the reGult of pu11>0seful ac·
Michael Sandel criticized liberal political theory in
r;~thcr ro mobilize a broad coalition in chc csu$c ot'lonc·
lion. Pour years ago, Mr. Etzioni took the
lcnna that were labeled "coinmunitarian" because or
OYCidUe re(onn or OUr SOCiety :U well Dll or oUr 80Vetnlead in organizins informal discussion groups tha.c Jed
tlleir emphasi!J on lhe ·need for llltcmalivcs to individ·
ment. Jt ia an intensely practical movement. b\lt one in
lo the foundirrs of the quarterly c:ommunltarian journal,
ualism (K.anliDn well. :IS Ceonomic). This gave rise to
which academics from many diaciplino can play ·•iiDI
Til~ R11zponsi..,: Co11tmlfl1ity. no\v in ita third year o(
the inference that comrriuiliiarians were. by dc:.linilion·,
roles •
publication. A year-Ions dialogue :amona interested
anll·liberal.' and 5pzirkcd the great "libcrul-conununischolars also led to the drafting or a Communi111rian
• dcbace. By the trid otthe decade. however, it
William A. Colston is pn,f~.unr nfp11bli~ qqnir~ nr rlrt
Platform, signed by :alorrg list ofacodemics and public.
c:omc c:lc:sr that. this way or posing the question
Uni,.rrllty of Maryland nt Colltgt rark. ullior , .
nsures .,pannins the polilielll spectrum. l..asl year's
isc:onccivcd. Mr, Taylor noted th:it the two aides
•
lcach•ln auracred elected public oCIIcials rrom bolh
ze(lrch ~t:lrolor at tilt! lnztitlltr for Plril"~""'''' ""d Pullwere arsuing at "cross·oil•fiCI•c.•" and that ona could
lie Policy. e~~oeJfror of The Responsive Comnsunily.
partie:..
easily accept communitarian theses such o.s lhe socilll
Meanwhile. the Democratic Le:sdcrshlp Council, M
anti oullror. mo.rt rr:crntiJ'• of Ubcml l'urpo'"'"'
cmbeddcdn~-ven $0Cial conslllutlon--o( individ·
organization rormed 10 seek allcmativ.-s lo Reapnism
Goods. Virtues. and Diversity in lhe l...i\'ol!ral State
ualldentity, while holcJing rastiO the liberal insi:;rencc
(Combridflc Uni•rr:sily Prtls. 1992J. 71ois nrrir/r rrprr•
:.nd New Oe:ai/Oreal Socictl' liberalism in tho wake or
on guaranlecins personal freedom :aeain." collective
Waller F. Mondole's unsuccessful PrcsidcnliJJI cam•
srnll lire o11thor's pr:rsiJnnl•ir•.,,. (Inti nm tl1nst: 11/tfJt'
opprC8sion.
·
·
·
p.1ign, and its rc:.scarch affllialc. the Progressive l'olicy
Mennwhile, or her theorists I~ r>Oiilical-scicnc:e
Prr.fidrm-r:lr:t:t'ztrtmzition ream. wlrirh Ire lt'"'tl nl o
ln~lilulc, entered into a susrnined di:~loguc with sc\'er.:ll
pollc:r 11d~isrr:
dcpattmcnls were working out new possibilities ror
C
OMr.IU,.I'I'ARIAI'IISI\4
I
Clinton and tl1e Promise
of Communitarianisn1
·T"B
as
�FROfvl :
•
PHOHE HO.
1
UNIVER.SITY Or CHICAGO
C:'F.NTER FClR THE STUDY OF URBAN INEQUALITY
1.111
F.A~T
C:HICAt~l),
601'11 STRI!I!T
ILLINOI~
toOh.l;
Wn.. LIAM)l•LIUS WrL~I'rN
Ditrclr" ~~nJ L11.-y FIIJIM'r l.lni•~~ity Pr,l(,.«,,
4 Sori.ll•wr ,znJ Publi.. Pt.•licy
lhVIN(;
n.
HnAI< GRAOliAT5 St;;H<..•~IL
ur- PunLar. r•oi.I~Y STUI)II:.)
Tu: (JU) 70Z-Q694
FMC: (312)702·8822
To: George Stephanopoulos (Attention: Collier Andre.s..o;)
From: William Julius Wilson
Dace: December 22, 1992
In re: Ideas for President-elect Clinton's Inaugural Address
•
D•wiu Kusnet, one of the President-elect's speech writers, called and asked me to
fa.x some iucas that Prcsidcnt-clccl Clinton misht c<)n~ider for his Inaugural tlpeech. Below
are my thoughLc;.
I think that an imporlant theme for Clinton's inaugural address is the need to
promote rncial unity in America. He should point out that r.\cial antagonisms are products
of situati()ns--cc(')nomic situations, political situations. and social situations. To understand
why racial tensions either increase or decrea..-;e during certain periods and what ha...; to be
done to nlleviate them, it is necessary to comprehend the situali<..,ns in which these tensions
surface.
For cxnmple, as President-elect Clinton emphasized in some of his campaign
speeches, during periods of hard economic times, it is important that politic:U ){"J'Iders
cha.rUlelthc fruslrati~.)n.s of citizens in positive <X constructive dircc.tions. However, for the
last few years just the oppt)~itc was more likely to occur. In a time of heightened economic
insecurities, the negative racial rhetoric of some highly visible spoke.C~persons has
exacerbated racial tensions and channeled frustrations in ways thu.t !lcvcrcly divide the racial
groups. In his campaign speeches, Pr~iuent-elcct Clinton repeatedly emphasized that
during hard economic time:,, pc\)plc become more receptive to demagogic me$hc;agcs that
deflect anention from the real source of our problems. To avoid pitting race against l"a(;C,
he !";tressed that we should u.."'.qncintc our declining real incomes, increasing job insecurity,
and growing pessimism ~bout the future .,,.. ith failed economic and political policies.
•
Indeed, rncial tensions between low income blacks and whiles represent a serious
consequence of recent economic, politicnl :\nd demographic changes. Working cJa.c;.o;
whiLes, like inner-city minorities, have felt the full impact of the urban fiscal crisis in the
United States. Unlike middlc-cla.<~s whites, working cla.<~s whiLes have been forced by
financial exisencics to remain in the centr~l city and suffer the strains of crime. higher
r.axe:<~, poorer servic~. and inferior public :-;chtx"'l::.. Moreover, unlike the more afnucnt
whites who choose tcJ remain in the wealthier sections of the central city, they cannot easily
t.:~pe the prl-,blems of detcri(.)rating public schools by sending their children lc., private
schouls. aud this problem has grown in lhc l'ucc vf the sharp decline in urban pn.rochinl
�PHONE NO.
FROI'1 :
r
•
2
schools in the United St«•tes. Thus, in recent years, the mcial strugsle for power and
privilege in the central city is essentially a slrugglc between the have-nots; it is a struggle
over ucccss tu and control of decent housing and decent neighborhoods, it is a struggle
over access to and control of locru public schools, nnd it is a struggle over political control
of the central city.
I think it would be good, therefore, if President-elect Clinton undef8Corcd the point
that the President of the United States has an obligation t<.xiay to provide the morcll
leadership to help address many of l.hese problems an<.l unite the country; that he has the
unique capacity to command nali(.mwide attention from the media and the general public an<.l
gel them to <.'.onsider seriously his vision of rdcial unity and of where we are an<.l where we
should go.
I am talking about a vision that:
1) promotes
idt-..as of racial and intergroup harn1ony and unity;
2) rejecL~ the commonly held that view lhnt race is so divisive in Lhis country that
whites, blacks, Hispanics and other ethnic gmups cannot work together in a common
cause;
•
3) recogni7.cc; t.hat if a message from a politicaJ leader is tailored to a white audicnre
racial minorities draw back, just as whites draw back when a rn~ge is tailored to a rdcial
minority audience;
4) recogni~e.cr thai if the. message emphasi7..es issues and programs thal \;oncem the
families of all racial and ethnic groups, individuals of these various groups will recognize
their mutual interests an<.! join in a mulli-rclcial coaJition 1o move America forward;
5) prom<)leS the i<.lea that Americans across mcinl and class boundaric~ have
common inter~ts am.l concerns including concerns ab(lul unemployment and job security,
declining reru wages, escalatillS meuica.l and housing costs, child care programs, the sharp
decline in the quality of public education, and crime and drug trafficking in neighborhoods;
6) seeN the application of progr.uns to combnt thc:sc problc:ms as bencficiiil Lo all
Ameri<..-ans, not just the truly djsadvanut8ed among us;
7) recognizes that since demographic shifts have decrea..<ie<.l the urban while
population and slmrply increased the proportion of minorities in the dues, the divide
between the suburbs t\Il<.l the central city is, in many respecl~, a radal divide; and that it is
vitally important, therefore, to emphasize the imporw.ncc of city-suburban coopcr.ilion, not
separation;
R) promotes the idea that every one should be able to achieve full membership in
society, bccllu.cre the problems of economic anu ~ial marginality are associated with
inequities in lhc larger society, not with individual deficiencies .
•
P03
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
008. memo
DATE
SUBJECTfi'ITLE
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
12/19/1992
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural Address Briefing Book [2]
2008-0699-F
'm488
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�r
•
G. A. MACIHHE'3
P. 1
t' .I
FAX TO: CARTER WILKIE
FROM: Gordon Macinnes · · .
Co~rtlnt..cN I G/4.-/to,Jf)
Pei(~)(6)
. , ·Fox:
20 1-538-3099)
Re: · loea
Date: I 9 Dec 92
B111 Clinton has lived the ldee I offer. He has lived It plainly In his public
11fe, he has tought 1t as a candidate. He has mode it a central theme and a political
winner. I'm a bit embarrassed to even bring It up.
The Inaugural Address Is e stetement of strong, enduring Idees. Not only
should we be summoned to greet purposes end a future of hope, struggle, end
shored sacrifice, but we need to tle remtnoed of some enduring truths that heve
brought us to 1992 as the world's most envied nation. It is, presumobly, not o time
for Reagonesque embellishment with personal stories and exHmples.
The United States is based on an idea that no other netlon h6s mastered or
occepted In qu1te our way, and so far this idet:~ hos made all the dtfference:
Amencens believe that all persons are equal, ond will De Judged for their actions
and chorocer. not by the1r accent, religion. color, or gender. To successiYe
generations of immigrants end to the last generation of block Americans the
message has been: Come and endeavor to succeed, we osk you to surrender nothing
except the notion thet your place will be defined by your origins.
This Ideal is never realized fully, end remains surprisingly fragile despite its
import~nce to our prosperity and stability.
In most of the world, a person's status, place, and opportunH1es are defined
by, or, at a minumum, ctrcumscrt.Oed oy the Immutable acctdent of birth (color.
gender) or the controlling force of porentoge (religion, language, caste or class.
clan, or tribe). These d1sttncuons control In those lands that ore now d1Y1ded oy
vtolence, suspicion, and instability. We simplify what ts complex when we
aggregate much conflict os o conseQuence of "Islamic fundamentalism,''
"tribalism," or ''language tension." In mos.t nations, tolerance of these differences
is unknown; in many, legal and constitutional b,oundories ore drown orouncJ people
because of ethntclty, language, religion, or caste.
Against these powerful historical forces which divide ond kill, the United
States offers Its ideQ of tolerance, freedom, and opportunity. These words "tolerance." "freedom," end "opportunity'~ -are used so casually thet we cen
forget that by 11v1ng their meanings every day we creote the world's most duroble,
stoble, ond prosperous society.
We hove 6 choice. we ct~n concentrate on the Imperfections In this American
idea, and there have been mony. Thot is. we can move oeyond Insuring that our
curricula give full weight to the tnhumonity of slavery and segregation, end treat
�..f
P. 2
281 538 309'3
,
..
2
•
•
r'airiy the racist actions against Native Americans, to an obsession that declares
racism is pervasive and permanent. We are told that our differences are too great
to surmount or even understand, and that the promise of this nation will never be
realized by those with permanently hyphenated names. We con succumb to the
argument that we are not one nation bound together by the ideo of equal
opportunity, but a collection of cultures, a "mosaic" of unfusable tiles, that
ordains separatism. The best we con hope for. 1n the eyes of these prophets of
··multiculturalism" and "dtvers1ty" Is a respectful, cool distance.
Clinton rejects this choice. He preaches: "We are a11 in this together. We
don't have a single mind to waste." The word "integration" has been lost to our
pub11c vocabularies; maybe H should be restored. Without betng natve or
demetming to our individual senses of racial, religious, and ethnic pride,
Americans wnt accept the goal of accepting persons for what they do and how they
act. The President con lead by word and example, as he has led tn the campaign and
transition. He has shown that ractol and ethnic differences melt when people are
treated with respect and warmth, not with indifference or curiosity.
Our Amen can idea needs to be strengthened by giving it attention and new
argument. Otherwise. by Inattention, the notion that our differences of color,
tongue. religton, and origin are more important that our similarities wtll continue
to spread from the campuses to the streets. If that happens, then the United
Stl!tes will be weakened just os surely as Liberia, Sri Lanka, Lebtmon, Sudan, and
Canada have been weokened. ldeos count. In this cose, our tdea or opportunity and
toleronce must be suffused tnto our bones so thet it Jives w1th concreteness for
every American -black ond whHe, mole ond female, Cetho11c and Jew. the recent
HtJitittn tmmigront and the Brahmin.
�
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Carter Wilkie
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Carter Wilkie
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1993-1995
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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Inaugural Address Briefing Book [2]
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Speechwriting
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91
5
8
3
�Briefing Book on the Inaugural Address
Prepared by
Carter Wilkie
David Kusnet
Little Rock, Arkansas
December 23, 1992
,,
I~
i
'
�••
Briefmg Book on the Inaugural Address
Contents
1.
Separate bound volume of all past Inaugural Addresses.
2.
Half inch VHS videotape of 1981, 1961 and 1933 addresses. (Tapes will
arrive on Thursday. Collier Andress will give to George Stephanopoulos for
delivery to Governor Clinton.)
3.
Background memorandum:
Wilkie analysis of past Inaugural Addresses
4.
Relevant critical essays on past Inaugural Addresses or presidential rhetoric:
Gary Wills on Lincoln's Gettysburg Address
Dante Germino on the Public Philosophy
Robert Bellah on America's Civil Religion
Kathleen Jamieson on Inaugural Addresses
Arthur Schlesinger Jr. on Inaugural Addresses
critical period reviews of past Inaugurations 1885 - 1981
5.
Drafts and suggestions submitted by advisers and friends:
Paul Begala
Alan Barkley, Columbia
·Taylor Branch, author of Parting of the Waters
James MacGregor Bums, American Historian
James Fallows, The Atlantic
Shelby Foote, Civil War historian
Bill Galston, University of Maryland
Stan Greenberg (memorandum en route)
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ and JFK biographer
Barbara Jordan
Gordon Macinnes, author of book on race, friend of Bill Bradley
James MacPherson, Lincoln historian
Richard Neustadt, Harvard University
Andrew Robertson, Louisiana State University
Roy Spence, GSD & M, Austin
William Julius Wilson, University of Chicago
Joint Center for Political Studies, Washington, DC
Michael Waldman (memorandum en route)
Carter Wilkie
•
•
•
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•
•
6.
Notable speeches or American documents:
Declaration of Independence, 1776
Madison, A Memorial and Remonstrance, 1784
Webster, Bunker Hill memorial, 1825
Lincoln, Gettysburg Address, 1863
Harlan, dissenting opinion, Plessy v. Fergusson, 1896
Walter Lippmann, 1940 reunion of Harvard Class of '10
William Faulkner, 1950 Nobel Prize Address
Eisenhower, 1961 farewell
Martin Luther King Jr., "I Have a Dream"
LBJ, Voting Rights Act, March 15, 1965
Jimmy Carter, 1974 Law Day address
Barbara Jordan, 1976 and 1992 conventions
Mario Cuomo, 1983 Inaugural and 1984 convention
Joseph Biden, 1987 campaign
Jesse Jackson, 1988 convention
Theodore White, The American Idea, c. 1990
Bill Bradley, 1991 and 1992 speeches on race
AI Gore Jr., 1992 Fort Collins, CO
7.
Speeches by Governor Clinton:
Inaugural addresses as Governor (copies arrive from archives January 4)
announcement
"New Covenant" series (3) given at Georgetown
DLC, New Orleans, 1992
nomination acceptance speech
National Bar Association, St Louis
Notre Dame
Foreign policy and the Democratic Ideal
election night
�•
MEMORANDUM
TO:
FR:
RE:
DT:
George Stephanopoulos
Carter Wtlkie
lessons from a reading of inaugural addresses
December 18, 1992
The Inaugural Address enables the President to:
•
•
interpret the election in terms of the mood of the country and the mandate
·
from the electorate;
•
present the President's political ideology in its most basic and fundamental
form;
•
present the broad mission of the next Presidency;
•
define the purpose of America and recreate the national character;
•
unify the country under the President's leadership.
Composition.
Inaugural addresses combine two forms of rhetoric: demonstrative (ceremonial purpose,
collective themes) and deliberative (what is to be done). The enduring inaugural addresses
are those where the demonstrative rhetoric flows naturally from the deliberative rhetoric
throughout the speech (i.e., Lincolri, 1865; Wilson, 1913; Kennedy, 1961) .. ·The less notable
speeches often combine these two types of rhetoric as separate sections with an unnatural
break somewhere in the middle. Two widely admired speeches of this form, however, are
Jefferson, 1801, and FDR, 1933- Jefferson's for the clarity of philosophy and· Roosevelt's
for the clarity of action in the shadows of economic crisis and Hoover's passive presidency.
Taft, 1909, is a good example of a solely deliberative (and ineffective) address. Harrison,
1841, is an example of what happens when demonstrative rhetoric is carried too far.
•
There is no set format for the inaugural address, only precedent. A chronological reading of
the addresses shows how much some presidents have relied on the addresses of their
predecessors as models. Lincoln may have been the first to break with the rigid formality of
early American ceremonial language, but his first inaugural is still a product of an early age
when the President spoke about his personal duties in the first person voice to an audience in
his immediate presence. Later inaugural addresses, given after the rise of mass
communications, show a greater awareness of the national, and international audience .
The address of the obscure and short lived President James Garfield is the earliest address
�I
!.'.
I.
•
that is closest to the 20th century style: the President speaking mainly in the collective voice
and memory of the nation (much as Lincoln did at. Gettysburg), including a broad but brief
outline of the principles guiding his agenda, summarized· with a humble request for God's
blessing. The President as voice of the nation emerged from several factors: the idea of the
nation and the presidency itself had reached new importance after the Civil War and
Reconstruction, the celebration of America's centennial made Americans more aware of the
depth of their national experience, history was beginning to replace religion as a means of
socialization, and communications technology in the industrial age allowed rhetoric to
persuade a broader audience than ever before. In 1961, Kennedy goes so far as to direct
most of his address to the world: "To those old allies... To those new states... To those
peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe... To our sister republics ... To that world
assembly of sovereign states... Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our
adversaries... Let both sides... Let both sides... Let both sides... "
Approach to subject matter.
•
While modem inaugural addresses have attempted to shape the times, the times more
certainly shape the inaugural address. Kennedy, 1961, continues a mission for the Cold War
era. FOR, 1933, reflects the economic crisis. Lincoln, 186.1, deals with secession. Reagart,
1981, and Harding, 1921, reflect the mood of a nation exhausted by socially disruptive
activism .
The most enduring inaugural addresses offer a broad, deep, and enduring vision of the
purpose of America and the purpose of the incoming presidency. The most dramatic ones
follow a turnover of party in control of the White House. These addresses clearly advance a
different philosophy and a new presidential mission, i.e., Reagan on limited government
(1981), FDR on activist government (1933), Wilson on progressive government (1913),
Lincoln on preserving Constitutional government (1861).
Unsuccessful presidencies, in this century at least, have been preceded by an inaugural
address that reflects the new President's uncertainty about the broad mission of his
administration and the direction of the country under his leadership. These addresses most
often occur before transitional administrations between eras of passive and active presidencies
(i.e., Hoover).
Ideology provides a mission in effective, enduring inaugural addresses. Ideology is often
advanced by distancing the incoming President from the inadequate methods of rejected,
earlier administrations, especially after a partisan victory:
•
Reagan, 1981: "In this present crisis, government is not the solution to the
problem ... We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for
a special interest group that has been too long neglected ... In the days ahead, I
will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and
2
�,.
•
reduced productivity. •
FDR, 1933: "Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in
the court of public opinion, rejected by the. hearts and minds of men ... They
know only the rules of a generation of sclf-seekers. They have no vision, and
where there is no vision the people perish. •
Wilson, 1913: "The great government we loved has too often been made use
of for private and selfish purposes, and those who used it had forgotten the
people. •
Cleveland, 1893: "These aggregations and combinations frequently constitute
conspiracies against the interests of the people, and in all their phases they are
unnatural and opposed to our American sense of fairness ... Our mission is not
punishment, but the rectification of wrong."
·Jackson, 1829: "... the task of reform, which will require particularly the
correction of those abuses that have brought the patronage of the federal
government into conflict with the freedom of elections . . . and have. placed or
continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands.".
•
By contrast, when an incoming President is conscious of a narrow victory, the inaugural
address strikes a more conciliatory tone:
Nixon, 1969: "... government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways
- to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the
voices of the heart - to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that
have despaired of being heard. To those who have been left out, we will try
to bring in. n
Lincoln, 1861: "We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it
must not break our bonds of affection."
Jefferson, 1801: "... every difference of opinion is not a difference of
principle... We are all republicans, we are all federalists " [Dumas Malone claims
Jefferson did not capitalize the political terms and did not intend to use them as party labels]
Each new·president strives for near unanimity in the nation's ideals, and this is achieved in
several ways. The most common employed being a de-emphasis of partisan victory.
•
American presidents have always made an effort to de-politicize or heal traumatic, divisive,
national experiences (i.e., Bush on Vietnam, Carter on Watergate, Nixon on public protest,
Garfield on racial equality, Hayes on Reconstruction, Lincoln on the Civil War, Buchanan on
3
�•
•
slavery in the territories, Polk on sectional rivalry, Jefferson on the bitter election dispute of
1800). The choice of a new President after all is • choice for renewal.
On the other hand, Americans also have a stubborn preference for the security of the
familiar. There is a constant conflict throughout American history between progress and
preservation, between change and continuity. New Presidents with new philosophies bndge
this divide by attaching their new mission to enduring ideas. Since the founding, they have
grafted their vision onto an existing tradition or they have created new ones to serve their
purposes. As custodians of the national memory, they self-consciously present change as
continuity and progress as preservation. FDR was a master at masking sweeping reforms
with an appeal to early American ideals. Jackson saw himself as the heir to Washington leading an oppressed people to new political power. Lincoln was the first President to
resurrect Jefferson's democratic vision on behalf of equality and •government of the people,
by the people, for the people" (see Gary Wills on Lincoln's Gettysburg address). Wilson, and other ·.
reformers, have described their work as •restoration." And Reagan appropriated Jefferson's
anti-federalism and FDR's common touch in pursuit of Coolidge's passive presidency. The.
more effective addresses recall the ideas without forcing the new President to compete with
past heroic Presidents by name.
The new President unifies the nation as the arbiter of America's national purpose, what
Walter Lippmann called the public philosophy, and what others call the American idea.
From several sources (see in particular Dante Germ.ino•s essay. "The Inaugural Addresses of American
Presidents. Public Philosophy and Rhetoric") the following interpretations of America's purpose have
dominated political thought (and therefore inaugural addresses) at certain eras in our history.
These ideas have not always been universally accepted, however, and they have often been
met with limiting movements of reaction:
Place in world
r1S1 New Order for the Ages
19h5 Protected sanctuary
l0'l7 Savior
~ 11<1 z. Interdependence
Government
1161 Theocratic Republic
1030 Union
1~C c Activism
Conce,pt of justice
1191 Liberty
I 0h.3 Equality
11'5 Opportunity
Just as there is an attachment to American myths, successful inaugural addresses have
effectively defined problems to be tackled as mythic enemies to be conquered by American
exceptionalism. IFK, FDR and Lincoln announce their challenges (Communism, depression
and secession) with arresting imagery and religious iconography. By doing so, each
demonstrates strength, bravery, and inspires confidence. They stop short of promising
absolute victory, but they reassure America with the promise of a courageous effort in a
great cause.
•
Ineffective inaugural addresses, on the other hand, present the presidency and the will of the
people as weak or small in the shadow of the great problems of the day. Hoover, for
4
·'f.
�•
instance, offers a dispirited and clinical examination of the side effects of prohibition .
(Lincoln's speech after the secession of Southern states sounds more confident and optimistic
than Hoover's made during the prosperity of the 1920s.)· Some modem Presidents have
spoken of a national spiritual erosion so great as tc.> further doubt, despair and deeper angst in
the national character.
The effective addresses place problems as aberrations outside the American mainstream, as
problems arising because our leaders did not adhere to lasting American principles (i.e.,
economic inequity arises from a deviance from egalitarianism, government grows too large
because of a deviance from anti-federalism). In other words, our problems are problems
because they are un-American. After FDR rebuked Hoover's stewardship of America's
economy, the Atlanta Constitution wrote, "... the address is a straight-from-the-shoulder
attack on the evils responsible for the present condition of the country - evils which have
grown up as the result of the misplaced confidence in those the public had a right to think it·
could trust. n
The ineffective speeches, however' blame deep problems on fundamental . .
flaws in the American system or character. This conflicts with American exceptionalism .
and the need to unify the nation under positive ideals. Failures are best presented as not
failures of the system but as failures of previous leaders to adhere to our lasting principles
(democracy, egalitarianism, justice, etc.).
•
Few modem addresses have provided a specific policy outline for the new administration.
The few that have, do so in a general, rather than detailed, manner. Despite FDR's specific
calls for a special session of Congress to enact banking reform and the equivalent of war
powers to attack the economic crisis, some members of Congress expressed mild criticism
for his lack of more definite proposals. Almost all news accounts of inaugural addresses
footnote how they commonly lack detailed policies, and the news of FDR's inauguration
focused on the immediate and dramatic sense of action on the economic crisis. Truman's
inaugural address sixteen years later was more policy specific. (Most inaugural addresses of
sitting Presidents tend to be more policy specific; a sitting President has less need for
demonstrative rhetoric to herald the status quo.) Truman's theme was foreign policy. And
news of his address concerned the first hints of what would become his Point Four Program.
The fourth foreign policy point of his address spoke of a new concern. for "underdeveloped"
countries.
There does not appear to be a correlation, however, between policies enacted early in an
administration and policies outlined in an inaugural address. Wilson, for instance, won great
economic reforms in a special session of Congress soon after he delivered what some
admirers at the time called a moral sermon on America. The most policy specific address of
the century, Taft, 1909, is criticized as themeless, uninspiring and lacking in the profound
vision necessary in a successful President. Taft became a one term failure.
Several strong Presidents have unified the strength of their leadership with a dramatic call to
action, a call for citizens to join them in a united cause. (i.e., Kennedy, 1961: "... ask not
what your country can do for you-- ask what you can do for your country.") FDR's
5
.
·,
�•
inaugural message - "Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics 'alone. This
nation asks for action, and action now. • -.was followed by an editorial in the New York
Times entitled "A SUMMONS TO ACTION": "If in the Inaugural Address of President
Roosevelt anything is lacking, it is not courage.. Ill the boldest and most resolute way he
called upon the nation to join him in taking arms against a sea of troubles. • The most
applauded section of Wilson's first address was a summons to the American people to form a
partnership with the new President: "This is not a day of triumph. It is a day of dedication. ·
Here muster not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity. Men's hearts wait upon us.
Men's lives hang in the balance. Men's hopes call upon us to say what we will do. Who
shall live up to the great trust? Who dares fail to try? I summon all honest men, all
patriotic, all forward looking men, to my side. God helping me, I will not fail them, If they
will but counsel and sustain me. •
Blessing.
•
Most Presidents customarily conclude with a humble request for God's blessing and make
some reference to what writer Robert Bellah calls America's Civil Religion. Bellah notes
how not one President fails to include a reference to God, but the God they do mention is not
necessarily Christian: "The God of the civil religion is not only rather 'unitarian,' he is alsri
on the austere side, much more related to order, law, and right than to salvation and love...
He is actively interested and involved in history, with a special concern for America. Here
the analogy has much less to do with natural law than with ancient Israel.... God has led his
people to establish a new sort of social order that shall be a light unto the nations."
Washington, Bellah notes, defined America's civil religion as Moses leading America from a
mythical Egypt. Poet Robert Lowell has noted Lincoln's Christian images at Gettysburg, but
Bellah notes how Lincoln's inaugurals speak more of reconciliation than redemption. The
role of religion in inaugural addresses is more perfuntory in the modem deliveries, but
Wilson, 1913, and Carter, 1977, set a deeply personal moral tone, and Kennedy, 1961, and
Bush, 1989, openly promote a civic morality that includes sacrifice and selflessness. ·At their
ceremonies, Presidents Jackson, Wilson, and Truman each bent to kiss the Bible. All three
of them came from a regional culture with roots in backcountry Presbyterianism, a culture
critically shaped by reverance for Scripture. Eisenhower began his 1953 inaugural address
with a prayer.
Optional salutations.
•
At the first inauguration, Washington spoke before a joint session of Congress and therefore
saluted the members before beginning his address. Most Presidents thereafter addressed an
assembled crowd as "Fellow Citizens". In 1861, Lincoln, speaking two weeks after the
inauguration of Jefferson Davis, pointedly began, "Fellow Citizens of the United States".
Wilson began his inaugural address without a salutation, choosing instead a dramatic opening
sentence, "There has been a change in government." It is not until FDR in 1933 that
6
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documentation exists of a President recognizing luminaries on stage. That year,. Roosevelt
began: •President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, My Friends•. Most (but not every one) of the
Presidents since have followed Roosevelt's precedent. Kennedy, Reagan and Bush ail
prefaced their speeches by recognizing a lengthy Ust of political dignitaries by name. Jimmy
Carter began by thanking •my predecessor• - a practice that Reagan and Bush followed later
without Carter's original effect.. A strong case can be made for returning to the .earlier,
simpler salutation •Fellow Citizens. • It is certainly the most· democratic. And it .
immediately connects the new President with all citizens. The lengthy lists of luminaries, on
the other hand, immediately places the President among a privileged class of government
insiders whose business, it could appear, has priority over the business of all Americans
outside the corridors of power. The recognition of luminaries further places political power
behind personalities rather than behind ideas. (Is. it just a coincidence that the .first evidence
of this custom arises in the 20th century's age of fascism?)
Length
•
The two inaugural addresses most praised for stylistic reasons are btief. Linooln's second is
698 words long and Kennedy's is 1,355. Prior to Kennedy, the 40 year average length was
2,500 words, and the freshness in Kennedy's brevity was widely noted after his delivery.
FDR's 1945 address, a clear and thoughtful speech, was 559 words, the second shortest after
Washington's second inaugural of 135 words ..
The longest inaugural address (8,495 words) was delivered by 68 year old William Henry
Harrison. The address, given in a snowstorm, lasted an hour and forty five minutes, but
Harrison lasted only one month after his inauguration. As one commentator has said, the
rule should be "Give me brevity or give me death."
•
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Frequent critic81
comments
on inaugural
address
coDtent
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:
Effective
Ineffective
articulate the nation's ideals
great expectations
strong senSe of directio~
clear ideology, fundamental views
genuine aspirations
mythic imagery and iconography
lasting American principles
American exceptionaiism
duty and sacrifice
real understanding of challenges
tell them where you stand
identity abuses of American ideals
the moment and spirit of the times
sweeping principles
broad mission and purpose
idealistic
promote change as continuity
failure to interpret the purpose of America ·
resignation to disappointment
.
no guidance to a nation in need of reassurance
apologetic or too conciliatory for the sake of unity
posturing
overdose or superficial use of symbolism
historic commentary without persuasive purpose
glib affirmations
no call to action
false promises
leave them guessing
blame problems on flaws in the American character
too rooted in the present as to prevent timelessness
programmatic policy
no mission or too specific an agenda
messianic or overly moralistic
a mission without roots in a deeply American idea
8
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Frequent comments on inaugural address
style
.
.
.
Effective
Ineffective
brevity is clear and lasting
thematic unity
imperial and solemn
eloquent simplicity
uplifting
coherent
original thought
original expression
sense of command
confidence
certainty
possessive pronouns "ours ... we"
nation& references
national experiences
action language ("rebom ... robust")
optimism
direct
emotion
heal, encourage and console
variety within a theme
grace, poetic or lyrical cadences
present moment (now)
captivating imagery
inclusion ("Americans, citizens")
urgency, momentum, boldness
dramatic opening line
length makes. ideas less dramatic and memorable
~t or scattered
pedestrian or· informal
simpliStic
uninspiring
muddled
cliches or slogans
appropriation of previous inaugural styles or messages ·
weakness
doubt
qualifiers ("if.• ~almost•.. might")
personal pronouns "I... you"
self-references
personal experiences for false intimacy of television
abstract language ("spiritual ... honorably ... beauty")
pessimism
too plain or too colloquial
too stoic or clinical
partisan
repetition
rhythm for the sake of memorable, quotable sound bites
present place (here)
purple prose
separatism ("men and women, North and South")
timidity
rhetorical formalities
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�In an act of "open-air s/eig/11 ofluznd," Lincoln cnated a nnJP Consti17Jtion, revolutionized
,
tile Revolution, andgOf.Je u.i a Col!ntry dlanged forever
·.
THE WORDS
·'THAT
REMADE AMERICA·
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Lincoln at Gettysburg
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BY GARRY WILLS
I
N THE
~ERMATH
OF THE BATTLE OF GETn'SBURG,
both sides, leaving fifty thousand dead or wounded
or missing behind them, had reason to maintain a
large pattern of pretense-Lee pretending that he
was not taking back to the South a broken cause, Meade
that he would not let the broken pieces fall through his
fingers. It would have been hard to predict that Gettysburg, out of all this muddle, these missed chances, all the
senseless deaths, would become a symbol of national purpose, pride, and ideals. Abraham Lincoln transformed the
ugly reality into something rich and strange-and he did
it with Z72 words. The power of words has rarely been
given a more compelling demonstration.
The residents of Gettysburg had little reason to be satisfied with the war machine that had churned up their
lives. General George Gordon Meade may have pursued
General Robert E. Lee in slow motion, but he wired
headquarters that "I cannot delay to pick up the debris of
the battlefield." That debris was mainly a matter of rotting horseflesh and manflesh--thousands of fermenting
bodies, with gas-distended bellies, deliquescing in the
July heat. For hygienic reasons, the five thouSand horses
and mules had to be consumed by fire, trading the smell
of decaying flesh for that of burning flesh. Human bodies
were scattered over, or (barely) under, the ground. Suffocating teams of Union soldiers, Confederate prisoners,
and dragooned civilians slid the bOdies beneath a minimal covering as fast as possible-crudely posting the
names of the Union dead with sketchy information on
boards, not stopping to figure out what units the Confederate bodies had belonged to. It was work to be done
bugger-mugger or not at all, fighting clustered bluebottle
flies black on the earth, shoveling and retching by rums.
The whole area of Geaysburg-a town of only twentyfive hundred inhabitants-was one makeshift burial
ground, fetid and steaming. Andrew Curtin, the Republican governor of Pennsylvania. was facing a difficult reelection campaign. He must placate local feelfng, deal
JUNE 199Z
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with other states diplomatically, and raise the funds to
cope with corpses that could go on killing by means of
fouled sueams or contaminating exhumations.
Curtin made the thirty-two-year-old David Wills, a
Gettysburg lawyer, his agent on the scene. Wills (who is
no relation to the author) had studied law with Gettysburg's most prominent former citizen, Thaddeus
· Stevens, the radical Republican now representing Lancaster in Congress. Wills was a civic leader, and he owned
the largest house on the town square. He put an end to
land speculation for the burial ground and formed an interstate commission to collect funds for the cleansing of
Gettysburg's bloodied fields. The states were to be assessed according to their representation in Congress. To
charge them by the actual number of each state's dead
would have been a time-consuming and complicated
process, waiting on identification of each corpse, on the
division of costs for those who could not be identified,
and on the fixing of per-body rates for exhumation, identification, and reinterment.
Wills put up for bids the contract to rebury the bodies;
out of thirty-four bids. the high one was eight dollars per
corpse and the winning one was $1.59. The federal government was asked to ship in the thousands of caskets
needed, courtesy of the War Department. All other costs
were handled by the interstate commission. Wills took tide to seventeen ·acres for the new cemetery in the name
of Pennsylvania.
Wills meant to dedicate the ground that would hold
the corpses even before they were moved. He felt the
need for artful words to sweeten the poisoned air of Gettysburg. He asked the principal wordsmiths of his time
to join this effort-Longfellow, Whittier, Bryant. All
three poets, each for his own reason, found their muse
unbiddable. But Wills was not terribly disappointed. The
normal purgative for such occasions was a large-scale,
solemn act of oratory, a kind of performance art that had
great power over audiences iri the. middle of the nine-
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teenth century. Some later accouius would emphasize
the length of the main speech at the Gettysburg dcdicadon. as if that were an ordeal or an imposition on· the au- ·
.• dience. But a talk of several hours was customary and expected then-much like the length and pacing of a
..
modem rock concert. The crowds that heard Lincoln de,··,
bate; Stephen DOuglas in 1858, through three-hour en. • ,,.v'flagements, were delighted to hear Daniel Webster and
·other orators of the day recite carefully comP.osed para·
graphs fol two hours at the least.
The champion at such declamatory occasions, after the
death of Daniel Webster, was Webster's friend Edward
Everett. Everett was that rare thing, a scholar and an Ivy
League diplomat who could hold mass audiences in thrall.
His voice, diction, and gestures were successfully dramatic, and he habitually performed his well-crafted text, no
matter how long, from memory. Everett was the inevitable choice for Wills, the indispensable component in
the scheme for the cemetery's consecration. Battlefields
were something of a specialty with Everett-he had augmented the fame of Lexington and Concord and Bunker
Hill by his oratory at those Revolutionary sites. Simply to
have him speak at Gettysburg would add this field to the
sacred roll of names from the Founders' battles.
Everett was invited, on September 23. to appear October 23. That would leave all of November for filling the
graves. But a month was not sufficient time for Everett to
make his customary preparation for a major speech. He
did careful research on the battles he was commemorating-a task made difficult in this case by the fact that official accounts of the engagement were just appearing.
Everett would have to make his own inquiries. He could
not be ready before November 19. Wills seized on that
earliest moment, though it broke with the reburial schedule that had been laid out to foUow on the October dedication. He decided to move up the reburial, beginning it
in October and hoping to finish by November 19.
The careful negotiations with Everett form a conuast,
more surprising to us than to contemporaries, with the casual invitation to President Lincoln, issued some time later as part of a general call for the federal Cabinet and other celebrities to join in what was essentially a ceremony of
the participating states.
No insult was intended. Federal responsibility for or
participation in state activities was not assumed then.
And Lincoln took no offense. Though specifically invited
to deliver only "a few appropriate remarks" to open the
cemetery, he meant to use this opportunity. The partly
mythical victory of Gettysburg was an element of his Administration's war propaganda. (There were, even then,
few enough victories to boast of.) Beyond that, he was
working to unite the rival Republican factions of Governor Curtin and Simon Cameron, Edwin Stanton's predecessor as Secretary ofWar. He knew that most of the state
governors would be attending or sending important aides
-his own bodyguard, Ward Lamon, who was-acting as
\1 o-.; T H I. Y
chief marshal organizing the affair, would have alened
him to the scale the event had assumed, with a uemendous crowd expected. This was a classic situation for political fence-mending and intelligence-gathering. Lincoln
would take with him aides who would circulate and bring
back their findings. Lamon himself had a cluster of
friends in Pennsylvania politics, including some close to
Curtin. who had been infuriated when Lincoln overrode
his opposition to Cameron's Cabinet appointment.
Lincoln also knew the power of his rhetoric to define
war aims. He was seeking occasions to use his words outside the normal round of proclamations and reports to
Congress. His determination not only to be present but to
speak is seen in the way he overrode staff scheduling for
the trip to Gettysburg. Stanton had arranged for a 6:00
A.M. train to take him the hundred and twenty rail miles
to the noontime affair. But Lincoln was familiar enough
by now with military movement to appreciate what
Clausewitz called "friction" in the disposal of.forces-dle
margin for error that must always be built into planning.
Lamon would have informed Lincoln about the potential
for muddle on the nineteenth. State delegations, civic organizations, military bands and units, were planning to
come by train and road, bringing at least ten thousand
people to a town with poor resources for feeding and
sheltering crowds (especially if the weather turned bad).
So Lincoln countermanded Stanton's plan:
I do not like this arrangement. I do not wish to so go
that by the slightest accident we fail entirely, and, at
the best. the whole to be a mere breathless running of
the gauntlet....
If Lincoln had not changed the schedule, he would very
likely not have given his talk. Even on the day before, his
trip to Gettysburg took six hours, with transfers in Baltimore and at Hanover Junction. Governor Curtin, starting
from Harrisburg (thirty miles away) with six other governors as his guests, was embarrassed by breakdowns and
delays that made them miss dinner at David Wills's
house. They had gathered at 2:00 P.M., started at five, and
arrived at eleven. Senator Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota, was stranded, at 4:00A.M. on the day of delivery,
in Hanover Junction, with "no means of getting up to
Gettysburg." Lincoln kept his resolution to leave a day
early even when he realized that his wife was hysterical
over one son's illness soon after the death of another son.
The President had important business in Gettysburg.
When Lightning Struck
F
OR A MAN SO DETERMINED TO GET THERE, LIN-
coln seems-in familiar accounts-to have been
rather cavalier about preparing what he would
say in Gettysburg. The silly but persistent myth
is that he jotted his brief remarks on the back of an envelope. (Many details of the day are in fact still disputed,
58
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and no definitive account exists.) Better-attested reports
have him considering them on the way to a photographer's shop in Washington, writing them on a piece of cardboard as the train took him on the hundred-and-twentymile trip, penciling them in David Wills's house on the
night before the dedication, writing them in that house
on the morning of the day he had to deliver them, and
even composing them in his head as Everett spoke, before Lincoln rose to follow him.
These recollections, recorded at various times after the
JUNE 199Z
speech had been given and won fame, reflect two concerns on the part of those speaking them. They r~veal an
understandable pride in participation at the historic occasion. It was not enough for those who treasured their day
at Gettysburg to have heard Lincoln speak-a privilege
they shared with ten to twenty thousand other people,
and an experience that lasted no more than three minutes. They wanted to be intimate with the gestation of
that extraordinary speech, watching the pen or pencil
move under the inspiration of the moment.
IUUSTRATION BY GARY KELLEY
59
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That 'h the other emphasis in these accounts-that it
f/Jas a product of the moment. struck off as Lincoln
moved under destiny's guidance. Inspiration was shed on
him in the presence of others. The contrast with
Everett's long labors of preparation is always implied. Research, learning, the student's lamp-none of these were
needed by Lincoln, whose unsummoned muse was
prompting him, a democratic muse unacquainted with
the library. Lighming suuck, and each of our informants
(or their sources) was there when it struck.
The trouble with these accounts is that the lightning
strikes too often, as if it could not get the work done on
its first attempt. It hits Lincoln on the train, in his room,
at night. in the morning. If inspiration was treating him
this way, he should have been short-circuited, not inspired, by the time he spoke.
These mythical accounts are badly out of character for
Lincoln, who composed his speeches thoughtfully. His
law partner, William Herndon, having observed Lincoln's
careful preparation of cases, recorded that he was a slow
writer, who liked to sort out his points and tighten his logic and his phrasing. That is the process vouched for in
every other case of Lincoln's memorable public statements. It is impossible to imagine him leaving his Gettysburg speech to the last moment. He knew he would
be busy on the train and at the site-important political
guests were with him from his departure, and more
joined him at Baltimore, full of talk about the war, elections, and policy. In Gettysburg he would be entertained
at David Wills's house, with Everett and other important
guests. State delegations would want a word with him.
He hoped for a quick tour of the battle site (a hope fulfilled early on the nineteenth). He could not count on any
time for the concentration he required when weighing his
words.
In f~ct. at least two people testified that the speech was
mainly composed in Washington, before Lincoln left for
Gettysburg-though these reports, like all later ones describing this speech's composition, are themselves suspect. Lamon claimed that a day or two before the dedication Lincoln read him substantially the text that was
delivered. But Lamon's remarks are notoriously imaginative, and he was busy in Gettysburg from November 13
to 16. He made a swift trip back to Washington on the
sixteenth to collect his marshals and instruct them before
departing again the next morning. His testimony here, as
·elsewhere, daes not have much weight.·· ·
6Z
Noah Brooks, Lincoln's journalist friend, claimed that
he talked with Lincoln on November 15, when Lincoln
told him he had written his speech "over, two or three
times"-but Brooks also said that Lincoln had with him
galleys of Everett's speech, which had been set in type
for later printing by the Boston Journal. In fact the
Everett speech was not set until November 14, and then·
by the Boston Daily Atloirtiser. It is unlikely.that a c_opy
could have reached Lincoln so early.
·
"Remarks"
L
INCOLN"S TRAIN ARRIVED TOWARD DUSK IN GET·
tysburg. There were still coffins stacked at the
station for completing the reburials. Lamon,
Wills, and Everett met Lincoln and escorted
him the two blocks to the Wills home, where dinner was
waiting, along with almost two dozen other distinguished
guests. Lincoln's black servant, William Slade, took his
luggage to the second-story room where he would stay
that night. which looked out on the square.
Everett was already in residence at the Wills house,
and Governor Curtin's late arrival led Wills to suggest
that the two men share a bed. The governor thought he
could find another house to receive him, though lodgings
were so overcrowded that Everett said in his diary that
"the fear of having the Executive of Pennsylvania tumbled in upon me kept me awake until one." Everett's
daughter was sleeping with two other women, and the
bed broke under their weight. William Saunders, the
cemetery's designer, who would have an honored place
on the platform the next day, could find no bed and had
to sleep sitting up in a crowded parlor.
It is likely that Everett, who had the galleys of his
speech with him, showed them to Lincoln that night.
Noah Brooks,- who· mistook the timt·when Everett .
showed Lincoln his speech, probably gave the right reason-so that Lincoln would not be embarrassed by any
inadvertent correspondences or unintended differences.
Lincoln greeted Curtin after his late arrival, and was
otherwise interrupted during the night. Bands and serenades were going through the crowded square under his
window. One group asked him to speak, and the newspa·
per reported his words:
I appear before you, fellow-citizens, merely to thank
you for this compliment. The inference is a very fair
JUNE 199Z
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one that you would hear me for a little while at least,
were I to commence to make a speech. I do not ap~r
, before you for the purpose of doing so. and for several .
substantial· reasons. The most substantial of these is
that I have no speech to make. [Laughter.] In my position it is somewhat important that I should not say any
· foolish things. [A voice: If you can help it.] It very often
. · .: h,appens that the only way to help it is to say nothing at
aiL [Laughter.] Believing that is my present condition ·
~~ this evening, I must beg of you to excuse me from addressin~ you further.
' -•t'F._.
This displays Lincoln's normal reluctance to improvise
words as President. Lincoln's secretary John Hay, watching the scene from the crowd, noted in his diary: ·"The
President appeared at the door and said half a dozen
words meaning nothing & went in."
Early in the morning Lincoln took a carriage ride to the
battle sites. Later, Ward Lamon and his specially uniformed marshals assigned horses to the various dignitaries
(carriages would have clogged the site too much). Although the march was less than a mile, Lamon had
brought thirty horses into town, and Wills had supplied a
hundred, to honor the officials present.
Lincoln sat his horse gracefully (to the surprise of
some), and looked meditative during the long wait while
marshals tried to coax into line important people more
concerned about their dignity than the President was
about his. Lincoln was wearing a mourning band on his
hat for his dead son. He also wore white gauntlets, which
made his large hands on the reins dramatic by contrast
with his otherwise black attire.
Everett had gone out earlier, by carriage, to prepare
himself in the special tent he had asked for near the platform. At sixty-nine, he had kidney trouble and needed to
relieve himself just before and after the Eflree-hour cere~
mony. (He had put his problem so delicately that his
hosts did not realize that he meant to be left alone in the
tent; but he finally coaxed them out.) Everett mounted
the platform at the last moment, after most of the others .
had arrived.
Those on the raised platform were hemmed in close by
standing crowds. When it had become clear that the numbers might approach twenty thousand,. the platform had
been set at some distance from the burial operations.
Only a third of the expected bodies had been buried, and
those under fresh mounds. Other graves had been readied for the bodies, which arrived in irregular order (some
from this state, some from that), making it impossible to
complete one section at a time. The whole burial site was
incomplete. Marshals tried to keep the milling thousands
out of the work in progress.-Everett, as usual, had neatly placed his thick text on a
little table before him-and then ostentatiously refused
to look at it. He was able to indicate with gestures the
sites of the battle's progress, visible from where he stood.
He excoriated the rebels for their atrocities, implicitly
.~..
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justifying the fact that some Confederate skeletons were
still unburied, lying in the clefts of Devil's Den under
rocks and autumn leaves. Two days earlier Everett had
been shown around the field, and places were pointed out
where the bodies lay. His speech, for good or ill, would
pick its way through the carnage.
As a former Secretary of State, Everett had many
sources, in and outside government, for the informatioQ
he had gathered so diligently. Lincoln no doubt watched
closely how the audience responded to passages that absolved Meade of blame for letting Lee escape. The setting of the battle in a larger logic of campaigns had an immediacy for those on the scene which we cannot recover.
Everett's familiarity with the details was flattering to the
local audience, which nonetheless had things to learn
from this shapely presentation of the whole three days'
action. This was like a modem "docudrama" ·on television, telling the story of recent events on the basis of investigative reporting. We badly misread the evidence if
we think Everett failed to work his customary magic. The
best witnesses on the scene-Lincoln's personal secretaries, John Hay and John Nicolay, with their professional interest in good prose and good theater-praised
Everett at the time and ever after. He received more attention in their biography's chapter on Gettysburg than
did their own boss.
When Lincoln rose, it was with a sheet or two, from
which he read. Lincoln's three minutes would ever after
be obsessively contrasted with Everett's two hours in accounts of this day. It is even claimed that Lincoln disconcerted the crowd with his abrupt performance, so that
people did not know how to respond ("Was that a/1?").
Myth tells of a poor photographer making leisurely
arrangements to take Lincoln's picture, expecting him to
be standing for some time. But it is useful to look at the
relevant part of the program:
Music. by Birgfield's Band.
Prayer. by Rev. T.H. Stockton, D.D.
Music. by tlze Marint Band.
ORATION. by Hon. Edward Evm11.
Music. Hymn composed by B. B. Frmc/1.
DEDICATORY REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES.
Dirge. sung by Cltoir sekckdfor tlze occasion.
Benediction. by Rev. H.L. Bauglur, D.D.
There was only one "oration" announced or desired here.
Though we call Lincoln's text lite Gettysburg Address,
that title clearly belongs to Everett. Lincoln's contribution, labeled "remarks," was intended to make the dedication formal (somewhat like ribbon-cutting at modern
openings). Lincoln was not expected to speak at length,
any more than Rev. T. H. Stockton was (though Stockton's prayer is four times the length of the President's remarks). A contrast of length with Everett's talk raises a
false issue. Lincoln's text is startlingly brief for what it acJUNE 199Z
64
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complished, but that would be equally true if Everett had
spoken for a shorter time or had not spoken at all.
Nonetheless, the contrast was strong. Everett's voice
was sweet and expertly modulated; Lincoln's was high co
the point of shrillness, and his Kentucky accent offended
some eastern sensibilities. But Lincoln derived an advan·
cage from his high tenor voice-carrying power. If there is
agreement on any one aspect of Lincoln's delivery, at
Gettysburg or elsewhere, it is on his audibility. Modern
impersonators of Lincoln, such as Walter Huston, RayJUNE 199Z
mond Massey, Henry Fonda, and the various actors who
give voice to Disneyland animations. of the President,
bring him before us as a baritone, which is considered a
more manly or heroic voice-though both the Roosevelt
Presidents of our century were tenors. What should not
be forgotten is chat Lincoln was himself an actor, an expert raconteur and mimic, and one who spent hours reading speeches out of Shakespeare to any willing (or sometimes unwilling) audience. He knew a good deal about
rhythmic delivery and meaningful inflection. John Hay,
IUUSTRATION BY BRU ASSOCIATES
65
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who had submitted to many of thase Shakespeare readings. gave high marks to his boss's performance at Gc.teysburg. He put in his diary at the time that "the Prcsi-.
dent. in a fine, free way, with more grace than is his wont,
' said his half dozen words of consecration." Lincoln's text
,.
was polished, his delivery emphatic; he was interrupted
i , 1\)y applause five times. Read in a slow, clear way to the
• ~ardlest listeners, the speech would take about three min• 'Utes. It is quite uuc the audience did not take in all that
happen~ in that shon rime-we arc still trying to weigh
the consequences of Lincoln's amazing performance. But
the myth that Lincoln was disappointed in the resultthat he told the unreliable Lamon that his speech, like a
bad plow, "won't scour"-has no basis. He had done
what he wanted to do, and Hay shared the pride his superior took in an important occasion put to good use.
...
i.
A Giant, if Benign, Swindle
.N
THE LEAST, LINCOLN HAD FAR SURPASSED
•
graves. missratc the ca~ for which they died. and libel
the statesmen who founded the government? They
were men possessing too much sclf-·rcspcct to declare
that negroes were their equals. or were entided to equal
privileges.
Heirs to this ouuage still attack Lincoln for subverting
the Constitution at Gettysburg-suicidally frank conservatives like M. E. Bradford and the late Willmoore
Kendall. But most conservatives are understandably unwilling to challenge a statement now so hallowed, so literally sacrosanct. as Lincoln's clever assault on the constitutional past. They would rather hope or pretend. with
some literary critics, that Lincoln's emotionally moving
address had no discernible intellectual content. that, in
the words of the literary critic James Hurt, "the sequence
of ideas is commonplace .!0 the point of banality, the ordinary coin of funereal oratory."
·
People like Kendall' and the Chicago ·Timts cdi.tors
might have wished this were uuc, but they knew better.
They recognized the audacity of Lincoln's undertaking.
Kendall rightly says that Lincoln undenook a new founding of the nation, to correct things felt to be imperfect in
the Founders' own achievement:
David Wills's hope for words to disinfect the air
of Gettysburg. His speech hovers far above the
carnage. He lifts the battle to a level of abstraction that purges it of grosser matter-even "eanh" is
Abraham Lincoln and, in considerable degree, the aumentioned only as the thing from which the tested form
thors of the post-civil-war amendments, attempted a
of government shall not perish. The nightmare rel!-lities
new act of founding, involving concretely a startling
have been etherealized in the crucible of his language.
new interpretation of that principle of the founders
Lincoln was here to clear the infected atmosphere of
which declares that "All men are created equal."
American history itself, tainted with official sins and inherited guilt. He would cleanse the Constitution-not as
Edwin Meese and other "original intent" conservatives
William Lloyd Garrison had, by burning an instrument
also want to go back before the Civil War amendments
that countenanced slavery. He altered the document . (panicularly the Fourteenth) to the original Founders.
from within, by appeal from its letter to the spirit, subtly
Their job would be comparatively easy if they did not
changing the recalcitrant stuff of that legal compromise,
have to work against the values created by the Gettysbringing it to its own indictment. By implicitly doing this,
burg Address. Its deceptively simple-sounding phrases
he performed one of the most daringacts of open-air
appeal to Americans in ways that Lincoln had perfected
sleight of hand ever witnessed by the unsuspecting.
in his debates over the Constitution during the 1850s.
Everyone in that vast throng of thousands was having his
During that time Lincoln found the language, the imor her intellectual pocket picked. The crowd departed
agery, the myths, that are given their best and briefest
with a new thing in its ideological luggage, the new Conembodiment at Gettysburg. In order to penetrate the
stitution Lincoln had substituted for the one they had
mystery of his "refounding," we must study all the elebrought there with them. They walked off from those
ments of that stunning verbal coup. Without Lincoln's
curving graves on the hillside, under a changed sky, into a
knowing it himself, all his prior literary, intellectual, and
different America. Lincoln had revolutionized the Revopolitical labors had prepared him for the intellectual revlution, giving people a new past to live with that would
olution contained in those 272 words.
change their future indefinitely.
Some people, looking on from a distance, saw that a
Texts With a Sting
giant (if benign) swindle had been performed. The
Chicago Times quoted the letter of the Constitution to
INCOLN'S SPEECH IS BRIEF, ONE MIGHT ARGUE,
Lincoln-noting its lack of reference to equality, its tolbecause it is silent on so much that one would
erance of slavery-and said_ that Lincoln was betraying
expect to hear about. The Gettysburg Address
the instrument he was on oath to defend, traducing the
does not mention Gettysburg. Or slavery. Ormen who died for the letter of that fundamental law:
more surprising-the Union. (Certainly not the South.)
The other major message of 1863, the Emancipation
It was to uphold this constitution, and the Union creProclamation, is not mentioned, much less defended or
ated by it, that our officers and soldiers gave their lives
at Gettysburg. How dared he, then, standing- on -their - -vindicated. The "great task" mentioned in the address is
L
68
JUNE 199Z
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I have just read yours of the 19th addressed to myself
not emanctpation but the preservation of self-governthrough the New-York Tribune. If there be in it any
ment. We assume today that self-government includes
statements, or assumptions of fact, which I may know
self-rule by blacks as well as whites; but at the time of his
to be erroneous, I do not, now and here, controvert
appearance at Gettysburg, Lincoln was not advocating
them.
If there be in it any inferences which I may beeven eventual suffrage for Mrican-Americans. The Getlieve to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here, argue
tysburg Address, for all its artistry and eloquence, does
against them. If there be pcrceptable in it an impatient
not directly address the prickliest issues of its historical
and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old
moment.
friend, whose heart I have.always supposed to be right.
Lincoln was accused during his lifetime of clever evaObviously, Lincoln did not agree with the aspersions that
sions and key silences. He was especially indirect and
Greeley had cast, but this was not a matter he could usehard to· interpret on the subject of slavery. That puzzled
fully pursue "now and here." In the same way, Lincoln
his contemporaries, and has infuriated some later stupreferred agnosticism about blacks' intellectual inferioridents of his attitude. Theodore Parker, the Boston
ty to whites, and went along with the desire to keep them
preacher who was the idol of Lincoln's law partner,
socially inferior. As George Fredrickson points out, agWilliam Herndon, found Lincoln more clever than prinnosticism rather than certainty about blacks' intellectual
cipled in his 1858 Senate race, when he debated Stephen
disability was the liberal position of that time, and there
Douglas. Parker initially supported William Seward for
was nothing Lincoln or anyone else could do about social
President in 1860, because he found Seward more forthmixing. Lincoln refused to let the matter of political
right than Lincoln in his opposition to slavery. But Seequality
get tangled up with such emotional and (for the
ward probably lost the Republican nomination btcause of
time)
unresolvable
issues. What, for him, was the nub,
that forthrighmess. Lincoln was more cautious and cirthe
realizable
minimum-which
would be hard enough
cuitous. The reasons for his reserve before his nominathe
first
place?
to
establish
in
tion are clear enough-though that still leaves the omisAt the very least, it was wrong to treat human beings as
sions of the Gettysburg Address to be explained.
property.
Lincoln reduced the slaveholders' position to
Lincoln's political base, the state of Illinois, runs down
absurdity
by
spelling out its consequences:
to a point (Cairo) farther south than all of }Vhat became
West Virginia, and farther south than most of Kentucky
If it is a sacred right for the people of Nebraska to take
and Virginia. The "Negrophobia" of Illinois led it to vote·
and hold slaves there, it is equally their sacred right to
overwhelmingly in 1848, just ten years before the Linbuy them where they can buy them cheapest; and that
undoubtedly will be on the coast of Mrica ... [where a
coln-Douglas debates, to amend the state constitution so
slavetrader] buys them at the rate of about a red cotton
as to deny freed blacks all right of entry to the state. The
handkerchief a head. This is very cheap.
average vote of the state was 79 percent for exclusion,
though southern and some central counties were probaWhy do people not take advantage of this bargain? Bebly more than 90 percent for it. Lincoln knew the racial
cause they will be hanged like pirates if they try. Yet if
geography of his own state well, and calibrated what he
slaves are just on~ ~orm of property like any other,
had to say about slavery according to his audience.
it is a great abridgement of the sacred right of self-govLincoln knew it was useless to promote the abolitionist
ernment
to hang men for engaging in this profitable
position in Illinois. He wanted to establish some common
trade!
ground to hold together the elements of his fledgling ReNot only had the federal government, following internapublican Party. Even as a lawyer, Herndon said, he contional sentiment, outlawed the slave trade, but the docentrated so fiercely on the main point to be established
mestic slave barterer was held in low esteem, even in the
("the nub") that he would coooede almost any ancillary
South:
matter. Lincoln's accommodation to the prejudice of his
time did not imply any agreement with the points he
You do not recognize him as a friend, or even as an
found it useless to dispute. One sees his attitude in the
honest man. Your children must not play with his....
disarming concession he made to Horace Greeley, in orNow why is this? You do not so ueat the man who deals
- in com, cattle or tobacco. -·
"der to get to the nub of their disagreement:
JUNE 199Z
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69
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And wha kind of propnty is "set free"? People do not
.. free" houses or their manufactures to fend for themselves. But there were almost hillf a million freed blacks
in Lincoln's America:
How comes this vast amount of property to be running
about without owners? We do not see free horses or
free cattle running at large.
Lincoln said that in 1854, three years before Chief Justice
Roger Taney declared, in the Dred Scott case. that slaves
were movable property like any other chattel goods. The
absurd had become law. No wonder Lincoln felt he had
to fight for even minimal recognition of human rights.
If the black man owns himself and is not another person's property, then he has rights in the product of his
labor:
I agree with Judge Douglas [the Negro] is not my equal
in many respects--Certainly not in color, perhaps not in
moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat
the bread, without leave of anybody else, which his
own hand earns, Itt is my equal and tltt equal of Judge
Douglas, and tilt equal oftt•try lif-·ing man.
Lincoln, as often. was using a Bible text, and one with a
sting in it. The mrse of mankind in general, that "in the
sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread" (Genesis 3: 19), is,
at the least. a rig/11 for blacks.
Lincoln tried to use one prejudice against another.
There was in Americans a prejudgment in favor of anything biblical. There was also antimonarchical bias. Lincoln put the text about eating the bread of one's own
sweat in an American context of antimonarchism.
That is the issue that will continue in this country
when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself
shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these
two principles-right and wrong-throughout the
world. They are the two principles that have stood face
to face from the beginning of time; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings. It is the
same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is
the same spirit that says. "You work and toil and cam
bread, and I'll eat it." [Loud applause.] No matter in
what shape it comes, whether from the mouth of a king
who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and
live by the fruit of their labor. or from one race of men
as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same
tyrannical principle.
70
i· .:
In at least these two ways. then. slavery is wrong. One
cannot own human beings. and one should not be in the
position of a king over human beings.
Lincoln knew how to sneak around the frontal defenses of prejudice and find a back way into agreement with
bigots. This explains. at the level of tactics, the usefulness to Lincoln of the Declaration of Independence~
That revered document was antimonarchical in· the common perception, and on that score unchallengeable. But
because it indicted King George III in terms of the equality of men. the Declaration committed Americans to
claims even more at odds with slavery than with kingship-since kings do not necessarily claim to own their
subjects. Put the claims of the Declaration as mildly as
possible~ and they still cannot be reconciled with slavery:
I. as well as Judge Douglas. am in favor of the race to
which I belong having the [politically and socially] su- .
perior position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that notwithstanding all this, there is
no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to
all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of
Independence, the right to life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness. [Loud cheers.] I hold that he is as much
entitled to these as the white man.
Plain Speech
L
INCOLN'S SPEECH AT GETTYSBURG WORKED SEV-
eral revolutions. beginning with one in literary
style. Everett's talk was given at the last point
in history when such a performance could be
appreciated without reservation. It was made obsolete
within a half hour of the time when it was spoken. Lincoln's remarks anticipated the shift to vernacular rhythms
which Mark Twain would complete twenty years later.
Hemingway claimed that all modem American novels are
.the offspring.of Ht«Jie!Jerry Finn. It is no greater exagger-:
ation to say that all modem political prose descends from
the Gettysburg Address.
The address looks less mysterious than it should to·
those who believe there is such a thing as "natural
speech." All speech is unnatural. It is anificial. Believers
in "anless" or "plain" speech think that rhetoric is added
to some prior natural thing, like cosmetics added to the
unadorned face. But human faces are born, like kitten
faces. Words are not born in that way. Human babies, unlike kittens, later produce an anifact called language, and
they·Iargely· speak in jingles, symbols. tales, and myths
JUNE 1992
�T II 1-: :\ T
I..\' TIC:
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•
...
•
A
•
REVOLUTION IN LITERARY STYLE
during the early stages of their calk. Plain speech is a later development, in whole cultures as in individuals. Simple prose depends on a complex epistemology-it depends on concepts like "objective fact." Language
reverses the logic of horticulture: here the blossoms come
first, and tlley produce the branches .
Lincoln, like most writers of great prose, began by writing bad poetry. Early experiments with words are almost
always stilted, formal, tentative. Economy of words, grip,
precision, come later (if at all). A Gettysburg Address
JUNE 199Z
does not precede rhetoric but bums its way through the
lesser toward the greater eloquence, by long discipline.
Lincoln not only exemplifies this process but studied it,
in himself and others. He was a student of the word.
Lincoln's early experiments with language have an exuberance that is almost comic in its playing with contrivances. His showy 1838 speech to the Young Men's
Lyceum is now usually studied to support or refute Edmund Wilson's claim that it contains oedipal feelings. But
its most obvious feature is the attempt to describe a com71
ILLUSTRATION BY AlAN E. COBER
... ······:······
.,
·:·;
-~-·.
�......
,-
plex situation in neatly balanced Striiaurcs (emphasized
here by division into rhctoricll unia). ·
•
TMir's rtltlS tlu kUl
(o11d •olll] tluy pnftlniUd it)
to possess rlumselws,
anti /Aroug/1 t/umse/ws, us,
,
oftAis gtJOd/J /ant/; ·
"/nd to •Pf'tflr upon its Ai/Js
anti its wlk]s,
) political «<"tjia ofJi1JmJ
and tf[lllll rig/Its;
'tis ours only,
to lrtlnsmit tltes1,
tlu fonnn-, unprofolllti 11J tlu/HI of1111
i11fJodn-;
tlu /ottn", •tukt:ayNI IIJ tlu /apsl ofti1111,
ant/ 1111tom IIJ IISIItptlli~ .: . . ·
to tlu lotest gnurtltiofllli4t/tile sAaiJpmnit
tfte rtiOrltJ to btOrtl. . .
...
..
This is too labored to be clear. One has to look a second
time to be sure that "the former" refers to "this goodly
land" and "the latter" to "a political edifice." But the exercise is limbering Lincoln up for subder uses of such balance and antithesis. The parenthetic enriching of a first
phrase is something he would use in his later prose to give
it depth (I have added all but the first set of parenthese.s):
Tllnr's •as 1M lllSl
(and nobly tlley plf/ormld it)
to poss1ss tAnn.ulvu
(and tllroug/1 tlums1lv1S, liS)
of tllis goodly lontl
It is the pattern of
i
Tll1 ri:orld rt~ill little 11011
(nor longmnnn!Jer)
rt1MI fiH soy lure
iI
i
!
And, from the Second Inaugural Address, of
·Fondly do filii Aoj)l
(jnvmtly do filii pray)
tAat tAis mig/lly scourge of rt111r
moy spudily pass (JrtltiJ
And, also from the Second Inaugural,
. . . 'IJJJitA firmness in tile rig/11
( tJS Godgives liS to s~e tile rig/It)
kt liS strive on to finisA
tile rt1orl we ore in
To end after complex melodic pairings with a strong row
of monosyllables was an effect he especially liked. Not
only "the world to know" and "what we say here" and
"the work we are in" in the examples above but also,
from the 1861 Farewell Address at Springfield, Illinois,
m
Trusting in Him,
rt~llo con go ,.;iii me;·-· -
I
.{
7Z
ant/ rrmai11 flliiA Jtlu
anti !Je 1Wf1 fllhrrfor good. ·
ld liS amfolmtl] ltJjN
lAili aU ,.;uJd !Je wU.
And in this. from the Second Inaugural.
BolA pani4s t/epnaJIM lllflr,
lmt 0111 ofiAIIII fll(lll/tl make fltlr · ·
mtlur tltmlld tlu IUIIio• Sllffliw;
ant/ tile otlur fiiiOultl accept _,.
rotlur tlta11 kt it perisA.
ANI tlu _,. amu.
And, in the 1862 message to Congress,
In givingftwa'om to tile slave,
- assure fre«<om to tile frce-:llonom!Jk oliN;, ftlltat fiJt p,
aNI rt~Aat w ptrSnW.
W1 sAa/1 •oiJIJ saw,
or m111111] losl,
tile last /Jest, Aoj)l of ~~»'~A.
The closing of the sentence above from Lincoln's early Lyceum speech ("to the latest generation") gives a
premoniti!>n of famous statements to come.
Tll1 jiny trial /Aroug/1 rt~llidl w pass,
rtlill lig/tt liS dOrtlll,
(in llonor or disltonor)
to tlu lotut gmn-otion.
Those words to Congress in 1862 were _themselves forecast in Lincoln's Peoria address of 1854.
q filii do tAis,
w sAo// not onl] Aaw sllWII tile Ullion;
lmt filii sAa/1 Aaw so sowd ii,
tJS to mol1, anti to l~tp it,
forewr fiiiOnlly oftlu stlfJi11g.
W1 silo// Aaw so sawd it,
IAat tlu sua«di11g millions
offrre At.IJ1h people,
tlu fii(Jr/tl fltJn",
sAa/1 ris1 up,
and t:tJ/1 liS !Jiess«<, to tile lotest gmm~tions.
It would be wrong to think that Lincoln moved toward
the plain style of the GettySburg Address just by writing
shorter, simpler sentences. Actually, that address ends
with a very long sentence-eighty-two words, ·almost· a--·--·
third of the whole talk's length. So docs the Second Inaugural Address, Lincoln's second most famo~s piece of eloquence: its final sentence runs to seventy-five words. Because of his early experiments, Lincoln's prose acquired a
flexibility of structure, a rhythmic pacing, a variation in
length of words and phrases and clauses and sentences.
that make his sentences move "naturally," for all their
density and scope. We get inside his verbal workshop
when we see how he recast the suggested conclusion to
his First Inaugural given him by William Seward. Every
·sentence is-improved, in rhythm, emphasis, or clarity:
JUNE 199%
• <
�THE ATLASTIC MO:-!THLY
•
Seward
Lincoln
lrclose.
I am loth to close. ·
.
-.... , We are not, we must not be
aliens or enemies. but
fcllow<aunaymen and
r ·.•
krechren.
We arc not enemies. but
friends. We must not be
enemies.
.•
Though passion may have
strained, it must not break
our bonds of affection.
·~Al~:ugh passion has
strained i)ur bonds of affection too hardly, they must
not, I am sure they wiD noc,
be broken.
The mystic chords which,
proceeding from so many
batde-ficlds and so many
patriot graves. pass through
all the hearts and all the
hearths in this broad continent· of ourS, will yet harmonize in their ancient music when breathed upon by
the guardian angel of the
nation.
The mystic chords of
memory, succ:hing from
every batdc-ficld, and patriot grave, to every living
heart and hearthstone, all
over this broad land, will
yet swell the chorus of the
Union, when again
touched, as surely they
will be, by the better angels of our nature.
Lincoln's lingering monosyllables in the first sentence
seem to cling to the occasion, not wanting to break off the
communication on whiclt the last hopes of union depend.
He simplified the next sentence using two terms ("enemies," "friends") where Seward had used two pairs
("aliens" and "enemies," "fellow-countrymen" and
"brethren"), but Lincoln repeated "enemies" in the urgent words "We must not be enemies." The next sentence was also simplified, to play off against the long,
complex image of the concluding sentence. The "chords
of memory"are not musical sounds. Lincoln spelled
"chord" and "cord" indiscriminately; they are the same
etymologically. He used the geometric term "chord" for a
line across a circle's arc. On the other hand, he spelled
the word "cord" (in an 1858 speech) when calling the
Declaration of Independence an electrical wire sending
messages to American hearts: "the elecuic cord in that
Declaration that links the hearts of patriotic and libertyloving men together."
Seward knew that the chord to be breathed on was a
· string (of a harp or lute, though his "chords proceeding
from graves" is grotesque). Lincoln suetched the cords
between graves and living hearts, as in his earlier image
of the Declaration. Seward also got ethereal when he
talked of harmonies that come from breathing on the
chords. Lincoln was more believable (and understandable) when he had the better angels of our nature touch
the cords to swell the chorus of union. Finally, Seward
made an. odd picture to get his jingle of chords passing
through "hearts and hearths." Lincoln stretched the
chords from graves to hearts and hearthstones. He got rid
of the crude rhyme by making achiastic (a-b-b-a:) cluster
74
of "living heart and hearthstone"; the vital heart is conuasted with the inert hearth-stuff. Seward's clumsy image. of stringing together these two different items has
disappeared. Lincoln gave to Seward's fustian a pointedness of imagery, a euphony and interplay of short and
long sentences and phrases, that lift the conclusion almost to the level of his own best prose.
The spare quality of Lincoln's prose did not c:Ome naturally but was worked at. Lincoln not only read aloud, to
think his way into sounds, but also wrote as a way of ordering his thought. He had a keenness for analytical exercises. He was proud of the mastery he achieved over
Euclid's Elements, which awed Herndon and others. He
loved the study of grammar, which some think the most
arid of subjects. Some claimed to remember his gift for
spelling, a view that our manuscripts disprove. Spelling a5
he had to learn it (separate from etymology). is more arbitrary than logical. It was the logical side of language-the
principles of order as these reflect patterns of thought or
the external world-that appealed to him.
He was also, Herndon tells us, laboriously precise in
his choice of words. He would have agreed with Mark
Twain that the difference between the right word and
the nearly right one is that between lightning and a
lightning bug. He said, debating Douglas, that his foe
confused a similarity of words with a similarity of
things-as one might equate a horse chestnut with a
chestnut horse.
As a speaker, Lincoln grasped Twain's later insight:
"Few sinners arc saved after the first twenty minutes of a
sermon." The trick, of course, was not simply to be brief
but to say a great deal in the fewest words. Lincoln jusdy
boasted of his Second Inaugural's seven hundred words,
"Lots of wisdom in that document, I suspect." The same
is even truer of the Gettysburg Address, which uses fewer than half that number of words.
The unwillingness to waste words shows up in the address's telegraphic quality-the omission of coupling
words, a technique rhetoricians call asyndeton. Triple
phrases sound as to a drumbeat, with no "and" or "but"
to slow their insistency:
fiH orr engaged • ..
Wt arr met ...
We Aaw comt .••
can not dedicate ...
not cons«rtZte • • .
fiH can notllai/Ofi/J • . .
fi/JI
fiH can
tluzt from tluse llonorrtl deflll. • .
tluzt fiH 11m llig/1/y rrsolfJt • • •
tluzt litis notion, under God . ..
government of tlu people,
lly tlu jJeople,
for /lie people ...
JUNE 199Z
i' _,,·_- - - - - - - - '
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~
•
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Despite the suggestive images of birth, a:stin&·andrebirth, the speech is surprisingly bare of omamenr. ·The
llfnguage itseJf is made strenuous. ia musculaturC: .easily
·.. traced, so that even the grammar becomes a form of
· rhetoric. By repeating the antecedent as often as possi- ·
ble, instead of referring to it indira:dy by pronouns like
i , . · ~jt"$nd "they," or by backward referential woids like
·• .-'tltformer" and "latter," Lincoln interlocks his senten~
&taking of them a constantly self-referential system. This
linking
by explicit repetition amounts £0 a kind of
hook-and-eye method for joining the parts of his address.
The rhetorical devices are almost invisible, since they use
no figurative language. (I highlight them typographically
here.)
u'P
•
•
AS IN THE DAYS
OF THE PROPHETS
Love took the words right out of my mouth.
Not the making of love, the clinging and plunge,
The tongue's deep spiral, but the acts of days,
The sun up and down, the dish and the pot,
The light on the head of first one, then another,
The stairs unswept, the bed cold. the light out,
The papers brought in, the bed made, the money
Paid out. the bulbs dug, the children reverent
At what came next. the rise and the fall
Of coral and ocher, the folding and sorting,
The endless numbering of things, the walking
With babies in slings, in backpacks, in'"suollers,
Then hand in hand, then the hand dropped
And one of them up to my shoulder, eyeing,
Before I do, the hawk or the waxwing,
The junco, the hermit thrush in the depths
Of our gun-shot city, and just to the south
The great hill we climb, by season, together,
Alone, in pairs, in trios, the slapping
Of mud from our shoes on the back steps again,
The chastening memory of the otter plunging
In the icy water of his adequate tank
At the base of that hill, and love made the otter,
Love made the mud, the ice-slicked bark,
The meals, the shining
and the sleep,
The risings, the children, the hawk's spiral.
Love took the words right out of my mouth.
heads,
~.
.-
-.
-CAristoplur l11t~~ Con6rJ
76
Four score and seven y~rs ago our fathers brought
forth on this continent. llllftlllllliOII, ttmaiwtJ in Liberty, 111111 tletliu.li#JtJ to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in A GREAT CIVIL WAR. teSting
whether tllatllllliot1, or any nation so CDtu:eiwtl 111111 so tletliamd, can long endure.
We are met on a greatBAT/l.E-FIELDofTHAT.WAR.
We have come to tletl'talll a portion of THAT FIELD, as
a final resting place for those who here gave their lives
that IAat llllliofl might live. It is altogether fitting and
proper that we should do this.
But. in a larger sense, we can not tletlieau--we can
not CDtiS«T''lk--we can not hallow-this ground.
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled
here. have CDfiSK'I"(IIHi it. far above our poor power to
add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say he~ but it can never forget what
·
they did here: ·
It is for us the living, rather, to be tletJ'ICIJkt/ here to
the unfinished work which they who fought here have
thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here
d~dicated to the great task remaining before us-that
from THESE HONORED DEAD we take increased devotion. to that cause for which they gave the ·aast full
measure of devotionthat we here highly resolve that THESE DEAD shall
not have died in vain-that this nation, under God, ·
shall have a new birth of freedom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall
not perish from the earth.
Each of the paragraphs printed separately here is
bound to the preceding and the following by some resumptive element. Only the first and last paragraphs do
not (because they cannot) have this two-way connection
to their setting. Not all of the "pointer" phrases replace
grammatical antecedents in the technical sense. But Lincoln makes them perform analogous work. The nation is
declared to be "dedicated" before the term is given further uses for in~ividuals present at the ceremony, who repeat (as it were) the national consecration. The compactness of the themes is emphasized by this reliance on a
few words in different contexts.
A similar linking process is performed, almost subliminally, by the repeated pinning of statements to tllis
field, tllese dead, who died ~. for tllat kind of nation.
··The reverential touching, over and over, of the charged
• moment and place leads Lincoln to use "here" eight
times in the short text. the adjectival "that" five times,
and "this" four times. The spare vocabulary is not impoverishing, because of the subtly interfused constructions, in which the classicist Charles Smiley identified
"two antitheses, five cases of anaphora. eight instances
of balanced phrases and clauses, thirteen alliterations."
"Plain speech" was never less artless. Lincoln forged a
new lean language to humanize and redeem the first
modem war.
This was the perfect medium for- changing the way
JUNE 199Z
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most Amermans thought about the nation's founding.
Lincoln did not argue law or history, as Daniel Webster
had. He made history. He came not to present a theory
but to impose a symbol, one tested in experience and appealing to national values, expressing emotional urgency
in calm abstractions. He came to change the world, to effect an intellectUal revolution. No other words could have
done it. The miracle is that these words did. In his brief ·
time before the crowd at Geaysburg he wove a spell that
has not yet been broken-he called up a new nation out
of the blood and trauma.
Making Union a Reality
AMES MCPHERSON HAS DESCRIBED LINCOLN AS A
J
•
revolutionary in terms of the economic and other
physical changes he effected, whether intentionally
or not-a valid point that McPherson discusses sensibly. But Lincoln was a revolutionary in another sense as
well-the one Willmoore Kendall denounced him for: he
not only presented the Declaration of Independence in a
new light, as a matter offounding law, but put its central
proposition, equality, in a newly favored position as a
principle of the Constitution (whereas, as the Chicago
Times noticed, the Constitution never uses the word).
What had been mere theory in the writings of james Wilson, joseph Story, and Daniel Webster-that the nation
preceded the states, in time and importance-now became a lived reality of the American tradition. The results of this were seen almost at once. Up to the Civil
War "the United States" was invariably a plural noun:
"The United States are a free country." Mter Gettysburg
it became a singular: "The United States is a free country." This was a result of the whole mode of thinking that
Lincoln expressed in his acts as well as his words, making
union not a mystical hope but a constitutional reality.
When, at the end of the address, he referred to government "of the people, by the people, for the people," he
was not, like Theodore Parker, just praising popular government as a Transcendentalist's ideal. Rather, like
Webster, he was saying that America was a people accepting as its great assignment what was addressed in the
Declaration. This people was "conceived" in 1776, was
"brought forth" as an entity whose birth was datable
("four score and seven years" before) and placeable ("on
this continent"), and was_capable of receiving a_ "new
birth of freedom."
JUNE 199Z
Thus Abraham Lincoln changed the way people
thought about the Constitution. For a states'-rights advocate like Willmoore Kendall, for an "originill intent" advocate like Edwin Meese, the politics of the United
States has all been misdirected since that time. The
Fourteenth Amendment was, in their view, ultimately
boodegged into the Bill of Rights. But as soon as it was
ratified, the Amendment bepn doing harm, in the eyes ·
of strict constructionists.
·
As Robert Bork put it:
Unlike the [Fourteenth Amendment's) other two
clauses, [the due-process clause) quickly displayed the
same capacity· to accommodate judicial constitu~ion
making which Taney had found in the fifth amendment's version.·
Bork, too, thinks that equality as a national commitment
has been sneaked into the Constitution. There can be
little doubt about the principal culprit. As Kendall put
it, Lincoln's use of the phrase from the Declaration
about all men being equal is an attempt "to wrench from
it a single proposition and make that our supreme
commitment."
We should not allow [Lincoln)-not at least without
some probing inquiry-to "steal" the game, that is, to
accept his interpretation of the Declaration, its place in
our history, and its meaning as "true," "correct," and
"binding."
But, as Kendall himself admitted, the professors, the
textbooks, the politicians, the press, !taw overwhelmingly accepted Lincoln's vision. The Gettysburg Address
has become an authoritative expression of the American
spirit-as authoritative as the Declaration itself, and perhaps even more influential, since it determines how we
read the Declaration. For most people now, the Declara,.
tion means what Lincoln told us it means, as he did
to correct the Constitution without overthrowing it.
It is this correction of the spirit, this intellectual revolution, that makes attempts to go back beyond Lincoln to
some earlier version so feckless. The proponents of
states' rights may have arguments to advance, but they
have lost their force, in the courts as well as in the popular mind. By accepting the Gettysburg Address, and its
concept of a single people dedicated to a proposition, we
have been changed. Because of it, we live in a different
America. 0
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THE
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~INAUGURAL
: ADDRESSES OF
AMERICAN
·. PRESIDENTS
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' The Public Philosophy
. i and Rhetoric
, Da.nte Gertnino
' With a Preface and Introduction by
Kenneth W. Thompson
UNIVERSITY
PRESS OF
AMERICA
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LANIIAM • NEW YORK • WNDON
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THE INAl.JGURAL ADDRESSES OF
AMERICAN. PRESIDENTS:
. . . . l Henrietta Street
London WC2B BLU Bngland
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All rights reserved · ·
I•
THE PUBLIC PHILOSOPHY
AND RHETORIC
•
Printed in the United States of America
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Co-Publlsfled by arrangement with·
the White Burkett Miller Center of Public Afrain,
Univenity of Virginia ·
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ISBN (Perfect): 0.8191·3703.0 . ; .
ISBN (0oth):.0.8191·3702·2
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All Unlvenity Press of America boots are produced on acid-free
. paper which exceeds the minimum standards set by the National
Historical Publications and Records Commission.
·1·
�i;-.
THE INAUGURAL ADDR:.ISES
OF AMERICAN PRESIDENTS
·THE PUBLIC PHILOSOPHY
AND RHETORIC
.;
"\c....:.
VOLUME VII IN A SERIES
FUNDED BY THE
JOHN and MARY R. MARKLE FOUNDATION
Vol.·( Report of the Miller
Center Commission on the
Presidential Press Conf~rence
Vol. II History of the Presidential
Press Conference
By
Blaire French
Vol. III Ten Presidents and the Press
Edited by
Kenneth W. Thompson
..
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·;.i.
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Vol. IV The White House Press on the Presidency:
News Management and Co-option
Edited by
·
Kenneth W. Thompson
j •
Vol. V Three Press Secretaries
on the Presidency and the Press
Edited by
Kenneth W. Thompson
Vol. VI
•
Presidents, Prime Ministers
and the Press
Edited by
Kenneth W. Thompson
Vol. VII The Inaugural Addresses of
American Presidents: The Public
Philosophy and Rhetoric
\.By
Dante Germlno
1\
�•
PREFACE
by
Kenneth W. Thompson
In the autumn of 1980, the Miller Center of Public Affairs published
a widely discussed report on presidential press conferences which
carried the imprimatur of a distinguished national commission cochaired by Governor Linwood Holton and Ray Scherer. In the winter of 1981, James Brady in introducing President Reagan's first
press cOnference announced that the Reagan administration would
follow the recommendations of the Miller Center commission. These
included a requirement that reporters wishing to ask questions r!lise
their hands and be recognized by the President so that the circus
atmosphere of the questioning might be replaced by some reasonable measure of decorum. The commission also called for greater
regularity in the holding of press conferences, a practice which has
not been fully observed by the Reagan administration any more than
it was by its immediate predecessors.
In the discussions of the Miller Center Commission on the Presidential Press Conference, members and witnesses who testified commented on the breadth of the relations between Presidents and the
press. We were warned repeatedly that presidential press conferences were but'one arena in which such relations occurred. It was
noted not by one but by numerous authorities that speeches, town
meetings, receptions, or press' or "photo opportunities," trips and
celebrations all were the scene of interaction between the President,
the press and the public. We were ~rged to cast our net more broadly than the press conference.
The purpose of the present study by Professor Dante Germino of
the Woodrow Wilson Department of Government and Foreign Af~
fairs at the University of Virginia is to examine one important sphere
of presidential-press-public relations. It is surprising that so few
ix
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Tlre/naugural Addresses ofAmerican Presidents
· ·'·t I.· ~~studies have been made of inaugural addresses. They constitute the
. :-!' _' ~~f,first presentation by an incoming President of himself and his pro-
._:! ·:. ~: gram. For Presidents who are reelected, th~ inaugural address may
•··. :,, also involve a report on four years or less ofstewardship. As the first
·. , :-'~1 ,100 days of an administration constitute a time when new legislation
~
f,{can most likely be yassed, ~ Preside~t's new ideas and policies are
: ./·. , ·.. )f;_more likely to be received wa~h enthusaasm and warmth at the begin.··
'.lning rather than the end of has administration.
~.,; It would be false, however, to suggest that the role of inaugural
: l ~dresses by Presidents is everywhere the same. The context of such
~ addresses is the spirit of the times. While the President imposes
! ·.ihimself upon the form of the address, it is the times in part that
I1 :w;s
·l:l'' h
ape the President's outlook and what he feels called on to say.
j {{Moreover, each historical era brings with it social and intellectual
.
~t!~ndencles that influence ~ntempor.ary t~ought.
1
· (r,. What Professor Germano, who as Varginia's foremost political
·· -~theorist, asks his readers to ,do is to read and compare with him ~ig
~ ~lfican_t passages from representative Inaugural addresses. That
i '•reading In and of Itself would be a sufficient excuse for the study.
1
_ . ;'t~owever, Germino, as he proceeds, asks a series of penetrating ques::
1~ ~ ·. I;~ _;_~~ons about :each inaugural, its assumptions and intent and the
-~ ~l
~~major direction ~fthought and philosophy of the President who was
.;-.·· .: .. ;~ts author. ,
.
;i ~~-~ · ·:.~~)'~_It will remain for future study, reflection and writing by this high;'!-~-":_ · ::1MY.. original political tl\lnker to examine other closely related ques;, tions. What about the other presidential addresses including those
1
''to the world at the United Nations? What can be said about the formative or deforming influence of the comparatively new profession
of presidential speech writers? Has television had an effect? If so,
how can we measure it? To what extent do the peculiar strengths
and weaknesses of individual Presidents affect perspectives on presi..dential addresses? Has the flight from history and philosophy influ.enced the. character of inaugural addresses? What about changing
~:::,.,:. I
public attttudes toward presidential rhetoric and rhetoric in general?
· -. · ·: 1 L:; Professor Germlno .has not neglected questions such as these.
1 .However, those of greater generality fall outside the scope of this
·j ._little _volume. They are questions to which Germino has pledged
1 , himself to conduct further Inquiry. Until the results of future studies
·are completed, the present study of Inaugural addresses provides an
.. , .
_' Important introduction to the central issues.
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INTRODUCTION
by
Kenneth W. Thompson
The sub-title of Professor Germino's study is The Public Philosophy and Rhetoric. He has seen fit to consider presidential addresses in their broadest context. For this reason, his volume goes
well beyond the technical and procedural issues of presidentialpress relations fulfilling in this respect the charge laid on members
of the original Miller Center Commission. It asks the questions
"what" and "why" whereas earlier studies in the series had concentrated primarily on "how." If purpose and politics are inseparably
connected, an englobing framework of thought is as important for
topics of the presidency and the press as for any other sphere of
politics.
It is worth taking note that in raising the question of public philosophy, Germino has taken a stand (and not for the first time) in
opposition to certain prevailing views in political science. The drift
in the discipline has been away from discussion of values. Leading
scholars have prided themselves on the creation of a value-free
science of politics and society. Whatever his other aims and goals in
this essay, Germino has launched a direct attack on this approach.
For the founding fathers, it was inconceivable that politics not be
viewed in relation to purpose. The fateful division between law and
politics which has been especially destructive in recent American
approaches to international politics was ruled out by the most respected thinkers. Thus Hamilton, Jefferson and Franklin all learned
from Vattel and other European thinkers that the law of nations and
the balance of power must be seen in their interrelationship, not' as
being mutually exclusive.
Only a few recent American writers have sought to revive interest
in the public philosophy. Walter Lippmann stands in the forefront
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this group. The rather critical response to his work which he saw
~~as the climax of his inteltectuat journey attests to the general uneasi·
.f ness of Americans when anyone addresses 'the subject. Similarly,
;>·~Professor Hans J. Morgenthau expressed disappointment that his
tone book which evoked the least reaction of any kind was The Pur.
-ofAmerican Politics. Even those writers who seemingly are conwith the underlying questions of a public philosophy seem to
dressing it in the garb of other concepts such as civil religion.
the public philosophy for· the founders was an outlook and
lb1,ro1aeh far c:loser to the citizen and his goVernment than ideas of
j;Se:Udll)-n~llgion· or political ideology. The great ·merit of Professor
.l!Grennln1n'!C work is to bring our thinking back to its foundations in
public philosophy. It is the public philosophy that takes. us back
~~~~~i~1Jl~:the cardinal ideas of authority, the state, indMdualism, civic vir·
··· . arid power."Because it throws the spotlight on the core of politics
•· Ui'd ·governance, this perspective provides a superior framework for
. considering the relations of Presidents and the press. A narrower
. ltiess on skills' and techniques would merely recapitulate what
;others·have said, perhaps better than the theorist, about organizing
and conducting press conferences.
~~!'We 'liave moved in this series from quite specific concerns to the
1 . ~road issues of the public philosophy. In this journey, the series has
1. tieen guided and informed by the philosopher's principle of procee.,, ding from the particular to the general. Thus we have undertaken to
·leave for those who may seek clarity in a complex sphere a series of
itudles that ittuminate concrete questions of method and provide
Overall principles of philosophy that determine the main lines of
;:. ,· lftesidential-press relations. ·
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The "PubUc PhUosophy"
bt the Rhetoric of
American Presidents
Dante Germino*
University of Virginia
I. imETORICAND THE PUBLIC
PHILOSOPHY
In the American political system, presidential speech commands ex·
ceptional attention from press and public. Such a fact is hardly to.be
attributed in the first instance to a particular president's skill in the
art of delivery. While some presidents have been acclaimed first·
class orators (Wilson, the Roosevelts, Kennedy and Reagan), most
have either been regarded as indifferent speakers, or they have exhibited some idiosyncrasy which often spoiled the effect of their delivery. Thom~s Jefferson was diffident on the podium. Abraham
Lincoln was mocked in the press for the "poor delivery" of his Gettysburg Address. Jimmy Carter often looked tense and unhappy.
Nixon looked-like Nixon. Gerald Ford seemed clumsy, as if he were
always in danger of falling down. As for Lyndon Johnson, here is an
account of a friendly biographer:
Terrified of making slips swearing or using ungrammatical
constructions, Johnson insisted on reading from formal texts .
Facial muscles frozen in place, except for the simpering smite,
he projected an image of feigned propriety, dullness, and dis·
honesty. 1
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• Grateful acknowledgement is .made to the Miller Center for
Public Affairs, University of Virginia, for a research grant on this
project.
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The "P11blic Philosophy" in the Rhetoric qfAmerican Pre•
The lnaug11ral Addresses qfAmerican Presidents
A denizen of the electronic age, Johnson insisted on speaking from
a monstrous podium, which reporters nicknamed "mother" because
it "encompassed the orating president with ·enormous sound-sensi2
·:tive arms." Addicted to this massive teleprompter, Johnson took it
: everywhere, and felt utterly lost if by chance it had been left in
..~ashington.
·
· As Wayne Booth 'iias written, and as every faculty member knows,
.'.'the primary mental act of man is to assent to truth rather than to
,.
detect error, .. to "take in" and even "to be taken in" rather than to
llresist being taken in. " 3 That being the case, it is not difficult to understand why an American president has an enormous advantage
over
his opposition in the contest to persuade the electorate. As
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James Barber has said, the presidency
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· i. · is much more than an institution. It is a focus of feelings ...
: ·i .·... [Unlike Congress] the presidency is the focus of the most in•.. ;
1 . tense and persistent emotions in the American polity. The
·'
President is a symbolic leader, the one figure who draws to-·
gether the people's hopes and fears for the ••• future. 4
';i
· ~ . ! How is ~t that the attention of the American public is focused on
the rhetoric of presidents regardless of their deficiencies in technical
skin at speech-making? One answer, of course, is that a president's
: potl~ies affect one's pocketbook. My own reading of presidential
· i speeches, however, convinces me that there is another, deeper rea.':· '< j'· . , ~n~ Americans, regardless of party, tend at crucial times to look to
· · ~ . . the President for hope and for a rearticulation of the nation's "pub:..:···I . ·. lie philosophy.'' 5
, I ~ ··'~:. It is prim.arily by exp~ing the "public philosophy" that Ameri.' I · can presidents engage an the practice of the "rhetoric of assent,"
,!i, :··,· • ·'which, again to quote Wayne Booth, is a kind ofrhetoric aimed at
~!·'.·
."finding what really warrants assent because any 'reasonable person
"
ought to be persuaded by what has been said.''" In this context, the
"reasonable person" Is someone who has been schooled in the com, · · · .:
mon creed of Americans.
'i. .'.;. .: .' That there is an American public philosophy, and that the United
.,,:=·n ·~ ·; States is uniquely a society begun and held together by a body of beliefs typically expressed in propositional form, is now so firmly
:
established as the premise of the most acute observers of the Ameri. · can scene as here to require no justification. American "exceptionalism" is the theme of significant studies by Alexis de_ Tocqueville,
i Werner Sombart, Gunnar Myrdal, Louis Hartz, and, most recently,
, · .··1 Juergen Gebhardt. As Gebhardt has noted, the United States is held
':·_':. '.;': . together by a "civil theology" (theologia civilis) developed during
. ~ ;·:· .:: ,. ·the period of the struggle for national independence. Following John
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Adams, Gebhardt calls this civil theology, "Americanism. " 7
I have chosen to employ the more recent term "public philosophy"
instead of the ancient term civil theology-or the modern concept of
"civil religion"-in this study, because while every society has a civil
theology-or minimal set of beliefs about man, society, and history-the United States has expanded such a minimal set of beliefs
into a set of detailed propositions. At the same time, it has not embraced an ideology, or a set of all-encompassing principles for interpreting and guiding reality, as was the case in the USSR or Hitler's
Germany. The public philosophy, although a more developed set of
propositions than the Varronic· civil theology, deliberately leaves
space for private vision and insight. 8
One need only compare the political cultures of the United States
and Italy, for example, to observe in the latter a sedimentation over
the ages. of diverse regional histories, rigid class structures, and acute
ideological conflicts. By comparison, the United States was created
all at once through the enunciation of a set of propositions held to be
"self-evident" to "reasonable persons." In the matchless eloquence
of Thomas Jefferson's Declaration ofIndependence:
We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the
pursuit of Happiness .
Americans then are uniquely a propositional people, a people
cemented together by a public philosophy. As Gunnar Myrdal' has
written, "America, compared to every other country in West~rn
civilization ... has the most explicitly expressed system of general
ideas in reference to human interrelations. " 9 "It is remarkable,"
Myrdal continues,
'
that a vast democracy with so many cultural disparities ha's
been able to reach this unanimity of ideals and to elevate them
supremely over the threshold of popular perception. Totalitarian fascism and nazism have not succeeded in accomplishing a
similar result in spite of the fact that those governments· have
used violence ..•. 10
Even the most cursory examination of presidential speeches confirms the validity of Myrdal's observation. To quote at random from
a recent address, Jimmy Carter's commencement address at the
,
University of Notre Dame on May 22, 1977:
In ancestry, religion, color, place of origin and cultural background, we Americans are as diverse a nation as the world has
ever seen. No common mystique of blood or soil unites us.
What draws us together ... is a belief .... 11
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The Inaugural Addresses ofAmerican Presidents
·I· · · Or to quote from Lyndon Johnson's inaugural address:
Our destiny In the midst of change will rest on the unchanged
I ··;}· character
of the American people and on their faith.
••
The "Public Philosoplly" in the Rhetoric C!fAmerican P r . s
The presidential inaugural address offers a particularly fertile
field for investigation. From the beginning, when George Washington instituted the practice, each president has made a speech immediately before or after taking the constitutionally prescribed oath of
office. The inaugural addresses, therefore, tend themselves to comparison in a way which other presidential addresses do not. They are
prepared with extreme care, for each president is conscious that his
words are not only for his immediate audience but for "history" as
welt.
12
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.~·il' Granted that such an American public philosophy exists, what is
)'its oontent beyond the general formulation given to it by Thomas
-'·Jefferson? Inevitably upon this subject there is much controversy. In
~· .. :.~. ~: ..·. :'a· sense1 the entire- political debate in the United States has con': .~:.,f:; ·-f· :;.
tel the 'interpretation, application, and revision of the public
;. 1./ : ;1· :· ;philosophy.'· ·
·
· ·~
·
.
(fr: ,:1 ;; ••.~· Myidal, writing iri'the context of the post W9rld War II struggle
. · .· I · \'to eliminate legally enforced segregation of":hites and b.lacks.in the
' 1 :· : public schools and in public accommodatrons, especrally rn the
1American South, understandably locates the core of the public
i::·;~. ~: (!/philosophy ln·the·:.concept•of equality. He contends that equality
Al1i'was given the supreme rank and the rights to liberty are posited as
7. Cleiived from equality." He cites Jefferson's first draft of the Dec/ar. · ~ ation as illustrative of its author's intent. In that draft Jefferson
·~·declared 'that all men are created equal "and from that equal Crea. , · ';:·tion they derive rights inherent and unalienable." u
., :' \ ~ :. Even if on.e were to 'grant Myrdal's thesis that equality takes pre:'jcedence over liberty.in the American public philosophy, one would
~~
~~.be left with the question "eq'!ality for what?" This question of
• .,. ' · .:feourse has been a vexing one in the current efforts to reduce the ach
.,'Cumulated effects. of racial discrimination through "affirmative ac1
•·
.!tion," employment "goals" and the like. The Bakke case regarding
:medical school admissions is a famous example of the difficulties of
interpreting the meaning of equality-and of "equal opportunity."
·.. Rather than accept a priori any particular reading of the American public philosophy's content, I propose to examine how that phil , ·Josophy has been interpreted in the rhetoric of presidents. While
~there obviously are other sources for the American public philo~·
'\sophy, it is my contention that its authoritative articulation has oc.r·
.1curred in the rhetoric of presidents and that, indeed, one of the principal functions of the presidency is precisely to engage in this pro. cess. By this I do not mean to argue that the public philosophy is
;what a given president says it is, simply because he says it. Indeed,
. \ <.... .the public philosophy is something given in the culture which limits
the thinking of its political leaders and the terms and. resolutions of
the political debate. For a president to be judged as "successful," he
must manage to persuade the public that he is acting within, and has
accurately
read the direction for the country implicit in, the public
1~~.
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philosophy.
1
ll. THE PUBLIC PHILOSOPHY
IN THE INAUGURAL ADDRESSES
OF PRESIDENTS14
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When one has finished stripping away the conventional cer~mo
niat utterances appropriate to the instatlation of a republic's head of
state, one is left with a core of ideas noteworthy for their specificity.
These ideas constitute the public philosophy of the American polity .
Although there is development and change in these ideas as one
moves through the decades, on the whole the continuity of political
thought is remarkable.
In the first instance, the American public philosophy is theocentric or God-centered rather than anthropocentric, or man-cent~red
in character. Although the form of reference to divine being is usually deistic, the background of the deistic language is dearly that of
Judeo-Christian revelation. Thus, Washington offers his "fervent
supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe,
who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids
can supply every human defect .... " (2) John Adams invokes the
blessing of "that Being who is supreme over att, the Patron of Order,
the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in att ages of the world of
virtuous liberty .... " (11) Thomas Jefferson venerates "an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights
in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter
.... " (15) Andrew Jackson declares his "firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy .... " (57) James K. Polk asks that "Almighty Ruler
of the Universe in whose hands are the destinies of nations and of
men to guard this Heaven-favored land .... " (90). He refers to
"Divine Being" (98) and "the wisdom of Omnipotence" (90).
Zachary Taylor (101), Franklin Pierce (108, 109) and James Buchan-
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·. an all have "Providence" as a central theme of their addresses.
·Abraham Lincoln counsels submission of both N.orth and South to
..the "Almighty Ruler of Nations." (121) Ulysses S. Grant invokes the
~aidofthe "Great Maker" (103), while Rutherford
Hays refers to
'the "Divine Hand" (137, 140). Subsequent presidents refer to "AI.. mighty God" (154, 1_79, 196), the "Supreme Being" (167), the "Lord
.~ost High" (177), and the "Giver of Good" (184).
·
;;;, A theme closely associated with theocentricism in the inaugural
;·addresses is exceptionalism. God has made of America his (new)
l ..chosen country":
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No poople can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of
~~· the United States. (2)[Washington, 1st inaugural].
·
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f!' of one quarter of the globe, .•• possessing a ch~en country,·
'~
with room enough for our descendents to. the thousandth and
'.,;_.thousandth generation .• ·•. " (15) [Jefferson, 1st inaugural].
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[Invoking] the favo_r of that Being in whose hands we are, who
1l ·i 11ecl,.our fathers,. as Israel of old, from their native land and
: ... planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries and
1· · i.comforts of life~: ••.• (21) [Jefferson, 2nd inaugural].
' ..:;_ :'(Prays to) that
Al~ighty, Being
•.. who has kept us in His
J· /.·. · • hands from the infancy of the Republic to the present day ....
.
''
.. i. ~fa\' (60)(Jackson, 2nd inaugural).
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' .·\it. Int~lligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on
. ··IDt Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still com.. ·,,, petent to adjust our present difficulty. (126) [Lincoln, 1st
.@ inaugural]. _, ..
.:, ::t. I·.~~st ~tte~ -~,-b~iief
in the divine inspiration of the founding
', ··:~· 1 fathers. Surely there must have been God's intent in the
\a~t~ making of this new world Republic. (207) [Harding].
· ·. · !~'~ 1 The central idea of the public philo~ophy as expounded in the
::·Inaugural address is neither liberty nor equality but ~'the Nation"
· t_(always . capitalized). Indeed, the main theme of the early
· ·.presidential addresses was the preservation, still feared to be proble' -matic; of the Union. Thomas Jefferson could with his customary
:. ~urbanity declare that '
·
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The
"~11blic Philosoph_v" in the Rhetoric ofAmerican Presi•
If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union
or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed ·
as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be·
tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. (14) rtst inaug-.
ural].
Successive presidents, on the other hand, with mounting concern as
the time approached for the fateful "War Between the States," as
the Civil War was called in the South, called for the "preservation of
the ... integrity of the Union" and of its "General Government"
against fissiparous tendencies in the states. The states, declared Andrew Jackson, must
indignantly frown ... upon the first dawning of any attempt to
alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble
the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. (59)
[2nd in·augural].
·
In 1841 William Henry Harrison could complain that "there
exists in the land a spirit ... hostile to liberty itself.... It looks 'to
the aggrandizement of a few even to the destruction of the interests
of the whole." Speaking direly "from this high place" of the dissolution of the Roman republic, Harrison intoned that "in the Roman
Senate Octavius had a party and Anthony had a party, but the Commonwealth had none." Then came his rhetorical climax:
It is union that we· want, not of a party for the sake of a party,
but a union of the whole country for the sake of the whole
country. (86, 87)
James K. Polk repeated the oftsounded inaugural theme that,
after the tumult and the shouting dies, the President, even though
head of his party, "should not be president of a part only, but of the
whole people of the United States." (98)
The theme that the Nation is much more than a Lockeian calculation of interests was sounded by Franklin Pierce in 1853 and James
Buchanan in 1857:
With ·the Union my best and dearest earthly hope are entwined. Without it what are we individually or collectively?
[Pierce, 108.].
It is an evil omen of the times that men have undertaken to
calculate the mere material value 'of Union. [Buchanan, 113].
Finally, the crescendo of concern for the preservation of the Nation reaches its climax in the poignant imagery of Abraham Lincoln:
The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield
and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over
this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of Union, when again ;
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.. The Inaugural Addresses ofAmerican Presidents
.
~~ touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our
.·~,
nature. [1st inaugural, 126].
~·,_It was not until William McKinley'sJ897 address that the danger
of a breakup of the Union could be declared finally and definitely
i
put to rest. "The North and South," he said, "no longer divide on
. . , .,
i .t1te old lines but upon questions of principles and policies; and in
.this fact surely every lover of the country can find cause for true feli. -~: ·
· Citation." (176) . · .. ·.
·.f4aa.With Theodore Roosevelt there commences an evocation of the
. .
Nation as the center of the American public 'philosophy with a dif~ ·(; : -:~. ·.: ·, ferent accent. No longer is the concern a negative one: to prevent the
:~ ' .. ·.:~breakup of the .Union and to see that within the federal system pre. ·, .' 1 ~ 'iCribed by the Constitution the states give due acknowledgement of
· . ,: \·:· ·.,;,the role of the ·;;General. Government." Now there commences talk
. ::. i) f;
dramatic changes in social and economic conditions requiring a
. ::. / .m~re active role for the national government than in the past. This
· ' . iliift toward an "activist" concept of the Nation is sometimes said to
·· liive been the responsibility of the modern Democratic presidents
(plus the maverick Theodore Roosevelt). Judging by the inaugural
1
1 address, however, the shift toward an activist understanding of the
1 Nation as the centerpiece of the public philosophy is bipartisan.
, ..
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.lTh'e 'Idea that "tremendous changes" had occurred in American
. . 1. sOciety as a result of "modem life" was the Leitmotif of Theodore
. ' ROosevelt's address in 1905:
~;Our forefathers faced certain perils which we have outgrown.
.. !
.-f~We now,face other,perits, the very existence of which it was im~possible that they should foresee. Modern life is both complex
· ·. · .:_,,and intense, and the tremendous changes wrought by the ex••: · :· ·.-!!: traordinary industrial development of the last half century are
• ;_'; .. · '.fifelt in every tiber of our social and political being. (184).
'f,L~ f. J~oosevelt's more conservative successor, William Howard Taft,
'P~ ' offered essentla11y the same analysis in his speech of 1909:
·· · ., !
. ~~The scope of modem government in what it can and ought to
· j · accomplish for its people has been widened. far beyond the
principles laid down by the old 'laissez faire' school of political
: writers, and this widening has met popular approval. (189).
!
It was in the rhetoric of Woodrow Wilson's first inaugural that the
new activist interpretation of the idea of the Nation took on definitive form .. Contending that his election meant much more than a
change in party, Wilson continued
:r
The success of a party means little except when the Nation is
:; 1 ;, ·~using that party for a large and definite purpose. (199)
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Gaining eloquence and waxing lyrical as he proceeded, Wilson de..
clared that
This is the high enterprise of the new day: to lift everything
that concerns our life as a Nation to the light that shines from
the hearthtire of every man's conscience and vision of the right ..
(202)
He concludes with a call to national reformation and renewal.
Such a reformation, he declares passionately,
will be no cool process of mere science. The Nation has been
deeply sti"ed ••• The feelings with which we face this new age
of right and opportunity sweep across our heartstrings like
some air out of God's own presence, where justice and mercy
are reconciled a11d judge a11d the brother are o11e. [Emphasis
added:] (202)
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The :.Public Philosophy" in the Rhetoric ofAmerican Pres1.
,,
The lyrical tone of Wilson's address, which today would be too
"hot" to convey over the tube (as Marshall McCiuhan would say),
should be carefully attended to as one of the most important expressions of the American public philosophy as expressed by presidents.
The assumption should be made that "reasonable persons" of the
times responded to Wilson's eloquence as a splendid example of the
"rhetoric of assent." Wilson's assertions that the American Nation
has a will; that presidential elections, however closely divided, are
often the indications of a dramatic new phase in the unfolding .of
that will; and that the presidency is more than a merely "political"
office but is a kind of "secular Pope" to use Antonio Gramsd's
phrase, through which the public philosophy is interpreted and, if
need be.revlsed, were accepted as "warrantable assertions" by "men
of goodwill." Thus, whatever we might think of it in terms of the
"cool"· style prevalent today, for the audience he sought to move,
Wilson's peroration was unquestionably effective:
We know our task to be no mere task of politics, but a task :
which will search us through and through, whether we be able .
to understand our time and the need of our people, whether we
indeed be their spokesmen and interpreters, whether we have
the pure heart to comprehend and the rectified will to choose
our life course of action.
This is not a day of triumph; it is a day of dedication. Here
muster not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity.
Men's hearts wait upon us; men's lives hang in the balance;
men's hopes call upon us to say what we will do. Who shall live
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his second inaugural (1917) Wilson spoke of Americans as
1 .h.Ytng become "citizens of the world."
·~"And yet we are·not the less American .•. We shall be more
;'American If we but remain true to the prin~iples in which we
1 ;.:have been bred. They are not the principles of a.province or a
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continent. We have known and boasted all along that
1
. : 'they were the principles of a liberated mankind. (204)
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.Americans into "a new unity... (205)
;:,.. ~fter the allied
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t· :; ' ·j ·\ bespite their dramatic differences, the idea of the public philo1. : . i .Ophy as the result of the Nation's "will' is as central a theme to Har-
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shOw' that the difference between Wilson's insistence upon the
' United States' joining the world and Harding's invitation for the
wo~ld to join the United States were variati!3ns on a theme rather
:·than opposing positions.-."When the Governments of the world shall
'=have established a freedom like our own," Harding declared, "war
will:have disappeared." (210, 213)
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<;alvin Coolidge's 1925 Inaugural contains numerous passages
that read as if they could have been written by Woodrow Wilson
himself. What Harding had with disapproval referred to as the polof "lnternatlonalis_m" seems ag~in to h~ve come into vogue with
the mail who had been Harding's Vace-Presadent:
o''.'! we cannot live uhto ourselves alon• o oo(2151
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What might be called the American public philosophy oftheocentric, non-apocalyptic exceptionalism was given an expression exaggerated even for the lyricism appropriate to inaugural addresses in
the following words of the usually cool Coolidge:
America seeks no earthly empire built on blood or force. No
ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign dominations. The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with
the sword, but with the cross. The higher state to which she
seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of
divine origin. She cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor
of Almighty God. (223)
Coolidge's concluding paragraph is remarkable in many respects,
not the least of which is its presumption of American innocence in
an otherwise wicked world. To seize upon it simply as an example of
hyperbole, however, would be to miss its significance as an excellent
illustration of the American public philosophy. In particular, one
should not yield to the temptation to confuse the American idea of
the Nation with "nationalism" as a messianic ideology of the type
espoused by Fichte or Mazzini in the nineteenth century or by
"national liberation movements" in the twentieth. Whereas the former celebrates multiethnicity (as, for example, President Ford's
felicitous comparison in his Bicentennial Address on July S, 1976 at
Monticello, of America to Joseph's coat of many colors), the latter
typically_arises from the claim on behalf of a single ethnic group for
political independence. A second distinction between the American
concept of the Nation and the "national liberation movements~·
today is that the latter are typically tied to a style of politics compa:tible with collectivism and the single party as the expression of tha:t
collectivity's "will." Even where Woodrow Wilson used rhetoric tha't
taken out of context sounds like Rousseau and the "general will,"
the context of the American public philosophy, his words take on a
different hue.
Indeed, if Wilson is a nationalist of the political messianic kind
-and here one recalls the classic study by J.L. Talmon--so was
Coolidge when he called on Americans to be more national and less
sectional in their thought. (223) And it is difficult to see how Wilson,
the alleged "internationalist," could qualify as a messianic nationalist.
victory, Wilson, in failing health, lost the battle for
·.American. membership in the League of Nations. His successor
· clatined that his victory over the Democratic candidate was a tri1
• umph of"nationalitY:' over "internationality.":
,. ;lifhe.success Of our popular government rests wholly upon the
,f3correct interpretation of the deliberate, intelligent, dependable
!. 1Jpopular will of America. In a deliberate questioning of a sug·,! ~~~gested change of national policy, where internationality was to
• , ;:~upersede nationality, we turned to a referendum, to the Amer·.(~lean people. (209)..
. ~-~ .,::f .
. a'
The physical configuration of the earth has separated us from
all of the Old World, but the common brotherhood of man, the
highest law of our being, has united us by inseparable bonds
with all humanity. (217)
patriotic, all forward looking men to my side.. God helping me,
jl,will not fail them, If they will but counsel and sustain mel
·, (202) [End of 1st inaugural].
.
~~ ...
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The "Public Philosophy" in the Rhetoric ofAmerican Preside.
The Inaugural AddreueJ ofAmerican PreJidents
in
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The Inaugural Addresses ofAmerican Presidents
I if:Even
if apocalyptic rhetoric has been employed at times; and even
such' rhetoric (as· Robert Bellah has shown in The Broken Cove·
I·.'
'.
ntint} has been present in the cultural atmosphere from the begin-
ning of American history (the Puritans, Tom Paine, etc.), the fact
. .
remains that .the United States has been ."exceptional" among the
.:.:::
· ~ld'_s, pe_oples in _the-circumstances of its beginning. As a "new"
. ·' ~ : ~;: :) n~iton, the, United States lacked a culture extending back over the
, .'.; centuries-or even millennia-in the past which could give it a mis·
sioia civilisatrice. What America needed above all was to be let alone
,.
b>i~ite. European powers. Given that the idea of a national collective
.: t1 · •owm~:. so central to political messianism clashed directly with the
· An\eri~an exaltation of the private individual, and given the Ameri·: can aversion to militarism and dictatorship, it is inappropriate to
·'look at American political life through the lenses of concepts appropriate to Europe following the French revolution. In the American
public philosophy, the United States is a nation under God, not a.
c:OIIectivlty equivalent .to the divine will. The American novus ordo
seclo'rum dr "New Order' for the Ages," was just that-a fresh, novel,
tihexpe'Cted event, but an event which took place within pragmatic
\.; :hiSibry~.'The Puritan laea' of founding the Kingdom of God on earth
:f , ~-· ratlier far removed from the mind of the author of the Declara·
t1o1~ of-Independence. Thomas Jefferson could not have disagreed
. ... :mefie· ~ltli the words of the seventeenth-century English political
·h~·~ ~tli'tf6rlst··a~d.'martyr.;,tcrtlie ·cau5e of Puritan republicanism, 'James
· _:•~ i.. ltatrlrigtori; who had·Wrftten that it was the duty of a "free common. ·. wl!alth" to be "a minister of God upon earth~ to the intent that the
~ · ·wh~le world be·governed with righteousness." 15 Lest one be given to
. 1 extlggerite the Influence of apocalyptic rhetoric from the Books of
D~niel and Revelation on the American political consciousness, one
rieect only recall that Jeffer.ion was the author of the Virginia Statute
· for~Religious Freedom and that James Madison authored Federalist
j NfimberTen.
' ~It Is in the light of the American public philosophy of the Nation
·1· tliat' Franklin D. Roosevelt's rhetoric deserves to be examined. In a
reeent.article on President Reagan's "New Federalism," Samuel H.
~r takes issue with Reagan's oft-repeated assertion that it was the
states that created the federal government and not the reverse. The
~lsource, Beer contends, was "the people in collectivity." Turning
tolRoosevelt's; famous first inaugural, Beer correctly indicates that
· ·~No I other· thematic term faintly rivals the term •nation' ... in
' --, emphasis" in the address. .
~::.~i ~}~~rComlng at the depths of the Great ~epression, FOR's .first inau~
.' , ··i yural was one of the greatest expresstons of the Amertcan pubhc
.
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The "Public Philosophy" i11 the Rhetoric ofAmerica11 Preside.
philosophy ever penned. Through it, Roosevelt showed how the Pres'ident, through speech, is uniquely in a position to offer hope in dark
times by fostering in the ordinary citizen a sense of equal participation in thedramaofthe Nation's history.
The first line of the speech sets its tone:
This is a day of national consecration. (Schlesinger, I,7)
Then he proclaims his great words of hope (possibly taken from
Seneca):
This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and
will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the
only thing we have to fear is fear itself ...
In Roosevelt's 1933 inaugural, the Nation is spoken of as a "temple':'
from which "the money-changers have been driven." The task of his
administration is said to be to "restore that temple to the ancien~
truths." (236) What are the ancient truths? Those of the JudeaChristian ethic:
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in
the joy of achievement, in the truth of creative effort.
Our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister...
It is false to assume that material wealth is the standard of
success. (236)
Recalling the Nation from what de Tocqueville had termed a false
"individualism," the President continued: "Restoration calls not for
a change in ethics alone. This Natiorl asks for action, and action
now." (237) After citing some examples of the programs he means to
undertake to combat the Depression, Roosevelt ends his first inaugural with an evocation of the American idea of the Nation as the·
core of the American public philosophy:
We face the arduous days before us in the warm courage of the
national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and
precious moral values; with the clear satisfaction that comes
from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike. We
aim at the assurance ofa rounded and permanent national life.
[Emphasis added].
We do not distrust the future or· essential democracy. The
people of the U~ited States have not failed. In their need they
have registered mandate that they want direct, vigorous ac-
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They have asked me to be the present instrument of their
.. ~j}wishes. ·In the spirit of the gift I take it.
. ·
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;i-ft.I~i ~~~·~ d~ ic~~io~ of. a Nati;on we humbly ask the blessing of
· -~;i,God. May He guide me in the days to come. (End) (239)
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;!,Unless they are seen In the context of the American public philosOphj and the centrality accorded by it to the idea of the Nation, is it
: possible to interpret aright the terms "mandate," "htstrument" and
,. th~ like?· The Nation that is being celebrated is,· of course: that
, founded on the principle of limited government. It is a Natton of
! diverse individuals that is being defended and promoted. As Roose; velt said in his Second Inaugural:
.
, 1. ·,-.goday we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in
,:ifa suddenly changed civilization ...• In our personal ambiJ~.tions we are individualists. But ... in our seeking for economic
.;~and
political progress as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go
1
· 1 c4down, as one people. (243, emphasis added)
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the rhetoric, of assent, President Roosevelt devoted almost
the entirety of his third ·inaugural to the theme of the Nation. "On
:~: 1
i each national day of Inauguration," he began, "the people have re~- l ~· · ·-I· newed their sense of dedication to the United States." This time he
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i .... if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Na)f'r:·:,:
;~tlon's body and mind, constrihcted in ~nhaldien world •. l~ved bon,
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· ~the America we know would ave pens e • at sp1r1t-t at
:.;;. · ·'
..•,tfalth-speaks to us In our daily lives in ways often unnoticed ..
.ill.!. It speaks to us here in the Capitol of the Nation. It speaks
~- . :
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.~States •••• (246) .
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·trhe President, speaking in a moment of the greatest danger for
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:· ~·;•:1Jte preservation ofthe sacred tire of liberty and the destiny of
, M·,., . 1 "~the. republican model of government are justly considered
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~':tdeeply; finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the
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. 1 /ihands of the American people. (246)
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The "Public Philo1ophy" ;, the Rhetoric ofA merica11 Pre.sid.
m.
FROM THE NATION
TO THE SUPERNATION:
THE COLD WAR
Thus far, I have argued that there is a special type of public
speech-expressed paradigmatically in presidential inaugural ad·
dresses-which articulates the "public philosophy" around which
the American polity is organized. The central idea of this public
philosophy is "The Nation," conceived of as a people committed to a
set of propositions (first expressed in the Declaration of Independence) or "self-evident" truths. I have also argued that despite certain superficial similarities, it would be wrong to classify the American idea of the Nation as a form of"political messianism" or apocalyptic "nationalism." Apocalyptic national doctrines (such as those
of Fichte in Germany or Mazzini in Italy) call for the transformation
of the world by the "redeemer" nation into a perfect realm, devoid of
correspondence with the pragmatic world of everyday existence.
The American public philosophy is sui generis and needs to be
interpreted in relation to the unique context of American history.
While it is hardly a mirror image of pragmatic political reality, the
American public philosophy is anchored in that reality. That is to
say: There really was something "exceptional" about the beginnings
of America, and this exceptional feature lay precisely in the fact that
the United States was struck off all at once on the basis of the colonists' affirmation of the "self-evident" principle that "all men are
created equal" and are endowed by God with certain "unalienable
rights." The rhetoric of the public philosophy has been a rhetoric of
hope or assent, as when it was reaffirmed by Lincoln in the midst of
the Civil War or by Roosevelt in the throes of the Great Depression.
Although the American public philosophy is not a collectivist
ideology and ·although it does not claim that America has a mission
to conquer the world in the name of a new total ersatz-religious
truth, that philosophy does make universal claims. Those claims
periodically require prudent reinterpretation if the public philosophy
is not to slide over Into a form of political messianism. So long as the
United States was a relatively weak nation and so long as it could
count on its geographical isolation fo protect it from conquest and
the threat of same, the universalism in the Declaration of lndepen·
dence (which reads, after all, that all men are created equal) could
take the form of America's appearing as model or salutary example
for less fortunate peoples to emulate insofar as possible.As American power grew and its commerce expanded, however, the spiritual
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1 • universalism
of the American ·public philosophy-a universalism
which at the same time.grew out of the particular, unique American
experience of founding-threatened to transform itself into an ideal1 ogy of the ecumenic type. 18
,fl~.n ,the nineteenth century the desire for territorial expansion~~monly .known. as -"imperialism'-was satisfied through what
· · Jo~n.'O'Suilivan, editor .of the Democratic Review ofNew York first
· cajJec!. "manifest desdriy." It was America's destiny--so obvious as
t~~e "manifest" to everyone-to "over-spread the continent allotted
tiy;,Providence for the ·free development of our yearly multiplying
· i ml~lions,'~ O'Sullivan. declared in July, 1845 with reference to the
a~~~xation·o~Texas.~'··;,.
. . .
. .
. .
tlt.i.s. ~ignlficant_ that the phrase "manifest destiny;" does not
: . . . ~~r in presl~entiallnaugural addresses •. whose rhetoric, restrain?1·~~~>: 1 t~e .._pubhc. philosophy, .was more sober than that of some
~u~lasts ,f~r the..expansion .of American territoryinto Puerto Rico·
·: ';. 1 an:8 the Philippines at the tum of the century. Nor is the racism of a
, i Joialah.Strong
or a Senator Beveridge, both of whom called for the
11
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t. Aiiglo:saxonizatlon of mankind" evident in the Inaugurals. Such a
·., , ;: ·;~: ::d\#rine of Innate racial or cultural superiority for Anglo-Saxons
•:.cl~rlyivlolated. the American public philosophy's committment to
~· ~J. i · ~ti~·equality of all hump~ beings. 20
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.
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. ·:: ·. · ~~.onetheless, one,. finds , In McKinley's Second Inaugural an
~-~ ·~~!~ous.,clalm. to. ~ave,established. the compatibility of the expan. s(on of American soverignty to other parts of the world with the
,; · p~~dc philosophy of.the founders:
· 'i·; ·: ; 0~'!.fte American. people, entrenched in freedom at home, take
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IO:~heir .love for It with them wherever they go, and they reject as
::mistaken and. unworthy the doctrine that we lose our liberties
11il'Y·.securing enduring foundations for the liberties of others.
1 ~0ur Institutions will not deteriorate by extension and our sense
· i ·u;o.fjustice will not abate under tropic suns in distant seas. (180)
1
1 .:j McKinley Ignored the fact that in the PhUippines there had al.: ~~ ·, re\dy existed an Indigenous political force capable of ruling the Phil' ippines In freedom for itself. The "rebels," as they were denomina; ted;- were the effective representatives of the people of the Philippines
. j at:t_he conclusion of the Spanish-American War. Onofre D. Corpuz,
1
the; Philippines' leading political scientist, has described the process
ln'•which, ironically, the United States used its superior military
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to crush the indigenous Filipino government, itself modelled
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·? .;; ! after Its own Interpretation of liberal democratic theory, as follows:
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it~ 1 The Philippine Revolution s~arted in mid-1896. Leadership
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The "Public Philosoplry" in the Rlretoric ofAmerican Presid.
passed shortly ... to Emilio Aguinaldo. On October 31, 1896,
he issued two manifestoes, both addressed "To the Filipino
People." This mode of address was significant. Before this
time natives were known separately according to their dialect
or to their province or region .... Collectively they were called
by the Spaniards 'Indios,' after the old and mistaken belief
that Magellan had discovered India. Now, however, there was
a name for all of them-there was a Filipino nation.
... On June 12, 1898 Aguinaldo proclaimed the independence
of the Philippines, An appeal for recognition by the foreign
powers was issued the same month .... A constitutional congress met in September and drafted the first republican constitution of Asia. The Revolution now had a government, a
constitution, a united people, and a national leader. The Philippine Republic was proclaimed on January 21, 1899.
But the Republic was not to survive, for it was launched in the
shadow ... of the United States' adventure in imperialism.
War with Spain having been declared, a U.S. force sailed out
of .•. Hong Kong on April 27, 1898, and destroyed the Spanish navy ••• five days later; the Spaniards ... delivered Manila to the Americans in August. It was no matter that the
Filipinos were in control of their country-except Manila,
which was under the Americans-at the time. In December the
Spaniards and the Americans agreed by treaty on the transfer
of the Philippines to U.S. sovereignty. Conflict between the Filipinos and the Americans was now unavoidable, and hostilities
broke out Jess than a month after the Republic was proclaimed. The issue was never in doubt. President Aguinaldo
was captured in 1901, and the ensuing guerrilla resistance
ended the next year. 11
In his 1901 Inaugural, however, President McKinley presented
matters differently. "We are not waging war against the inhabitants
(note his choice of noun here-inhabitants, not citizens] of the Philippine Islands (not "The Philippines," as the Malolos Constitution
had proclaimed their territory to be]: A portion of them are making
war against the United States." (182) The mockery ofthe American
public philosophy made by McKinley's address, when Americans
were asked to believe that by supporting a new nation's war for independence the United States was enlarging "the bounds of freedom"
(McKinley, 180) was not lost on many Americans. Resistance to the
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The lrraugun~l Addrt'sses "'.I .. ,.,;.."" l'ruidc•"t'
colonization of the Philippines was widespread in the United States,
producing a veritable "crise de Ia conscience am~ricaine," as an observer put it. 22
.
·
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·
, , In his Second Inaugural, McKinley defended the conquest of the
! Philippines on two grounds. One was paternalistic (the Filipinos
:. \Vefe allegedly not "ready" for self-government), 13 and the other, in a
1 ; curious way, was egalitarian (the United States had proved itself the
j: "equal". of any of the world's great powers by taking and keeping
,,.colonies). As he put the matter:
·
.jSurely after 125 years of achievement for manki~:~d we will not.
!:' i1!now surrender our. equality with other powers on matters
i . h:fundamental and essential to nationality. With no such pur! ((pose was the nation created. In no such spirit has it developed
; , ,~ilts full and independent sovereignty. We adhere to the princi·\'pte of equality among outselves, and by no act of ours will we
, ,·:;assign to ourselves a subordinate rank in the family of nations.
!.. {(180)
The "Public Philnsnph.v" i11 the Rhetoric qfAmerican Presiden.
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, While the easy response would be to dwell on the hypocrisy of the
attempt to conceal the fact of conquest under the banner of extending;"freedom," further reflection suggests that something else is at
work here besides, and/or in addition to hypocrisy. McKinley's
. : remarkable rhetoric attests to the power of the hold which the Amerlean public philosophy had upon him. Thus, even McKinley, with
. :~~~~ !:!hii~condescension toward the Filipinos, felt called upon to promise
~· ••to1.aft'ord the inhabitants of the islands self-government" as soon as
! ,they are 11 ready" for it. (182) The effect of the public philosophy was
! totmoderate an otherwise unadulterated imperialism and helped
I ultimately (1946) to result in the peaceful accession of independence
i to the Philippines by the United States. The United States claimed
that its colonization was no more than a temporary measure (peri haps to keep other foreign powers from tilling a vacuum that might
j have been created by a weak Filipino regime) and to its credit stead! IIi~ moved to increase effective participation in the exercise of power
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i War II. No longer could it afford the luxury of believing th.at it might
.,
: live unto itself. There was no alternative for it but increasingly to
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•..e11tangle'~ itself in the web of relationships binding other nations.
!:Th~~ result was that the public philosophy-which emphasizes that
:iAmerica is a "beacon" in an at best shadowy world, and precisely for
18
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that reason does not wish to immerse itself in the conflicts of that
world but to remain an exceptional place, where liberty and equality
reign-was threatened in an unprecedented fashion. Woodrow
Wilson had been the first president systematically to call. upon the
American people actively to lead a "crusade" (as distinct from simply standing out as a model) for all the world's peoples to have a
republican form of government. 24 Wilson's opponents, conventionally called "isolationists," had in the end prevailed, however, and the
United States had remained outside of the League of Nations.
In 1817, Thomas Jefferson had declared that America's role in the
world was to "consecrate a sanctuary for those whom the misrule of
Europe may compel to seek happiness in other climes." "This refuge
once known," he declared, "will produce happiness even of those
who remain there, by warning their taskmasters that . . . another
Canaan is open where their subjects will be received as brothers
25
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With the expansion of American power and the necessity to
ally itself with other nations, including Stalinist Russia, against Nazi'
Germany and Japan in World War II, the United States could no
longer remain a "sanctuary" or "new Canaan," separated by the
oceans from the Old World's "misrule." Rather, it had the difficult
task of entering into the "muck" of world politics as a superpower
(especially in virtue of its possession of the atomic bomb) without at
the same time losing its public philosophy of non-apocalyptic exceptionalism .
In the rhetoric of post-World War II presidents one detects a tension between allegiance to the original idea of the (exceptionately'
fortunate) Nation-a sanctuary in the world jungle, as it were-and
to a new idea of America as the Supernation which will save the,
world. While it could be argued that suggestions of the Supernation
11
idea were present all along in the American public philosophl my·
thesis is that there is a decisive break in the continuity of the Amerh
can public philosophy, around the end of World War II, when.
America began to promise what it could not deliver and when moral
aspirations sensible in the American context, and with proper phil-:
osophical clarification and elaboration, for any context, became;
intertwined with pragmatic power considerations to the detriment of.
both. At the same time, the resilience of the older (more sober, at
least as regards expectations for transforming the world) public
philosophy tradition was such that it was constantly reasserting itself
in an attempt to correct any imbalance in the direction of a hyperactivist Supernation idea. Let us now turn to the evidence.
The Allied victory over Nazi Germany left the United States facing
!
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another totalitarian dictatorship in Stalinist Russia. It is scarcely
surprising, therefore, to find Harry S. Truman beginning his inaugural on January 20 with a reaffirmation of "the essential principles
of the faith by which we live."
The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning. We believe that all men
have the tight to freedom of thought and expression. We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in
the image of God. From this faith we will not be moved. (252)
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Against this American "faith," there w~s arrayed the "false philosophy" of Communism. Few sophisticated students of Marxism
would recognize the portrait painted of Communism in President
Truman's inaugural. From today's vantage point it helps one understand how Senator Joseph McCarthy came to enjoy a temporary success. There has always been the danger in "Americanism~· that it
might degenerate into a primitive conformity not in keeping with its
e~olling of the private vision and might adopt a Manichaean view of
the outside world.
. The climate of opinion today conveyed in the phrase the "cold
. war" is very much present in Truman's address. 27 The call to
. "strengthen the freedom-loving nations against aggression" (254)
issued at a time when the United States still possessed a monopoly of
atomic weapons, was a portent of things to come. Instead of presenting the issue concretely as one of containing the Stalinist dictatorship, President Truman declared America to be launched on a crusade to export its institutions and technology upon what was presumed to be an eagerly waiting mankind. A center of this redemptive
mission was American technology. The famous "Point Four" of Truman's address read as follows:
Four. We must embark on a bold new program for making the
benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress
available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped
areas. (254)
·
. President Truman's Inaugural emphasizes that along with alleviating poverty, hunger, and disease, the export of American industrial
and scientific technology was indirectly to bring huge rewards to
American commerce. (255) Taking the place of the "old imperialism" there was to arise what unimpressed foreign observers were to
call the new imperialism of "Americanization." Earlier inaugural
addresses had emphasized the exceptional, unique character of the
20
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The "Public Philosophy" in the Rhetoric q(America11 Prrsiden •
American experiment. Now the Nation, although still present,
seemed to take second place in Truman's inaugural to an abstrac-,
tion called "democracy":
Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the
peoples of the world to triumphant action,_ not ?nly agai~st
their human oppressors, but also against the1r ancient enem1es
-hunger, misery, and dispair. (256)
And later:
Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and new responsibilities. They will test our courage, our
devotion to duty, and our concept of liberty.
But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will
surpass in greater liberty. (256)
And finally:
With God's help, the future of mankind will be assured in a
world of justice, harmony and peace. (256)
The abstract utopianism of Truman's inaugural, which could be·
read uncharitably as calling on God to be the incidental helper of
American technology, is obviously at variance with the American
public philosophy of the Nation. Wilson had spoken of Americans as
having become "citizens of the world." (204) Harding had looked_·
forward to the day when "the Governments of the world shall have
established a freedom like our own." Neither the one nor the other,
however, had anticipated the United States, by itse?(. going out and
remaking the entire world in its own image. With the new realities of'
American power-the catapulting of the Nation to the status of one
of two "superpowers" after World War II- serious strai~s upon t~e
public philosophy developed. Whereas before the Amencan pubhc
philosophy was a form of non-apocalyptic exceptionalis~, a~ter.
World War II the rhetoric of inaugurals stressed exceptlonahsm
less, as the new note of the quasi-apocalyptic transformation of the
world in a final battle with demonic communism was sounded. The.
power of common sense latent in the "old" public philosophy helped
to prevent an inversion of American beliefs. This common-sense
recognition that the American polity itself still had problems aplenty
to resolve within its borders and that even its vast military and economic power was limited, helped to restrain the Supernation'
ideology.
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Tire Inaugural Addrr11es ofAmerican Prrllidents
I. lhDwight ·o. Eisenhower's first inaugural was saturated with the
Manichaean imagery ·of the "cold war." The contrasts between the
,.light" of the western democracies and the "darkness" of Comnm·
idsm occurs repeatedly.
1 . :rof ~urse the public philosophy from its inception had i~dulged
1 ·In the light/dark, new/old contrasts, but they had a specificity and
an anchorage in reality lacking in the cold war rhetoric. It really was
true that from itS inception as a Nation, America was different, that
l It represented a new beginning, and it left behind ·much of the bag1
gage of past hatreds which had almost destroyed European civilizations. In Eisenhower's address, however, besides the traditional
obeissances to "the abiding creed of our fathers" (258) and to the
~·precepts of our founding documents" (259) there is an abstractly
·1
metaphysical reference to "man's long pilgrimage from darkness
toward light," (258) and to "freedom" (in the abstract) being "pitted
against slavery." (259) The "faith we hold" is said to belong "not to
i us alone_ but to the free of all the world." This faith supposedly
1
'.'binds the grower of rice in Burma and the planter of wheat in Iowa,
I the shepherd in Southern Italy and the mountaineer in the Andes."
(259) While one may grant that President Eisenhower understood
well the faith of the farmer of Iowa, it taxes our imaginations to say
that he could read the minds of shepherds in Southern Italy and rice
planters In Burma. A curious flattening out has occurred in the
I American public philosophy here. An abstract creed of "freedom"
' I understood as anti-"Communism" has threatened to replace the
j· ·. speclflc. understanding of freedom and equality In the Nation ex! . pressed in the earlier versions of the public philosophy.
; . •n-,Turning to Dwight Eisenhower's second inaugural, one notes that
an obsession with the cold war has definitely replaced the Nation as
Its center. The sober.exaltation of America as the "heaven-favored
land," is transformed into a messianic proclamation: "May the light
of freedom, coming to all darkened lands, flame brightly - until at
I last darkness is no more." (256)
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would be easy to dwell on the quasi~messianic, even gnostic
elements of Eisenhower's inaugural addresses. 28 By doing so, how~r, one would omit the numerous passages expressing the tradi. ,ti~nal, non-apocalyptic public philosophy. Thus, in his first inaugural.•· Ei~enhower assures America's allies that "we Americans know
the ·dafTerence between world leadership and imperialism." (260)
:~hortly afterwards he proclaims that:
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,.. ~ ::~.' In the world, we shall never use our strength to try to impress
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The "Public Philosophy' in the Rhetoric ofAmerican Preside.
upon another people our own cherished political and economic
institutions. (261)
In the wake of the tragic Vietnam War, it has been easy for som~
historians to find an "imperialistic" design in the actions and poli,
des of American presidents. To read them in that way is both to
indulge in the fallacy of anachronism, and to fail to appreciate the
continuing resilience of the public philosophy. It would be more ac~
curate to say that, having become a superpower, the United States
was at times proclaimed in presidential rhetoric to be a supernation.
But this was only one note in the presidential music. Exaggerated
claims were made on behalf of the ability of the United States to influence world developments. At the same time, the United States
was arrayed in a very pragmatic sense against the expansion of
Soviet power. It became easy to yield to Manichaean temptations (to
view one's own side as the repository of all goodness and the other of
all evil) when one measures one's own public philosophy based on
the dignity of the person against a regime which crushes dissent in
its satellites with tanks (Budapest, Prague), and walls in their people
(Berlin).
Postwar United States rhetoric and policy, however, have been
based neither on apocalyptic, messianic nationalism nor on power·
driven imperialism, but rather on a confused (and confusing) at·
tempt to apply the traditional American public philosophy of theocentric, non-apocalyptic exceptionalism to a world which failed to
take America for its model. The result has been the arbitrary divi.
sion of the world into that of the "free" and the "enslaved," even
though a majority of the countries with whom the United States has
made alliances can scarcely be called "free" in the American public
philosophy's understanding of freedom. Instead of being defined in
relation to that philosophy, freedom becomes defined as non-Com·
monist. The non Communist nations of the world are the "free"
ones in cold war presidential rhetoric. Hence presidential rhetoric
concerning foreign policy becomes a mysterious blending of the pub·
lie philosophy's aspirations with the pragmatic power situation of
the post World War II world.
There is one passage in Dwight Eisenhower's second inaugural
which in a particularly effective way captures the peculiar blend of
the traditional public philosophy of the Nation with the new prag·
matic realities:
For one truth must rule all we think and all we do. No people
can live to itself alone. The unity of all who dwell in freedom is
f.
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The Inaugural Addrenu ofAmerican Presidents
their only sure defense .••• No nation can longer be a fortress,
.. ~ lone and strong and safe. And any people, seeking such shelter
. for themselves, can now build only their owri prison. (265)
•
·if· The key words in the passage are "The unity of all who dwell in
. freedom is their only_ sure defense." "Freedom" is here defined as
fi'ee from Communism." A nation is "free" not if it shares the aspirations of the American public philosophy (although such sharing
.~uld be preferable, of eourse) but whether it is free from Communist (here undifferentiated as to whether it be Soviet, Chinese, or
indigenous) domination. Here, on January 21, 1957, President Eisenhower articulated a version of the American public philosophy that
would lead the country into the disastrous Vietnam War. Going far
beyond the principle that the United States could not live unto itself
atone-a principle which the American public philosophy had itever
ltenied-Eisenhower·pronounced the American nation to be part qf
something called the "unity of all who dwell in freedom." In behalf
of this abstract "unity" which is said to be America's."only sure defense/'r the United States later committed itself to intervening in
behalf of South Vietnam.
~The United States, it should be noted, was not said to be simply a
. part' of that alleged "unity of all who dwell in freedom." Rather as
. ; · the ·superpower, now become the Supemation, it assumed the responsibllity·for the wellbeing of that "unity." As the "leader of the
free world" it could not stand idly by whenever or wherever the world
i unity of the free was threatened. The implications of such a premise
! .· fOr' defense expenditures and for all of American life are obvious. It
It also obvious how:serious are the strains put upon the American
publiC: philosophy oft he Nation by the new idea of the Supemation.
t~~ John F.' Kennedy's inaugural continues the trend toward abstract
.. ~\\'perriatlonalism in the postwar inaugural addresses. Although pro··ctaiming himselfand his associates "heirs of that first [American) re1
vlilution," Kennedy·no longer extols the uniqueness of America but
flattens out the Jeffersonian "unalienabie rights" into general
"human rights," which Ametica is pledged to protect "around the
world":
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'· Let the word· go forth : •• that the torch has been passed to a
~~._'new ·generation of Americans .•• unwilling to witness or per•• 1
·.~)·mit th~ slow undoing of those human rights to which this Na· · I ·: tion has always been committed and to which we are commit,~
ted today at home and around the world. (267)
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The "Public Philosophy" in the RhetoricofAmericall Presid•
Here the President makes it sound almost as if all the world is
America, and that the task of the American Nation is to prevent the
"undoing" of the extensions of itself around the world. There follow the by now familiar pledges to "pay any price, bear any burden,
meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to
insure the survival and success of liberty." {268) It was not until
much later, with the defeat of American forces in Vietnam, that the
unwisdom of these words was manifest to most observers. The older
public philosophy took for granted that "liberty" in the rest of the
world was something to be won, if at all, in the course of history
by the peoples themselves. Most of the world was recognized to be
lacking in liberty. With the expansion of Soviet power after World
War II, however, a new theme is sounded. Regimes formerly seen as
unfree in terms of the American public philosophy (military dictatorships and feudal autocracies) now become bastions of "liberty" if
they appear to be threatened by Soviet expansion.
The rhetoric of the United States as the Supernation in charge of
promoting "liberty" throughout a world menaced by the powers of
darkness (world Communism) would have to be classified as apocalyptic extremism but for the very real threat to world peace of a
Soviet dictatorship armed with atomic weapons. For all the grandiosity of Kennedy's rhetoric in proclaiming that
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have
been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of
maximum danger .... (269)
the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 made those words look, if not reasonable, at least credible. The unprecedented international political
reality of the "balance of terror" did indeed mean that the peace of
the world was in "maximum danger." What the Kennedy administration was called upon to defend was not some abstraction called
"freedom," however, but the survival of the Nation and the peace of
the world.
In his major speech at American University on June 10, J963,
however, John F. Kennedy called for a reexamination of "our attitude toward the cold war." 29 Eisenhower's "crusade for freedom"
intended to sweep away the offending Communist forces ofdarkness.
In the American University address, on the other hand, Kennedy is
concerned with a tolerance that could. insure survival:
No government or social system is so evil that its people must
be considered as Jacking in virtue. 30
In place of the grandiose language of Kennedy's inaugural, one
finds in the American University speech a sober reminder of the
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. The Inaugural Addresses ofAmerican Presidents
I lt~its of the human condition:
,jJ [W]e all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air.
31
t~.We all cherish our children's future. And we are all mortal.
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.
·it President Kennedy's reminder of our common mortality proved to
i .be. chillingly relevant,~when he was murdered in Dallas, a thousand
I d.ays after his inauguration. It will never be known whether he would
I·
have halted American mllltary involvement in South Vietnam in
; time to prevent the debacle there. What is beyond debate is that
such involvement was consistent with the assumptions of his promise
1 that Americans would .,"pay any price, bear any burden, meet· any
1' · ~·~rdship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to insure the
survival and success of liberty." (268)
1
~In emphasizing the ~·supernational" theme iri. postwar presiden- .
, till rhetoric, I do not in any way intend to imply that the traditional
i public philosophy was missing. Especially in the area of extending
-~~ ·and promoting the civil liberties of black Americans, President Kennedy evoked the public philosophy of the Nation. Thus, in his speech
· ofJune 11, 1963, he insisted that
j ~It ought to be possible ••. for every American to enjoy the pri~r vileges of being American without regard to his race or his
color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be
treated. as he would wish to be treated, as one could wish his
~children to be treated. But this is not the case. 32
.i
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~·Jndeed,it could be argued that despite his obsession with the Vietir.m War, Lyndon Johnson's deepest commitment was to inspire the
· Nation to make new strides in combatting racial discrimination. As
Samuel H. Beer has· noted, the American commitment to "create
Within a liberal, democratic framework a society in which vast num~ of both black and white people live in free and equal inter&urse-:..polltical, economic, 'and social," has "never before been
33
attempted by any country at any time. "
1What Is new in the American experiment is not the mere coexistence of black and white people-elsewhere small numbers of either
raccdlve In relative peace and security as small minority groups
within their respective nations In terms of "separate but equal." It is
rhther the association between large numbers of black and white
people as individuals on the basis of equal citizenship ht the Nation
that is unique to America. ·
· ,. Regardless of his serious technical deficiencies as a public spea·' · · k~. President Johnson offered a great example of the "rhetoric of
lisent" in his speech to the Congress in 1964 following the events in
The "Public Philosophy" in the Rhetoric ofAmerican Preside•
Selma, Alabama, where black and white people who had been peacefully demonstrating for the civil rights for all citizens were brutally
confronted by Sheriff "Butt" Connor. The President said in part:
I speak to you tonight for the dignity of man ... What happened in Selma is part of a larger movement ... of American
Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American
life. Their cause must be our cause too. Because it is ... all of
us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry . . . .
At this point in his speech, Johnson, as one observer described it,
raised his arms and repeated these words from an old Baptist
hymn, now the marching song of the civil rights movement:
"And •.. we ... shalt ... overcome.
At thismoment ...
"the whole chamber was on its feet .... In the galleries Negroes and Whites, some in the rumpled sports shirts of bus
rides from the demonstrations ... wept unabashedly. " 34
Although Lyndon Johnson's call to America to build a "Great
Society" is frequently treated with derision today, there can be little
doubt as to its effectiveness in persuading the Nation to begin more
effectively to undo many of the injustices done to black people. The
depth of commitment behind the various measures Johnson proposed (the Voting Rights Act, the "War on Poverty," "Affirmative
Action,'' etc.) was in sharp contrast to the cold calculation of how
best to keep the social peace that lay behind his successor Richard
Nixon's support for an extension ofsome of the same measures.
When one reads Jimmy Carter's 1977 inaugural address, it is clear
that the Nation is again at the center of presidential rhetoric in a way
in which it had not been since the days of the cold war and Vietnam.
Although some abstract utopian pretensions remain-as in his declaration that it is America's task to "help shape a just and peace'·
ful world," (Weekly Compilation, p. 87) the emphasis in Carter'~
address is on "help" rather than on "shape."
The first line of Jimmy Carter's inaugural invokes the Nation:
For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor
for all he has done to heal our land. (Carter, Weekly Compilation, p. 87)
He soon proceeds to rearticulate the American public philosophy:
Ours was the first society openly to define itself it terms of both
spirituality and human liberty. It is that unique self-definition
which has given us an exceptional appeal-but it also imposes
on us a special obligation to take on those moral duties which,
when assumed, seem invariably in our best interests. (88)
i~
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27
�..•
The lr~augural Addnue1 ofA mericar1 Pruider111
_:
li! And later:
Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the
-~~- basic,principles of our Nation, for·we know that if we despise
\' our own government, we have no future. (88) ·
,.
:-,, ,
1
t
· 1 Wtiat ~~the Nation's "basic principles"? What can they be other
: t~an liberty and equality? To quote again from Carter's inaugural
.
.
. add~:
)J We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and
$~ we are now struggling to enhance equalitY of opportunity. Our
: commitment to human rights must be absolute, our laws fair,
.'_~ur:national beauty preserved: the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.
.
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wcniave·leltrriecf that mo're is not necessarily better, that even
' our~ great Nation has its' recognized limits, and that we canneither answer all questions nor solve all problems. (88)
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Calling for ·a muting of the Kennedyesque trumpet call to global
,_
in defense of ~'democracy," Carter modestly asserts, in keep-.lng with the long course of the public philosophy:
' :, .Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home.
1,· And we know that the best way to enhance freedom in other
I. lands Is to demonstrate here that our democratic system is
. , . ·, worthy of emulation.
;
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·. :?: : '-]~:. To be true to OUrSelves, Je must be true to _others. We will not
·.! f;.3 1 ·; .. :stf!lbehave lin,.forelgn places; so as to violate our rules and stan:.:.~~.; ·dards,_here at home, for we know that the trust which our
:t.~- Natlon earns Is essential to our strength. (W.P., 80)
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. ; -. The sobriety In President Carter's inaugural rhetoric is relative, of
, ,;·course. There Is something by nature ecstatic about the "American
; -~~!dream,!;-ahd-yet this ecstasy.is a sober one. Nonetheless, the peroral '·._tlon referring to ~·our belief In an undiminished, ever expanding
•'
. .1
:American dream," (89) is puzzling in the light of the earlier declara~(:
:~tlon that "more is not better." Perhaps by the "expansion" of the
·!American dream, Carter meant to refer to Its extension to those citi1
1
.'. ·
· ~zens presently at the margins ofthe Nation's plenty. ·
President Carter's realism and common sense came to the fore in
l a remarkable way in his so-c•lled "malaise" speech ofJuly 15, 1979.
,.<"Energy and ;National Goals"). Despite his penchant for burying
leading Ideas under a mountain of programmatic detail-his speech-
.\ · I
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28
The "Public Philosophy";, the Rhetoric ofAmerican Preside.
writer James Fallows has said that he "seemed to have not one point
of view but SO specific belicfs"»-at the heart of this speech the
President made what in time is likely to become regarded as an enduring contribution to the continuing articulation of the American
public philosophy as it ebbs and flows. Although roundly attacked
by journalists and others as a political mistake, Carter's address was
a noteworthy rearticulation of the public philosophy.
After describing the background to the speech--of how he can-·
celled what was to have been just another speech on the energy crisis
and invited a number of people more skilled in reflection than are
the ordinary counselors of Presidents to Camp David-36 President
Carter launched into his theme, "The Crisis of Confidence":
••• I want to talk to you ... about a fundamental threat to
Americ~n democracy.
·
I do not mean our political and civil liberties. They will endure.
And I do not refer to the outward strength of America, a nation
that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world, with unmatched economic power and military might.
The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis in
confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul
of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt
about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of
purpose for our Nation. (Jimmy Carter, Preside11tial Documents, 1237)
Carter proceeds to show the "American dream" as rooted in historical reality:
The confidence that we have always had as a people is not sim· ,
ply some romantic dream ... it is the idea which founded our
Nation and has guided our development as a people .... Confidence has defined our course and has served as a link be- ·
tween generations. (Ibid.)
Carter's identification of the problem as a crisis of "confidence in
the future" enabled him to draw on the resources of the public philosophy and use the rhetoric of assent in an attempt to inspire hope
in the people. The fact that the speech was immediately greeted with
derision in s_ome quarters does not detract from its importance as a
good example of presidential rhetoric in the service of the public
philosophy. After all, Lincoln was ridiculed by the press for his
29
�I·?:.:.
Tile lnaiiJural Addre66U ofAmerican Pre6itlent6
The "Public Philosophy" in the Rhetoric ofAmerican Presi.
~..lllleged failure to rise to the occasion at Gettysburg. ·The impact on
President Carter's speech of July 15. 1979 was no Gettysb~rg
address. It was too long, and its most important observations were
sandwiched between a disjointed account of the more thoughtful
advice he had received at his "Crisis of Confidence" conference:at
Camp David and the inevitable list of rather trivial steps on the
energy shortage. Nonetheless, he had broken his pragmatic stride
long enough to reflect on the decline of the American public philosophy in the politics of his time. From that same public philosophy
he had discovered sources of renewal and hope.
We are now too close to the administration of Ronald Reagan to
make more than a tentative assessment of how his rhetoric fits in
with the articulation and re-expression of the American public
philosophy.
I··>.
i
.public opinion of presidential speech which articulates the public
:~philosophy may be Immediate, as with Lyndon. Johnson's response to
'·the events ln·Selma. Such impact has often been delayed, however,
~?as events must catch up with eloquence. Adlai Stevenson's speeches
. ;tn his 1952 and 1956 campaigns for the presidency against Eisen~hower are still reme~bered by many who were moved by them as
~~lassie expressions of the public philosophy. .· .
~1f.i In. an analysis remarkable for Its contriti':)n and humility, Carter
;. Inveighed against what Reinhold Niebuhr once called the peculiarly
j~American proclivity for self-congratulation. The public philosophy is
·Jnot to be confused with mindless repetition of traditional pieties
· I .hvhen the reality Is far removed from the oratorical cliche. As the
.·
· [:President expressed It:
'
·
·j ;1';;. In a nation that was proud of hard work, strong families, close.!
knit.communlties,·and our faith In God, too many of us now
· 1
!J.~~ tend to worship self-Indulgence and consumption. Human
1 !~~- identity Is no longer defined by what one does, but what ~ne
i !~: owns. But we've discovered that owning things and consummg
. ! ·~:things does not satisfy our longing for meaning. Ubid, 1237)
. ·: 1. Jt!::ter, :~ld.ent Carter read a litany of the horrors of the recent
·;._,
1
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:.·:: t lit~
We . weie sure th~t ours wu a nation of the ballot,· not the bul-
: ', . .· ··~let, until the murders of John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy
· · .! • 1. · ;~~ an~ Martin_ Luth~ King, Jr. We were taught that. our armies
fl~·· were always invinCible and OUf causes were always JUSt, only to
.
.. . .
· : .· ·'1: :;: :.'~-~ suffer the agony of Vietnam. We respected the Presidency as a
. i.
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· · placeofhonoruntiltheshockofWatergate.(t237)
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i . j;i~· As had Roosevelt before him, Carter spoke of the need to rally
·. ibehlnd the Ideals of the Nation. He Insisted on recalling the public
philosophy In order to distinguish between an authentic view of free! dom and a "mistaken" one:
.I
...
"'
1 . +~
There are two paths to choose. One ••• leads to fragment a-
.~,_ '· tion and self-interest. Down that road lies a mistaken idea of
1 ~freedo~: t~~ ~g~~ to gras.p for ourselves some advantage over
.., .
.
; others • • • •
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.
.
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·; . ·;/' All' traditions o'f'our past~ all the lessons of our heritage ...
· '.i: ~:~
1 pol~t~to another_ path,- the path of commori purpose and the
· ·_. • -;·restoration of_ American values. That path leads to true free"r 1;' ,. ~ doin for' our Nation and ourselves.
·
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There is some cause for concern that Carter's return to a sense of
limits in his view of the United States' role in world affairs might be
reversed in certain respects by Reagan. The latter's ominously titled
"Crusade for F_reedom" address delivered to the British Parliament
in June, 1982, calling for "supporting democratic development"
around the globe through a plan that "will leave Marxism-Leninism
on the ash heap of history" raised dangers of a revival of the cold
war. (Knowledgeable students of Marxism could have told the P~es
ident that "M~rxism-Leninism" had already done a very good job of
throwing itself on the "ash-heap" of history, to judge by the stagn~nt
and bureaucra,ic societies that today make any pretense to following
"Marxism-Leninism.") Reagan's 1983 address to a meeting of Evangelical Christians in which he described the Soviet Union as "an evil
empire" has also aroused widespread concern .
The grc!ltest c~allenge to the persuasive powers of the Presidency
today is over the threat of nuclear devastation of the earth. Although
President Carterl addressed the problem eloquently in his Farewell
Address, and although there is growing support in the country for a
policy of reducti~n in and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons,
the issue has yet to be integrated into the framework of the public
philosophy. There are no present signs that Reagan's Presidency will
be responsive to the issue. Indeed, under the Reagan administration
there may h~ve been a retrogression, as Pentagon strategists play at
their games of 'limited" nuclear war, unmindful that they have lost
their foothold ori reality. As Kenneth W. Thompson has written in
his valuable book, The President and the Public Philosophy. many
Americans have eome to view nuclear war as a "practical alternative" to conventional war, whereas "they ought to recognize that a
war between the superpowers would likely incinerate the world." A
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31
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;~:·: · , •···· ·. , The lnaugu~l At11reuu
ofAmerictut PreiWenll ·
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president, Thompson concludes, "must persuade or force the public
to. think.more realisticatty about the largely irieomprehensibte danlers.of.nuctear warfare." And for this the rhetoric of the public philosophy.isneeded:,::.;!:ii . .· ,.j ·....
; ! d:·'Y;i .~;<t·:· · ·
't It .will not be enough for future presidents to show ~traint [in
.tfi the threat or _use -~f United States military_ power]; thej must
·help the public to understand why restraint IS necessaey. 37
4,
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.i,~ .; IV. HA_S,TBERE 1 ~EEN A ~~.~F/I'BE
.·:..:h--,"RBETORICALPRESIDENCY"?
ij~il!fft_;!_q;~'lf( ·~ -~ .' . ·~p·.·· ~.;;. ,. ;. . .
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: In the concluding part of this ~tudy, I wish tQ show the utility of
linking presidential rhetoric ~nd the public phit~ophy,by examining
an: argument, recently advanced· about rhetofic and tlie modern
presidency•._, ·;"!! 1
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t; ,:.
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'•:; Acoording to one scholar, the early years of the 196o's produced a
"bumper crop" of presidential studies, most of which feU under the
designation "Hattowed Be Thy Presidency." Subsequently, he notes
,the pendulum has swung the other way, and the Leitmotif of such
studies has been "Deliver Us from Presidents.":M : .: ·
:~ 1 Today we know so much about the grime an4 grit of recent presidencies that a return to the "Hattowed Be Thy Presidency" theme is
unthinkable.· The revelations about Waterga~e and Vietnam have
left deep scars· in the public consciousness. Ame,ri(:ans have learned
fast ·what they ·already should have known from Lord Acton and the
federalist Papers about the tendeiiey of power to corrupt. . .
j-:·.• It could be, however, that certain institutions_ have-~ way of survi~ing·abuse by their occupants. One thinks of th~ Pap~cy, for exampte.. While Jean Bodin's moi juste to the effect that "a bad man
makes a good king" is true only .in the sense in which Nietzsche held
that truth inheres only in the exaggerations, it il true that a gOod institution neutralizes the mistakes of even i~ most cynical and manipulative occupiers. To the extent that some kind of Hegelian theory
pf history seems to emerge, it is, insofar as I know, purely accidentiat..,lf Goethe erred. in writing "Amerika-du luut u buser," he
would have been right on the mark had he said ''Ameriko-du hast
u verschieden."
In today's climate of "Deliver Us From Presidents" it is to be expected that sharp revisions of earlier contentions about the President's role of "Teacher and Preacher in Chief' have been forthcoming. One of the more interesting and important of such studies, by
1
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. 32
-·.-
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The "PubUc Phllosophy"ln the Rhetoric qfAmeric11n Preside.
my colleague James Ceaser and others, argues that
As strange as it may seem to us today, the framers of our Constitution looked with great suspicion on .popular rhetoric.
Their fear was that mass oratory, whether crudely demogogic
or highly inspirational, would undermine the rational and en·
lighten~ self-interest of the citizenry .•••
Not surprisingly, given the above conclusion about the intent of the
framers, the authors find that the "modern" presidency commeli·
cing with Wilson has violated the spirit, if not the letter, of the Con·
stitution. But let m~ quote their words:
...
. . . [T]he framers discouraged any idea that the president ·
should serve as a leader of th~ people who would stir up mass
opinion by rhetoric; their conception was rather that of a con·
stitutionat officer who would rely for his authority on the for·
mal pc)wers granted by the Constitution and on the informal .
authority that would flow from the office's strategic position. .
The framers thus created the model for "an essentially non-rhe·
torical regime." Lest one misrepresent their position or obtain a
cheap victory by arguing that any nonrhetorical president would
resemble a mummy, Ceaser and his colleagues base their ·case on a
distinction betwee.n rhetoric that is "popular" and rhetoric that is
"public."
.
These limitations on popular rhetoric did not mean, however,
that presidents were expected to govern in silence. Ceremonial .
occasions presented a proper forum for reminding the· public
of the nation's basic principles and communications to Con·
gress, explicitly provided for by the Constitution, offered a
mechanism by which the people also could be informed on
matters of policy. Addre15sed in the first instance to a body of
informed representatives, it would possess a reasoned a11d
deliberative char~cter. And insofar .as some in the public ·
. would read tJtese speeches and state papers, they would impll·
citly be called to raise their understanding to the level of
characteristic deliberative speech.
Turning to the inaugural address, the authors contend th~t
Thomas Jefferson's address in his first inaugural-a model which
lasted until the time of Wilson-was primarily ail effort "designed to
instruct the people in, and fortify their attachment to, true republi·
can political principles. Up until Wilson's first inaugural, then, pres·
idents consistently attempted to show how: the actions of the new
·•
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TheliUJugural Addtu~a ofAmerl'can Prelldenll
.•
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administration woul4 conform to constitutio~ai arid republican
principles." •
:· '> ' ..
<;_:.·Against this· tradition Woodrow Wilson ga_.ve the .inaugural
i;~ Address ; ', •·a new theme~ Instead of showing how the policies
· of the incoming administration reflected the. principles of our
form ofgovemment, Wilson sought to articulate the unspoken
~nl desires. of the people by· hdlding out a visioi(_of their fulfill.~, ment,Presidential speech~ in Wilson's view-should articulate
-'ls.'what is "in our hearts" and not necessarily what is in our con;~, stitution. 39
• < •• • :·,
'~·Although there is more to_ Professor Ceaser's subtle and complex
argument, enough has been :offered to suggesUts gist, and it will
perhaps be obvious even before I state it what my re5ponse will be. If
my thesis concerning the preSidency and the public phUasophy has
any 'validity, it will require the abandonment of the' cOntention that
1
there has b'een any' such sharp break in presideiltlai 'rhetoric of the
kind the authors describe. There being no ditl'eieriee between "the
principles of our form..of government" arid the pqblic philosophy, it
i(siritply ,no~ 'the _case".tha~ any such violatioq))r;a~~ndonment or
lporlng of,th05e'piinCiples'~as occurred inpresldentlal rhetoric of
the kind which the authors discu5s.
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'<i Wtiat 'after all· a~ those p~inciples? To quote President Gerald
Ford, speaking at Monticello on the occasion of the Nation's Bicentennial:
.: ' ·
.
··:···[The United States is] uniquely a community of values, as dis'·''tinct fropm a religious community, a geographic community,
':'-:·or an ethnic community. This Nation was founded-200 years
'ago, not on-ancient legends or conquests or phyiicalllkeness or
: language, but on a certain political value which Jefferson's pen
· so eloquently expressed. •
; · ·.
.:1-. '•
·:,.r,
,
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<':"To be an American," Mr. :Ford went on to say," is to subscribe to
those ;principles· which. the Declaration of Independence proclaims
1ind!the1Constitution protects •••• ".He then';went on to,eompare
Am~rica to ~"the beauty of Joseph's coat" wit I{ its ."many colors."
(1975-'1976)·i ..
. . l
.·. :i: :_,."
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.· .; . . . :;• ~t'is difficult to see how, given the principles of the Aniericari public
philosophy and the necessities of inodem govemment·in an industrialized society, one should or could avoid a presidency that com~unicates. directly to .the people. The Constitution enshrined no
particular:' economic- system; ·and it was William Howard Taft,
Wilson's predecessor, who said in his inaugural:
34
•
I
The "Public: Ph~osophy" in the Rhetoric: qfAmerlCtUt Pralden.
The scope of a modem government in what it can and ought to
accomplish for its people has been widened far beyond the
principles laid down by the old ;laissez faire' school of political
writers, and this widening has met with popular approval. (189)
As Abrah~m Uncoln said long before Woodrow Wilson, the
'central idea' in our political public opinion, at the beginning
was . . . the "equality of men." And although it has always
submitted patiently to whatever of inequality there seemed to
be as a matter of actual necessity, its constant working has
been a steady progress towards the practical equality of all
men. 40
The increase of direct "rhetorical" appeals to the people by
"modern" presidents is undeniable, but it is explicable by other factors than novel "dOctrine" of the presidency. The impact of ram· ·
pant, heedless industrialization during the last halfofthe nineteenth
century of the American Nation's commitment to equality was ·
rather shattering, to iay the least; Who could with cause deplore as
rhetoric in the bad iense Wilson's condemnation of the "human
cost" ofindustriai~Zjtlon:
With riches has came inexcusable waste •••• We have been
proud of our industrial achievements, but we have not hitherto
stopped thoughtfully enough to count the human cost, the cost
of lives snuffed out, of energies overtaxed and burdened, the
fearful physical and spiritual cost to the men and women and
children upon whom the dead weight and burden of it .all has ·
fallen pitilessly the years through. (207)
a
While one can readily grant to the authors of the "Rise of the
Rhetorical Presidency" their contention that rhetoric is not the same
as governing, rhetoric of the kind found in Wilson's address was
used as a prelude to concrete actions to remedy in part the inequities
and injustices exposed by the rhetoric itself.
. ,,I .
Conclusion
I shall not pretend to have exhausted my subject. Many more
topics, such as whether today presidential speechwriting by a team .
of people who may even select the subjects the President discusses as
he shuttles endlessly and witlessly across the indeed very extended
republic that is the United States has not trivialized presidential .
35
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;helnilugu~~dlreuu oJAmein Pre8~~: ·•
7
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! ~~etoric almost beyond repai~, could \le conside~~:B~t let me leave
! you with a semblance of my main contention, t~.\!!t:Jhe rhetoric of
'
the: American presidency is of a special klnd.when it.is truly presidential irl that it cannot be viewed aright withou~ recopizing its link
to the American public philosophy. Presidentilli. speech is not just
the speech of any politicat.leader who can cap~ure_ a, balcony or a
television stlidio. Because of its anchorage in the publi~ philosophy,
American presidential speech has the effect of.,romoting equality,
for it ·includes· and brings all of the citizenry· into political life as
persons of equal dignity and worth.
·''; · ,',- · ;t:•..•_: . .
I Presidential 1 rhetoric can \also have the effect •of keeping the
foreign 'policy of the United States within the bounds of pragmatic
reality ~ithout sacrificing the nobility of vision. inherent in the trad.ition~l iAmerican public phi~osophy. To do th~i. fut~re presidents
wJU have, to evoke the spiritual reality of univerial humankind as an
open soclety,,The ope" society idea must be. rightly ~nceived: that
is, .as something other than the imprinting of the American public
philosophy or of even more general ideas of western. Democracy on a
recalcitrant world. Rather, to the extent that. the American, public
_philosophy opens itself out to a sympathetic understanding of political styles;different from its own but which at the. same time reveal
human; beings.innately to be ,creatures of dignity.,arid, worth,to that
extent.-it:.will uncover the. universality Implicit h\;Thomas Jefferson's
words' abou( the; "self-eviden:ce" of the truths that ~·au men" (and
riot. just,;Americans).. are created. equal. America will open, itself to
appropriate the.richness ofh~'"anity's pre-modem past in the symbolisms·. of inyth~ ·philosophy,· revelation, and ,mysticism. Perhaps
America
find its "mission" to be to lead humarikirid into a postmodem world of openness to ali the dimensions of reality, nonmetric
as.,well .as. metric•.This leadership. would be ofia spiritual nature,
however.1.and it. would .be entirely consonant,.;with:the idea that
Ainerica.serve;as.model.rather than as master, ari ide,_ rooted in the
traditlon~l
American public philosophy itself•. ·,·,:.-:·
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Footnotes
Doris Keams, LBJ a11d the American Dream (New York,
Harper and Row, 1976), p. 303.
2.
Ibid
3.
Wayne C. Booth, Modern Dogma and the Rhetoric oj'Assent
(University of Notre Dame Press, 1974), xvi.
4.
James L. Barber, Presidential Chart~cter, (Englewood Cliffs,
N.J., Prentice Hall, 1972), p. 4.
.
5.
President Carter's speechwriter James Fallows distinguished
between two types of presidential rhetoric: One is designed to
sway .Public opinion on a specific issue of the day, while ••the :
second kind of, •• rhetoric is that which will •.• try to explain
the directions in which things are going." James Fallows, talk
on "Rhetoric and Presidential Leadership," Miller Center
Research Project, University of Virginia, March 1, 1979, p. 38.
It is the second type which I place in the ••public philqsophy" .
category. I am grateful to Kenneth W. Thompson, Director of
the Miller Center for Public Affairs, for the opportunity to
read this transcript.
6.
Booth, op. cit.. xiv.
7.
Juergen Gebhardt, Die Krise des Amerika11ismus (Stuttgart':
Ernst Klett Verlag, 1976), p. 224.
8.
To the best of my knowledge, "public philosophy., is a term
originating with the publicist Walter Lippmann in the 1950's,-·
It has come to be used more flexibly in recent years. See Rich·· .
ard Bishirjian;~ed;, A Public Philosophy Reader (New Rochelle,;· '
N.Y.: Arlingtoi(,House Publishers, 1978); William Sullivan;'
Reconstructinlf.ublic Philosophy (Berkeley, Cal.: University
of CaliforniA Press, 1982); aru:l Kenneth W. Thompson, The
President and (he Public Philosophy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State UniversliyPress, 1981).
9.
Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma, (2 Vols., New York:
Harper and Brothers, 1944), p. 3.
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will
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Essays on Religion
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Harper & Row, Publishers
New York, Evaeston, and London
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Civil Religion in America
And it concluded:
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The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands
the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and to abolish all
forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which
our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe-the belief that
the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from
the hand of God.
While some have argued that
Chris-
tianity is the national faith, and others that church and synagogue
celebrate only the generalized religion of "the American Way of
Life," few have realized tha,t there actually exists alongside of and
rather dearly differentiated from the churches an elaborate and wellinstitutionaliezed civil religion in J\merica. This article argues not
only that there is such a thing, but also that this religion-or perha~. better, this religious dimension-has its own seriousness ~d
i;.:ttegrity and requires the same care in understanding that any other
religion does;'l
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Tlie Kennedy Inaugural
John F. Kennedy's inaugural address of January 20, 1961, serves
as an example and a 'due with which to .introduce this complex
subject. That addres~ began:
'fe observe, today n~t a. victory of party but a celebration of freedomijmbolizing an end as well as a beginning-signifying renewal as well as
chanse. For I have sworn before you and .Almighty God the same
solemn oath. our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters
ago.
Tills tll11p1n was wri11111 for 11 Daedalus to11/Wt11tl 011 Amnit1111 Rtligion ;, M.1
1966. It Will ,printttl wit/J tommtnls ntl t1 ,;ointln in The Religious Situation:
1968; whnt 1 tleftntl m1stlf •gili1111 th1 tltttisalion of s11pporting 11t1 itlo/alro•s
fiHirthip of the Ameri11111 t1t11io11, 1 thi11fl it sho11ltl IJt tltllf' from tht teKI thai 1
to•ttifll of the ttntrttl ,,.,tJitio11 of the Amwit11n tiflil ,.,/;gion not 111 " fMm of
tlallo•ttl self-wtmhip b111 111 1h1 sllbo,.tli11allo• of the n111io11 to ethit11l printip/es
thai lf'lltllttntl it
i11 lnms of whith it sho11/tl be i•tlg.J. 1 Jm tonr•intetl th111
""7 •111io11 11ntl '""1 P«~PII tome to som1 form of f'eligio•s· self-•nflnst~~ntli•g
v/Jn/J~r the tritits /ille II tw 11o1. 'RIIIhn th1111 simp/1 tk11o11nt,. wha1 setms 111 11111
11111 it~efliltlble, it 111m1 more f'etJiotllible lo 11111 withifl tht tiflil f'tligiofll lf'Milio•
fo' tho11 .tritir11l prinriplll whith Mntlef'tfll the tfltr/Wetelll tJJttger of n•tio1111/ itlf·
itlt~liJIIIio11.
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Finally, whether you are citizens of America or of the world, ask of us
the same high standards of strength and sacrifice that we shall ask of
you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final
judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we Jove, asking His
blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must
truly be our own.
These are the three places in this brief addre~s in which Kennedy
mentioned the name of God. If we could understand why he men·
tioned God, the way in which he did it, and what he meant to say
in those three references, we would understand much about American civil religion. But this is not a simple or obvio.us task, and
American students of religion would probably differ widely in their
interpretation of these passages.
Let us consider first the placing of the three references. They
occur in the two opening paragraphs and in the closing paragraph,
thus providing a sort of frame for the more concrete remarks that
form the middle part of the speech. Looking beyond this particular.
speech, we would find that similar references to God are almost
invariably to be found in the pronouncements of American presidents
on solemn occasions, though usually not in the working messages
that the President sends to Congress on various concrete issues.
How, then, are we to interpret this placing of references to God?
It might be argued that the passages quoted reveal the essentially.
irrelevant role of religion in the very secular society that is America.
The placing of the references in this speech as well as in public life
generally indicates that religion has "only a ceremonial significance";
it gets only a sentimental nod that serves largely to placate the more
unenlightened members of the community before a discussion of the
really serious business with which religion has nothing whatever to
do. A cynical observer might even say that an American President
has to mention God or risk losing votes. A semblance of piety is
merely one of the unwritten qualifications for the office, a bit more
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CIVIL RELIGION IN AM F.RJCA
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segregates the religious sphere, which is considered to be essentially
private, from the political one.
Considering the separation of church and state, how is a president
justified in using the word "God" at all? The answer is that the
separation of chw,JCch and state has not denied the political realm a
religious dimension. Although matters of personal religious belief,
worship, and association are considered to be strictly private affairs,
there are, at the same. time, certain common elements of religious .
orientation that the great majority of Americans share. These have
played a crucial role in the development of American institutions
and still provide a religious dimension for the whole fabric of Ameri·
can life, including the political sphere. This public religious dimen·
sion is expressed in a set of beliefs, srmbols, and rituals that I am
calling I he American civil religion. TI1e inauguration of a president
is an important ceremonial event in thi!ii religion. It reaffirms, amonR
other things, the religious legitimation of the highest political
authority.
·
Let us look more closely at what Kennedy actually said. First he
said, ''I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn
oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters
ago." The oath is the oath of office, including the acceptance of the
obligation to uphold the Constitution. He swears it before the people
(you) and God. Beyond the Constitution, then, the president's obligation extends not only to the people but to God. In American politi·
cal theory, sovereignty rests, of course, with the people, but implicitly,
and often explicitly, the ultimate sovereignty has been attributed
to God. This is the meaning of the motto, "In God we trust," ns well
as the' inclusion of the phrase "under God" in. the pledge to the
Rag. \Vhat difference does it make that sovereignty belongs to God?
Though the will of the people as expressed in majority vote is
carefully institutionalized as the operative source of political author·
· · ity, it is deprived of iin ultimate significance. The will of the people
is not itself the crite~ion of right and wrong. There is a higher
criterion in terms of which this will can be judged; it is possible
that the people may be wrong. The president's obligation extends
to the higher criterion.
When Kennedy says that "the rights of man come not from the
generosity of the state but from the hand of God," he is stressing
this point again. It does not matter whether the state is the cxpres·
sion of Hte will of an autocratic monarch or of the "people"; the
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traditional than but not essentially different from the present-day re·
quirement of a pleasing television personality.
But :we know enough about the function of ceremonial and ritual
in various societies to make us suspicious of dismissing something
as unimportant because it is "only a ritual." What people say on
solemn occasions need not be taken at face value, but it is often
indicative of dee~ted values and commitments that are not made
explicit in the..-tourse of everyday life. ~ollowing this line of argu·
ment, it is worth considering whether the very special placing of the
references to God in Kennedy's address may not reveal something
rather important and serious about religion in American life.
It might be countered that the very way in which Kennedy made .
his references reveals the essentially vestigial place o(f'eligion today~
He did not refer to any religion in particular. He did not refer to·
Jesus Christ, or to Moses~ or to the Christian church; certainly he did
not refer to the Catholic church. In fact, his only reference was to the
concept of God, a word that almost all Americans can accept but that
means so many different things to so many different people that it is
.1llmost an empty sign. Is this not just another indication that in
. - Ameri.ca. religion is considered vaguely to be a good thing, but that
people care so .little about it that it has lost any content whatever?
Isn't Dwight Eisenhower reported to have said "Our government
makes no sense unless it is founded in a deeply felt religious faith. and I don't care what it is,'.' 1 and isn't that a complete negation of any
real religion?
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These questions are worth pursuing because they raise the issue
of how civil religion relates to the political society on the one hand
and to private teligious organization on the other. President Kennedy
was a Christian, more specifically a Catholic Christian. Thus his
general references to God do not mean that he lacked a specific
. religious .commitment•.. ~ut why, . ~~~•. dicfl~e not i.llclud.~ ... so.rn~ ..
remark to the effect that Christ is the Lord of the world or some ·
indication of respect for the Catholic church? He did not because
·· · these are matters of his own private religious belief and of his. relation to his own particular churcli; they are not matters relevant in
any direct way .to the conduct of his public office. Others with differ·
ent religious views and commitments to different churches or de·
nominations are equally qualified participants in the political process.
The principle of separation of church and state· guarantees the free·
dom of religious belief and association, but at/the same time clearly
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iights of man are more basic than any political structwe arid provide
a point of revolutionary leverage from which any state structure
may. be radically altered. That is the basis for his reassertion of the
revolutionary significance of 'America.
But the religious dimension in political life as recognized. by
Kennedy not onl~ provides urounding for t~_e rights o~~--!hat
makes any form~~titic;al a65oliiffsffi·meg!timafe~ ·iraiSo provides
a tnnscend7nt ·jOal for the poiitiwprocess~--This. is implied in his
final words that "here on earth God's work must truly be our own."
What he means· here is, I think, more clearly spelled out in a previ·
ous paragraph, the wording of which, incidentally, has a distinctly
biblical ring:
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Novl the trumpet summons us again-not as a call tO bear arms, though ·
arms we need-not as .a call to battle; though embattled we are-but a
call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year
out, ... rejoicing in hope, patient in. tribulation"-a struggle against the
common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.
·• The. whole address can be understood as only the most recent statem~L of a theme that lies very deep in the American tradition,
namety the Qbligation, .. both_collertive and individual, to carry out
God's will on. earth. This was the mOtivatfrig-spirlt of those who
. founded America, and it has been present in every generation. since.
Just. below the surface throughout Kennedy's inaugural address, it
becomes explicit in the closing statement that God's work must be
our own. That this very activist and noncontemplative conception
of the fundamental religious obligation, which has been historically
associated vfith the Protestant position, should be enunciated so
clearly in the first. major statement of the first Catholic president
seems to underline how deeply established it is in the American.
outlook. Let us now consider the form and history of the civil religious tradition in which Kennedy was speaking.
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of the state and may be freely held by citizens. While the phrase
"civil religion" was not used, to the best of my knowledge, by the
founding fathers, and I am certainly not arguing for the particular
influence of Rousseau, it is clear that similar ideas, as part of the
rultural climate· of the··Iate eighteenth century, were to be found
amon~ the Americans. For example, Benjamin Franklin writes in his
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autobiography,
I never was without some religious principles. I never doubted, for in·
stance, the existence of the Deity; that he made the world and ~1wern'd
it by hi~ Prm·idence; that the most acceptable service of God was the
doing of good to men; that our souls are immortal; and that all crime
will be punished, and virtue rewarded either here or hereafter. Th~ I
esteemed the essentials of every religion; and, being to be found in all
the reli,gions we had in our countr}·. I re~pected them all, tho' with
different degrees of respect, as I found them more or Jess mix'd with
other articles, which, without any tendency to inspire, promnte or con·
firm morality, serv'd principally to divide m, and make us unfrienclly to
one another.
It is easy to dispose of this sort of position as essentially utilitarian
in relation to religion. In Washin~ton's Farewell Address (thouRh
the words may be Hamilton's) the utilitarian aspect is quite cxrlicit:
The Idea of a Civil Religion.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prmrcrity,
Religion and Morality are indiliJlCn!lable "upports. In vain wmild that
man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour to sub,•ert these
~real Pillar!~ of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of
men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the piom man
ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their
connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked
where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense
of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the in~ruments of
investi~ation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indul.~t> the
supposition, that morality can be maintained without· religion. What·
ever may be conceded. to the influence of relined education on minds
of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect lh:tt
National morality can· prevail in cxclmion of religious principle.
The phrase "civil religion" is, of course, Rousseau's. In chapter 8,
bOok 4 of The Social' Contract, he outlines the simple dogmas of
the civil religion: the existence of God, the life to come, the reward
of virtue and the punishment of vice, and the exclusion of religious
_intolerance. All other religious opinions a~e outside the fognizance
But there is every reason to believe that religion, particularly the
idea of God, played a constitutive role in the thought of the early
American statesmen.
Kennedy's inaugural pointed to the religious aspect of the Dec·
Jaration of Independence, and it might be well to look at that docu·
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ment a bit more closely. There are four references to God. The filst
speaks of the "Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" that entitle .
any people to be independent. The second is the famous statement
that all men "are endowed bt their Creator with certain inalienable
Rights." Here Jefferson is locating the fundamental legitimacy of the
new nation in a co,nception of "higher law" that is itself based on
both classical ~tufallaw and biblical religion. The third is an appeal
to "the Suprerile Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions," and the last indicates "a firm reliance on the protection of
divine Providence.'' In these last two references, a biblical God of
history who stands in judgment over the world is indicated.
The intimate relation of these religious notions with the self·
conception of the new republic is indicated by the'" frequency of ·
their appearance in early oflidal documents. For example, we find
in Washington's first inaugural address of April 30, 1789:
It would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my
fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the uni·
..~ verse, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose pro~idential
aids can supply every· defect, that His benediction may consecrate to
the libetiies and happiness of the people of the United States a Govern·
ment instituted·· by themselves for these essential purposes,· and may
enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute ,with
success the functions allotted to his charge.
·
No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand
which conducts the> affairs of man inore than those of the United States.
Every step by which we have advanced to ltte character of an independent nation •seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agencyI •..
. The propitious siniles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation
that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself
has ordained. . • • The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the
· ' destiny of ··the republican · model of government are · justly· ·considered,
perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the
hands of the American people.
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The words and acts of the founding fathers, especially the first
few presidents, shaped the form and tone of the civil religion as it
has been maintained ever since. Though much is selectively derived
from Christianity, this religion is clearly not itself Christianity. For
one thing, neither Washington nor Adams nor Jefferson mentions
Christ in his inaugural address; nor do any of the subsequent presi·
dents, although not one of them fails to mention God. 1 The God of
the civil religion is not only rather '"unitarian," he is also on the aus·
tere side, much more related to order, law, and right than to salva·
tion and Jove. Even though he is somewhat deist in cast, he is by no
means simply a watchmaker God. He is actively interested and in·
volved in history, with a special concern for America. Here the
analogy has much less to do with natural Jaw than with ancient Israel;
the equation of America with Israel in the idea of the "AmeriC\n
Israel" is not infrequent.• What was implicit in the words of Wa!ihing·
ton already quoted becomes explicit in Jefferson's second inaugural
when he said: "I shall need, too, the favor of that Bein,~t in who~e
hands we arc, who led our fathers, as Israel of old, from their native
land and planted them in a country flowing with aU the necessaries
and comforts of life." Europe is Egypt; America, the promised land.
God has Jed his people to establish a new sort of social order that
·shall be a light unto all the nations. 11
This theme, too, has been a continuous one in the civil religion.
\Ve have already alluded to it in the case of the Kennedy inaugural.
\Ve find it again in President Johnson's inaugural address:
They came here-the exile and the stranger, brave but frightened-to
find a· place where a man could be his own man. They made a covenant
with this land. Conceived in justice, written in liberty, bound in union,
it was meant one day to inspire the hopes of all mankind; and it binds
us still. If we keep its terms, we shall flourish.
Nor did these religious sentim~ts remain merely the personal ex-·.
pression of the President. At the request of both Houses of Congress, Washington proclaimed on October 3 of.that same first year
as Pr~sident that November 26 should be "a day of public thanksgiving and prayer," the first Thanksgiving Day under the Constitution.
What we have,. then, from the earliest years of the republic is a
collection of beliefs, symbols, and rituals with respect to sacred things
and institutionalized in a collectivity. This religion--there seems no
other word for it-while not antithetical to and indeed sharing
much in common with Christianity, was neither sectarian nor in
any specific sense Christian. At a time when the society was over·
whelmingly Christian, it seems unlikely that this lack of CJ1ri~tian
reference was meant to spare the feelings of the tiny non-Christian
minority. Rather, the dvil religion expressed what those who set the
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r-------~~~--------------~--------~--~------------------------------------precedents felt was appropriate under the ciraunstances•. It reflected
their private as well as public views. Nor was the civU religion
simply "religion in general." While generality was undoubtedly
seen as a virtue by some, as in the quotation from Franklin above,
the civil religion was specific enough when it came to the topic
of America. Precise~y because of ~his specificity, the civil religion
was saved from f!mpty formalism and several as a genuine vehicle of
national religi06s self-understanding.
But the civil religion was not, in the minds of Franklin, Washington,. Jefferson, or other leaders, with the exception of a few radicals like Tom Paine, ever felt to be a substitute for Christianity.
There was an implicit but quite clear division of function between the
civil religion and Christianity. Under the doctrine of religious liberty,
an exceptionally wide sphere of personal piety and voluntary social
action was left to the dlurches. But the churches were neither to
control the state nor to be controlled by it. The national magistrate,
whatever his private religious views, operates under the rubria .of the
civil religion as long as he is in his official capacity, as we have
·llready seen in the case of Kennedy. This accommodation was. un1 ~.
doubt~dly the product of a particular historical moment and of a
cultura1 backgro~d dominated by Protestantism of several· varieties
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and by;. the Enlightenment, but it has survived despite subsequent
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Civil War and· Civil Religion
Until the Ci~il War, the American civil religion focused above
· all on the even~ of the Revolution, which was seen as the final act of
the Exodus from the old lands aaoss the waters. The Declaration
of Independence and ·the Constitution were the sacred scriptures .
and Washington the divinely appointed Moses who led his people
out of the hands of tyranny. The Civil War, which Sidney Mead
calls "the center of American history,"• was the second great event
that involved the national self-understanding so deeply as to require
expression in the civil religion. In ·183,, Alexis de Tocqueville wrote
that the American republic had never really been tried and that victory
, in the Revolutionary War was more the result ofBritish preoccupation elsewhere and the presence of a powerful ally than of any great
·military success of the Americans; But in 1861 the time of testing
had indeed come. Not only did the Civil War1have the tragi~ inten176
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sity of fratricidal strife, but it was one of the bloodiest wars of the
nineteenth century; the loss of life was far greater than any pre·
viously suffered by Americans.
The Civil War raised the deepest questions of national meaning.
The man who not. only formulated but in his own person embodied
its meaning for Americans was Abraham Lincoln. For him the issue
was not in the first instance slavery but "whether that nation, or any
nation so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure." He had said
in Independence Hall in Philadelphia on February 22, 1861 :
All the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I
have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in
and were given to the world from this Hall. I have never had a fcclin~.
politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the
Declaration of Independence.'
The phrases of Jefferson constantly echo in Lincoln's spceche!'. Hi~
task was, first of all, to save the Union-not for America alone but
for the meaning of America to the whole world so unforgettably
etched in the last phrase of the Getty5burg Address.
But inevitably the issue of slavery as the deeper cause of the
conflict had to be faced. In his second inaugural, Lincoln related
slavery and the war in an ultimate perspective:
If we shall suppose that .American slavery is one of those offenses which,
in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having .continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that
He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to
those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure
from th~se divine attributes which the believers in a Jiving Gotl alwa)'S
ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this
mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it
continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and
fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of
blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the
sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the
judgements of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."
But he doses on a note if not of redemption then of reconciliation"With malice toward none, with charity for all."
With the Civil War, a new theme of death, sacrifice, and rchirth
enters the civil religion. It is symbolized in the life and death of
Lincoln. Nowhere is it stated more vividly than in the Gettysburg
Address, itself part of the Lincolnian "New Testament" among the
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~iptures.
Robert Lowell has recently pointed out the "in·
sistent use of birth images" in this speech explicitly devoted to "these .
honored dead": "brought forth," "conceived," "created," "a new
· birth of freedom." He goes ort to say:
civil
The Gettysburg Addtess is a symbolic and sacramental act. · Its verbal
quality is resonance,;-t:ombined with ·a logical, matter of fact, prosaic
brevity•... ln.)ds words, Lincoln symbolically died, just as the Union
soldiers really ··died-and as he himself was soon really to die. By his
words, he gave th~ field oE battle a symbolic •significance that it had
lacked. For us ~nd
country, he left Jefferson s ideals of freedom and
··· · equality joined to the Olristian sacrificial act of death and rebirth. I
believe this is a meaning that goes beyond sect or reUgio,!l and beyond .
peace and war, and is now part of our lives as a challen8e, obstacle and
our
hope.•.
· Lowell is certainly right lin pointing out the Christian quality oE the
symbolism here, but he is also right· in quickly disavowing any sec·
tarian implication. The earlier symbolism of the civil ·religion had
been Hebraic without in any specific sense being Jewish. The qettys·
_. burg symbolism ( ". • • those who here gave their lives, that t~t
: · nation ·might live") is Christian without having anything to. do wtth
the Christian church.
The symboli~ equation of Lincoln with Jesus was made relatively
early. W. H. Herndon, who had been Lincoln's law partner, wrote:
For fifty years God rolled Abraham Lincoln through his fiery furnace. He
did it to try Abraham and to purir{him for his purpo~es. TIUs made Mr.
IJncoln humble, 1 tender, forbearing, sympathetic to su1fering, kind, sensitive, tolerant; J:,roadening, deepening and widening his whole nature;
making him the; noblest ~d loveliest character since Jesus Christ.••• I
believe that Lincoln was God's chosen one.•
.I
With ·-the ··.Christian archetype. in the . background, ·Lincoln, Itour.
martyred president," was linked to the war dead, those who "gave
the last full measure of devotion." The theme of sacrifice was in·
delibly: written into the civil religi~n.
· The. new symbolism soon found both physical :tnd ritualistic ex·
pression. The great number of the war dead required the establishment of a number of national cemeteries. Of these, the. Gettysburg
National Cemetery, which Lincoln's famous address served to. dedicate, has been overshadowed only by the Arlington National Cemetery. Begun somewhat vindictively on the Lee ,estate aaoss tl;le river .
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from Washington, partly with the end that the Lee family could
never reclaim it, 10 it has subsequently become the most hallowed
monument of the civil religion. Not only was a section set aside
for the Confederate dead, but it has received the dead of each
. succeeding American war. It is the site of the one important new
symbol to come out of World War J, the Tomb of the Unknown
Soldier; more recently it has become the site of the tomb of another
martyred President and .its symbolic eternal flame.
Memorial Day, which grew out of the Civil War, gave ritual ex·
pression to the themes we have been discussing. As Uoyd Warner
has so brilliantly analyzed it, the Memorial Day observance, especially
in the towns and smaller cities of America, is a m:~.jor event for
the whole community involving a rededication to the martrrcd dead,
to the spirit of sacrifice, and to the American vision. 11 Just as Thanks·
giving Day, which incidentally was securely institutionalized ns an
annual national holiday only under the presidency of J.incoln,
serves to integrate the fllmily into the civil religion, so Memorial
Day has acted to integrate the local community into the national
cult. Together with the less overtly religious Fourth of July :uul the
more minor celebrations of Veterans Day and the birthdays of
\Vashington and Lincoln, these two holidars pwvide an annual ritual
calendar for the civil religion. The public school system scrvcc; as a
particularly important context for the cultic celebration of the civil
rituals.
The Civil Religion Today
In reifying and giving a name to something that, though perva·
sive enough when you look at it, has gone on only semiconsciously,
there is risk of severely distorting the data. But the reification and the
naming have already begun. The religious critics of "religion in gen·
eral," or of the "religion· '(if the 'American \Vay of Life,'" ot of
"American Shinto" ha~e really been talking about the civil religion.
As usual in religious polemic, they take as criteria the best in their
own religious tradition and as typical the worst in the tradition of
the civil religion. Against these critics, I would argue that the civil
religion at its best is a genuine apprehension of universal and tr:~n·
scendent religious reality as seen in or, one could almost say, as
revealed through the eXperience of the American people. Like all
religions, it has suffered various deformations and demonic distor·
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causes. On the domestic scene, an American-Legion type of ideol· ·
ogy that fuses God, country, and flag has been used to attack non·
conformist and liberal ideas and groups of all kinds. Still, it has
been difficult to use the words of Jefferson and Lincoln to support
special interests and undermine personal freedom. The defenders
of slavery before the Civil War came to reject the thinking of the
Decla~tiqn of Indepdtdence. Some of the most consistent. of them
turned against not" only Jeffersonian democracy but Reformation
religion; they dieamed of a South dominated by medieval chivalry
·.and divine-right monarchy. 11 For all the overt religiosity of the radi·
cal right· today, their relation to the civil religious consensus is
't tenuous, as when the John Birch Society attacks the central American
symbol of Democracy itself.
. ,With respect to America's role in the world, the dangers of dis·
tortion are greater and the built-in safeguards of the tradition
weaker. The theme of the American Israel was used, almost from
the beginning, as a justification for the shameful treatment of the
Indians so characteristic of our history. It can be overtly or implicitly
linked to the idea of manifest destiny that has been used to legitimate
-several a~~entures in imperialism since the early nine~eenth. century.
1
Never has· the danger been greater than today. The 1ssue 1s not so
much one of imperial expansion, of which we are accused, as of
the tendency to assimilate all governments or parties in the world
that suppPrt our immediate policies or call upon our help by invoking
the notion of free ~titutions and democratic values. Those nations
that are (or the moment "on our side" become "the free world." A
repressive and unstable military dictatorship in South Vietnam
becomes ~'the fr~ people of South Vietnam and their government."
It is then, part of the role of America as the New Jerusalem and "the
last best hope of earth" to defend such governments with treasure
and eyenqially with bl09d. _When o~r ~oldiers are act\Ja_Uy dying, it
becomes possible to consecrate the struggle further by invoking the
great theme of sacrifice. For the majority of the American people
who are unable to judge whether the people in South Vietnam
(or wherever) are "free like us," ~uch arguments are convincing.
Fortunately President Johnson has been less ready to assert that "God
has favored our undertaking" in the case of Vietnam than with
respect to civil rights. But others are not so hesitant._ The civil religion
haS exercised long-term pressure for the humane solution of our
greatest domestic problem, the treatment of the Negro American.
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It remains to be seen how relevant it can become for our role in
the world at large, and whether we can effectually stand for "the
revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought," in John F.
Kennedy's word!!.
The civil religion is obviously involved in the most pressing moral
and political issues of the day. But it is also caught in another kind
of crisis, theoretical and theological, of which it is at the moment
largely unaware. "God" has dearly been a central symbol in the
civil religion from the beginning and remains so today. This symbol
is just as central to the civil religion as it is to Judaism or Christianity.
In the late eighteenth century this posed no problem; even Tom
Paine, contrary to his detractors, was not an atheist. From left to
right and regardless of church or sect, all could accept the idea of
God. But today, a.c; even Time has recognized, the meaning of "God"
is by no means so dear or so obvious. There is no formal erect! in the
civil religion. We have had a Catholic president; it is conceivahle
that we could have a Jewish one. But could we have an agnostic
president? Could a man with conscientious scruples about using the
word "God" the way Kennedy and Johnson ha\'e used it be elected
chief magistrate of our country? If the whole God symbolism rc·
quires reformulation, there will be obvious consequences for the
civil religion, consequences perhaps of liberal alienation nnd of
fundamentalist ossification that have not so far been prominent in
this realm. The civil religion has been a point of articulation be·
tween the profoundest commitments of the Western religious nnd
philosophical tradition and the common beliefs of ordinary Ameri·
cans. It ~s not too soon to consider how the deepening theological
crisis may affect the future of this articulation.
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In conclusion it may be worthwhile to relate the civU religion to
the most serious situation that we as Americans now face, what I
call the third time of trial. The first time of trial had to do with the
question of independence, whether we should or could run our own
affairs in our own way. The second time of lrial was over the issue
of slavery, which in tum was only the most salient a.c;pect of the
more general problem of the full instilutionalization of democracy
within our country. This second problem we are still far from solving
though we have some notable successes to our credit. But we have
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.· been o~ertaken by a third great problem that has led to i third
Breat crisis, in the midst of which we stand. This is the problem of
responsible action in a revolutionary world, a world seeking to attain
many of the things, material add spiritual, that we have ali·eady at·
tained. Americans have, from the beginning, been aware of the re· .
sponsibility and the ~ignificance our republican experiment has for
the whole world._,nie first internal political polariution in the new
nation had to ,do with our attitude toward the French Revolution.
But we were small and weak then, and "foreign entanglements"
seemed •to threaten· our very survival. During the last century, our
relevance for the world was not forgotten, but our role was seen as
purely exemplary. Our democratic republic rebuked tyran~ny by merely
existing. Just after World War I we were on the brink of taking a
different role in the world, but once again we turned our backs.
Since· World War II tlle old pattern has become impossible. Every
president since Franklin Roosevelt has been groping toward a new
pattern of action in the world, one that would be consonant with
our power and our responsibilities. For Truman and for the period
· ·dominated by John Foster Dulles that pattern was seen. to be the
:-. great MllJlichaean confrontation of East and West, the confronta·
tion of democracy and "the false philosophy of Communism" that
provided the structure of Truman's inaugural address. But with the
last years of Eisenhower and with the successive two presidents, the
pattern began to shift. The great problems came to be seen as caused
not solely by the ev.il intent of any one group of men, but as stem·
minB from much more complex and multiple sources. For Kennedy
it was not so ~uch a struggle against particular men as against
"the common ~nemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war
·" . itself."
But in the midst of this trend toward a less primitive conception ..
of ourselves and our world, we have somehow, without anyone really
intending it, stumbled into a military confrontation where we have
come to feel that our honor is at stake. We have in a moment of un·
certaintY been tempted to rely on our overwhelming physical power
rather than on our intelligence, and we have, in part, succumbed
to this temptation. Bewildered and unnerved when our terrible
power fails to bring immediate success, we ate at the edge of a
, chasm the depth of which no man knows.
.·
· I cannot help but think of Robinson Jeffers, whose poetry seems
more apt now that when it was written, when he said:
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Unhappy country, what wings you have! • • •
Weep (it is frequent in human affairs), weep for
the terrible magnificence of the means,
.
The ridiculous incompetence of the reasons, the
bloody and shabby
Pathos o( the result.
•
But as so often before in similar times, we have a man of prophetic
stature, without the bitterness or misanthropy of Jeffers, who, as
Lincoln before him, calls this nation to its judgment:
When a nation is very powerful but lacking In self-confidence, it is likely
to behave in a manner that is dangerous both to itself and to others.
Gradually but unmistakably, America is succumbing to that arrogance
of power which has afflicted, weakened ancl in some cases destroyed
great nations in the past.
If the war goes on and expands, if that fatal process continues to
accelerate until America becomes what it is not now and never has been,
a seeker after unlimited pawer and empire, then Vietnam will have had
a mighty and tragic fallout indeed.
·
I do not believe that will happen. I am ''cry apprehensive but J still
remain hopeful, and even confident, that America, with its humane an,f
democratic traditions, will find the wisdom to match its po'\\·er. 10
· Without an awareness that our nation stands under higher jud~t·
ment, the tradition of the civil religion would be dangerous ·indeed.
Fortunately, the prophetic voices have never been Jacking. Our
present situation brings to mind the Mexican-American war that
Lincoln, among so many others, opposed. The spirit of civil disobc·
dience that is alive today in the civil rights movement and the oppo·
sition to the Vietnam War was already clearly outlined by Henry
David Thoreau when he. wrote, "If the law is of such a nature that it
requires you to be an agent of injustice to another, then I say, break
the law." Thoreau's words, "I would remind my countrymen that
they are men first, and Americans at a late and convenient hour," 20
provide an essential standard for any adequate thought and action
in our third time of trial. As Americans, we have been well favored ·
in the world, but it is as men that we will be judged.
Out of the first and second times of trial have come, as we have
seen, the major symbols of the American civil religion. There seems
little doubt that a successful negotiation of this third time of trial~
the attainment of some kind of viable and coherent worJd orderwould precipitate a major new set of symbolic forms. So far the
185
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fticker~g flame of. the United Nations bums too low .to be the foc:uS
of a cult,_ but ·the emergence of a genuine transnatioDal sov~snty
would certainly change this. It would necessitate the· it.icoiporation
of vital international symbolism' into our civil religion~ or~ perhaps a
better way of putting it, it would result in American civil religion
. becoming simply one part of a new. civil religion of the. world. _It is
useless to s~te·'On the form such a civil religion might take,
though it obvia6sly would draw on religious traditions beyond the
sphere of biblical religion alone. Fortunately, since the American
civil religion is; not· the worship of the American nation but an un·
derstan~ing of the American experience in the light of ultimate and
universal reality, the reorganization entailed by such a new situation
need not disrupt the American civil religion's continufty. A world
civil reUgion could be accepted as a fulfillment and not as a denial
of American civil religion. Indeed, such an outcome has been the
eschatological hope of American civil religion from ·the beginning.
To deny such an outcome would be to deny the meaning of America
itself.
,-. Behitld.· the civil religion at every point lie biblical archetypes:
Exodus, Chosen feople, Promised Land, New Jerusalem, and Sacrificial Death and Rebirth. But it is also genuinely American and gen·
uinely new. It has its own prophets and its own martyrs, its oWn
sacred events and sacred places, its own solemn rituals and symbols.
It is concerned that :America be a society as perfectly in accord with
the will of God as men can make it, and a light to all the nations.
It has often been used and is being used today as a cloak for
petty iqterests ~d ugly passions. It is in need-as is any living faith
-{Jf continual reformation, of being measured by univerSal standards. But it is not evident that it is incapable of growth and new in· .·
sight.·
. .. ,. ·
It does not make any decision for us. It does not remove us from
moral ambiguity, from being, in Lincoln's fine phrase, an "almost
chosen people." But it is 11. heritage of moral and religious experi·
ence from which we still have much to learn as we formulate the
decisions that lie ahead.
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NOTES
1 \Vhy something so obvious should have escaped serious analytical
attention is in itself an interesting problem. Part of the reason is probably the controversial nature of··the subject. From the earliest years of the
nineteenth century, conservative religious and political groups have argued
that Christianity is, in fact, the national religion. Some of them have ·
from time to time and as ·recently as the 1950s proposed constitutional
amendments that would explicitly recognize the sovereignty of Ouist.
In defending the doctrine of separation of church and state, opponent!
of such groups have denied that the national polity has, intrinsically, any.
thing to do with religion at all. The moderates on this issue have in·
sisted that the American state ha.<~ taken a permissive and indeed s~p·
portive attitude toward religious groups (tax exemption, et cetera), thus
favoring religion but still missing the positive institutionalization. with
which I am concerned. But part of the reason this issue has been left in
obscurity is certainly due to the peculiarly Western concept of "rdi,r.ion"
as denoting a single type of collectivity of which an individual cail he a
membe~ of one and only one at a time. The Durkheimian notion that
every group has a religious dimension, which would be seen as obvious
in southern or eastern Asia, is foreign to us. This obscures the recogni·
tion of such dimensions in our society.
2 Dwight D. Eisenhower, in Will Herberg, Proleslttni-Catholk·Jew
(Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., t9n), p. 97. .
3 God is mentioned or referred to in all inaugural addreues but
Washington's second, which. is a very brief (two paragraphs) and per-.
functory acknowledgment. If is not without interest that the actual word
"God" does not appear until Monroe's second inaugural, March !J, 1821.
In his first inaugural, Washington refers to God as "that Almighty Being
who rules the universe," "Great Author of every public and private
good," "Invisible Hand," and "benign Pa~ent of the Human Race." John
Adams refers to God as "Providence," "Being who is supreme over all,"
"Patron of Order," "Fountain of Justice," and "Protector in all ages
of the world of virtUous liberty." Jefferson speaks of "that Infinite Power
which mles the destinies of the unh·erse," and "that Being in who~e
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hands we are." Madison· speaks of "that Almighty Being whosO. power
regulat~ the destiny of nations," and "Heaven." Monroe: uses.."Provi·
dence" and "the Almighty" in his first inaugural and finallf:~'Almighty
God" in his second. See lnttugurlfl Addresses of the Prisidmls of the
United Slates from George W t~~hlnglon 1789 lo Htt"1 S. Truman 1949,
82d Congress, 2d Session, House Document No. 540, 1952.
4 For example, ~biel Abbot, pastor of the First Church in Haverhill,
Massachusetts, deUYcired a Thanksgiving sermon in 1799, Trails of Resemblt~t~ce in tJfe People of the United Slates of America lo Ancient
Israel, in which he said, "It has been often remarked that the people. of
the United States cdme nearer to a parallel with Ancient Israel, than any
other nation upon the globe. Hence 'Our American Israel' is a term
frequently used; and common consent allows it . apt and proper." In
Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationttlism (New York: ~llan Co.,
.
·
1961), p. 665.
.
' That the Mosaic analogy was present in the minds. of leaders at
· the very moment of the birth of the republic is indicated in the designs
; proposed by Franklin and Jefferson for a seal of the p~ite4. States of
. ' · America. Together with Adams, they formed a comnuttee .. of three
delegated by the Continental Congress on July 4, 1776,)o_.diaW up the
· iiew device. "Franklin proposed as the device Moses l~f~ng 1 up;his 'wand
,-.- and divjding the Red Sea while Pharaoh was overwhelmed. by, its waters,
· with ~ · motto .'Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to~;,q<>d.' jefferson
proposed the children of Israel in the wilderness 'Jed by .a cloud by day
and a pillar of fire at night.' " Anson Phelps Stokes, Church ttnd Slate
in the United Slttles, vol. 1 (New York: Harper & Co.~ 1950); pp. 46768.
6 Sidney E. MeaJ, The Lively Experiment (New York: Harper &
Row, 1963), p. ~2.
·
7 Abraham Lincoln, in Allan Nevins, ed., Lincoln ttnd the Ge111s·
burg Addreu (Urbana, Ill.: Univ. of Ill. Press, 1964), p. 39. .
8 Robert Lowell, in ibid., "On the Gettysburg Address," Jip. 8~9.
9 William Henry Herndon, in Sherwood Eddy, The Kingdom of ·
God ttnd the Americttn Dream (New York: Harper & Row, 1941), p.
162.
10 KllCI Decker and Angus McSween, Historic Arlington (Washing·
ton, D.C., 1892), pp, 60-67.
.
·
11 How extensive the activity assbciated with Memorial Day can be
is indicated by Warner: "The sacred symbolic behavior of Memorial
Day, in which scores of the town's organizations are involved, is
ordinarily divided into four periods. During the yeat separate rituals are
held by many of. the associations for their dead, and many of these
activities are connected with later Memorial Day .events. In the second
phase, preparations are made dwing the last thr~· or four weeks,for the
ceremony itself, and some of the associations pe~form public rituals. The
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third phase consists of scores of rituals held in all the cemeteries,
churches, and halls of the associations.. These rituals consist of speeches
and highly ritualized behavior. They last for two days and are climaxed
by the fourth and last phase, in which all the separate celebrants Bather
in the center of the business district on the afternoon of Memorial Day.
The separate org~izations, with their members in uniform or with
fitting insignia, march through the town, visit. the shrines and monu·
ments of the hero dead, and, finally, enter the cemetery. Here dozens of .
ceremonies are held, most of them highly symbolic and formalized."
During these various ·~nies · Lincoln is continually referred to and
the Gettysburg Address recited many times. W, Lloyd Warner, Ameriran
Life (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1962), pp. 8-9.
12 Reinhold Niebuhr, "The Religion of Abraham Lincoln," in Nc,·ins,
ed., op. cit., p. 72. William J. Wolfe of the Episcopal Theological School
in Cambridge, Massachusetts, has written: "Lincoln is one of the ~reatest
thcolo~::ians of America-not in the technical meaning of producing a
system of doctrine, certainly not as the defender of some one denomina· ·
tion, but in the sense of ~ing. the hand of God intimately in the affairs
of nations. Just so the prophets of Israel criticized the C\'ents of their
day from the perspective of the God who is concerned_ for history and
who reveals His will within it. Lincoln now stands among God's latter·
day prophets." The R.lligion of Abraham Li11coln (New York, 1963 )i
~K
.
13 Seymour Martin Upset, "Religion and American Values" in Tht'
Finl New Nation (New York: Basic Books, 1964), chap. 4. ·
.
14 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democrttcy in Amerirtt, vol. 1 (Garden City,
N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., Anchor Books, 1954), p. 310.
.
15 Henry Bargy, La Religion dans Ia Sodetl ttiiX Slttls-U11is (Paris,
1902),p. 31.
..
16 De Tocqueville, op. tit.,· p. 311. Later he says, "In the United
States even the religion of most of the citizens is republican, since it
submits the truths of the other world to rrivate judgment, as in politics
the care of their temporal-interests is abandoned to the good sense of the
people. Thus every man. is allowed freely to take that .road which he
thinks will lead him to heaven, just as the law permits every citizen to
.
have the right of choosing his own government" (p. 436}.
J 7 Lyndon B. Johnso.n,
U.S., Congreuional Retord, House, March
J.
15, 1965,pp.4924,4926.
in
.
.
18 See Louis Hartz, "The Feudal Dream of the South," pt. 4, Tht'
Lihera/ Tradition in Amerirtt (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1955).
19 Senator J. William Fulbright, speech of April 28, 1966, as re·
ported in The Netu York Times, April 29, 1966.
20 Henry David Thoreau, In Yehoshua Arieli, lndividuttlism and
Nationalism in Americttn ldeolog1 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ.
Pre~s. 1964), p. 274.
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DEEDS DONE
IN WORDS
Presidential Rhetoric and.
the Genres of Governance
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Karlyn Kohrs Campbell
and Kathleen Hall Jamieson
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Inaugural Addresses
Similar statements appear in many others. John Quincy Adams said:
"I appear, my fellow citizens, in your presence and in that of heaven to
bind myself .. -." (29). "'n the presence of this vast assemblage of my
countrymen," said Cleveland, "I am about to supplement and seal by
the oath which I have taken the manifestation of the will of a great
and free people" (91). "1, too, am a witness," noted Eisenhower, "today
testifying in your name to the principles and purposes to which we, as
a people, are pledged" (162). Lincoln and McKinley made similar comments (72, 103).
Without the presence of the people, the rite of presidential investiture cannot be completed. The people ratify the president's formal
ascent to power by acknowledging the oath taking, witnessing the enactment of the presidential role, and accepting the principles laid
down to guide an administration. Benjamin Harrison recognized the
interdependence of the president and the people in his inaugural:
The oath taken in the presence ofthe people becomes a mutual
covenant.... My promise is spoken; yours unspoken, but not
the less real and solemn. The people of every State have here
their representatives. Surely I do not misinterpret the spirit of
the occasion when I assume that the whole body of the people
covenant with me and with each other today to support and
defend the Constitution ofthe Union ofthe States, to yield willing obedience to all the laws and each to every other citizen his
[sic] equal civil and political rights. (94)
Great inaugurals reenact the original process by which the people
and their leaders "form a more perfect union."13 In recreating this
mutual covenant, great inaugurals both reconstitute the audience as
the people and constitute the citizenry as a people in some new way:
as those entrusted with the success or failure of the democratic experiment (Washington's first), as members of a perpetual Union
(Lincoln's first), as a people whose spiritual strength can overcome
material difficulties (Franklin Roosevelt's first), as a people willing to
sacrifice for an ideal (Kennedy's), as members of an international
community (Wilson's second), as a people able to transcend political
differences (Washington's first, Jefferson's first). In 1865, for instance,
Lincoln reconstituted the people as limited by the purposes of the Almighty and urged the audience to consider God's view of the conflict
between North and South: "Both read the same Bible and pray to the
same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. . . . The
prayers of both could not be answered. Those of neither have been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes" (77). 14 In 1913, in
his first inaugural, Wilson reconstituted the citizenry as a people ca-
�CHAPTER 1\vo
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pable of counting the costs of industrial development: "We have been
proud of our industrial achievement, but we have not hitherto
stopped thoughtfully enough to count the human cost.... We have
come now to the sober second thought" (123-24). In 1961, Kennedy
went beyond a call for sacrifice to speak of "a call to bear the burden of
a long twilight struggle, year in, and year out" (166), a call that suggested Gotterrdammerung and denied easy victory or inevitable
triumph. 15 Notably, the great inaugurals dramatically illustrate the
processes of change within a continuous tradition. In them, the resources of epideictic ritual are yoked to political renewal.
Ceremonially, the inaugural address is an adjunct to or an extension of the oath of office, a relationship demonstrated dramatically in
the shortest address, Washington's second. After describing himself
as "called upon by the voice of my country" to "this distinguished
honor," Washington intensified the constitutional oath with a second
pledge:
Previous to the execution of any official act of the President,
the Constitution requires an oath of'office. This oath I am now
about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found
during my administration of the Government I have in any
instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions
thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment)
be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of
the present solemn ceremony. (3)
•
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Although it consists entirely of an avowal ofhis personal commitment
to the constitutional oath, this inaugural also recognized the witnessing role of the audience in the rite of investiture.
That an inaugural address is an extension of the oath of office is
certified by many of these speeches. Cleveland, for example, referred
to his speech as a supplement to the oath of office (91). Lyndon Johnson said: "The oath I have taken before you and before God is not mine
alone, but ours together" (167). One of the more eloquent inaugurals
derived its power in part from its construction as an extension of the
oath of office and as an invitation to participate in a mutual covenant.
In 1961, each assertion or promise articulated by Kennedy was
phrased as a pledge jointly made by leader and people. His litany of
mutual pledges culminated in the claim: "In your bands, my fellow ·
citizens, more than mine, will rest the fmal success or failure of our
course." Finally, he explicitly invited audience participation by asking: "Will you join in that historic effort?" (166). By casting his speech
as an extension of the oath of office and by inviting the audience to
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Inaugural Addresses
join him in these avowals, Kennedy underscored the ritualistic
nature of the occasion.
The force of Lincoln's first inaugural, discussed in more detail below, also derived, in part, from his call for audience participation. In
1881, James Garfield made an appeal that echoed the famous words of
Lincoln's first inaugural:
My countrymen [sic], we do not now di11'er in our judgment
concerning the controversies of past generations, and fifty
years hence our children will not be divided in their opinions
concerning our controversies. They will surely bless their fathers and their fathers' God that the Union was preserved,
that slavery was overthrown, and that both races were made
equal before the law. We may hasten or we may retard, but we
can not prevent, the final reconciliation. Is it not possible for
us now to make a truce with time by anticipating and accepting its inevitable verdict? (88)
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The next task the new president faces is that of reaffinning traditional values. Because each of the elements fonning a presidential
inaugural ought to facilitate the president's task of unifying the audience as the people, the traditional values rehearsed by the
president need to be selected and framed in ways that unify the audience. Thus, for example, following a campaign replete with charges
that he was an atheist, Jefferson's speech assured former adversaries
that he recognized the power of the deity, by "acknowledging and
adoring an overruling Providence, ... that Infinite Power which
rules the destinies of the universe" (9-10). Similarly, the founders
were eulogized in early inaugurals, but such encomia disappeared as
the Civil War approached. Because William Lloyd Garrison and other
abolitionists had widely publicized the founders' slaveholding, public
veneration of them would ally a president with those who favored
slavery and invite the enmity of its opponents.16 Van Buren's exceptional reference in 1837 to Washington and the other founders can be
explained by his continuing need to reassure southerners about what
had been the central issue of the campaign, whether he was secretly
an abolitionist (37).17 The point to be noted is that when an appeal
that was once a unifying recollection of past heroes interferes with
the process. of reconstituting the audience as a unified people, it is
abandoned.
In order to be invested, presidents must demonstrate their qualifications for office by venerating the past and showing that the
traditions of the institution continue unbroken in them. They must
affirm that they will transmit the institution intact to their sue-
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cessors. Consequently, the lang\.tage of conservation, preservati
maintenance, and renewal pervades these· speeches. What we c
serve and renew is often sanctified as our "creed," our "faith," or
"sacred trust." Cleveland's statement in 1885 is illustrative:
On this auspicious occasion we may well renew the pledge of
our devotion to the Constitution, which, launched by the
founders of the republic and consecrated by their prayers and
patriotic devotion, has for almost a century borne the hopes
and aspirations of a great people through prosperity and
peace and through the shock of foreign conflicts and the perils
· of domestic strife and vicissitudes. (91)
Presidential use ofthe principles, policies, and presidencies oft
past suggests that, in the inaugural address, memoria, or shared r
ollection, is a key source of inventio, the development of lines
argument. The final appeal in Lincoln's first inaugural to "the mys
chords of memory" illustrates the symbolic force of a shared pa
Coolidge put it more simply: "We can not continue these brilliant s~
cesses in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past" (13
Such use of the past is also consistent with the ritualistic process
re-presenting beginnings, origins, and universal relationships.
The past is conserved by honoring past presidents. Washington .,..
praised by John and John Quincy Adams, Jefferson; Taylor, and V
Buren; Monroe and Jackson referred to their illustrious predec'
sors; Lincoln spoke of the distinguished citizens who had admin
tered the executive branch. The past is also conserved by reaffirmi
the wisdom of past policies. Cleveland, for example, praised polici
of Washington, Jefferson, and Monroe (92). McKinley praised the p
icy, "wisely inaugurated by Washington," of "keeping ourselves fr
from entanglement, either as allies or foes" (106).
In 1809, in the sixth inaugural, Madison said: "Unwilling to depr
from examples ofthe most revered authority, I avail myselfofthe c
casion now presented to express the profound impression made on r
by the call of my country" (14). Eight years later, James Monroe sai
•
In commencing the duties of the chief executive office it has
been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me to explain the principles which would govern them in
their respective Administrations. In following their venerated example .... (18)
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Over time, earlier presidential inaugurals have frequently be
quoted, especially those of Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, a.
Franklin Roosevelt. This process of rhetorical introversion illun
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nates some remarkable coincidences. Harding and Carter, for
example, quoted the same verse from Micah. Franklin Roosevelt and
Carter each quoted a former teacher, Franklin Roosevelt and Kennedy had rendezvous with destiny, Reagan paraphrased Jefferson,
Nixon paraphrased Kennedy, Kennedy echoed Lincoln, Polk rephrased Jackson, and Reagan echoed Kennedy. In other words,
presidents recognize, capitalize on, and are constrained by the inaugurals of their predecessors, which, taken together, form a tradition.
The past is also used analogically to affirm that as we overcame difficulties in the past, so will we now; the venerated past assures us
that the nation has a future. Thus, in 1933, in the face of severe economic problems, Franklin Roosevelt said: "Compared with the perils
which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not
afraid, we have still much to be thankful for" (145). In 1941, with another crisis looming, he reminded his audience of the difficult tasks
that confronted Washington and Lincoln (151).
In the world of inaugural addresses, we have inherited our character as a people; accordingly, veneration of the past not only unifies
the audience but also warrants present and future action, as recurring references to avoiding "entangling alliances" have illustrated. A
more recent example is found in the 1981 inaugural, in which Reagan
paraphrased a statement Jefferson made in 1801.18 Jefferson said:
"Sometimes it is said that man [sic] can not be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of
others?" (8). Reagan said: "Well, if no one among us is capable of governing himself [sic], then who among us has the capacity to govern
someone else?" (180).
The third job ofeach president is to set forth the principles that will
guide the new administration. The incoming president must go beyond the rehearsal of traditional values and veneration of the past to
enunciate a political philosophy. Because rhetorical scholars have
focused on the specific political principles laid down in individual inaugurals, they often have failed to note that, although these
principles vary from inaugural to inaugural, all inaugurals not only
lay down political principles but also present and develop such principles in predictable ways.
In many inaugurals, presidents indicate that they feel obliged to
set forth the principles that will govern their tenures in office. Jefferson's explicit 1801 statement exemplified this:
About to enter, my fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties
which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is
proper you should understand what I deem the essential
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principles of our Government, and consequently those wr
ought to shape its Admiriistration. (9)
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In keeping with the epideictic character of inaugurals, howe\
cific policies are proposed for contemplation, not action. Propo,
not an end in themselves but illustrations of the political phii
of the speaker. This contemplative, expository function differe
policy proposals embedded in inaugurals from those in Statt
Union addresses, where such proposals are presented for c•
sional action.
So, for instance, in a relatively detailed statement of his p
views, James Polk discussed "our revenue laws and the levy of
but this discussion illustrated the political axiom that "no mor
ey shall be collected than the necessities of an economical admi
tion shall require" (57). Similarly, he aired his position on t
tional debt to illustrate the principle that
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melancholy is the condition of that people whose governmr
can be sustained only by a system which periodically transft
large amounts from the labor of the many to the coffers oft
few. Such a system is incompatible with the ends for which c
Republican Government was instituted. (56-57)
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Because William Howard.Taft conceived the inaugural addrt
vehicle for ~ticulating relatively specific policy, ·his speech pro·
rigorous test of the claim that inaugurals deal with principles
than practices. He said: "The office ofan inaugural address is t(
summary outline ·of the main policies of the new administrat
far as they can be anticipated" (US), but his tedious list ofreco:
dations functioned not as a call for specific, immediate action,
evidence of continuity and ofloyalty to the Constitution. He s;·
example: "I have had the honor to be one of the advisers of n
tinguished predecessor, and as such, to hold up his hands
reforms he has initiated.... To render such reforms lasting
ever, ... further legislative and executive action are needed·
Such reforms ("the suppression of the lawlessness and abL
power of the great combinations of capital invested in railroads
industrial enterprises carrying on interstate commerce") we
fmed as means of maintaining the democratic character of th
ernment. Again, they became illustrations that he would follow
principles. 19
Just as recollection of the past and rehearsal of traditional
need to be noncontroversial and unifying, so recommitment t
stitutional principles unifies by assuring those who did not vot
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candidate that the president will, nonetheless, scrupulously protect
their rights. The same needs to unify the audience and to speak in the
epideictic present also influence the language in which presidents articulate the principles that will govern their administrations.
The rite of investiture demands that presidents do more than rehearse traditional values and enunciate a political philosophy. Their
fourth task is to enact the presidential role and in so doing demonstrate an appreciation of the requirements and limitations of the
executive in Qur system of gove~ent. The audience, unified as the
people, witnesses the investiture, but to complete and ratify the president's ascent to power, the inaugural address demonstrates rhetorically that this person can function as a leader within the constitutionally established limits of executive power and can perform the
public, symbolic role of president of all the people.
As president, the speaker appropriates the country's history and
assumes the right to say what that history means; as pre·sident, the
speaker asserts that some principles are more salient than others at
that moment; as president, the speaker constitutes hearers as the
people; and as president, the speaker asks the people to join in a mutual covenant to commit themselves to the political philosophy enunciated in the address.
If an inaugural address is to function as part of a rite of investiture,
presidents must speak in the public role of president. An inaugural
would not fulfill this function if the address pressed forward the personality or personal history of the incoming president. 20 When evidence is drawn from a president's personal past, it must reveal something about the presidency or about the people or the nation. Personal
narrative is inappropriate in a rhetorical genre designed for the formal display of the president as president. The functions of personal
material in an inaugural are clearly different from the functions of
like material in campaign oratory, where a high level of self-disclosure and self-aggrandizement is both expected and appropriate.
The functions of self-references also distinguish the inaugural address from other presidential rhetoric. 21
A dramatic example of inappropriate personal material appeared
in the final paragraph of Ulysses Grant's second inaugural. He concluded:
•
Throughout the war, and from my candidacy for my present
office in 1868 to the close of the last Presidential campaign,
I have been the object of abuse and slander scarcely ever
equalled in political history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard in view of your verdict, which I gratefully
accept as my vindication. (81)
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The statements speak of Grant the person, not of the presidency or
Grant the president. In so doing, the statement called into questic
Grant's ability to fulfill the symbolic role of president of all the peopl
More recently, Carter's use of a statement by a former teacher illu.
trates a potential pitfall in using personal material. Immediate l
after thanking Gerald Ford for all he had done to heal the division i
the nation, Carter began his speech by saying:
In this outward and physical ceremony, we attest once again
to the inner and spiritual strength of our Nation. As my high
school teacher, Miss Julia Coleman, used to say, "We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles." (178)
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As we have argued, the firSt duty of a president in an inaugural is t
reconstitute the audience as the people. Carter was attempting t
forge an American community out of his listeners. However, only cer
tain people have the standing to do that, and Julia Coleman, howeve
able she may have been as a high school teacher, was not one of them
Later in the inaugural, if Carter had made her the voice of the peoplt
expressing a timeless truth, Coleman's aphorism might have been ap
propriate. Later, despite Coleman's lack of authority, her adage migh ·
have served had it been an unusual, penetrating, immediately intel·
ligible, vivid statement of the relationship between change anc
continuity. However, even such a· claim is questionable. In Carter·~
statement, we have the rhetorical equivalent of what would have oc·
curred had Kennedy begun the second paragraph of his speech, "Tc
par~ phrase George St. John, my old headmaster, 'Ask not what your
country can do for you ....' "22
Franklin Roosevelt's firSt inaugural dramatically asserted presidential leadership and the special importance of executive action. He
spoke of "a leadership of frankness and vigor" and said: "I am convinced that you will again give the support to leadership in these
critical days" (145). "This Nation asks for action, and action now," and
"With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of
this great army of our people" (146). However, Roosevelt was aware
that he was pressing the limits of executive power. He said:
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented
demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend
the measures that a stricken nation ... may require.... I
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Inaugural Addresses
shall ask Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet
the crisis-broad Executive power to wage a war against the
emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if
we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe. (147)
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What is crucial here is that Roosevelt portrayed his leadership as constitutional. Special powers would be conferred by Congress, and those
powers would be analogous to the extraordinary powers exercised by
previous presidents in similarly extreme circumstances.
An abiding fear of the misuse of executive power pervades our national history. Washington's opponents accused him of wanting to be
king; Jackson was called King Andrew, and Van Buren King Martin;
Teddy Roosevelt was attacked in cartoons captioned "Theodore Roosevelt for ever and ever"; Lincoln's abolition of habeas corpus and
Franklin Roosevelt's use of executive power as well as his pursuit of
third and fourth terms were damned as monarchical or, worse, as despotic. 2s The American Revolution was fought, the Declaration of
Independence reminds the citizenry, in response to "rePeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of
an absolute Tyranny over these States." To allay fears of incipient tyranny, incoming presidents must assure the people that they do not
covet power for its own sake and that they recognize and respect constitutional limits on executive authority.
There is a paradox in the demand that presidents demonstrate rhetorically a capacity for effective leadership while carefully acknowledging constitutional limitations. To the extent that they promise
strong leadership, they risk being seen as incipient tyrants. By contrast, should they emphasize the limits on executive power, they risk
being seen as an inept or enfeebled leaders. Eloquent presidents have
walked this tightrope with agility, as Lincoln did in his first inaugural
when he responded to the fear that he would use executive power to
abolish slavery: "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere
with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists" (72). He
attested that this was a consistent posipon for him by citing statements from his campaign speeches and a plank from the Republican
party platform. This material he characterized as "the most conclusive evidence· of which the case is susceptible" (72). On the other
hand, responding to abolitionist revulsion against the fugitive slave
laws, he quoted Article 4 of the Constitution and averred that these
laws were merely an extension of that article, a part of the Constitution that he shortly would swear an oath to uphold.
In recognizing the limits on presidential power, inaugurals not only
atrum. the balance of power and locate executive initiatives in the
mandate of the people, they also offer evidence of humility. The new
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president humbly acknowledges deficiencies, humbly accept:
burdens of office, and humbly invokes God•s blessings. The precl
for evincing humility was set in the first inaugural when Washir
said:
The magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice c
my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wi~;;
est and most experienced ofher citizens a distrustful scrutin:
into his [sic] qualifications, could not but overwhelm wit!
despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of hi
own deficiencies. (1)24
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Washington's attitude was echoed in Carter's less felicitous com;
in 1977: "Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and
wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes" (178).
As part of the process of acknowledging the limits of exect
power, inaugurals typically place the president and the nation u
God. These references to God are not perfunctory, because by ca
upon God, presidents subordinate themselves to a higher power.
God of the inaugurals is a personal God who is actively involvt
affairs of state, an "Almighty Being whose power regulates the d
ny of nations," in the words of Madison (15); a God "who led
fathers," according to Jefferson (13); a God who protects us, accor
to Monroe (28); a God revealed in our history, according to Cleve
(93); and a God who punishes us, in the words of Lincoln: "He giv
both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to tho!;
·whom the offense came" (77). Presidents enact the presidential
by placing themselves and the nation in God's hands. We should 1
however, that it is only after they are fully invested with office
presidents have claimed the authority to place the nation "u ·
God." For this reason, perhaps, prayers or prayerlike statements !
usually occurred near or at the end of inaugurals. This can ex}:
why Eisenhower called the prayer he delivered before his first il
gural "a private prayer." Although he had taken the oath of offict
was not yet fully invested as president, and until he had perfor
further rhetorical acts of acceptance, he sensed that he lacked thE
thority to represent the nation before God.
The placement of prayers or prayerlike statements is a subtle i
cation that the inaugural address is an integral part of the rit
investiture. Some inaugurals have articulated the notion that
president becomes "the president" through delivering the inaug
address. For example, William Henry Harrison concluded his ·
speech this way: "Fellow citizens, being fully invested with that t
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Inaugural Addresses
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office to which the partiality of my countrymen has called me, I now
take aft'ectionate leave of you" (53).
Fifth, and finally, the four elements described above must be adapted to the character of epideictic rhetoric because the special "timelessness" of epideictic discourse is the key to fusing the elements that
symbolically constitute the presidential inaugural. The time of epideictic rhetoric, including inaugurals, is the eternal present, the
mythic time that Mircea Eliade calls illud tempus, time out of time.
Eliade writes: "Every ritual has the character of happening now, at
this very moment. The time of the event that the ritual commemorates or re-enacts is made present, 're-presented' so to speak, however
far back it may have been in ordinary reckoning."25 This time out of
time allows one to experience a universe of eternal relationships, in
the case of inauguration, the relationship between the ruler and the
ruled, and it has the potential to be reenacted, made present once
again, at any moment. This special sense of the present is central to
the generic character of the inaugural because the address is about an
institution and a form of government fashioned to transcend any
given historical moment. The timelessness of an inaugural address
affirms and ensures the continuity of the constitutional system and
the immortality of the presidency as an institution, and timelessness
is reflected in its contemplative tone and by the absence of calls to
specific and immediate action.
Inaugurals transcend the historical present by reconstituting an
existing community, rehearsing the past, aff"mning traditional values, and articulating timely and timeless principles that will govern
the administration of the incoming president. The quality of epideictic timelessness to which inaugurals aspire was captured by Franklin
Roosevelt in his 1941 address: "To us there has come a time, in the
midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock-to
recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we
are and what we may be" (151).
Great inaugurals achieve timelessness. They articulate a perspective that transcends the situation that produced them, and for this
reason they retain their rhetorical force. For instance, although Lincoln's first inaugural addressed a nation poised on the brink of civil
war, Lincoln's message speaks to all situations in which the rights of
constituent units are seen to clash with the powers of a central body.
Similarly, the eloquent conclusion of Lincoln's second inaugural remains applicable to the wounds the nation suffered in the conflict over
the war in Vietnam. Although Franklin Roosevelt's first inaugural assured his hearers that they, as a people led by him, could surmount
27
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that economic crisis, it also assures audiences through time
Americans can surmount all material problems. Kennedy's inaug
reflected the history of the Cold War, but it also expressed the r
luteness required under any circumstances to sustain a stru
against a menacing ideology. Finally, George Washington's inaug
not only spoke to the immediate crisis but also articulated ""
Arthur Schlesinger calls "a great strand that binds them [the inat
rals] together."26 Washington said: "The preservation of the sa(
flre of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of governrr
are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as fmally staked on thl
periment intrusted to the hands of the American people" (2).
Inaugurals bespeak their locus in the eternal present in a r
style that heightens experience, invites contemplation, and speak
the people through time. The language of great inaugurals captt.
complex, resonant ideas in memorable phrases. Americans still re
Jefferson's "peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nati·
entangling alliances with none" (9). They continue to quote Liner
conclusion:
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With malice toward none, with charity for all, with flrmness
in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive to
fl.nish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to
care for him who shall have borne the battle and· for his widow
and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just
and lasting ;peace among ourselves and with all nations. (77)
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Franklin Roosevelt's "So, firSt of all, let me assert my flrm belief t:
the only thing we have to fear is fear itself" (145), and John Kenne<
"And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do
you: Ask what you can do for your country" (166) remain memoral
Such phrases illustrate special rhetorical skill in reinvigorating t
ditional values; in them familiar ideas become fresh and take on n
meaning.
Stylistically and structurally, great presidential inaugurals ;
suited to contemplation. Through the use of parallelism, for examJ:
Kennedy revived our traditional commitment to the defense of fr.
dom when he said: "We shall pay any price, bear any burden, m ·
any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to asst·
the survival and success of liberty" (165). The memorable antithe~
"Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotia;
(166), was a vivid restatement of our modem tradition of relations}
to foreign nations. Kennedy's more famous antithesis asked citizl
to contemplate a redefmition of who they were as a people, a redefi.
tion based on sacrifl.ce. Through the use of assonance, Kenne
28
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Inaugural Addresses
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underscored the nuclear peril when he spoke of "the steady spread of
the deadly atom" (166). By arresting attention, such literary devices
invite listeners and readers to ponder these ideas, ideas less suited to
contemplation when stated in more mundane language. 27
The preceding analysis treats presidential inaugurals as one kind
of epideictic, or ceremonial, rhetoric. That perspective can create the
impression that these speeches are merely ritualistic, meaning that
they are relatively insignificant because their content is limited to
memoria, the shared past. However, inaugurals in which presidents
have reconstituted the people in new terms and have selectively reaffirmed and reinvigorated those communal values consistent with
the philosophy and tone of the incoming administration suggest ways
in which a ritualistic occasion may be directed toward other ends. In
other words, praise and blame, the key strategies in ceremonial discourse, can be used ideologically to lay the groundwork for policy initiatives.
What usually distinguishes ceremonial address from policy advocacy is
deliberation, the argumentative form associated with justifying new
policy. Deliberative argument pivots on the issue ofexpediency, specifically, which policy is best able to address identified problems, which
policy will produce more beneficial than evil consequences, and which
is most practical, given available resources.
Lincoln's first inaugural address is significant not only as a masterpiece of epideictic discourse but also as a vehicle for considering the
ways in which epideictic rhetoric is related to policy deliberation. In
that unusual address, Lincoln integrated key elements of these two
genres. Specifically, in the service of epideictic ends (unifying the nation and reaffirming cherished communal values), Lincoln adopted
deliberative means (arguments regarding expediency), and he asked
the audience to contemplate whether or not the policy of secession
was the best means to resolve sectional disputes, and he attempted to
allay the fears of Southern slaveholders about interference in their
domestic affairs. Lincoln's speech displays epideictic contemplation
as a precursor to deliberative decision. 28
The early parts of the speech are consistent with the inaugural traditions that have been identified. Lincoln began by noting the
ceremonial character of the occasion, "a custom as old as the Government itself," and acknowledging the people's role in the ritual of
investiture: "I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in
your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution" (72). While
the speech differs from other inaugurals because Lincoln spoke in a
situation of crisis, early in the speech, as in other inaugurals, Lincoln
reaffirmed the Constitution, including those sections supporting the
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fugitive slave law, and the limits of executive power. Lincoln also followed precedent in swearing a personal oath: "I take the official oath
to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe
the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules" (73).
What followed set forth the philosophy and tone of the upcoming
administration; in this instance, because there was "substantial division," the focus was on secession. If considered apart from historical
precedent, these paragraphs might appear divisively specific. However, when the arguments made here are compared with those laid
out a few months earlier in the fmal annual message of Lincoln's
predecessor, James Buchanan, the argument emerges in a different
light. Buchanan had strong Southern sympathies, and although
Buchanan and Lincoln held differing views of the president's constitutional right to act to hold the Union together, particularly in the
absence of congressional enactments, they agreed that secession was
unconstitutional, and their arguments for that conclusion were remarkably similar. 29 As a result, this section of the speech can fairly
be construed as a general statement of administrative philosophy
and tone that was consistent with an attempt to unify the auditors
into the people.
In other words, although affected by the unusual historical circumstances, the first half of the speech fulfills traditional expectations for
an inaugural address.
The speech becomes exceptional as an inaugural and as epideictic
discourse in the paragraphs following Lincoln's question, "To those,
however, who really love the Union may I not speak?" (74), which was
followed in turn by a series of questions designed to induce the audience to think deeply about secession, the reasons for it, and the
consequences it would bring. Lincoln asked: "Would it not be wise to
ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step?
... Will. .. you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?" (7 4).
The questions were the opening sally in an effort to provoke contemplation of secession as a policy, but although they were rhetorical
questions, they were not adequate to this task. They had to be buttressed by reasoning laid out to show that conclusions previously
reached might be erroneous. Lincoln established a basic premise: "All
profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be
maintained" (7 4). He developed his argument by maintaining that, as
yet, no constitutional rights of slaveholders had been denied, and he
challenged his auditors: "Think, if you can, of a single instance in
which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been
denied" (74). That was a perilous challenge, dependent entirely on
30
•
�•
Inaugural Addresses
widespread agreement that no violations had occurred. As a result,
he quickly noted areas of ambiguity. He said:
No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable
length contain express provisions for all possible questions.
Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by
State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.
May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect
slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. (7 4)
•
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I
These areas of ambiguity, he contended, were the issues that divided
the nation, and he did not pretend that resolution of them would be
easy. At that moment, they appeared irreconcilable: "If the minority
will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.
There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other" (74). But he immediately added
that, despite such a standoff, secession was no solution: "If a minority
in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent
which in turn will divide and ruin them" (74). He developed this claim
by asserting what he presumed would be a universally accepted principle, that in human affairs "unanimity is impossible" (75). As a
result, he argued, one must choose between majority rule on the one
hand and some form of anarchy or despotism on the other.
What must majority rule decide? He narrowed the current dispute
to conflict over the rightness of slavery and whether or not it should
be extended. Given the intensity of the disagreement, he argued that
the fugitive slave laws and the laws suppressing the foreign slave
trade "are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a
community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports
the law itself" (75). Conflicts over these issues, he argued, would only
worsen following separation, possibilities suggested by a series of
rhetorical questions, each of which indicated why differences would
only intensify following division. For instance, he asked: "Can aliens
make treaties easier than friends can make laws?" (75).
Lincoln reminded the audience oflegal avenues of redress, such as
amending the Constitution, but proposed nothing, although he indicated that he would not oppose an amendment making the right to
hold slaves in those states where slavery already existed "express
and irrevocable" (76). His earlier appeal to have "patient confidence
in the ultimate justice of the people" was buttressed by rhetorical
questions, such as "Is there any better or equal hope in the world?"
31
�••
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· CHAPTER Two
and by a reminder of executive liinitations: "This same people he:
wisely given their public servants but little power for mischier' (7
Although he relied heavily on deliberative arguments in the seco
half of the speech, the contemplative, epideictic purpose of the ent.
address was evident in its conclusion, when Lincoln said: "My COL
trymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this subject. Nothi
valuable can be lost by taking time" (76).
.
Lincoln's first inaugural subtly invites contemplation of the c1
trast between the present haste of the secessionists and the timelt
truths their hasty action could destroy. On the one hand, there is t
"eternal truth and justice" of the Almighty and "perpetual Unio
while on the other hand, there are those who would "hurry ... you
hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately" (76). I
Lincoln, secession was "precipitate action." In this interplay betw(
the present moment and timeless truths, even an administration t.lwas wicked, as the South feared that his would be, could not "
riously iDjure the Government in the short space of four years" ('i
Lincoln offered his audience two frames through which to view t:
moment. One, constructed by those who would act impetuously, :
gan with the nation's founding but would end with "destruction oft
Union." The second, characterized by contemplation and thought
consideration, began at the nation's founding but was endless, p
supposing that .the Union was perpetual and, hence, beyond t
ability of a few to destroy. Lincoln's repeated urging of contemplat:
invited the audience to adopt the second frame. Both were introdw
With the inaugural's opening statement, in which Lincoln noted tl
he stood before the audience "in compliance with a custom as old
government itself" (72). The firSt ended when Lincoln posited the p
sibility of "destruction of the Union" (73). The second ended with t
a1fmnation:
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is
implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental laws of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government
proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. (73)
,-.·.'~
.··.
Contemplation and perpetuity were repeatedly linked. "Descend.
from these general principles," he said, "we find the proposition tl
in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the hif
ry of the Union itself" (73).
At the core of the speech is an implied question about the contint
life of the Union and the principles for which it was founded. Will
32
I.
•· ••
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Inaugural Addresses
cessionists destroy the vital element of perpetuity, making mortal
and time bound what should be perpetual and timeless?
It was in this context that Lincoln melded past, present, and future
into the timelessly memorable contemplation of his peroration:
,
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The mystic chords of memory [the timeless past], stretching
from every battlefield and pabiot grave [the founding of the
nation] to every living heart and hearthstone all over this
broad land [the present], will yet swell the chorus of the
Union, when again touched, as surely they will be [a confident positing of the future], by the better angels of our
nature. (76)
Here is Lincoln's fmal exhortation to contemplate, an invocation that
the hurried, passion-strained tensions of the moment be set aside in
favor of the perpetual, timeless Union that is greater than any of
them.
Lincoln's speech is a masterpiece because it extends the symbolic
function of epideictic discourse to include the contemplation that precedes action, because inducements to contemplation are fused with
invitations to participate in the processes by which he reached his
conclusions, and because the concerns of the moment are linked to
eternal questions. As such, the discourse enacts a respect for
thoughtful deliberation by the citizenry, which is the essence of a
democratic system, even at a moment ofits most intense division and
crisis.
i~
i
Conclusion
•
Seen as a rhetorical genre, the American presidential inaugural
address is constituted by the five major elements that we have identified. Our analysis suggests the processes by which a distinctive genre
of epideictic rhetoric comes into being. Its broadest outlines are set by
the general characteristics of epideictic discourse. A specific kind of
ceremony and occasion refines the genre further. In this case, the
presidential inaugural is part of a rite of passage, ofinvestiture, a ritual that establishes a special relationship between speaker and
audience. The .U.S. presidential investiturEt requires a mutual covenant, a rehearsal of fundamental political values, an enunciation of
political principles, and the enactment of the presidential persona.
Also, the conventions of this rhetorical type emerge because presidents are familiar with the tradition and tend to study past inaugurals before formulating their own.
Presidential inaugurals vary, but what makes it illuminating to
33
�CHAPTBaTwo
.--~·
·...
•
·_···
view the U.S. presidential inaugural as a genre is that the variatio
of a certain sort. Circumstances· vary, as do the personalities of
presidents, but the variation among inaugurals is predictable.
Inaugural addresses vary substantively because presidents chc
to rehearse aspects of our tradition that are consistent with the pa
or political philosophy they represent. Such selective emphasis i:
lustra ted in Franklin Roosevelt's second inaugural address, in w~
he said:
Instinctively we recognize a deeper need-the need to find
through government the instrument of our united purpose to
solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex
civilization. . . . In this we Americans were discovering no
wholly new truth; we were writing a new chapter in our book
of self-government.... The essential democracy of our Nation and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence
of power, but upon lodging it with those whom the people can
change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and
free system of elections..... [W]e have made the exercise of
all power more democratic; for we have begun to bring private
autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the
people's government. (148)
Later, he added: "Today we reconsecrate our country to long-ch
ished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization" (150). Similarly.
1981, Ronald Reagan chose to emphasize facets of the system in or
to aftlrm values consistent with his conservative political philosoJ:
He said: "Our government has no power except that granted it by
people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of govemm·
which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the g
emed" (181).
A major variation occurs in inaugurals delivered by incumb
presidents. Because a covenant already exists between a reelec
president and the people, the need to reconstitute the communit:
less urgent. Because the country is familiar with a sitting presider
political philosophy, the need to preview administrative philosor
and tone is also muted. Reelected presidents tend to recommit tht:
selves to principles articulated in their previous inaugurals or
highlight only those principles relevant to the agenda for the com
terms. In this respect, subsequent inaugurals by the same presid·
tend to be extensions, not replications, of earlier inaugurals.
The inaugural addresses themselves articulate the reason for t
generic variation. For instance, although he was president in
midst o_f the most serious of crises, Lincoln said:
�•
Inaugural Addresses
At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential
office there is less occasion for an extended address than
there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of
the course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at
the expiration of four years, during which public declarations
have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of
the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be
presented. {77)
•
Similarly, in 1805, Jefferson reported that his conscience told him he
had lived up to the principles he had espoused four years earlier {11).
In 1821, Monroe noted: "If the person thus elected has served the preceding term, an opportunity is afforded him [sic] to review its
principal occurrences and to give the explanation respecting them as
in his judgment may be useful to his constituents" {23). Some presidents have used a subsequent inaugural to review the trials and
successes of their earlier terms, and in so doing, they have rehearsed
the immediate past, a move rarely made in first inaugurals. When
subsequent inaugurals develop specific policies, these are usually described as continuations of policies initiated in the previous term,
continuations presumably endorsed by the president's reelection.
Special conditions faced by some presidents have caused some subsequent inaugurals to resemble first inaugurals. For example, in
1917, confronting challenges quite different from those that existed in
1913, Wilson said: "This is not the time for retrospect. It is time rather
to speak our thoughts and purposes concerning the present and the
immediate future" (126). In the face of the events of World War I, he
said:
We are provincials no longer. The tragic events of the thirty
months of vital turmoil through which we have just passed
have made us citizens of the world. There can be no turning
back. Our own fortunes as a nation are involved whether we
would have it so or not. {127)
•
The war prompted Wilson to constitute the people in a new way, as
citizens of the world. Similarly, the events leading to World Warn affected Franklin Roosevelt's choices in 1941: "In this day the task of the
people is to save the Nation and its institutions from disruptions from
without" (151). That statement of the task diverged sharply from the
principles emphasized in 1933 and 1937.
Variability in inaugural addresses is evidence of an identifiable
cluster of elements that form the essential inaugural act. Each apparent variation is an emphasis on or a development of one or more of the
35
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•
CHAPTER Two
key elements we have described. Washington's second inaugural address underscored the role of the audience as witnesses and the
address as an extension ofthe oath of office. Jefferson's first address
was a call to unity through the enunciation of political principles; Lincoln's first inaugural was a dramatic appeal to the audience to
participate in reaffirming the mutual covenant between the president and the people; his second was a exploration of what it means to
say that this nation is "under God." Theodore Roosevelt explored the
meaning of our "sacred trust" as it applies to a people with an international role; Franklin Roosevelt's first address explored the nature
of executive leadership and the limits of executive power, whereas his
second constituted the audience a8 a caring people; Wllson's first inaugural explored the meaning of U.S. industrial development. Finally,
Kennedy's address exploited the possibilities of the noble, dignified,
literary language characteristic ofthe epideicticto such an extent that
his address is sometimes attacked for stylistic excess. 30 .
From a generic perspective, then, a presidential inaugural rea>nstitutes the people as an audience that can witness the rite ofinvestiture.
It rehearses communal values from the past, sets forth the political
principles that will guide the new administration, and demonstrates
that the president can enact the presidential persona appropriately.
Still more generally, the presidential Inaugural address is an epideictic ritual that is formal·, unifying, abstract, and eloquent; at the core of
this ritual lies epideictic timelessness-the fusion of the past and future ofthe nation in an eternal present in which we reaffirm what
Franklin Roosevelt called "our covenant with ourselves" (148), a covenant between the executive and the nation that is the essence of
democratic government.
Institutionally, the inaugural address performs two key functions.
In and through it, each president is invested with office, and at a moment of transition, the continuity of the institution and of the system
of government of which it is a part is affirmed.
Finally, the inaugural address is the first of the rhetorical genres
which, taken together, constitute a major part of the presidency as an
institution and of individual presidencies.
36
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The Chief Executive
INAUGURAL ADDRESSES OF
THE PRESIDENTS
OF THE UNITED STATES
••
from
George Washington to Lyndon B. Johnson
with an introduction by
ARTHUR SCHLESINGER, JR.
and commentary by
FRED L. ISRAEL
conceived and edited by
CHELSEA HOUSE PUBLISHERS
•
CROWN PUBLISHERS, INC., NEW YORK
�.,
•
The Inaugural Addresses:
Panoranza of Anzerican History
by
ART H UR SC HL ESI NGE R,
J
R .
I do solemnly swear (or affinn) that /will faithf~tlly execute the
Office of President of the Unitecl States, and will, to the best of
my Ability, preserve, protect, and clefend the Constitution of the
United States.
-Oath as prescribed in the Constitution,
Article //, Section 1
•
America has no more solemn rite than the inauguration of a President. Every four years since 1789 the austere ceremony has suspended the passions of politics to permit an interlude of national
reunion. "\Ve have called by different names brethren of the same
principle," said Jefferson after one of the angriest elections of our
history. "We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists." Putting
doubts and disagreements aside, the nation listens for a moment as
one people to the words of the man they have chosen for the highest office in the land. And every President, as he takes the oath, has
his opportunity to confide to his countrymen his philosophy of
government, his conception of the Presidency, and his vision of the
future. Some have done this more arrestingly than others; but together the inaugural addresses offer an unusual panorama of American history.
The addresses record, first of all, the growth of the United
States from the infant rural country of 1789, made up of four million people in thirteen states straggling along the Atlantic seaboard,
into the mighty industrial society of today, with nearly two hundred million in fifty states stretching from sea to sea and into the
Pacific. They record too the parallel transformation of a weak
nation isolated on the periphery of world politics into the most
powerful nation in history, saddled with interests and responsibilities everywhere on earth.
IV
•
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INTR.ODUCTION
v
At the same time, these addresses reflect the tragic problems
that growth and change have brought to the American community.
The idyllic days when John Adams talked of our "national innocence," when Monroe spoke of "the happy Government under
which we live," when Polk asked, "Who shall assign limits to the
achievements of free minds and free hands under the protection of
this glorious Union?" have given way to the somber apprehensions
that have shadowed the inaugural pronouncements of the last generation. "Dark pictures and gloomy forebodings are worse than
useless," said McKinley as late as 1901; but his successor, Theodore
Roosevelt, could not escape the troubling proposition: "Never before have men tried so vast and formidable an experiment as that of
administering the affairs of a.continent under the form of a democratic republic." Power gave new perplexity to both domestic and
foreign affairs .
So the rise of industrialism throughout the nineteenth century
•
ght grave problems in its wake. As early as 1889 Benjamin
Harrison began to worry about "our great corporations," and four
years later Cleveland described them as too often "conspiracies
against the interests of the people." At the same time, Cleveland,
warning against the "evils of paternalism," added, "While the people should patriotically and cheerfully support their Government,
its functions do not include support of the people." But the new
social questions could not be ignored. "Modern life," said Theodore Roosevelt, "is both complex and intense, and the tremendous
changes wrought by the extraordinary industrial development of
. the last half century are felt in every fiber of our social and political
being." By 1913 Wilson asked the nation to count the human cost
of industrial growth, "the cost of lives snuffed out, of energies overtaxed and broken, the fearful physical and spiritual cost to the men
and women and children upon whom the dead weight and burden
of it all has fallen pitilessly the years through." Answering his
question, Wilson demanded that government "be put at the service
of humanity" in order to shield ordinary people "from the consequences of great industrial and social processes which they cannot
alter, control, or singly cope with."
Our domestic policy has also confronted with rising intensity
the problem of the absorption of ethnic minorities. The early
Presidents frequently recommended, in the ornate language of
Madison, that the nation "carry on the benevolent plans which have
eritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighfrom the degradation and wretchedness of savage life to a
•
participation in the improvements of which the human mind and
manners are susceptible in a civilized state"-a recommendation
�•
vi
INTRODUCTION .
which, alas, had small effect on his countrymen's treatment of the
Indians. After the Civil War, Presidents betrayed concern about
the mounting flow of immigrants. "There are men of all races,"
said Benjamin Harrison, "even the best, whose coming is necessarily
a burden upon our public revenues or a threat to social order.
These should be identified and excluded." Taft displayed special
anxiety over "the admission of Asiatic immigrants who cannot be
amalgamated with our population." But the idea of exclusion on
ethnic grounds came into increasing conflict with the American
conscience. Nor can modern America accept Taft's complacent
message to Negro Americans that "it is not the disposition or within
the province of the Federal Government to interfere with regulation by Southern States of their domestic affairs." Better the blunt
language of Grant: The ex-slave "is not possessed of the civil rights
which citizenship should carry with it. This is wrong, and should
be corrected. To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive influence can avail."
In foreign affairs our Presidents can no longer, with Jefferson,
reject "entangling alliances" or, with Monroe, congratulate the
nation on the "peculiar felicity" that preserves us from the upheavals of the world outside. As the United State~ has grown, the
planet has shrunk. "We have become a great nation," said Theodore Roosevelt, "forced by the fact of its greatness into relations
with the other nations of the earth." "We are provincials no
longer," said Wilson in 1917. " ... There can be no turning back."
Even Calvin Coolidge, while hoping to resurrect the old isolationism, had to concede that "we cannot live to ourselves alone."
Franklin Roosevelt proclaimed-in 1945, after three testing years of
war, "We have learned that we must live as men, not as ostriches,
nor as dogs in the manger. We have learned to be citizens of the
world, members of the human community." It was a bitter education. John F. Kennedy, reminding his fellow countrymen that "the
graves of young Americans who answered the call to service sur·
round the globe," spoke the hard wisdom of history in summoning
the nation "to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle . . .
against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and
war itself."
These addresses, as they illuminate the national experience,
also illuminate the Presidency itself. No President ever took his.
accession to power lightly. Many followed Washington in remarking that "no event could have filled me with greater anxieties"
(though none has been so querulous as Grant in complaining
that he had been "the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever
equaled in political history"). The inaugural series displays the
•
)
•
..................._________________________
�•
INTRODUCTION
vii
growing understanding that the Presidency itself had to be the
center of action in the American system. In 1841 William Henry
Harrison could speak of "the impropriety of Executive interference
in the legislation of Congress" and even regret that the Constitution
had not made the Secretary of the Treasury "entirely independent
of the Executive." But the addresses of the twentieth century, except for the decade of the 1920's, nearly all assume, ~vithout bothering to argue the point, that active and purposeful leadership is the
essence of the Presidency.
It must be conceded that, even in the field of political oratory,
the inaugural address is an inferior art form. It is rarely an occasion for original thought or stimulating reflection. The platitude
quotient tends to be high, the rhetoric stately and self-serving, the
ritual obsessive, and the surprises few. It is astonishing to note
how few truly memorable addresses there have been: certainly
hington's First, Jefferson's First, Lincoln's Second, Franklin
sevelt's First, and Kennedy's; perhaps also Lincoln's First,
eodore Roosevelt's, Wilson's First, and Franklin Roosevelt's Second. The addresses vary considerably among themselves. They
differ in length-from the 135 words of Washington's Second to the
8,466 words of William Henry Harrison's (ironically the President
who served the shortest term made the longest address). They differ
in concept-from Taft's heavily programmatic discourse to the unimpeachable generalities of Eisenhower.
Yet a great strand binds them together. Washington declared
at the beginning of the republic, "The preservation of the sacred
fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of govern1
• ment are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally staked on
the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people."
This is the recurrent theme. "Great is the stake placed in our
hands," said Jackson, for the American experience "will be decisive
in the opinion of mankind of the practicability of our federal system
of government." Van Buren, the first President born in the American republic, taking office at the end of the first half-century of the
Constitution, reviewed the record of "our great experiment" and
concluded that "America will present to every friend of mankind
the cheering proof that a popular government, wisely formed, is
wanting in no element of endurance or strength." "Upon the success of our experiment," said Theodore Roosevelt, "much depends,
not only as regards our own welfare, but as regards the welfare of
mankind. If we fail, the cause of free self-government throughout
world will rock to its foundations." "If we lose that sacred fire,"
' •
Franklin Roosevelt, " ... then we shall reject the destiny which
Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish."
l
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viii
The sacred fire has sometimes flickered and guttered through
the nearly two centuries of American independence. But it burn.:
steadily on today, and "the glow from that fire," in the words o
John F. Kennedy, "can truly light the world." The addresses in
this volume suggest the resources of faith and of hope that will
strengthen American Presidents in the years to come as they confront the perils and possibilities of an uncertain future. And every
President, in his most anxious hour, must respond to the mag
nanimity and resolve of Abraham Lincoln: "With malice towan.:
none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives
us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in ...
to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peacr
among ourselves and with all nations."
••
•
INTRODUCTIO:
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Dublin Core
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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1993-1995
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-007-2014
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Clinton Presidentia~~Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
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;·
_.1
,.
./'
4273
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FolderiD:
Folder Title:
George's Speech at JFK School
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91
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3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
09/17/1993
P6/b(6)
002. letter
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
·~ .
.
.
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
George's Speech at JFK School
2008-0699-F
'm484
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b)J
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose .trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified Information ((b)( I) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose Information compiled for law enforcement
purposes J(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Pr~~~ ~ p~~t.
~ -t tf•""-s~' l.ofc., ("to~
08/31/93
MEMORANDUM FOR CARTER WILKE
FROM HEATHER BECKEL
SUBJECT GEORGE'S SPEAKING DATES
The following are tentative speaking dates for George
Stephanopoulos.
Tuesday, 09/21/93
Hellenic American Leadership Conference
Washington, DC
(Short remarks)
Monday, 09/27/93 --
Jewish National Fund's Tree of Life
awards dinner
Cleveland, OH
Monday, 09/27/93 --
NARAL Fundraiser
Cleveland, OH
Tuesday, 10/05/93 --
SRI International Corporation Circle
Mtg.
Washington, DC
(Short remarks)
10/18 - 10/28 -Friday, 10/22/93
Saturday, 10/23/93 --
United Nations Association
·Wilmington, DL
Greek American Community Services Award
Chicago, Il
··· United Hellinic Voters Award
Chicago, Il
or
Archbishop's Namesday Dinner
New York
(I'm not sure if GS will be expected to
speak here)
Saturday, 11/06/93 --
Chian Federation Homeric Award
New York
�..
Friday, 11/12/93 --
Greek Festival
Florida
Saturday, 11/13/93
United Hellenic American congress
Chicago, Il
Thursday, 12/09/93 --
Princeton Model Congress
Washington, DC
OPEN DATES
The Hellenic Banker's Association
New York
American University
Washington, DC
Greek American Labor Council
New York
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECT!TITLE
09/17/1993
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
George's Speech at JFK School
2008-0699-F
'm484
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. ll04(a))
Freedom of Information Ad- [S U.S.C. SSl(b)J
PI National Security ClassiOed Information J(a)(l) of the PRAJ
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal ofnce [(a)(2) of the PRA[
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified Information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA[
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) ofthe FOIA[
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA[
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose Information compiled for Jaw enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
r'
I
~
September 17, 1993
I
MEMORANDUM
TO:
George Stephanopoulos
FR:
Carter Wilkie
i
I
I
l
RE:
Your upcoming round of speeches·
I
~[·
I
I've attached an outline and some suggested
reading as a springboard for your weekend work.
If you need me, I'll be in New Jersey late tonight
and tomorrow at
P6/(b)(6) ... '
Good luck.
r. ·..
I
You'll make audiences sit up in their seats if you
throw in personal anecdotes about the President.
This will add human drama to abstract ideas
and show how the Presid.ent really feels about
these issues. Take advantage of them·.
Let me know if you want me to keep gathering
more material for each successive speech.
'
�OUTLINE: FOR GIDRGE STEPHANOPOULOO
9/17/93
To put this Presidency in perspective, step beyond the daily headlines, the recent
week's successes, and take a wider, longer view. No one today doubts the world is
changing, with huge consequences for our national priorities, our economy, even
the global economy and our place in it.
But a little more than a year ago, advisers in the White House were telling the
previous occupant to ignore these changes: no need to adjust, don't lift a finger.
Mter the Gulf War in the Spring of '91, Sununu said there was no need for
another piece of legislation for the rest of that term. No vision necessary.
As Bush's advisers learned, inaction carries a price. Nothing angers people more
than nothing getting done. The lesson for all of us in Washington: better to try
too much than to try too little. We have; and we've won some great successes:
•
•
•
•
•
brought interest rates down with largest deficit reduction package in history;
EITC rewards work and family and provides an incentive to stay off welfare;
Family & Medical Leave Act rewards work and family too;
1st Empowerment Zones · for 12 yrs others tried and failed, we won in 6 months
National Service Act is signed on 9/21, on top of student loan reform.
We inherited a lot of deficits: not just a budget deficit, but an investment deficit, a
trade deficit, a performance deficit in the way government works, and a trust
deficit among the American people. Of all the threats to America's future, none
may be greater than pessimism, alienation and frustration.
Our Fall agenda tackles them all:
• reinventing government · make government perform better at lower cost;
• NAFTA ·make sure the new global economy doesn't. pass Americans by;
• health care -tune in to the President's speech Wednesday night.
The bottom line in everything we do is this: giving the American people a sense
that we can regain control over the great forces that shape the way we work and
live. Our job has been to clean up the mess and put our house in order. One of
Clinton's strengths, historian Arthur Schlesigner said, is his "instinct for remedy."
But it's really about much more than that. The President has already :r.:estored
purpose to the Presidency and he is renewing our national sense of mission,
getting Americans to think about what kind of country we can share: not one that
divides us, but one that brings people together; not one to preserve our personal
advantages of today, but one concerned with leaving your children a brighter
tomorrow; not one that alienates Americans through their fears; but one that
engages their hopes and better instincts. From where I sit, it's exciting, engaging,
and, at its finest, a wonderful adventure.
file: C:\work\GS.cw
�·..
August 14, 1993
To: James
Fr: Gene
Re: Top Accomplishments
1. lARGEST DEFICIT REDUCTION: Responded to the largest run up in the deficit in
history, with the largest deficit reduction in history.
2. LOW INTEREST RATES: Brought long-term interest rates and mortgage rates to a 2030 year low, and everyone from Wall Street Journal to USA Today gives him credit. More
businesses are reinvesting, millions more are refinancing homes.
3. EVERY WORKING FAMILY OUT OF POVERTY: Made good on his campaign
promise to expand the EITC so that every family with children at home and a parent working
'
full-time, will be lifted out of poverty.
4. NEW AND BETTER STUDENT LOAN SYSTEM: Made good on his campaign promise
to take on special interests and restructure the entire student loan program so that students
could borrow more directly and more cheaply, while also letting them pay back their loans
over time as a percentage of their income, so that no one faces a crushing burden from going
to school or feels they can't take a lower-paying community service job.
__/S. FIRST EMPOWERMENT ZONES PROPOSAL: After 12 years of trying and failing,
1<~ "am Clinton passed the first national empowerment zones proposal -- which is better and
more innovative proposals to bring new investment to depressed urban and rural areas.
6. STRONG SMALL BUSINESS INVESTMENT BILL: It was the President who
personally spearheaded one of the strongest pro-small business investment plans. He pushed
through a new targeted small business capital gains cut, and increased the amount of business
investment that can be immediately expensed or deducted by 75% --something that small
businesses had been fighting for for years but could not get under a Republican president.
7. DEFENSE CONVERSION: The President has already put in place a comprehensive
defense conversion plan which was announced in May and is being implemented as we speak.
In addition, he has announced a strong base closing readjustment strategy.
8. CHILDRENS POLICY: The President's plan will increase by 6 million the number of
children eligible for immunizations -- an investment that returns $10 for every $1 invested
in. In the appropriations process, we are on our way to fully-funding WIC as the President
promised, and Head Start -- while not increased as much as we would like -- is still going
up by hundreds of millions in the first year alone, and the reconciliation bill included $1
billion for Family Preservation programs.
- - - - - - - -
�\
9. FAMILY AND MEDICAL LEAVE: The President signed the Family and Medical Leave
Act to ensure that parents do not have to fear that they will lose their jobs because they took
time off to be with a newborn child or a sick or dying parent. This is a major step to show
that Americans should not have to choose between their job and their family.
10. MOTOR VOTER LEGISLATION: Signed the motor votor legislation so that millions
of more Americans will be able to vote and participate in our democratic system.
11. NATIONAL SERVICE: The President is about to pass one of his top priorities --the
largest national service program ever. The one about to be passed is far larger than the Peace
Corp and linked to education and college access.
12. WORLD LEADERSHIP: The President has showed leadership in keeping democracy in
Russia and was the dominant force in the G-7, where the new respect for his budget plan
helped give the United States the upper hand in opening markets and pushing for world
economic growth.
** NOTE: There is a misperception that the President lost most of his investment
package. That is wrong. The list above shows the progress. It is true that right now it
has been scaled back, but at the worst the President in on to get 60% of his .
investments, and with additional new cuts in later years, we can get more. The fact
that the President was able to do this well on investments while cutting the deficit
$500 billion shows his commitment to both deficit reduction and new investments as
part of a larger economic growth strategy.
�I
TALKING POINTS ON LONG RANGE DIRECTION OF THE ADMINISTRATION
New economic vision.
America has moved out from under the dark shadows of a laissez-faire era and a donothing Presidency to a new Administration that sees tackling our economic challenges
as priority number one. The President's address to Congress (like the economic
conference in little Rock during the transition) was a historic occasion. It showed how
the nation is willing to look very closely at the challenges of investment and training and
growth in new ways. Most now agree that our challenges are so great that government
cannot sit idly by. New coalitions are being formed. Consider the Chamber of
Commerce, which has come under attack from reactionaries who want conservatives to
oppose anything the President proposes.
New ethic of "Do more with less."
Along with growth incentives, the administration has won the largest deficit reduction
effort in history -- amounting to roughly $500 billion. The ironic thing is that for twelve
years, the GOP has tagged Democrats as the tax-and-spenders, but it took a Democratic
President to begin to reverse the deficit legacy of Ronald Reagan and George Bush.
Clinton has raised a sense of hope •• and people's expectations from government.
People expect more out of this administration than they did from Bush's and Reagan's,
when people were so beaten down with cynicism that they hardly blinked when new
scandals were announced. A new mood of hope and optimism brings forth new scrutiny,
where even the press holds you to a higher standard than your predecessors. From new
ethics rules to administrative cuts, to the performance review being overseen by VP
Gore, the President is tightening government's belt and bringing discipline to its
operations from top to bottom.
Health care is the next great challenge.
We expect the plan to be released in May. The nation realizes the system is broken; it
requires bold surgery. Freeing people from the fear of losing their coverage and
maintaining their choice of doctors will be our greatest aims.
An amazing amount of activity in the opening months.
The historically quick passage of the budget resolution (at this point in their terms, no
recent President had passed a program through Congress) shows how successful the
President can be when he stays disciplined and focused on economic concerns. The
family and medical leave act has been passed and signed, unemployment insurance
extended, sweeping policies outlined for long range defense conversion and technological
advances. No Presidency since LBJ or FOR matches this pace. There are some side
effects, however, that may be blessings in disguise: By taking such dramatic action so
quickly, this presidency has shaped public opinion (both pro and con) quicker than its
predecessors. Also, by focusing like a laser beam on the economy, some interest groups
have been disappointed that their agenda has not come before all others. This may
foreshadow long term success. Our first aim is to fix the economy, and none of the great
Presidencies in American history were able to please everyone at the same moment.
�,
..
Wilkie draft
11/16/93 3:30 p.m.
George Stephanopoulos
President Clinton's "First 100 Days"
Kennedy School of Government
April 17, 1993
(Dean of JFK School Al Carnesale will deliver introduction.
Dukakis and daughter Andrea will be in audience)
Gov.
Almost a year and a half ago, a Governor from Arkansas stood in
the Forum and spoke about restoring and renewing the American
community.
In the time since then, I believe Bill Clinton's greatest
achievement on behalf of our country has been to restore purpose
to the Presidency and renew our national sense of mission. That
is what I want to speak about this afternoon.
I was here with then-Governor Clinton in october 1991. He had
just announced his candidacy for President. When he came to the
Kennedy School, few people in New England had heard of him
before. Certainly no one had heard of me. But great events
happen, and here we are.
You know, when my friend Nick Mitropoulos invited me here to
speak, I was certain he made a mistake ••• I had no idea you
could come to the Kennedy School after you won an election.
I'm honored that Governor Dukakis is here with me this afternoon.
For those of you who don't know, I worked for Mike Dukakis in his
presidential campaign in 1988. I was director of his "rapid
response" team set up to answer attacks from the Bush campaign •••
I was the Maytag Repairman of Presidential politics.
It is great to be back here in Cambridge. The last time I came
to speak at Harvard, I delivered a lecture on why the S-A-T s
are not an accurate indicator of academic potential •••
Unfortunately, the admissions officer didn't buy it.
Today I am here because at the end of this month, we will mark
the 100th day in office of the Clinton administration.
The concept of a "First 100 Days" was initially used in this
country to describe the frenetic activity of Franklin Roosevelt's
first administration, when America attacked the emergency of the
Great Depression in 1933.
�page 2
Since then, the first 100th day has become a regular milestone
when people in government and politics consider the impact of the
new President and his new administration.
My work is done mainly in the cycles of the news business, with
professionals driven by daily assignments and daily deadlines.
That environment is one in which the Presidency is covered like
the stock market, with soaring highs one day and tumbling lows
the next, a roller coaster ride through presidential politics.
For a lot of us then, the 11 100 Days" milestone is a rare chance
to step back from the daily headlines and look at the trendlines
that might give us a clearer sense of President Clinton's impact
on the country. To get an accurate view, I believe you have to
remember where the country was last year.
At this point one year ago, America was swept up by the politics
of anger. The speculative bubble of the 1980s had busted. More
Americans were working longer hours and getting less in return
just to keep pace with where they were. Frustration with
government (and with a President who appeared unresponsive and
out of touch) struck a near all-time high.
Then came the Democratic convention in New York and the first
trip across the country by bus, "On the Road to Change America."
What happened that week was a phenomenal transformation of the
American psyche. The politics of anger matured into the politics
of hope and potential.
There was a widely felt belief that for many years, America had
been in a state of denial about the challenges facing its future,
and that many of those challenges had been ignored or overlooked
by the most recent administrations: a shortage of jobs, stagnant
incomes, uncertain futures, a loss of connection to others -- the
things that marketplaces, when left to their own devices, will
not fix.
It may be easier to be a successful and popular laissez-faire
President, because your aim is so much lower than a president who
pursues real change. But as the election last year shows, an
unwillingness to tackle difficult problems also extracts a price.
I believe Bill Clinton was elected President because he aimed
higher. Better than anyone else, he challenged the American
people to believe in the promise of America. And he challenged
Americans to take part in its renewal.
There was a union between his candidacy and something that was
dormant or nascent in the American character: people yearning to
become reconnected to a great common purpose -- something greater
�page 3
than themselves -- a readiness to participate in bold collective
action.
I believe that we have already seen the first of that bold
collective action and an amazing amount of activity in these few,
short months in office.
Less than a month into his term, President Clinton stood before a
joint session of Congress and laid out a thorough vision for the
American economy, the likes of which we have not seen in decades.
Erasing the prevailing attitude of the Reagan-Bush era, the
President declared that the power of the Presidency is too great
to waste on laissez-faire theories and trickle down economics
when other nations are investing in their people and their
industries at a moment of critical changes in the global economy.
Just weeks after his address to Congress, President Clinton won
passage of the outline of his economic package in record time -the largest deficit reduction plan in history.
Consider the irony: it took a Democratic President to begin to
reverse the spiraling deficit legacy of three Republican
administrations.
The President is encouraged by how closely people are following
events in Washington. He is fond of holding town meetings and
few of you may know that he holds conference calls from the Oval
Office with average citizens around the country who care deeply
about particular issues.
In just six weeks, the President received half as much mail as
the previous President received in an entire year. I think the
volume is a tribute to both the President's qualities as one of
the greatest listeners who ever occupied the office and the
public's willingness to see bold changes become real.
I'm even amazed sometimes. Last weekend, an assistant of mine
was in Boston, and a senior citizen asked him if he would take a
piece of advice back to me in Washington. "Sure," he said. The
woman said, "Please tell George to comb his hair." ••• He told
her, "I think that's how the barber likes to cut it."
And she
said, "Then tell him he's being overcharged."
Seriously though, consider a few more of the real achievements so
far:
After seven years of waiting, America now has a Family and
Medical Leave law that says Americans should not have to lose
their jobs if they must care for a sick relative in their
immediate family at home.
~~~~~~----
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-'
�page 4
For five years, workers at America's defense bases have been
watching a base closure commission draw up the list of facilities
that will or will not be used to meet tomorrow's needs. We now
have a President who has outlined a bold, long range v1s1on of
how to reintroduce those workers and those resources into
America's civilian economy.
A host of other actions have been taken, but their first 100 days
may not measure their eventual impact on this country.
President Clinton has launched -- and the First Lady is
overseeing -- plans for a sweeping overhaul of America's health
care system that could ultimately become the greatest attempt to
provide security to every American since the Social Security Act
of 1935.
National leadership on issues like these can have a ripple effect
across the country: just look at the states that are implementing
their own health care reforms.
Vice President Gore is undertaking a massive performance review
of the way government does business, the results of which could
change government as we know it far into the future.
The Secretary of the Interior, Bruce Babbitt recently announced a
decision with great implications for our environment. By naming
the California Gnatcatcher a "threatened species" he found a way
to preserve a fragile ecosystem while setting other land aside
for limited development.
And you may have seen the headlines this week about how people in
government are trying to work with the Big 3 automakers in
Detroit, trying to find ways to make them more competitive while
making their products more efficient for the economy and
environment of tomorrow.
Unlike our opponents predicted in the last campaign, this
administration showed that with innovative vision, protecting the
environment and progress can go hand in hand.
To take an accurate measure of the some of the remarkable changes
being made in public policy and government today, you have to
remember where America has been and where America is going.
Some historians say that the first 100 days is too short a period
for to provide an accurate reflection of a new administration.
They tell you to wait until the first year is up. Fair enough.
But look into American history and you may be able to put the
coming year of this administration into a clearer context.
�.
.
page 5
Certainly, our time is unlike 1933, when Franklin Roosevelt took
office at a moment of great national despair and, with the help
of a two-thirds majority in Congress, wasted no time in pushing
through relief measures of an unprecedented scale.
Perhaps 1913 is more relevant, when a northern-educated Democrat
from the South took office after a three-way election. The
incumbent Republican president had been repudiated at the polls
due to economic discontent, his own inaction and the defection of
much of his party to a maverick third party candidate. The new
Democratic President -- the first in a generation and only the
second Democrat since the Civil War -- was Woodrow Wilson.
One month after taking office, Wilson delivered a dramatic speech
to a joint session of Congress. It was the first speech to
Congress by a President since the administration of John Adams.
The product of Wilson's speech was a major reform of economic
policy that put an end to the Gilded Age and special protections
for the rich and privileged. It shifted government to the side
of average, hard-working Americans.
Woodrow Wilson was the first modern Democratic President and his
first year in office was one of the most productive in history:
tariff reform, the first income tax, and the federal reserve.
I'm not arguing that 1993 is a repeat of the past. (Clinton and
Wilson are two very different personalities under different
circumstances.)
But the point I'm trying to make is that in
trying to measure how a new President may affect the course of
American history, think beyond the short cycles that I work under
every day and consider the long term cycles that have more in
common and more relevance to your lives, your future and your
children's future.
What President Clinton is trying to do in Washington is not about
poll numbers or even what his spokesman may say behind a podium.
It's about making a real difference in the lives of the American
people in the best ways that he can.
So when you reflect on the first 100 days of the new Clinton
administration, think of it as the first 100 days of America's
new direction.
Consider how dramatically the priorities of the Presidency have
changed in the course of a year. Consider how much more directly
people are willing to confront the challenges that lie ahead ••• I
think you'll agree that, together, we face an exciting four
years.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. letter
DATE
SUBJECTrriTLE
n.d.
Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
George's Speech at JFK School
2008-0699-F
'm484
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. SS2(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified Information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) ofthe FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�...,
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Carter -Attached are lines written by Mark Katz for
G's speech on Saturday. You can tell which
one's he likes by his notations.
If you wish to call Mark, he can be reached
at: 1
.P6/(b)(6)
•
I
HB
�•
The sound Bite Institute
,•..
Tue Apr 13 1993 3:17 pm
l'&ge
~ 01 ;:~
first draft
4/13/93
OP-ening_ Remarks 12r._Kennedy_ School E'Vent
Thank you for that flattering introduction, Prof. Ro-yer, but if I am such a
big man in Washington, why am I standing on a riser'?
I hope I'm not late. I was pulled over on the Mass Pike on my way here.
I got a ticket for driving drunk wi1h power.
~
i
~
I
The last time I came here to speak at Harvard, I delivered a lecture on
why the SA1' s are not an accurate indicator of academic potential.
Unfor1unately, the admissions officer didn't buy lt.
As Prof. Royer said, I am the Communications Director at the White
House, and 11 wasn't 'Jery long ago at all that I got my first experience
working in communications for a presidential campaign. 11 was a just a
few miles from this spot where I learned the Importance of repeating your
message over and over again in a communications plan. And those
words still ring in my ear:
''lJuhlki6 lor P/'e$/dent. How may I direcl your call?"
Actually, I worked on the Dukakls campaign's Rapid Response Team.
Bush would accuse us of something, and our job was to respond as
quickly as we could. And If anyone here at the K School is interested in
studying what we chumed out, our responses should be available early
next week.
I am here today because my good friend Nick Mftropoulos invited me.
Nick and I worked closely together on the Dukakis campaign.
Stephanopoulos. Mltropoulos. Dukalds. Ah, but that's just ancient
Greek history.
�I
11111:0 ;»UUIIU Dltt5
"'· ...
......
IU5lllUlB
Tue Rpr 13 1993 3:17pm
Page 3 of 3
'
'
Remarks, p.2
~
I
When Nick first invited me to speak, I was certain he had made a
mistake. I had no idea you could come here after you won an election.
But all those post-mortem K-School seminars paid off exactly as we had
hoped: the Democrats learned from our mistakes and the Republicans
just learned our mistakes.
,So now we approach the conclusion of the Clinton administration's first
100 days In office. And, since the days of FOR, it is the customary
occasion to grade a new administration on its progress . And I hope we
do well, because my Mom still posts my grades on the refrigerator.
All I ask is that we be graded on a curve - a learning curve.
11 is a pleasure to be asked to the Kennedy School of Government for a
discussion of the first 100 days of the Camelot of my generation. Things
haven't changed 'Jery much for me since Kennedy's first term: back then,
I was also percieved by most as a baby. And I was still just learning how
to deal with all the crap.
There is not much I can do to overcome my youthful image. I began
wearing these glasses not too long ago to look a lfttle more aduft. But the
truth is I have perfect 'Jision. The prescription on these glasses is not
meant to change how I see the world b1..1t how the world sees me.
But 11 doesn't appear to be working. Maybe I should've gotten those
bifocals .......
###
�.{·~
I
lI
HE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
�ARmUR SCHLESINGER, JR.
9 March 1993
The President of
The White House
Washington, D.C.
Dear Mr. PresidenL:
I greatly appreciate your note about the Wall Street
Journal column. And I take the liberty of enclosing
a copy of remarks I am making this week at a
conference in London entitled "Beyond the First
Hundred Days: What the Clinton Administration Must Do."
The conference is sponsored by the Institute of United
States Studies at the University of London. A genial
but rather conservative political scientist named Gary
MacDowell has just been appointed director; and the
conference is the start of his effort to revitalize a
somewhat moribund institution. He has, alas, assembled
a collection of Reagan-Bush relics -- Ed Meese, Roger
Porter, Tony Snow, Terry Eastland, etc -- and only
Pierre Salinger and I are there to uphold the true
faith. But I am giving the keynote, which gives me
some advantage. (Afterward Alexandra and I are going
to Oxford for the weekend to stay with Isaiah Berlin.)
You have been doing just fine on policy. I hope,
though you will not delay too long on filling out the
government.
-
With all best wishes,
BoX
340, 33 WEST 42 STREET, NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10036
. ... .. . .... ,
TEL1
212/642·2060
~
·~·
:··::
�J
ARTHUR SCHLESINGER, JR
Institute of United States Studies
University of London
11 March 1993
BEYOND THE FIRST HUNDRED DAYS
I made my first visit to London, and to this institution, exactly
sixty years ago, when the University of London invited my father to
deliver a series of lectures at University College. The first lecture
began with the comment that no university in Great Britain, apart
from Oxford and London, offered instruction in American history. The
prevalent British belief, my father observed, appeared to be that the
United States was too young to have had an history.
My country would seen to have aged considerably in the last sixty
years, for the state of American studies in Britain and the continent
has improved beyond recognition since 1933. The United States is now
generally acknowledged as having had, for better or worse, an
history, and British and European scholars, in the footsteps of
Tocqueville and Bryce, of Myrdal and Brogan and Cunliffe and many
others, have wonderfully increased not only the world's understanding
of America b":lt J._,:erica's understanding of itself. The rise of
American studies in British and continental universities, the
revitalization of the Institute of United States Studies here in
London, the establishment of the Roosevelt Study Center at Middelburg
in the Netherlands with its impressive collection of books and
documents -- all these developments indicate that knowledge of the
�.
,_)
2
past and present of the United States, if not altogether politically
correct, is at least intellectually indispensable.
Your charge in this week's conference is an exploration of the
future: what the Clinton administration must do in the years ahead.
Now the future is at best hazardous terrain for an historian. We feel
insecure enough when we are confronted with the past. I have always
had great sympathy with the doubts that John Lothrop Motley, the
pioneering American historian of the Netherlands, expressed in an
address to the New-York Historical Society in 1868, the year before
President Grant sent him as United States minister to the Court of st
James.
Speaking without benefit of the modern gospel of deconstruction,
Motley said, "There is no such thing as human history. Nothing can be
more profoundly, sadly true. The annals of mankind have never been
written; never can be written; nor would it be within human capacity
to read them if they were written. We have a leaf or two torn from
the great book of human fate as it flutters in the storm-winds ever
sweeping across the earth. We decipher them as best we can with
purblind eyes, and endeavor to learn their mystery as we float along
to the abyss .... But it is all confused babble, hieroglyphics to
which·the key is lost."
If that is the past, what can be said about the future? Hamilton
wrote in the 70th Federalist about "the dim light of historical
research." How much dimmer our light is when we peer into the shape
of things to come! And, if our theme is what the Clinton
administration must d0 in the years ahead, the word "must" implies an
�3
attempt to bend the future in one or another direction, and the
question of what direction is bound to provoke disagreement. This may
well be especially the case among the Americans present at this
conference. So I speak only for myself and would not implicate my
friends from the Reagan-Bush administrations in such heresies as I
may feel constrained to utter.
The president of the United States, as our most brilliant
historian Henry Adams once put it, resembles the commander of a ship
at sea: "he must have a helm to grasp, a course to steer, a port to
seek." I would suggest that the election of President Clinton
represents a significant change in the American course, though hardly
one without precedent in the long series of zigzags that
characterizes the politics of my native land.
How did it happen, the world asked last November, that an unknown
governor from a small, poor, rural southern state could win a
landslide victory in the great United States over a world leader who
had already served eight year as vice president and four years as
president? One reaction on this island might well have been that it
was about time to have an Oxford man as president. Actually Oxford
was of little help. Indeed his opponent implied in the caillpaign that
Governor Clinton's years at University College had turned him into a
.
fW'. ~ -o.f ~
u
$CQ/~
Fabian socialist if not into an agent of the KGB. ~ ~ ~ \,'lfil$,fM~ .\u!M ·
The short and proximate explanation of his victory was the
condition of the American economy. It is true that the recession of
1990-92 was not so bad as the recession of 1981-82, and that many
nations might well have envied an unemployment rate as low as
�4
America's seven percent. But in 1981-82 unemployment mainly hurt the
working class and the cities, and this was Democratic territory
anyway. Ten years later, unemployment spread to the middle class and
~
the suburbs and consequently struck at the heart of the conserva;ive
Reagan coalition. President Bush, who combined a stubborn faith in
•
tKe self-correcting capacity of the domestic market with an evident
personal preference for foreign affairs, persuaded many Americans
that he simply did not comprehend or care about their daily troubles.
Moreover, Mr Bush, though himself a moderate conservative, has
always been haunted by an exaggerated fear of the frenetic right wing
of his Republican party. By giving rightist orators prominent roles
in the Republican convention, he left many Americans, including many
Republicans, with the impression that the religious right had taken
the party over and declared war against the rest of the nation. The
Republican hard .line against abortion and the declamatory invocation
•
by Vice President Quayle and otheri of "family values" -- as if the
Democrats were out to destroy the American family
-- offended
middle-class voters already disturbed by the lack of action on the
economy. Then, as the campaign staggered on into its last weeks, many
voters were influenced by the contrast between M7. Bush's fragmented
speech, unhinged manner and hyperbolic personal attacks an1 Mr
Clinton's fluency, poise and vitality.
But deeper factors than the economy and personality were at work.
As my father pointed out in his London lectures sixty
year~
ago,
American politics flows in cycles. We move back and forth between
times when private action, private enterprise, private interest seem
�5
the best way of meeting our problems and times when we decide that
our problems require a larger measure of public action and public
purpose.
Obviously the Reaganite 1980s represented a high-water mark of
faith in private action and negative government. But in a sense too
the 1980s were a replay of the Eisenhower 1950s thirty years before,
as the 1950s were a replay of the Harding-Coolidge-Hoover 1920s
thirty years before that, and as the 1920s were a replay of the
McKinley 1890s still another thirty years earlier.
As each private-action perioq in time ran out of ideas and into
trouble, the republic has turned, at similar 30-year intervals, to
public action and affirmative government. So Theodore Roosevelt
ushered in the Progressive era in 1901; thirty years later carne
Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal in 1933; in another thirty years
carne John Kennedy and the New Frontier in 1961. Liberal periods too
eventually run out of ideas and into trouble, and the cycle swings
back into the conservative phase.
Now there is no mystery about the 30-year periodicity. Thirty
years is more or less the span of a generation. People tend to be
shaped in their political views by the ideals that are dominant when
they arrive at political consciousness. So young people who grew up
during the Progressive era when Theodore Roosevelt and Woodro;• Wilson
were inspiring
t~e
nation -- young people like Franklin Roosevelt,
Eleanor Roosevelt, Harry Truman
carried their progressive ideals,
when their generation's turn in power came thirty years later, into
FOR's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal.
�6
In the same way young people who grew up under FDR -- John
Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Hubert Humphrey, Robert Kennedy -- brought
the New Deal up to date thirty years later in the New Frontier and
the Great Society. In the 1960s the Kennedys touched and formed a new
political generation, whose appointed time, if the rhythm held, would
be the 1990s. And, as the Kennedys and Johnson were children of FDR,
so Bill Clinton and Albert Gore, Jr, are Kennedy's children.
Clinton's presidency, thirty-two years after Kennedy, sixty years
after Franklin Roosevelt, ninety-one years after Theodore Roosevelt,
has now come along right on schedule.
Clinton recognizes and relishes this progressive tradition, unlike
Jimmy Carter, who was the most conservative Democratic president for
a century, disliked the Kennedys and declined as president even to
send a greeting to a reunion of New Dealers celebrating the
anniversary of FDR's first inauguration. The epiphanic rnonent in
Clinton's youth carne when, as a boy of sixteen, he shook President
Kennedy's hand at a reception in the White House's Rose Garden. As
president, Clinton hauled Kennedy's desk out of storage and installed
it as his own in the oval office.
One of his favorite quotations, used again and again in the
campaign and since, is FDR's call for "bold, persistent
experimentation. It is common sense to ,take a method and try it: If
it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all, try
something." And one of Clinton's early acts as president was to pay a
visit, in the company of FDR's grandson and Robert Kennedy's son, to
Hyde Park. As for Albert Gore, Jr, his father was first elected to
..................________________________________
�7
congress in 1938 and in his long and distinguished legislative career
was a stout-hearted New Dealer from beginning to end.
Predictive power is a reasonable test for a hypothesis. Consider
my father's 1949 forecast: "The recession from liberalism which began
in 1947 [with the election of the Republican-controlled 80th
Congress] was due to end in 1962, with a possible margin of a year or
two in either direction. On this basis the next conservative epoch
will commence around 1978. 11 The shifts in national direction
associated with Kennedy and Reagan were thus foreseen over forty
years ago; and, on the same basis, the next liberal epoch was due,
with a possible margin of a year or two, in 1993.
There is obvious consolation here for the children of Reagan: this
too will pass. No doubt the republic will move along in the spirit of
public purpose for fifteen years or so. But then, toward the end of
the first decade of the 21st century, people will begin to tire of
government activism and reforming uplift, and around the year 2010
the young men and women who carne of political age in the 1980s will
have their turn at running the country.
I do not offer numerology as a substitute for history, not do I
wish to suggest that the cycles dictate the future. It is essential
to distinguish between those phenomena that are predictable and those
that are not. Historians often propose generalizations about the past
that would appear to warn about things to come. They have, for
example, identified a life-cycle of revolutions -- as in Crane
Brinton's The Anatomy of Revolution -- that, if sufficiently
apprehended, might have spared the world misconceptions about the
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .__________________________L
�8
Bolshevik Revolution -- first, about its benevolence and later, after
belief in its benevolence drained away, about the fixity and
permanence of its fanatical purpose. We find comparable predictive
generalizations in a number of areas
the stages of economic
development, for example, or the impact of industrialization and
urbanization, or the influence of climate or disease or sea power or
the frontier, or the effects of population growth, or the circulation
of elites, or the consequences of entrepreneurial initiative and
technological change, or, I would add, generational alternations in
political moods.
Such generalizations imply predictions about broad, deep-running,
long-term changes. The short term, however, is a different matter.
The prospect immediately before us is too much at the mercy of
accident and fortuity and personality, of wisdom, stupidity and
chance, to permit exact and specific forecasts. What the Annaliens
call ''l'histoire evenementielle" is far less predictable than the
"longue duree."
The political cycles of which I speak are therefore cycles of
..
opportunity, not cycles of necessity. As the national moo
back and forth, new leaders arise and confront new possibilities. But
what the leaders do with these possibilities depends on their own
ideas, capacities, skills, visions. A passive Coolidge used a
conservative era for one purpose, an accommodauing Eisenhower for
another, an ideological Reagan for something still another. The
future is not determined: it is only there for the Clinton generation
to do what it may have the wisdom and fortitude to make of it.
�9
~w
president's
qu~I
first met him a number
of years ago when I spoke at one of our annual governors'
conferences. When I finished, a big fellow came out of the audience,
introduced himself as Clinton of Arkansas and suggested that, if I
~ere
staying around, we might have breakfast the next morning. It was
a long and entertaining breakfast, and I came away with the
impression, reinforced in subsequent meetings, of a man of marked
intellectual force and lively intellectual curiosity, a good talker
and a good listener. He has a keen mind, impressive command of
------
detail, an instinct for remedy and an endearing faith in the latent
idealism and decency of the American people. When he considers a
'-
problem, his concern is how to get hold of it and what to do about
it.
He is also a skilled professional who relishes the give-and-take,
the negotiations and manipulations, of politics and who enjoys going
to and moving among the voters. In a way he is a merger of two
leaders of the generation before who combined professionalism in
politics with idealism in policy, John Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey.
He has JFK's analytical bent, his detachment, his retentive memory
and mastery of program, and he has Humphrey's ebullient
gregariousness, his overflowing vitality and his inability to say
anything briefly.
Governor Clinton's election does represent, I believe, a turning
of the political tide, a transition from one phase of the political
cycle to the next. The reversal of national direction in domestic
affairs is already manifest. President Reagan signalled the
pr~ceding
�10
big change of course when he said in his first inaugural address:
"Government is not the solution to our problem. Government is the
problem." Get government off our backs, the Reaganites contended, and
our problems will solve themselves, or rather the free market will
solve them. President Clinton responded in his first state of the
union message, "I want to talk with you about what the government can
do, because I believe government must do more."
When he says that he believes government must do more, he does not
. imply that he wants government to do everything. He does not propose
state planning or the centralized direction of the economy. Private
property is safe in his hands. He has no doubt that the free market
is the great engine of production and growth. But he does not believe
that the market is infallible or that the abstract models beloved by
laissez-faire economists faithfully represent the messy realities of
economic life. He sees a role for government in offsetting market
distortions and redressing market failures, and he has no doubt that
the market by itself cannot cure a lot of the troubles the United
States currently faces.
If Reaganite faith in laissez-faire had been justified, no
American would have been unhappy last November, and Republicans would
be in the White House forever. But that faith perished in the dark
sea of unprecedented peacetime deficits, of a national debt that
quadrupled in the dozen conservative years, of economic and social
problems rendered acute by a dozen years of neglect. In the 1992
election, change was the theme of every campaign. Even George Bush
presented himself as the apostle of change. Two-thirds of the
�11
electorate, in voting for Bill Clinton or for Ross Perot, expressed
the widespread yearning for new directions.
The rejection of Reaganisrn resulted in part from the recognition
that many problems will not be solved by private enterprise. Private
action will not repair America's crumbling infrastructure -- bridges,
darns, tunnels, harbors·, roads, waterways. Private action will not
save the public schools, or protect the environment, or rehabilitate
the cities, or produce universal health care, or salvage the
·homeless, or promote
racial justice, or stop the spread of drugs,
crime and violence. The very nature of such problems leaves no
alternative but resort to public action and affirmative government.
In the spirit of the Roosevelts and Truman and the Kennedys and
Johnson, Clinton sees government as a potent instrument for growth,
for change and for equity.
But
~is
agenda encounters obstacles that Kennedy and Johnson were
largely spared. In the 1960s federal funds were relatively available
for social programs. That is hardly the case
today~
Every Republican
president since the New Deal has hoped to stop the enlargement of
social programs. But Ronald Reagan was the first Republican president
to figure out how to do it. By cutting taxes, he contrived deficits
so large as to block furth@f
socfaf
as
sa
a aw..
. . ·:•
~
spending. Then, by persuading
voters of the eternal wickedness of raising taxes and by persuading
politicians that talk of tax increases was political suicide, he made
it impossible, for a season at least, to reduce deficits except by
social retrenchment.
American presidents will have to deal with this Reagan legacy for
�12
a generation to come -- both the economic wreckage his policies
produced and the political stigma he attached to affirmative
government. President Clinton has already begun a frontal attack on
this legacy. His economic plan is a complex and comprehensive effort
to deal all at once with issues of economic stimulus, deficit
reduction, infrastructure modernization, the role of government and
the tax taboo.
This last question -- the tax taboo -- is fundamental to all the
others. Reagan, it seemed, had driven tax increases from the realm of
political discourse. Yet the United States is the most lightly taxed
·capitalist democracy in the world; it also has the least prosressjje
• tax structure.
According to the report issued last November by the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, federal, state
and local taxes in the United States represent a lower share of gross
domestic product than in any other OECD country except for Turkey.
~)we.~ ()f. ~ 9 ~
2 °'
VJ:rs~
-;o o
This has not always been so. At the end of the Eisenhower
administration the top marginal tax rate was 91 percent. That was
undoubtedly too high, and the rate was progressively reduced until
under Reagan it fell to 28 percent. When it was pushed up a couple of
years ago to 32 percent, conservatives acted as if it were the end of
western civilization. Yet Germany and Japan have had both higher
marginal tax rates and more dynamic economies.
The Reagan theory was that the economic stimulus provided by tax
reduction would increase tax revenues and that therefore tax cuts
would pay for themselves. That may be true in some circumstances,
bu?, as the enormous budget deficits showed, it manifestly failed to
�13
work that way in the 1980s. Nor do low taxes guarantee economic
growth, as the Bush administration grimly discovered. Rather the
rising deficits pushed up interest rates and slowed down growth. The
OECD report summed up much informed world opinion in scolding the
United States for its deficits and calling on the US government to
increase taxes.
In an article before the inauguration, I argued that our capacity
to deal with many crucial problems, both domestic and foreign, was
dependent on our capacity to manage the tax issue, but I added that I
would not advise the new president to begin his administration by
proposing a tax increase; he should do that somewhere down the road.
Happily Mr Clinton did not follow my advice. I quite underestimated
the willingess of Americans to swallow bitter medicine, and the new
president's faith in the good sense of the electorate was vindicated.
He should also be grateful to Ross Perot, whose campaign, for all
its eccentricity and incipient paranoia, did much to legitimize the
discussion of tax increases. A Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll
published a week ago (3 March) showed Americans ready to pay taxes by
a margin of 78-20 to improve the quality of education, by a margin of
75-23 to improve access to health care and by a margin of 58-40 to
reduce the federal budget deficit. Of course voters want to be damn
sure that their taxes will be spent efficiently, and, after the
scandals of the Reagan years, government has ·a job to do to regain
popular confidence; but this skepticism about government makes the
poll results all the more striking ..
A badly timed tax increase, it should be noted, especially if
�14
combined with badly-timed spending cuts, might well abort the present
weak recovery. Such recovery as has taken place has not been
accompanied by the usual degree of reemployment. A higher percentage
of Americans -- more than one out of ten in December -- have now
resorted·to the food stamp program than at any time since the program
started in 1964. Wassily Leontieff's prediction that this is the
first era in which technological innovation will destroy more jobs
-
a
than it creates may well turn out to be right.
-
After a slight upturn in the late autumn, consumer spending,
construction, home sales all fell in January. The headline in the
New York Times ten days ago (2 March) ran: 2 KEY REPORTS SHOW ECONOMY
LOSING MOMENTUM, and the Times concluded editorially, "Mr Clinton
could easily justif
stimulative)
ackage at least twice as large
as the one [$30 billion) he actually proposed."
Short-run stimulus, it would seem, is probably necessary if the
momentum of recovery is to be sustained; for in the long· run economic
growth is the only reliable means of reducing deficits. Moreover, the
Clinton pump-priming package is designed to promote long-term growth
not by fiscal stimulus alone but also by strengthening the
foundations for growth -- by rehabilitating infrastructure,
retraining workers, improving education and reinforcing research and
developmEnt. Most commentators join most voters in seeing the Clinton
plan as more realistic and credible than anything anyone else has
come up with. The recent decline in interest rates evidently reflects
a belief in the money markets that deficit reduction in on the way,
·~
:
and lower interest rates should soon reverberate benignly throughout
�15
the economy.
Of course no one really knows what is going to work. Economists
are about as useful as astrologers in foretelling the future (and,
like astrologers, failure one on one occasion rarely diminishes
certitude on the next). Wise economists avoid prediction. "The
inevitable never happens," as Keynes said. "It is the unexpected
always." President Truman used to long for one-armed economists, on
the ground that they could not qualify their forecasts by saying "and
yet, on the other hand." There is even dispute, at least in the
United States, as to how tr·agically w·e should take budget deficits.
An incongruous alliance of right-wing supply-siders like Jude
Wanniski and left-wing Keynesians like Robert Eisner joins in
regarding deficit reduction as an overrated issue. For all a mere
historian knows, they may be right.
In view of the conflicting counsels of the guild, Clinton seems to
me correct in pinning his flag on FDR's theory of experimentation:
"Take a method and try it: If it fails, admit it frankly and try
another." The experimental method will not appeal to those who think
the economy has some organic, self-equilibriating quality that will
solve its own problems. But we tried that method for a dozen years,
and the results suggest that it is time to try something else.
The Clinton plan is a well balanced mix of proposals tied together
in a relatively coherent whole. Despite popular support, however, the
plan outrages many special interests. "Not since Franklin Roosevelt,"
the conservative political commentator Kevin Phillips writes, "has a
president so boldly provoked and challenged the nation's financial
�16
and economic elites." Lobbyists are already storming Capitol Hill in
the effort to stop corporate tax increases. Members of Congress
denounce federal investment everywhere except in their own districts.
A system based on the separation of powers has many virtues, and I
would not abandon it for a moment; but it also enables the
legislative branch to chip away, alter, distort and reject the
proposals of the executive. Still the clamor of greedy special
interests offers Clinton the chance to emerge, in the style of FDR,
as the doughty champion of the general welfare.
The president is already trying out that role in other areas. His
appointments, in so far as he has made any (and he has been, it must
be said, in~xcusably slow in forming his government), have pleased
liberals far more than the neo-conservatives who had supposed that he
was secretly one of theirs. He calls for new opportunities for
national service on the model of Kennedy's Peace Corps. He supports
a
revision of our public land policy aimed at preserving the national
domain against depredations produced by uncontrolled private logging,
grazing and mining. He attacks the pharmaceutical industry for the
"shocking" prices it charges for medical drugs and for making their
''profits at the expense of our children," calls on them to lower
prices and proposes a program of immunization for every American
child. This.is a first step in his campaign to contain medical costs
and extend health care, a campaign that the president has confided to
his exceedingly able wife and that will be vigorously opposed by
insurance companies and by private health care providers.
Clinton's struggle to change America is just beginning. Powerful
�17
interests are quite content with things as they are and, just as they
applauded the redistribution of wealth from the poor and the middle
classes to the rich in the 1980s, so they will fiercely resist
counter-redistributive programs inthe 1990s. All American presidents
seek to be president of all the people. As Jefferson said after his
bitter first election, "We are all Republicans, we are all
Federalists." But all presidents learn, as Jefferson learned and as
Bill Clinton is learning today, that you can't please all the people
all the time ..
He is already proposing things that those whose power is thereby
threatened condemn as ''divisive." In retrospect, even present-day
Republicans concede that Franklin Roosevelt was a great president,
but "that man in the White House" was hated by many in his day. It
was said of Grover Cleveland, "They love him most for the enemies he
has made.'' No president should be afraid of earning that encomium. It
is sometimes necessary, as FDR discovered and as Lincoln discovered
before him, to divide the country in 'order to establish a new basis
for unity.
In devoting so much of these remarks to domestic concerns, I
believe that I reflect the view of most Americans that the top
priority at the mo.Jent is national renovation. Our first need is to
put our own house in order and get the country moving again. But let
no one suppose that this portends American resignation from world
responsibilities. The new administration regards the revitalization
of America as necessary not just for its own sake but equally in
order to provide a solid domestic base for American foreign policy. A
�18
chaotic and crumbling nation is not likely to be of much use to a
troubled world.
The.new president may be from Arkansas, but he is no hillbilly
from Dogpatch. After all, he took his degree in international affairs
at Georgetown University, attended Oxford and worked in William
Fulbright's senate office. He understands perfectly that the world is
entering a new era of political and economic interdependence. He
stands fully and faithfully in the internationalist tradition of
Roosevelt, Truman and Kennedy, and the challenge he faces is
to-~dapt
that tradition to the new realities of the post-Cold War world.
These realities, in addition to the familiar list of regional
conflicts, include the replacement of the ideological warfare
that marked the 20th century by the ethnic and religious warfare that
promises to mark the 21st century; the struggle of the countries of
the ex-Soviet Union and of eastern Europe toward democracy; the
completion of the Uruguay Round in the GATT negotiations; the spread
of nuclear weapons to irresponsible governments; the transnational
scourges of pollution, mass migrations, drugs, AIDS and terrorism;
and, for the United States, the unprecedented vulnerability to global
economic currents.
These questions demand a basic rethinking of America's course in
the post-Cold War era. One key to dealing with them lies, I believe,
in the strengthening of international institutions. The end of the
Cold War at last liberates the United Nations to do what its founders
intended it should do: keep the peace, extend the rule of law and get
the governments of the world to cooperate in promoting trade,
�..
19
economic development, political democracy, human rights,
environmental protection and cultural dignity.
The United states, it is true, is the only military superpower.
But a superpower that cannot pay for its own wars is not likely to
remain in the superpower business very long. We have come to
understand that we cannot attain most of our international objectives
unilaterally. But we can hope to do so in association with allies and
friends: hence the new emphasis on multilateral diplomacy and
international institutions.
In this regard the United States is bound to count especially on
our old and cherished relationship with Great Britain and on our
developing relationship with the European Community. Disagreements
are bound to arise, but disagreements among friends can be talked
through and (sometimes) resolved.
One such disagreement -- or rather perhaps shared puzzlement -arises these days in connection with the tragedy of Bosnia. Everyone
who watches television is appalled by the daily panorama of killings
and atrocities. But history is a long tale of atrocities, and what
moves nations to action is not com assion but interest. An
people
honestly differ as to the geopolitical impact of the Yugoslav civil
war on their own nations.
I may well be wrong, but I have the impression that many Europeans
feel that the end of the Cold War has permitted the Balkans to be the
Balkans once again, that there isn't much outsiders can do about it
until the locals tire of killing each other and that in the meantime
the confl' •
d
11
be
sontaineg and
wjll haye go wider repercussions.
�20
Many Americans, on the other hand, feel not only that humanity has
an obligation to try and stop the wanton killing but that, if it
fails to do so, the Balkans will once again be the crucible of a
wider war. Either the Europeans are blind to the potential dangers in
the Yugoslav power keg, many think, or else they are waiting for the
United States to do their dirty work for them. In either
case~
the
European Community, they believe, has quite failed a crucial test of
its capacity to pull itself together and tackle with what is
initially at least a European problem.
I do not pretend that the question is easy. I well remember the
war in Vietnam. In 1967 President Johnson sent Clark Clifford on a
mission to persuade America's SEATO allies to increase their military
contributions to the war. Going from country to country in southeast
Asia and the South Pacific, Clifford discovered that the SEATO allies
did not see the war as tragically as we did, that they did not
believe that North Vietnamese victory would cause dominoes to fall
all across southeast Asia and that they saw no reason to send more of
their soldiers to die in the jungles of Vietnam.
In fact, the SEATO allies knew the territory better than the
Americans did, and history has vindicated their assessment. Dominoes
did indeed
fall~
but they fell against each other, with communist
Vietnam attacking communist Cambodia and communist China attacking
communist Vietnam. Perhaps the European assessment of what is at
stake in ex-Yugoslavia may be more correct today than the American.
President Clinton is not for a moment an isolationist. But neither
does he see it as the American mission to redeem -- or to police --
�•
21
an unregenerate world. When vital interests of the United States are
directly threatened, he will not hesitate to act, nor will he
hesitate to act in concert with our allies against other threats to
peace. But ht goes not abroad, in the famous words of John Quincy
Adams, "in the search of monsters to destroy."
In the longer run, history suggests that American influence in the
world rests as much on the appeal of American ideals as on the power
of American arms, and American ideals command most respect abroad
when they are validated by performance at horne. Presidents like
Wilson, Roosevelt and Kennedy were admired around the planet less
because they wielded great military strength than because the ideals
of the New Freedom, the New Deal and the New Frontier attracted and
empowered plain people everywhere. It is, I take it, President
Clinton's ambition similarly to base his foreign policy on the more
humane society he strives to achieve at horne.
My country, I would judge, is embarked on a new adventure. At the
moment, the tide of history is still turning; and, if the cyclical
rhythm holds, the tide will soon be running fast on Clinton's side.
The Kennedy comparison is relevant here. Kennedy came into the White
·House in the same ragged time of transition from one phase of the
cycle to the next. Like Kennedy in 1961, President Clinton for a
while will confront contradictory political pressures, some urging
him forward toward activism, some pulling him back toward
conservatism.
But soon, if the rhythm holds, the liberal tide, in the 1980s as
in the 1960s and in the 1930s, will run in full flood. In the absence
�22
of catastrophe, the 1996 election should do for Clinton what 1936 did
for Roosevelt and 1964 for Johnson: give a reform program the
unmistakable stamp of popular approval. "History is already repeating
1tself," the conservative economic writer Jude Wanniski comments
gloomily, "with Reagan, a president in the Coolidge tradition, being
followed by Bush, a president in the Hoover tradition, being followed
Clinton, a president in the Roosevelt tradition."
The United States is entering a seaion of r&for; 1 of
innovati~,
of experiment, of idealism -- the politics of hope rather than the
politics of memory. The new administration will undoubtedly commit
misjudgments and make mistakes, but it will invoke the Dante plea -that divine justice weighs the.sins of the cold-blooded and the sins
of the warm-hearted in different scales. "Better the occasional
I
faults of a Government that lives in a spirit of charity,'' as
Franklin Roosevelt said, "than the consistent omissions of a
Government frozen in the ice of its own indifference."
And in time this adventure too will run its course. The next swing
of the cycle will give the party of memory its opportunity to change
the national direction and to reverse the national priorities. This
is the odd two-step by which Americans govern themselves. Liberals
and conservatives, for all their angry disagreements, are
indissoluble partners in the American dialectic.
As Emerson put it,
11
It may be safely affirmed of these two
metaphysical antagonists, that each is a good half but an impossible
whole. Each exposes the abuses of the other, but in a true society,
in a true man, both must combine."
�
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
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1993-1995
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
Description
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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George's Speech at JFK School
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Date Created
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12/29/2014
Source
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-006-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/e50399b9120da0c1d3371cf00badcade.pdf
3b1d5a014e8d8154cfa840b4a174267e
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
.'
.~.·
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidenti~t Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speech writing
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
,,..
:~
Subseries:
{
1i.I
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
First Ladies, Roles in History
;j'
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�MEMORANDUM
TO:
FR:
RE:
DT:
George Stephanopoulos, White House Communications Director
Carter Wilkie, White House Communications Research
the role of the First Lady, historical precedents
January 24, 1993
I would stress the following points:
1.
According to historians, the First Ladies with the most
active social consciences are ranked the highest. (See
attached survey results).
2.
Lady Bird Johnson (the third-highest-ranked by
historians) was one of the most active and influential
first ladies. She formed public, political campaigns
on behalf of a few targetted policies that put people
first.
(Once researched further, her role as Head
Start's earliest champion should be stressed heavily.)
3.
Eleanor Roosevelt was a visionary who broke new ground
and achieved more than any other First Lady ever -both in terms of substantive policy achievements and
political benefits for her husband's administration.
I would prepare for the following criticism:
1.
Active first ladies are controversial. Rebuttal: even
Eleanor Roosevelt (the top ranked First Lady) was
controversial until her husband's death, after which
she became more popular and took more prominent public
posts. But Lady Bird Johnson was one of the most
active, politically influential and best loved first
ladies ever.
2.
Rosalynn Carter had a more publicly acknowledged role
than any First Lady in memory and Carter was criticized
for it. Rebuttal: Mrs. Carter stood for good causes
and rightfully stands among the top five First Ladies
in historical ranking. Furthermore, historians have
shown that Jackie Kennedy and Lady Bird Johnson took
just as great an interest in political affairs, if not
as great a public role in policy development. (Note:
Mrs. Carter's influence was not unique: Edith Wilson,
Nellie Taft, Sarah Polk and Abigail Adams may actually
have been just as influential, if not more; all,
however, were First Ladies for one term only.)
3.
After Woodrow Wilson's illness, his second wife, Edith,
ran the country as an unelected president. Rebuttal:
while Edith was strong-willed, Wilson's Vice President,
a former Governor of Indiana, was unwilling to assume
�the duties of the Presidency, and there was little
historical precedent for the transfer of authority
during a medical emergency. Recent precedents and
modern communications make that scenario obsolete.
Attached is a synopsis of public, political roles played by first
ladies.
�The First Ladies 87
Historians' Ranking of First Ladies
In 1982 Thomas Kelly and Douglas Lonnstrom of the
Siena Research Institute, Loudonville, New York, conducted a poll of history professors to rank the first
ladies. The poll included White House hostesses but did
not include presidents' wives who did not live in the
White House. Because the poll was taken early in the
Reagan administration, it may not reflect accurately
Nancy Reagan's later rating.
Ranking
Score
Ranking
93.3
84.6
77.5
75.4
73.8
73.4
71.8
69.5
67.5
65.4
63.5
63.1
62.3
62.0
61.7
61.5
61.3
61.0
61.0
60.7
60.7
60.5
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
Eleanor Roosevelt
Abigail Adams
Lady Bird Johnson
Dolley Madison
Rosalynn Carter
Betty Ford
Edith Wilson
Jacqueline Kennedy
Martha Washington
Edith Roosevelt
Lou Hoover
Lucy Hayes
Frances Cleveland
Louisa Adams
Bess Truman
Ellen Wilson
Grace Coolidge
Martha Jefferson Randolph
Helen Taft
Julia Grant
Eliza Johnson
Sarah Polk
freed their slaves and moved to Philadelphia. There, in
1789, Dolley met a young Quaker lawyer, John Todd, whom
she married a year later. They had been married for three
years when a yellow fever epidemic struck Philadelphia
and claimed Dolley's husband and younger son.
Shortly after Todd's death Dolley met James Madison
and within a year married him. For the indiscretion of
marrying outside her faith, she was expelled from the
Friends, but this only seemed to allow her true self to shine
through. She discarded her plain grey Quaker garments for
bright clothing and elegant turbans. Dolley loved entertaining and delighted in giving large, formal dinner parties.
In fact, she was greatly admired as a hostess, particularly
because of her memory for names and her remarkable
ability to put everyone at ease. In this, she was a particular
asset to Madison's political career, for he was generally
withdrawn and cool around crowds.
With Dolley as first lady the White House became a
festive place. Although she occasionally had served as hostess for the widowed Thomas Jefferson, Dolley came into
her own when Madison was elected president in 1808. Her
weekly receptions were always lively. And she paid all the
expected social calls, knowing that this would help her
husband. So popular was Dolley that even her habit of
taking snuff-considered very unladylike-was overlooked.
Although Dolley greatly loved social life and company,
she was not one-dimensional. As a Quaker, she was a well-
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
Score
Anna Harrison
Elizabeth Monroe
Mary Arthur McElroy
Emily Donelson
Julia Tyler
Abigail Fillmore
Harriet Lane
Lucretia Garfield
Mamie Eisenhower
Martha Patterson
Margaret Taylor
Caroline Harrison
Letitia Tyler
Angelica Van Buren
Pat Nixon
Jane Pierce
Nancy Reagan
Ida McKinley
Florence Harding
Mary Lincoln
60.1
60.1
60.1
60.0
59.9
59.8
59.8
59.8
59.7
59.6
59.4
59.4
59.3
59.3
58.5
57.6
57.4
57.0
55.8
52.9
Source: Betty Boyd Caroli, First Ladies (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1987), 385-386.
educated woman for her time, and her managerial skills
were good as well. But she downplayed her intelligence and
strong will to help her husband. During the War of 1812
when the British threatened Washington, she displayed her
courage by staying behind in the White House to supervise
the removal of documents. She remained there until the
last possible moment, taking the portrait of George Washington as her last act before leaving the White House.
When Madison's term expired in 1817 he and Dolley
retired to their Virginia estate, Montpelier. Life was not
easy in retirement; Dolley still entertained, but financial
woes plagued them, aggravated by the wastefulness of her
son, John Payne. After Madison died in 1836 Dolley was
reduced to near poverty and had to sell first his well-known
papers on the Constitutional Convention and then Montpelier to pay her debts. Finally, she returned to Washington, where she spent the rest of her life. She remained the
center of Washington society, admired by every president
through James K. Polk. She was even granted a lifetime
seat on the floor of the House of Representatives. She died
in 1849 and was buried in Washington but later was reinterred beside Madison at Montpelier.
o(NVl ~ ~0 C. v:cr~...,_ <5'~~ L. ~~/ ~
~ fre5 tA...k ;· [;Ysf-4-J.-,'(l.s c--J_
V(a.. fte$ cck.f.s ~
�Campaiqns to build public support for a public political cause:
Julia Tyler: annexation of Texas.
Ellen Wilson (Wilson's first wife): quality of life in black
urban neighborhoods.
Eleanor Roosevelt: union laborers, rural poor, civil rights
activists, women who left homes during the day to work in war
effort, young people, blacks.
Jackie Kennedy: historic preservation, the arts.
Lady Bird Johnson: childhood education, civil rights,
environmental quality of life (i.e., public parks, scenic
highways).
Pat Nixon: volunteerism.
Betty Ford: women's rights, the arts, mentally retarded,
physically handicapped.
Rosalynn Carter: mental health; improving urban ghettos;
childhood immunization; counseling and esteem building for urban
youth; elderly; ERA; civil rights.
Nancy Reagan: fighting drug abuse.
Barbara Bush: literacy, efforts to combat Leukemia, volunteerism.
Participation on or with commissions:
Ellen Wilson (first wife): Honorary Chairman of the Women's
Department of the National Civic Federation, a committee of fifty
that invited members of Congress, spouses and cabinet members to
attend functions in order to press housing issues.
Eleanor Roosevelt: resigned as co-chair of Office of Civil
Defense, which was mismanaged during the war by Mayor LaGuardia;
Eleanor's appointments were criticized; she regretted the
experience, and called it a mistake due to conflict with husband
in the presidency.
Jackie Kennedy: headed White House restoration project along with
the drive for the National Cultural Arts Center (the Kennedy
Center) •
Lady Bird Johnson: publicized early childhood education as first
chair of Head Start (her actual role needs to be checked
further); formed First Lady's Committee for A More Beautiful
�Capital chaired by Interior Secretary stewart Udall; helped
organize conference on National Beauty; appeared before the
Presidential Task Force on Poverty.
Rosalynn Carter: due to Kennedy nepotism law, she served as
"Honorary Chair" of President's Commission on Mental Health -- in
reality, she served as top policy formulator and adviser,
gathered specialists and professionals, held hearings, set up
task forces, headed staff of 450 volunteers, held conferences in
White House, prepared recommendations for the President on
changing federal policies; assembled task force on federal
programs for elderly; presided over White House Conference on
Aging.
Action on shaping legislation:
Mary Todd Lincoln: fought with Congress on appropriations for
White House furnishings.
Ellen Wilson: openly pushed for legislation to improve black
urban neighborhoods after a personal tour of DC slums.
Eleanor Roosevelt: prodded FOR to pass federal day care centers
for women employed in war effort; voiced support for antilynching law which FOR did not publicly support; called for
integration of armed forces; worked on relief efforts for rural
poor; helped build support for labor movement.
Jackie Kennedy: kept quiet tabs on legislators and their support
for JFK's programs; lobbied Congressional spouses on JFK's
behalf.
Lady Bird Johnson: major personal lobbying on behalf of Highway
Beautification Act of 1965; kept tabs on legislators and their
support for LBJ's programs; lobbied Congressional spouses on
LBJ's behalf.
Betty Ford: lobbied at state levels on behalf of ERA.
Rosalynn Carter: lobbied on behalf of Mental Health Systems Act;
went to Chairman of House Committee on Urban Affairs on help for
urban neighborhoods; testified for more funding for federal
"Cities in Schools," a school based clinic program; lobbied for
Age Discrimination Act, Older Americans Act, Rural Clinics Act,
reform of Social Security, and hospital cost containment.
�consulting with Cabinet members or federal bureaucracy:
Sarah Polk: shunned social duties to be her husband's closest
political adviser and day to day assistant.
Helen Taft: shunned social duties to be an influential, private
counselor to her husband.
Ellen Wilson (1913-1914): intervened with federal agencies and
White House advisers to improve working conditions, won an ally
on housing issues in Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan.
Edith Wilson (1915-1919): quietly served as acting president and
later as a top personal aide for her husband after October 1919.
Eleanor Roosevelt: played major role in appointment of first
female cabinet member, Frances Perkins; consulted with Ickes at
Interior for relief to people in Appalachia; got Mary McLeod
Bethune named to National Youth Administration.
Jackie Kennedy: active in attempts to move arts coordinator to
cabinet level (enacted under LBJ).
Lady Bird Johnson: enlisted Interior Secretary Udall's efforts to
improve environmental quality of life and improve government
planning in the age of federal highway projects and urban
renewal; consulted with u.s. Conference of Mayors on lobbying
Congress; worked with private sector and labor unions on
targetted issues.
Rosalynn Carter: personally consulted Attorney General and
Pentagon on more appointments of women; met with HUD and HEW
Secretaries on policy; worked with representatives of departments
on Project Propinquity at OEOB (an urban youth program).
Betty Ford: worked for more women in government and female
appointments to supreme court.
Nancy Reagan: consulted privately with top advisers.
Participation at briefings and policy meetings:
Sarah Polk: conducted daily briefings for her husband.
Ellen Wilson: Secretary McAdoo (Wilson's son-in-law) called her
"the soundest and most influential [adviser] of them all."
Jackie Kennedy: JFK shared news with her during Cuban Missile
Crisis.
�Lady Bird Johnson: sat in on briefings on racial issues, Vietnam,
diplomacy, the economy, and some briefings by Joint Chiefs of
Staff.
Rosalynn Carter: shaped health policy, attended some NSC and
cabinet meetings; sat in on camp David peace accords.
Political communications:
Julia Tyler: had active press strategy as a traditional First
Lady.
Nellie Taft: first to ride with husband to White House after
inauguration.
Ellen Wilson: read and edited WW's speeches; toured DC slums in
effort to publicize their cause.
Florence Harding: had active press strategy as a traditional
First Lady.
Eleanor Roosevelt: travelled 40,000 mi. in 1933 and travelled 200
days annually on average; served as FOR's eyes and ears on the
pulse of American society; wrote daily newspaper column, often
used as a trial balloon for future FOR policies; conducted press
interviews with female journalists to force media to employ more
women; for the most part she stayed out of Washington intrigue
and developed support for the New Deal around the country;
cultivated a network of liberal constituencies loyal to the
administration (i.e., miners, blacks, civil rights activists) and
served as their voice at the White House and in the public eye
when FOR had to maintain distance from their causes.
Jackie Kennedy: edited speeches for JFK.
Lady Bird Johnson: wrote and edited speeches for LBJ; travelled
200,000 miles on LBJ's behalf; toured the South on behalf of
civil rights; first to hold bible at husband's inauguration.
Rosalynn Carter: in first two years as First Lady, she granted
154 interviews, sat in on 641 briefings, and visited 36 foreign
countries; edited speeches for JEC; attended campaign strategy
sessions; served as political surrogate.
Barbara Bush: active political surrogate on husband's behalf.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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First Ladies, Roles in History
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-005-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/359a824ff9a2c0333ff1540b7286423d.pdf
fc37ee1e38a77c7fee9e8c31dcc5f80d
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker\.y the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Clinton Presidentiltf Records
••....
f
Speechwriting
.~
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
.~
Subseries:
·~·
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Early Achievements [2]
Stack:
Row:
s
91
SeCtion:
Shelf:
Position:
8
3
�/9'11
Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved january 14
Approved March 12
H.J. Res. 77 I Public Law 102-1
Authorization for Use of Military Force Against
Iraq Resolution
S. 379 I Public Law 102-10
:\ational and Community Sen·ice Technical
Amendments Act of 1991
Approved january 30
S.J. Res. 84 I Public Law 102-11
Disapproving the action of the District of Columbia Council in approving the Schedule of Heights
Amendment Act of 1990
H.R. 4 I Public Law 102-2
To extend the time for performing certain acts
under the internal revenue laws for individuals
performing services as part of the Desert Shield
Operation
Approved February 6
H.R. 3 I Public Law 102-3
Veterans' Compensation Amendments of 1991
Approved March 18
H.R. 555 I Public Law 102-12
Soldiers' and Sailors' Civil Relief Act Amendments of 1991
H.R. 556 I Public Law 102-4
Agent Orange Act of 1991
H.J. Res. 98 I Public Law 102-13
Designating March 4 through 10, 1991, as "National School Breakfast Week"
Approved February 15
Approved March 20
H.J. Res. 30 I Public Law 102-5
To designate February 7, 1991, as "National Girls
and Women in Sports Day"
H.J. Res. 104 I Public Law 102-14
To designate March 26, 1991, as "Education Day,
U.S.A."
Approved March 1
Approved March 21
S.J. Res. 76 I Public Law 102-6
Commending the Peace Corps and the current
and former Peace Corps volunteers on the thirtieth anniversary of the establishment of the Peace
Corps
H.J. Res. 133 I Public Law 102-15
Authorizing and requesting the President to designate the second full week in March 1991 as
"National Employ the Older Worker Week"
Approved March 5
Approved March 22
S.J. Res. 51 I Public Law 102-7
To designate the week beginning March 4, 1991,
as "Federal Employees Recognition Week"
H.R. 180 I Public Law 102-16
To amend title 38, United States Code, with respect to veterans education and employment programs, and for other purposes
Approved March 8
S.J. Res. 55 I Public Law 102-8
Commemorating the two hundredth anniversary
of United States-Portuguese diplomatic relations
H.J. Res. 167 I Public Law 102-17
Designating June 14, 1991, and June 14, 1992,
each as "Baltic Freedom Day"
Approved March 11
Approved March 23
S.J. Res. 58 I Public Law 102-9
To designate March 4, 1991, as "Vermont Bicentennial Day"
S. 419 I Public Law 102-18
Resolution Trust Corporation Funding Act of
1991
789
�Appe11di:r D I Admi11istratio71 of George Bush, 1991
Approved March 25
S.J. Res. 59 I Public Law 102-19
Designating ~arch 25, 1991, as "Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of
Greek and American Democracy"
Approved March 27
H.R. 1176 I Public Law 102-20
Foreign Relations Persian Gulf Conflict Emergency Supplemental Authorization Act, Fiscal
Year, 1991
H.J. Res. 134 I Public Law 102-30
To designate the weeks of April 14 through 21,
1991, and May 3 through 10, 1992, as "jewish
Heritage Week"
H.J. Res. 197 I Public Law 102-31
To designate the week of April 15 through 21,
1991, as "National Education First Week"
Approved April 23
Approved March 28
H.R. 1284 I Public Law 102-21
Emergency Supplemental Assistance for Israel
Act of 1991
H.R. 1316 I Public Law 102-22
Performance Management and
System Amendments of 1991
represented by the National Carriers' Conference
Committee of the National Railway Labor Conference and certain of their employees
Recognition
S.J. Res. 53 I Public Law 102-23
To designate April 9, 1991 and April 9, 1992, as
"National Former Prisoner of War Recognition
Day"
S.J. Res. 83 I Public Law I 02-24
Entitled "National Day of Prayer and Thanksgiving"
·
Approved April 6
S. 725 I Public Law 102-25
Persian Gulf Conflict Supplemental Authorization
and Personnel Benefits Act of 1991
Approved April 9
H.R. 1285 I Public Law 102-26
Higher Education Technical Amendments of
1991
Approved April 10
H.R. 1281 I Public Law 102-27
Dire Emergency Supplemental Appropriations
for Consequences of Operation Desert Shield/
Desert Storm, Food Stamps, Unemployment
Compensation Administration, Veterans Compensation and Pensions, and Other Urgent Needs
Act of 1991
H.R. 1282 I Public Law 102-28
Operation Desert Shield/Desert Storm Supplemental Appropriations Act, 1991
S. 534 I Public Law 102-32
To authorize the President to award a gold
medal on behalf of the Congress to General H.
Norman Schwarzkopf, and to provide for the production of bronze duplicates of such medal for
sale to the public
S. 565 I Public Law 102-33
To authorize the President to award a gold
medal on behalf of the Congress to General Colin
L. Powell, and to provide for the production of
bronze duplicates of such medal for sale to the
public
S.J. Res. 119 I Public Law 102-34
To designate April 22, 1991, as "Earth Day" to
promote the preservation of the global environment
Approved April 24
S.J. Res. 16 I Public Law 102-35
Designating the Week of April 21-27, 1991, as
"National Crime Victims' Rights Week"
Approved April 26
H.j. Res. 218 I Public Law 102-36
To designate the week beginning April 21, 1991,
and the week beginning April 19, 1992, each as
"National Organ and Tissue Donor Awareness
Week"
S.j. Res. 64 I Public Law 102-37
To authorize the President to proclaim the last
Friday of April 1991, as "National Arbor Day"
Approved May 3
Approved April /8
S.j. Res. 98 I Public Law 102-38
To express appreciation for the benefit brought
to the :'\ation by Amtrak during its twenty years
of existence
H.J. Res. 222 I Public Law 102-29
To provide for a settlement of the railroad labormanagement disputes between certain railroads
S.J. Res. 102 I Public Law 102-39
Designating the second week in \fay 1991 as
"National Tourism Week"
790
�Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved February 12
Approved March 13
H.J. Res. 82 I Public Law 101-241
To designate February 8, 1990, as "National
Women and Girls in Sports Day"
S.J. Res. 227 I Public Law 101-251
To designate March 11 through March 17, 1990,
as "Deaf Awareness Week"
S.J. Res. 217 I Public Law 101-242
To designate the period commencing February 4,
1990, and ending February 10, 1990, and the
period commencing February 3, 1991, and
ending February 9, 1991, as "National Burn
Awareness Week"
S.J. Res. 257 I Public Law 101-252
To designate March 10, 1990, as "Harriet
Tubman Day"
Approved February 14
H.R. 3952 I Public Law 101-243
Urgent Assistance for Democracy in Panama Act
of 1990
Approved February 15
S.J. Res. 103 I Public Law 101-244
To designate the period commencing February
18, 1990, and ending February 24, 1990, as "National Visiting Nurse Associations Week"
S.J. Res. 130 I Public Law 101-245
Designating February 11 through February 17,
1990, as "Vocational-Technical Education Week"
Approved February 16
H.R. 3792 I Public Law 101-246
Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years
1990 and 1991
H.J. Res. 149 I Public Law 101-247
Designating February 16, 1990, as "Lithuanian
Independence Day"
Approved February 27
Approved March 14
S. 1016 I Public Law 101-253
To change the name of "Marion Lake", located
northwest of Marion, Kansas, to "Marion Reservoir"
Approved March 15
H.R. 2742 I Public Law 101-254
Library Services and Construction Act Amendments of 1990
H.R. 4010 I Public Law 101-255
To provide the Secretary of Agriculture authority
regarding the sale of sterile screwworms
Approved March 20
S.J. Res. 243 I Public Law 101-256
To designate March 25, 1990, as "Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of
Greek and American Democracy"
H.R. 2749 I Public Law 101-257:
To authorize the conveyance of a parcel of land
in Whitney Lake, Texas
Approved March 27
S.J. Res. 186 I Public Law 101-248
Designating the week of March 1 through March
7, 1990, as "National Quarter Horse Week"
S.J. Res. 237 I Public Law 101-258
Providing for the commemoration of the 100th
anniversary of the birth of Dwight David Eisenhower
Approved March 6
Approved March 30
H.R. 150 I Public Law 101-249
Posthumous Citizenship for Active Duty Service
Act of 1989
H.R. 3311 I Public Law 101-259
To designate the Federal building located at 350
South Main Street in Salt Lake City, Utah, as the
"Frank E. Moss United States Courthouse"
H.R. 2281 I Public Law 101-250
To amend the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 to extend the authorization for
certain school dropout demonstration programs
S. 1091 I Public Law 101-260
United States Coast Guard Bicentennial Medal
Act
949
�Appendix D I Administration of George Bush, 1990
S.j. Res. 229 I Public Law 101-261
To designate April 1990 as "National Prevent-ALitter Month"
Approved March 31
S. 2231 I Public Law 101-262
Energy Policy and Conservation Act Extension
Amendment of 1990
Approved April 4
S. 1521 I Public Law 101-263
To provide for an increase in the maximum rates
of basic pay for the police force of the National
Zoological Park
S.J. Res. 250 I Public Law 101-264
Designating April 1990 as "National Recycling
Month"
S.j. Res. 266 I Public Law 101-265
Designating March 1990, "as "United States Naval
Reserve Month"
Approved AprilS
S.J. Res. 190 I Public Law 101-266
Designating April 9, 1990, as "National Former
Prisoners of War Recognition Day"
Approved April 6
Approved April I I
S. 388 I Public Law 101-271
Federal Energy Regulatory Commission Member
Term Act of 1990
Approved April 18
S. 1813 I Public Law 101-272
To ensure that funds provided under section
4213 of the Indian Alcohol and Substance Abuse
Prevention and Treatment Act of 1986 may be
used to acquire land for emergency shelters
S. 1949 I Public Law 101-273
To amend the Labor Management Relations Act
of 1947 to permit parties engaged in collective
bargaining to bargain over the establishment and
administration of trust funds to provide financial
assistance for employee housing
Approved April 23
H.R. 3968 I Public Law 101-274
To further delay the applicability of certain
amendments to the Public Health Service Act
that relate to organ procurement organizations
H.R. 1048 I Public Law 101-275
Hate Crime Statistics Act
Approved April 25
H.J. Res. 500 I Public Law 101-267
To designate April 6, 1990, as "Education Day,
U.S.A."
S.J. Res. 242 I Public Law 101-276
Designating the week of April 22 through April
28, 1990, as "National Crime Victims' Rights
Week"
Approved April 9
Approved April30
H.R. 2692 I Public Law 101-268
To amend the Woodrow Wilson Memorial Act of
1968 to provide that the Secretary of Education
and two additional individuals from private life
shall be members of the Board of Trustees of the
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
S. 1096 I Public Law 101-277
To provide for the use and distribution of funds
awarded the Seminole Indians in dockets 73, 151,
and 73-A of the Indian Claims Commission
S. 2151 I Public Law 101-269
To permit the transfer of the obsolete submarine
U.S.S. Requin to the Carnegie Institute in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, before the expiration of the
60-day waiting period that would otherwise be
applicable to the transfer
Approved May I
H.R. 2334 I Public Law 101-278
To redesignate the Post Office located at 300
East Ninth Street in Austin, Texas, as the "Homer
Thornberry Judicial Building"
S.J. Res. 258 I Public Law 101-279
To authorize the President to proclaim the last
Friday of April 1990 as "National Arbor Day"
Approved April /0
Approved May 4
H.R. 4099 I Public Law 101-270
To suspend section 332 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938 for the 1991 crop of wheat
H.j. Res. 553 I Public Law 101-280
To make technical changes in the Ethics Reform
Act of 1989
950
�Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved February 7
Approved April 2
H.J. Res. 129 I Public Law 101-1
Disapproving the increases in executive, legislative, and judicial salaries recommended by the
President under section 225 of the Federal Salary
Act of 1967
S.J. Res. 50 I Public Law 101-10
To designate the week beginning April 2, 1989,
as "National Child Care Awareness Week"
Approved March 15
H.J. Res. 22 I Public Law 101-2
To designate the week beginning March 6, 1989,
as "Federal Employees Recognition Week"
Approved March 21
S.J. Res. 64 I Public Law 101-3
To designate March 25, 1989, as "Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of
Greek and American Democracy"
Approved April 7
H.R. 829 I Public Law 101-11
Wildfire Suppression Assistance Act
Approved April 10
S. 20 I Public Law 101-12
Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989
Approved April 13
Approved March 23
S.J. Res. 43 I Public Law 101-13
Designating April 9, 1989, as "National Former
Prisoners of War Recognition Day"
H.J. Res. 117 I Public Law 101-4
To proclaim March 20, 1989, as "National Agriculture Day"
Approved April 18
H.J. Res. 167 I Public Law 101-5
To designate March 16, 1989, as "Freedom of
Information Day"
Approved March 24
H.J. Res. 148 I Public Law 101-6
Designating the month of March in both 1989
and 1990 as "Women's History Month"
Approved March 29
S. 553 I Public Law 101-7
To provide for more balance in the stocks of
dairy products purchased by the Commodity
Credit Corporation
S.J. Res. 87 I Public Law 101-8
To commend the Governments of Israel and
Egypt on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of
the Treaty of Peace between Israel and Egypt
Approved March 31
H.R. 1373 I Public Law 101-9
To authorize the Agency for International Development to pay the expenses of an election observer mission for the 1989 presidential elections
in Panama
H.R. 1750 I Public Law 101-14
To implement the Bipartisan Accord on Central
America of March 24, 1989
H.J. Res. 173 I Public Law 101-15
To designate April 16, 1989, and April 6, 1990, as
"Education Day, U.S.A."
Approved April 19
H.J. Res. 102 I Public Law 101-16
To designate April 1989 as "National Recycling
Month"
Approved April 20
H.R. 666 I Public Law 101-17
To allow an obsolete Navy drydock to be transferred to the city of Jacksonville, Florida, before
the expiration of the otherwise applicable 60-day
congressional review period
H.J. Res. 112 I Public Law 101-18
Designating April 23, 1989, through April 29,
1989, and April 23, 1990, through April 29, 1990,
as "National Organ and Tissue Donor Awareness
Week"
877
�Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved january 2
H.J. Res. 436 I Public Law 100-229
Providing for the convening of the second session
of the One Hundredth Congress
Approved january 5
H.R. 1454 I Public Law 100-230
To permit certain private contributions for construction of the Korean War Veterans Memorial
to be invested temporarily in Government securities until such contributed amounts are required
for disbursement for the memorial
H.R. 2401 I Public Law 100-231
Renewable Resources Extension Act Amendments of 1987
H.R. 3435 I Public Law 100-232
Charitable Assistance and Food Bank Act of 1987
Approved january 6
H.R. 3030 I Public Law 100-233
Agricultural Credit Act of 1987
H.R. 3479 I Public Law 100-234
Notice to Lessees Numbered 5 Gas Royalty Act
of 1987
Approved january 8
H.R. 145 I Public Law 100-235
Computer Security Act of 1987
H.R. 1162 I Public Law 100-236
To amend title 28, United States Code, to provide for the selection of the court of appeals to
decide multiple appeals fUed with respect to the
same agency order
H.R. 1340 I Public Law 100-237
Commodity Distribution Reform Act and WIC
Amendments of 1987
H.R. 3395 I Public Law 100-238
Making technical corrections relating to the Federal Employees' Retirement System, and for
other purposes
S. 1389 I Public Law 100-240
To amend the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation Establishment Act with respect to management requisition, and disposition of real property, reauthorization, and participation of foreign
governments
Approved February 3
H.R. 278 I Public Law 100-241
Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act Amendments of 1987
Approved February 5
S. 825 I Public Law 100-242
Housing and Community Development Act of
1987
Approved February 9
S.J. Res. 196 I Public Law 100-243
To designate February 4, 1988, as "National
Women in Sports Day"
S.J. Res. 201 I Public Law 100-244
To designate January 28, 1988, as "National Challenger Center Day" to honor the crew of the
space shuttle Challenger
Approved February 10
H.J. Res. 402 I Public Law 100-245
To designate the week of February 7-13, 1988, as
"National Child Passenger Safety Awareness
Week"
Approved February 11
S.J. Res. 172 I Public Law 100-246
To designate the period commencing February
21, 1988, and ending February 27, 1988, as "National Visiting Nurse Associations Week"
Approved january 11
S.J. Res. 39 I Public Law 100-247
To provide for the designation of the 70th anniversary of the renewal of Lithuanian independence, February 16, 1988, as "Lithuanian Independence Day"
H.R. 2598 I Public Law 100-239
Commercial Fishing Industry Vessel Anti-Reflagging Act of 1987
S.J. Res. 143 I Public Law 100-248
To designate April 1988, as "Fair Housing
Month"
913
�Appendix D I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988
Approved February 16
H.R. 1983 I Public Law 100-249
Authorizing the Secretary of the Interior to preserve certain wetlands and historic and prehistoric sites in the St. Johns River Valley, Florida, and
for other purposes
H.R. 2566 I Public Law 100-250
To amend the National Parks and Recreation Act
of 1978, as amended, to extend the term of the
Delta Region Preservation Commission, and for
other purposes
H.R. 3884 I Public Law 100-251
To rescind certain budget authority recommended in Public Law 100-202
Approved February 29
H.R. 1612 I Public Law 100-252
To authorize appropriations under the Earthquake Hazards Reduction Act of 1977 for flScal
years 1988, 1989, and 1990
S. 2022 I Public Law 100-253
Veterans' Home Loan Program
Amendments of 1988
Emergency
S.J. Res. 252 I Public Law 100-261
Designating June 5-11, 1988, as "National NHSNeighbor Works Week"
S.J. Res. 265 I Public Law 100-262
To designate March 20, 1988 as "National Agriculture Day"
Approved March 24
S.J. Res. 125 I Public Law 100-263
To designate the period commencing on May 9,
1988, and ending on May 15, 1988, as "National
Stuttering Awareness Week"
Approved March 25
H.R. 3689 I Public Law 100-264
To designate the United States Post Office Building located at 300 Sycamore Street in Waterloo,
Iowa, as the "H.R. Gross Post Office Building"
S.J. Res. 216 I Public Law 100-265
Approving the location of the Black Revolutionary War Patriots Memorial
S.J. Res. 218 I Public Law 100-266
To designate March 25, 1988, as "Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of
Greek and American Democracy"
S.J. Res. 122 I Public Law 100-254
To designate the week beginning October 16,
1988, as "Gaucher's Disease Awareness Week"
Approved March 28
H.R. 3923 I Public Law 100-255
To make a technical correction to section 8103 of
title 46, United States Code
S.J. Res. 225 I Public Law 100-267
Approving the location of the Korean War Memorial
Approved March 8
S.J. Res. 229 I Public Law 100-268
To designate the day of April 1, 1988, as "Run to
Daylight Day"
S.J. Res. 251 I Public Law 100-256
Designating March 4, 1988, as "Department of
Commerce Day"
S.J. Res. 262 I Public Law 100-257
To designate the month of March 1988, as
"Women's History Month"
Approved March 14
S. 1447 I Public Law 100-258
To designate Morgan and Lawrence Counties in
Alabama as a single metropolitan statistical area
Passed March 22, over the President's veto
S. 557 I Public Law 100-259
Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987
Approved March 23
S.J. Res. 126 I Public Law 100-260
To designate March 16, 1988, as "Freedom of
Information Day"
914
S.J. Res. 253 I Public Law 100-269
Designating April 9, 1988, as "National Former
Prisoners of War Recognition Day"
Approved March 29
S.j. Res. 244 I Public Law 100-270
To designate the month of April 1988, as "National Know Your Cholesterol Month"
H.R. 3967 I Public Law 100-271
To amend the Department of Defense Authorization Act, 1985, to extend medical benefits for
certain former spouses
Approved March 30
S.j. Res. 185 I Public Law 100-272
To designate the period commencing on May 2,
1988, and ending on May 8, 1988, as "National
Drinking Water Week"
�Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 I Appendix D
S.J. Res. 255 I Public Law 100-273
To authorize and request the President to issue a
proclamation designating April 24 through April
30, 1988, as "National Organ and Tissue Donor
Awareness Week"
H.J. Res. 480 I Public Law 100-285
Granting the consent of the Congress to amendments made by Maryland, Virginia, and the District of Columbia to the Washington Metropolitan
Area Transit Regulation Compact
Approved March 31
S.J. Res. 223 I Public Law 100-286
To designate the period commencing from April
10, 1988, and ending on April 16, 1988, as "National Productivity Improvement Week"
H.R. 2631 I Public Law 100-274
To authorize appropriations for the Bureau of the
Mint for fiScal year 1988, and for other purposes
S. 854 I Public Law 100-275
Nevada-Florida Land Exchange Authorization
Act of 1988
H.J. Res. 523 I Public Law 100-276
To provide assistance and support for peace, democracy, and reconciliation in Central America
Approved April 4
S. 2151 I Public Law 100-277
To amend section 416 of the Agricultural Act of
1949, and for other purposes
Approved April 6
H.R. 4263 I Public Law 100-278
To designate interstate route 1-195 in the State
of New Jersey as the "James J. Howard Interstate
Highway"
S.J. Res. 245 I Public Law 100-287
To designate April 21, 1988, as "John Muir Day"
S.J. Res. 260 I Public Law 100-288
To designate the week beginning April 10, 1988,
as "National Child Care Awareness Week"
Approved April 12
H.J. Res. 513 I Public Law 100-289
To designate April 6, 1988, as "National StudentAthlete Day"
H.R. 2819 I Private Law 100-8
For the relief of Tracy McFarlane
Approved April 18
H.R. 3459 I Public Law 100-290
Orphan Drug Amendments of 1988
S.J. Res. 234 I Public Law 100-291
Designating the week of April 17, 1988, as
"Crime Victims Week"
H.J. Res. 470 I Public Law 100-279
To designate March 29, 1988, as "Education Day,
U.S.A."
Approved April 20
H.J. Res. 519 I Public Law 100-280
To continue the withdrawal of certain public
lands in Nevada
H.J. Res. 527 I Public Law 100-292
To designate the week of April 17, 1988, through
April 24, 1988, as "Jewish Heritage Week"
S. 1397 I Public Law 100-281
To recognize the organization known as the Non
Commissioned Officers Association of the United
States of America
Approved April 22
S.J. Res. 206 I Public Law 100-282
To designate April 8, 1988, as "Dennis Chavez
Day"
Approved April 25
Approved April 7
S. 2117 I Public Law 100-283
Age Discrimination Claims Assistance Act of 1988
H.R. 3981 I Public Law 100-284
To make section 7351 of title 5, United States
Code, inapplicable to leave transfers under certain experimental programs covering Federal
employees, except as the Office of Personnel
Management may otherwise prescribe
H.R. 1207 I Public Law 100-293
Prescription Drug Marketing Act of 1987
H.R. 1900 I Public Law 100-294
Child Abuse Prevention, Adoption, and Family
Services Act of 1988
H.J. Res. 347 I Public Law 100-295
Recognizing the identical plaques initiated by
Sami Bandak, created by Margareta Hennix and
Giovanni Bizzini, and depicting the Calmare
Nyckel, the ship that brought the first Swedish
settlers to North America, as significant symbols
of the "Year of New Sweden"; and providing for
the placement of one of such plaques at Fort
Christina in the State of Delaware
915
�Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved january 28
Approved March 12
H.J. Res. 88 I Public Law 100-1
Extending the time within which the President
may transmit the Economic Report to the Congress
S.J. Res. 20 I Public Law 100-9
To designate the month of March, 1987, as
"Women's History Month"
H.J. Res. 93 I Public Law 100-2
To provide for a temporary prohibition of strikes
or lockouts with respect to the Long Island Rail
Road labor-management dispute
S.J. Res. 24 I Public Law 100-3
To designate January 28, 1987, as "National Challenger Center Day" to honor the crew of the
space shuttle Challenger
Passed February 4, over the President's veto
.H.R. 1 I Public Law 100-4
Water Quality Act of 1987
Approved February 11
H.J. Res. 131 I Public Law 100-5
Congratulating Dennis Conner and the crew of
Stars and Stripes for their achievement in winning the America's Cup
Approved February 12
H.J. Res. 102 I Public Law 100-6
Making emergency additional funds available by
transfer for the fiscal year ending September 30,
1987, for the Emergency Food and Shelter Program of the Federal Emergency Management
Agency
Approved March 5
H.J. Res. 3 I Public Law 100-7
To recognize the 100th anniversary of the enactment of the Hatch Act of March 2, 1887, and its
role in establishing our Nation's system of State
agricultural experiment stations
Approved March 6
H.J. Res. 53 I Public Law 100-8
To designate the week beginning March 1, 1987,
as "Federal Employees Recognition Week"
S.J. Res. 46 I Public Law 100-10
Declaring 1987 as "Arizona Diamond Jubilee
Year"
Approved March 17
H.J. Res. 153 I Public Law 100-11
To provide for timely issuance of grants and loans
by the Environmental Protection Agency under
the Asbestos School Hazard Abatement Act of
1985 to ensure that eligible local educational
agencies can complete asbestos abatement work
in school buildings during the 1987 summer
school recess
S. 83 I Public Law 100-12
National Appliance Energy Conservation Act of
1987
Approved March 20
S.J. Res. 65 I Public Law 100-13
To designate the week of April 5, 1987, through
April 11, 1987, as "National Know Your Cholesterol Week"
Approved March 24
H.R. 1056 I Public Law 100-14
To amend the National Housing Act to limit the
fees that may be charged by the Government
National Mortgage Association for the guaranty of
mortgage-backed securities
Approved March 25
S.J. Res. 19 I Public Law 100-15
To designate March 20, 1987 as "National Energy
Education Day"
Approved March 27
S.J. Res. 63 I Public Law 100-16
To designate March 21, 1987, as Afghanistan Day
789
�Appendix D I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1987
Passed April 2, over the President's veto
Approved April 24
H.R. 2 I Public Law 100-17
Surface Transportation and Uniform Relocation
Assistance Act of 1987
H.R. 1123 I Public Law 100-28
To amend the Food Security Act of 1985 to
extend the date for submitting the report required by the National Commission on Dairy
Policy
Approved April 3
S.632 I Public Law 100-18
To amend the Legislative Branch Appropriations
Act, 1979, as reenacted, to extend the duration of
the Office of Classified National Security Information within the Office of the Secretary of the
·Senate, and for other purposes
S.J. Res. 96 I Public Law 100-19
Designating April 3, 1987, as "Interstate Commerce Commission Day"
Approved April 7
H.R. 1505 I Public Law 100-20
Making technical corrections relating to the Federal Employees' Retirement System
Approved April 8
S.J. Res. 47 I Public Law 100-21
To designate "National Former POW Recognition Day"
Approved April 10
S.J. Res. 18 I Public Law 100-22
To authorize and request the President to issue a
proclamation designating June 1 through June 7,
1987 as "National Fishing Week"
S.J. Res. 64 I Public Law 100-23
To designate May, 1987 as "Older Americans
Month"
S.J. Res. 74 I Public Law 100-24
To designate the month of May, 1987 as "National Cancer Institute Month"
Approved April 17
H.J. Res. 200 I Public Law 100-25
To designate April 10, 1987, as "Education Day
U.S.A."
Approved April 21
Approved April 29
S.J. Res. 58 I Public Law 100-29
To designate the month of April 1987, as "National Child Abuse Prevention Month"
S.J. Res. 89 I Public Law 100-30
To authorize and request the President to issue a
proclamation designating April 26, through May
2, 1987, as "National Organ and Tissue Donor
Awareness Week"
Approved May 5
S.J. Res. 57 I Public Law 100-31
To designate the period commencing on May 3,
1987, and ending on May 10, 1987, as "National
Older Americans Abuse Prevention Week"
S.J. Res. 67 I Public Law 100-32
To designate the month of May 1987, as "National Digestive Diseases Awareness Month"
Approved May 7
Approved M
S. 1167 I p,
Stewart B.
Designation
Approved A
H.J. Res. 67
To authori2
proclamatk
1987, as "J(
Approved I
H.R. 2360
To provide
debt limit
s. 903 I
Pu
To extend
the Unitel
Approved.
H.R. 1941
To repeal.
erplant an
H.R. 14 I Public Law 100-33
To designate certain river segments in New
Jersey as study rivers for potential inclusion in
the National Wild and Scenic River System
Approved
H.R. 1963 I Public Law 100-34
To amend the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977 to permit States to set aside
in a special trust fund up to 10 per centum of the
annual State funds from the Abandoned Mine
Land Reclamation Fund for expenditure in the
future for purposes of abandoned mine reclamation, and for other purposes
Approved
Approved May 8
H.R. 240 I Public Law 100-35
To amend the National Trails System Act to designate the Santa Fe Trail as a National Historic
Trail
H.R. 1783 I Public Law 100-26
Defense Technical Corrections Act of 1987
Approved May 12
H.J. Res. 119 I Public Law 100-27
Designating the week of April 19, 1987, through
April 25, 1987, as "National Minority Cancer
Awareness Week"
S.J. Res. 55 I Public Law 100-36
Designating the week of May 10, 1987, through
May 16, 1987, as "National Osteoporosis Prevention Week of 1987"
790
S.J. Res. 124
Designating
1987, as "Ju~
s. 1177 I
Thrift Sav
H.j. Res.~
Designati.
Mouminr
Approved
H.R. 115':'
Farm Di~
Approvet.
H.J. Res.
To recoJ
annivers.
Agricult1
S. 942 I
To arne'
the pay
tain prt
wage at
subject
�/
Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved january 2
S. 1840 I Public Law 99-234
Federal Civilian Employee
Travel Expenses Act of 1985
and
Contractor
Approved january 9
H.R. 2651 I Public Law 99-235
To amend section 504 of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act to promote the
development of mineral wealth in Alaska
H.R. 3931 I Public Law 99-236
To designate the General Services Administration
building known as the "United States Appraiser's
Stores Building" in Boston, Massachusetts as the
"Captain John Foster Williams Coast Guard
Building"
Approved january 13
H.J. Res. 440 I Public Law 99-237
To designate the week of December 1, 1985,
through December 7, 1985, as "National Autism
Week"
H.R. 1538 I Public Law 99-238
Veterans' Compensation Rate Increase and Job
Training Amendments of 1985
Approved january 14
H.J. Res. 187 I Public Law 99-239
Compact of Free Association Act of 1985
Approved january 15
H.R. 1083 I Public Law 99-240
Low-Level Radioactive Waste Policy Act
Approved january 30
Approved February 7-Continued
revenue bond acts of the District of Columbia,
and for other purposes
Approved February 10
H.J. Res. 520 I Public Law 99-243
Making an urgent supplemental appropriation for
the fiscal year ending September 30, 1986, for
the Department of Agriculture
Approved February 11
S.J. Res. 74 I Public Law 99-244
To provide for the designation of the month of
February, 1986, as "National Black (Afro-American) History Month"
S.J. Res. 219 I Public Law 99-245
To designate the week of February 9, 1986,
through February 15, 1986, as "National Humanities Week, 1986"
S.J. Res. 234 I Public Law 99-246
To designate the week of February 9, 1986,
through February 15, 1986, as "National Burn
Awareness Week"
Approved February 12
S. 1831 I Public Law 99-247
To amend the Arms Export Control Act to require that congressional vetoes of certain arms
export proposals be enacted into law
Approved February 18
S.J. Res. 150 I Public Law 99-248
To designate the month of March 1986 as "National Hemophilia Month"
S. 2013 I Public Law 99-241
To delay the referendum with respect to the
1986 through 1988 crops of Flue-cured tobacco
and to delay the proclamation of national marketing quotas for the 1986 through 1988 crops of
Burley tobacco
S.J. Res. 231 I Public Law 99-249
To designate the period commencing January 1,
1986, and ending December 31, 1986, as the
"Centennial Year of the Gasoline Powered Automobile"
Approved February 7
Approved February 27
H.R. 4027 I Public Law 99-242
Extending the waiver authority of the District of
Columbia Revenue Bond Act of 1985 to certain
H.R. 1185 I Public Law 99-250
To amend the Act establishing the Petrified
Forest National Park
887
�Appendix D I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986
Approved February 27-Continued
H.R. 4061 I Public Law 99-251
Federal Employees Benefits Improvement Act of
1986
S. 1574 I Public Law 99-252
Comprehensive Smokeless Tobacco Health Education Act of 1986
Approved February 28
S. 2036 I Public Law 99-253
To make certain technical corrections to amendments made by the Food Security Act of 1985,
and for other purposes
Approved March 4
H.J. Res. 499 I Public Law 99-254
Designating the week beginning March 2, 1986,
as "Women's History Week"
Approved March 7
H.R. 4130 I Public Law 99-255
To establish, for the purpose of implementing
any order issued by the President for fiscal year
1986 under any law providing for sequestration
of new loan guarantee commitments, a guaranteed loan limitation amount applicable to chapter
37 of title 38, United States Code, for fiscal year
1986
Approved March 10
H.J. Res. 409 I Public Law 99-256
To direct the President to issue a proclamation
designating February 16, 1986, as "Lithuanian
Independence Day"
Approved March 21-Continued
S.J. Res. 272 I Public Law 99-262
To authorize and request the President to issue a
proclamation designating March 21, 1986, as "Afghanistan Day", a day to commemorate the
struggle of the people of Afghanistan against the
occupation of their country by Soviet forces
Approved March 24
H.J. Res. 534 I Public Law 99-263
Making an urgent supplemental appropriation for
the Department of Agriculture for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 1986, and for other purposes
S. 1396 I Public Law 99-264
White Earth Reservation Land Settlement Act of
1985
Approved March 25
S.J. Res. 254 I Public Law 99-265
To designate the year of 1987 as the "National
Year of Thanksgiving"
Approved March 27
H.R. 4399 I Public Law 99-266
To designate the Federal building located in Jamaica, Queens, New York, as the "Joseph P. Addabbo Federal Building"
H.J. Res. 563 I Public Law 99-267
To provide for the temporary extension of certain programs relating to housing and community
development, and for other purposes
H.J. Res. 371 I Public Law 99-257
To designate March 16, 1986, as "Freedom of
Information Day"
S.J. Res. 226 I Public Law 99-268
To designate the week of April 6, 1986, through
April 12, 1986, as "World Health Week", and to
designate April 7, 1986, as "World Health Day"
Approved March 19
Approved April I
H.R. 3851 I Public Law 99-258
To amend section 901 of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act
H.R. 2453 I Public Law 99-269
Older Americans Act Amendments of 1986
H.J. Res. 345 I Public Law 99-259
To designate March. 1986, as "Music in Our
Schools Month"
H.J. Res. 573 I Public Law 99-270
Making a repayable advance to the Hazardous
Substance Response Trust Fund
H.R. 1614 I Public Law 99-260
Food Security Improvements Act of 1986
S.J. Res. 262 I Public Law 99-271
To authorize and request the President to issue a
proclamation designating June 2 through June 8,
1986, as "National Fishing Week"
Approved March 21
Approved April 7
S.J. Res. 205 I Public Law 99-261
To designate March 21, 1986, as "National
Energy Education Day"
H.R. 3128 I Public Law 99-272
Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act
of 1985
Approved March 20
888
�Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved january 9
Approved Apri/3
S.J. Res. 6 I Public Law 99-1
A joint resolution extending the time within
which the President may transmit the Budget
Message and the Economic Report to the Congress and ex~ending the time within which the
Joint Economic Committee shall me its report
H.J. Res. 134 I Public Law 99-9
A joint resolution authorizing and requesting the
President to designate the week of March 10
through 16, 1985, as "National Employ-theOlder-Worker Week"
Approved February 11
S.J. Res. 36 I Public Law 99-2
A joint resolution to designate the week of February 10, 1985, through February 16, 1985, as
"National DECA Week"
Approved March 8
H.J. Res. 50 I Public Law 99-3
A joint resolution designating the week beginning March 3, 1985, as "Women's History Week"
Approved March 13
'i
H.R. 1251 I Public Law 99-4
An act to apportion funds for construction of the
National System of Interstate and Defense Highways for fiscal years 1985 and 1986 and substitute
highway and transit projects for fascal years 1984
and 1985
Approved March 15
H.R. 1093 I Public Law 99-5
Pacific Salmon Treaty Act of 1985
Approved March 22
H.J. Res. 85 I Public Law 99-6
A joint resolution to designate the week of March
24, 1985, through March 30, 1985, as "National
Skin Cancer Prevention and Detection Week"
Approved March 27
S. 592 I Public Law 99-7
An act to provide that the chairmanship of the
. Commission on Security and Cooperation in
Europe shall rotate between members appointed
from the House of Representatives and members
appointed from the Senate, and for other purposes
S. 689 I Public Law 99-8
African Famine Relief and Recovery Act of 1985
Approved April 4
H.R. 1239 I Public Law 99-10
An act making urgent supplemental appropriations for the fiscal year ending September 30,
1985, for emergency famine relief and recovery
in Africa, and for other purposes
S.J. Res. 79 I Public Law 99-11
A joint resolution to designate April 1985, as
"Fair Housing Month" ·
S.J. Res. 62 I Public Law 99-12
A joint resolution commemorating the twentyfifth anniversary of United States weather satellites
H.J. Res. 121 I Public Law 99-13
A joint resolution to designate the month of April
1985 as "National Child Abuse Prevention
Month" ·
H.J. Res. 160 I Public Law 99-14
A joint resolution designating March 22, 1985, as
"National Energy Education Day"
H.R. 1866 I Public Law 99-15
An act to phase out the Federal supplemental
compensation program
S.J. Res. 50 I Public Law 99-16
A joint resolution to designate the week of April
1, 1985, through April 7, 1985, as "World Health
Week", and to designate April 7, 1985, as "World
Health Day"
S.J. Res. 71 I Public Law 99-17
A joint resolution to approve the obligation of
funds made available by Public Law 9~73 for
the procurement of MX missiles, subject to the
enactment of a second joint resolution
H.J. Res. 181 I Public Law 99-18
A joint resolution to approve the obligation and
availability of prior year unobligated balances
881
�I
Appendix D I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1985
Approved April 4-Continued
made available for fiscal year 1985 for the procurement of additional operational MX missiles
H.j. Res. 186 I Public Law 99-19
A joint resolution designating April 2, 1985, as
"Education Day, U.S.A."
Approved April 14
H.J. Res. 74 I Public Law 99-20
A joint resolution to designate the week of September 8, 1985, as "National Independent Retail
Grocer Week"
S.j. Res. 35 I Public Law 99-21
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
April 21 through April 27, 1985, as "National
Organ Donation Awareness Week"
Approved April 15
H.R. 1847 I Public Law 99-22
An act to amend title 28, United States Code,
with respect to the United States Sentencing
Commission
H.R. 730 I Public Law 99-23
An act to declare that the United States holds in
trust for the Cocopah Indian Tribe of Arizona
certain land in Yuma County, Arizona
Approved April 16
S.781 I Public Law 99-24
An act to amend the Biomass Energy and Alcohol Fuels Act of 1980 to clarify the intention of
section 221 of the Act
Approved April 19
H.J. Res. 236 I Public Law 99-25
A joint resolution commemorating the twentyfourth anniversary of the Bay of Pigs invasion to
liberate Cuba from Communist tyranny
S.J. Res. 17 I Public Law 99-26
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
April 21 through April 28, 1985, as "Jewish Heritage Week"
S.J. Res. 109 I Public Law 99-27
A joint resolution to designate the week of April
14, 1985, as "Crime Victims Week"
Approved April30
H.j. Res. 33 I Public Law 99-30
A joint resolution designating the month of May
1985, as "National Child Safety Awareness
Month"
Approved May 14
S.J. Res. 64 I Public Law 99-31
A joint resolution to designate the week beginning May 5, 1985, as "National Correctional Officers Week"
S.J. Res. 83 I Public Law 99-32
A joint resolution designating the week beginning on May 5, 1985, as "National Asthma and
Allergy Awareness Week"
H.J. Res. 258 I Public Law 99-33
A joint resolution to designate May 6, 1985, as
"Dr. Jonas E. Salk Day"
H.J. Res. 195 I Public Law 99-34
A joint resolution designating May 1985 as
"Older Americans Month"
S.J. Res. 128 I Public Law 99-35
A joint resolution to designate May 7, 1985, as
"Vietnam Veterans Recognition Day"
Approved May 15
S. 597 I Public Law 99-36
An act to amend subtitle II of title 46, United
States Code, "Shipping", making technical and
conforming changes, and for other purposes
S.J. Res. 65 I Public Law 99-37
A joint resolution designating the month of November 1985 as "National Alzheimer's Disease
Month"
S.J. Res. 53 I Public Law 99-38
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to designate the month of June 1985 as
"Youth Suicide Prevention Month"
Approved April 25
S.J. Res. 94 I Public Law 99-39
A joint resolution to designate the week beginning May 12, 1985, as "National Digestive Diseases Awareness Week"
S.J. Res. 63 I Public Law 99-28
A joint resolution to designate the week of April
21, 1985, through April 27, 1985, as "National
DES Awareness Week"
S.J. Res. 60 I Public Law 99-40
A joint resolution to designate the week of May
12, 1985, through May 18, 1985, as "Senior
Center Week"
882
-
Approved April 25-Continued
S.j. Res. 15 I Public Law 99-29
A joint resolution to designate May 7, 1985, as
"Helsinki Human Rights Day"
�/9
Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved February 2
Approved March 2
S. 1863 I Private Law 98-7
An act for the relief of Audun Endestad.
S. 1388 I Public Law 98-223
Veterans' Compensation and Program Improve·
ments Amendments of 1984.
Approved February 14
H.R. 2727 I Public Law 98-216
An act to codify without substantive change
recent laws related to money and fmance and
transportation and to improve the United States
Code.
I
I
i
H.R. 3969 I Public Law 98-217
An act to amend the Panama Canal Act of 1979
to allow the use of proxies by the Board of the
Panama Canal Commission.
Approved February 1 7
H.J. Res. 290 I Public Law 98-218
A joint resolution to permit free entry into the
United States of the personal effects, equipment,
and other related articles of foreign participants,
officials, and other accredited members of delegations involved in the games of the XXIII Olym·
piad to be held in the United States in 1984.
H.R. 2898 I Public Law 98-219
An act to declare certain lands to be held in trust
for the beneAt of the Paiute Indian Tribe of
Utah, and for other purposes.
S. 379 I Private Law 98-8
An act to cancel certain indebtedness in connection with disaster relief activities.
Approved February 21
S.J. Res. 146 I Public Law 98-220
A joint resolution to designate March 23, 1984, as
"National Energy Education Day".
Approved February 22
S. 1340 I Public Law 98-221
Rehabilitation Amendments of 1984.
H.R. 1557 I Private Law 98-9
An act for the relief of William D. Benoni.
Approved February 29
H.R. 4956 I Public Law 98-222
An act to extend the authorities under the
Export Administration Act of 1979.
H.R. 4336 I Public Law 98-224
Civil Service Miscellaneous Amendments Act of
1983.
S.J. Res. 184 I Public Law 98-225
A joint resolution to designate the week of March
4, 1984, through March 10, 1984, as "National
Beta Club Week".
Approved March 5
S.J. Res. 193 I Public Law 98-226
A joint resolution designating March 6, 1984, as
"Frozen Food Day".
H.J. Res. 422 I Public Law 98-227
A joint resolution designating the week begin·
ning March 4, 1984, as "Women's History Week".
Approved March 7
H.J. Res. 292 I Public Law 98-228
A joint resolution designating "National Theatre
Week".
Approved March 9
H.R. 4957 I Public Law 98-229
An act to apportion certain funds for construction
of the National System of Interstate and Defense
Highways for Ascal year 1985 and to increase the
amount authorized to be expended for emergen·
cy relief under title 23, United States Code, and
for other purposes.
Approved March 12
S.J. Res. 161 I Public Law 98-230
A joint resolution to designate the month of April
1984, as "National Child Abuse Prevention
Month".
Approved March 14
S. 2354 I Public Law 98-231
An act to rename the "River of No Return Wilderness" in the State of Idaho as the "Frank
Church-River of No Return Wilderness".
977
�Appendix D
Approved March 14-Continued
Approved March 22-Continued
S.J. Res. 112 I Public Law 9~232
A joint resolution to proclaim the month of
March 1984, as "National Social Work Month".
Note: The following bill became law over the
President's veto of February 21 (see page 243).
S.J. Res. 225 I Public Law 9~233
A joint resolution designating the month of
March 1984 as "National Eye Donor Month".
H.R. 1750 I Private Law 9~10
An act for the relief of Apolonio P. Tumamao and
others.
Approved March 16
S.J. Res. 205 I Public Law 9~234
A joint resolution authorizing and requesting the
President to designate the second full week in
March 1984 as "National Employ the Older
Worker Week".
Approved March 19
H.R. 3655 I Public Law 9~235
An act to raise the retirement age for judges of
the Superior Court of the District of Columbia
and judges of the District of Columbia Court of
Appeals.
Approved March 20
H.R. 2173 I Public Law 9~236
Contract Services for Drug Dependent Federal
Offenders Authorization Act of 1983.
S. 47 I Public Law 9~237
Shipping Act of 1984.
S.J. Res. 132 I Public Law 9~238
A joint resolution to designate the week beginning May 6, 1984, as "National Correctional Officers Week".
S. 684 I Public Law 9~242
Water Resources Research Act of 1984.
Approved March 26
S. 912 I Public Law 9~243
An act to modify the authority for the Richard B.
Russell Dam and Lake project, and for other purposes.
H.R. 2809 I Public Law 9~244
National Fish and Wildlife Foundation Establishment Act.
Approved March 27
H.J. Res. 454 I Public Law 9~245
A joint resolution honoring the contribution of
blacks to American independence.
S.J. Res. 250 I Public Law 9~246
A joint resolution declaring the week of May 7
through May 13, 1984, as "National Photo
Week".
Approved March 28
S.J. Res. 241 I Public Law 9~247
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
May 6 through May 13, 1984 as "Jewish Heritage
Week".
Approved March 30
H.R. 4194 I Public Law 9~239
An act to extend the expiration date of section
252 of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act.
H.J. Res. 493 I Public Law 9~248
A joint resolution making an urgent supplemental appropriation for the Department of Health
and Human Services for the fiscal year ending
September 30, 1984.
Approved March 21
Approved March 31
H.J. Res. 200 I Public Law 9~240
A joint resolution designating March 21, 1984, as
"National Single Parent Day".
S. 2507 I Public Law 9~249
An act to continue the transition provisions of the
Bankruptcy Act until May 1, 1984, and for other
purposes.
Approved March 22
S. 820 I Public Law 98-241
An act to authorize appropriations for the Earthquake Hazards Reduction Act of 1977 and the
Federal Fire Prevention and Control Act of 1974
for fiSCal year 1984 and fiscal year 1985, and for
other purposes.
978
Approved April 3
S. 1530 I Public Law 9~250
An act to make technical amendments to the
Indian Self-Determination and Education Assist·
ance Act and other Acts.
�Appendix D-Aets Approved by the President
Approved january 3
S. 625 I Public Law 97-405
An act to revise the boundary of Voyageurs National Park in the State of Minnesota, and for
other purposes.
Approved january 3-Continued
S. 1364 I Private Law 97-50
An act for the relief of jose Ramon Beltron Aivenda Ostler.
S. 1838 I Private Law 97-51
An act for the relief of Cesar Noel Jump.
S. 1501 I Public Law 97-406
Educational Mining Act of 1982.
Approved january 4
S. 1965 I Public Law 97-407
Paddy Creek Wilderness Act of 1981.
H.R. 5238 I Public Law 97-414
Orphan Drug Act.
S. 1986 I Public Law 97-408
An act to provide for the use and distribution of
funds awarded to the Blackfeet and Gros Ventre
Tribes of Indians and the Assiniboine Tribe of
Fort Belknap Indian Community, in certain
dockets of the United States Court of Claims and
of funds awarded to the Papago Tribe of Arizona
in dockets numbered 345 and 102 of the Indian
Claims Commission, and for other purposes.
H.R. 2330 I Public Law 97-415
An act to authorize appropriations to the Nuclear
Regulatory Commission in accordance with section 261 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as
amended, and section 305 of the Energy Reorga·nization Act of 1974, as amended, and for other
purposes.
S. 2059 I Public Law 97-409
Ethics in Government Act Amendments of 1982.
S. 2355 I Public Law 97-410
Telecommunications for the Disabled Act of
1982.
S. 2955 I Public Law 97-411
Cheaha Wilderness Act.
S. 3103 I Public Law 97-412
An act to amend section 1304(e) of title 5, United
States Code.
S.J. Res. 270 I Public Law 97-413
A joint resolution to designate 1983 as the "Bicentennial of Air and Space Flight".
H.R. 2520 I Private Law 97-47
An act for the relief of Emanuel F. Lenkersdorf.
S. 717 I Private Law 97-48
An act for the relief of Carole joy MaxfieldRaynor and Bruce Sherlock Maxfield-Raynor,
wife and husband, and their children Charlton
Bruce Maxfield-Raynor and Maxine Anne Maxfield-Raynor.
S. 835 I Private Law 97-49
An act for the relief of Jerry L. Crow and Ralph
D. and Connie V. Hubbell.
H.R. 6120 I Public Law 97-416
An act to reauthorize the Deep Seabed Hard
Mineral Resources Act for fiscal years 1983 and
1984.
H.R. 6804 I Public Law 97-417
An act to provide subsistence allowances for
members of the Coast Guard officer candidate
program, and for other purposes.
H.R. 6254 I Public Law 97-418
An act to amend title 3, United States Code, to
clarify the function of the United States Secret
Service Uniformed Division with respect to certain foreign diplomatic missions in the United
States, and for other purposes.
S.J. Res. 258 I Public Law 97-419
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to designate the month of December
1982 as "National Closed-Captioned Television
Month".
H.J. Res. 619 I Public Law 97-420
A joint resolution designating january 17, 1983,
as "Public Employees' Appreciation Day".
H.J. Res. 630 I Public Law 97-421
A joint resolution to commemorate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of
Greene County, Missouri.
1003
•
�Appendix D
Approved january 4-Continued
H.R. 7420 I Public Law 97-422
An act to name the fish hatchery at the Warm
Springs Dam component of the Russian River,
Dry Creek, California project as the Don H.
Clausen Fish Hatchery.
H.R. 7406 I Public Law 97-423
An act to designate a certain Federal building in
Springfield, Illinois the "Paul Findley Building".
H.R. 2481 I Private Law 97-52
An act for the relief of Cynthia Gambon Rabena.
Approved january 6
H.R. 6211 I Public Law 97-424
Surface Transportation Assistance Act of 1982.
H.R. 4746 I Private Law 97-53
An act for the relief of Kin Chi Eng Sims.
H.R. 5633 I Private Law 97-54
An act for the relief of Dana Braford Baretto.
Approved january 7
H.R. 3809 I Public Law 97-425
Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982.
Approved january 8
H.R. 2475 I Public Law 97-426
An act to modify a withdrawal of certain lands in
Mono County, California, to facilitate an exchange for certain other lands in Mono County,
California, and for other purposes.
H.R. 7423 I Public Law 97-427
An act to recognize the organization known as
Former Members of Congress.
Approved january 8-Continued
H.R. 5456 I Public Law 97-432
An act to amend the Plant Quarantine Act of
August 20, 1912, as amended, to eliminate certain unnecessary regulatory requirements.
H.R. 7316 I Public Law 97-433
National Park System Visitor Facilities Fund Act.
H.R. 5916 I Public Law 97-434
An act to declare certain Federal lands acquired
for the benefit of Indians to be held in trust for
the Tribes of such Indians.
H.R. 6419 I Public Law 97-435
An act to direct the Secretary of the Interior to
release certain conditions contained in a patent
concerning certain land conveyed by the United
States to Eastern Washington University.
H.R. 6243 I Public Law 97-436
An act to provide for the distribution of Warm
Springs judgment funds awarded in docket numbered 198 before the Indian Claims Commission,
and for other purposes.
H.R. 6519 I Public Law 97-437
An act to amend title 5, United States Code, to
allow student interns of the Internal Revenue
Service to have access to certain information required by such students in the performance of
their official duties.
H.R. 7143 I Public Law 97-438
An act to amend the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961 to extend for an additional year the Agricultural and Productive Credit and Self-Help Community Development Programs.
H.R. 4001 I Public Law 97-428
An act to authorize the exchange of certain land
held in trust by the United States for the Navajo
Tribe, and for other purposes.
H.R. 4496 I Public Law 97-429
Texas Band of Kickapoo Act.
H.R. 5027 I Public Law 97-430
An act to designate the building known as the
United States Post Office and Courthouse in Norfolk, Virginia, as the "Walter E. Hoffman United
States Courthouse".
H.R. 7005 I Public Law 97-439
Federal Seed Act Amendments of 1982.
H.R. 7159 I Public Law 97-440
An act to amend the Federal Water Pollution
Control Act to allow modifications of certain effluent limitations relating to biochemical oxygen
demand and pH.
S.j. Res. 101 I Public Law 97-441
A joint resolution designating "National High
School Activities Week".
H.R. 4568 I Public Law 97-431
An act to direct the Secretary of the Interior to
release on behalf of the United States certain
restrictions contained in a previous conveyance
of land to the city of Albuquerque, New Mexico,
and for other purposes.
1004
S.j. Res. 240 I Public Law 97-442
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to designate the week of January 16,
1983, through January 22, 1983, as "National
Jaycee Week".
�Appendix D
Approved january 8-Continued
S.J. Res. 264 I Public Law 97-443
A joint resolution to designate the week of March
13, 1983, through March 19, 1983, as "National
Children and Television Week".
H.R. 5826 I Private Law 97-55
An act to provide for the reinstatement and validation of United States oil and gas lease numbered W-24153.
Approved january 1 I
H.R. 5447 I Public Law 97-444
Futures Trading Act of 1982.
Approved january 12
H.J. Res. 459 I Public Law 97-445
A joint resolution authorizing the President to
pro~~aim May 13, 1983, as "American Indian
Day.
H.R. 4566 I Public Law 97-446
An act to reduce certain duties, to suspend temporarily certain duties, to extend certain existing
suspensions of duties, and for other purposes.
H.R. 4491 I Public Law 97-447
An act to exempt the United States Capitol Historical Society from certain taxes.
Approved january /2-Continued
report from the Federal Trade Commission to
the Secretary of Commerce, and for other purposes.
H.R. 7093 I Public Law 97-455
An act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of
1954 to reduce the rate of certain taxes paid to
the Virgin Islands on Virgin Islands source
income, to amend the Social Security Act to provide for a temporary period that payment of disability benefits may continue through the hearing
stage of the appeals process, and for other purposes.
H.R. 6094 I Public Law 97-456
An act to authorize appropriations for the United
States International Trade Commission, the
United States Customs Service, and the Office of
the United States Trade Representative for fiscal
year 1983, and for other purposes.
S.J. Res. 271 I Public Law 97-457
A joint resolution to make technical corrections
in certain banking and related statutes.
H.R. 6056 I Public Law 97-448
Technical Corrections Act of 1982.
H.R. 3731 I Public Law 97-458
An act to amend the Act of October 19, 1973 (87
Stat. 466), relating to the use or distribution of
certain judgment funds awarded by the Indian
Claims Commission or the Court of Claims.
H.R. 6993 I Public Law 97-449
An act to revise, codify, and enact without substantive change certain general and permanent
laws related to transportation as subtitle I and
chapter 31 of subtitle II of title 49, United States
Code, "Transportation".
S. 503 I Public Law 97-459
An act to authorize the purchase, sale, and exchange of lands by Indian tribes and by the
Devils Lake Sioux Tribe of the Devils Lake Sioux
Reservation of North Dakota specifically, and for
other purposes.
H.R. 5029 I Public Law 97-450
An act to designate the Federal Building in
Fresno, California, as the "B. F. Sisk Federal
Building".
S. 1540 I Public Law 97-460
An act to revise the boundaries of the Saratoga
National Historical Park in the State of New
York, and for other purposes.
H.R. 5121 I Public Law 97-451
Federal Oil and Gas Royalty Management Act of
1982.
H.R. 5002 I Public Law 97-453
An act to improve fishery conservation and management.
H.R. 6679 I Public Law 97-461
An act to authorize the Secretary of Agriculture
to assess civil penalties with respect to violations
of certain Acts relating to the prevention of the
introduction and dissemination into the United
States of plant pests, plant diseases, and livestock
and poultry diseases, to increase the amount of
criminal fmes which may be imposed with respect to violations of such Acts, and for other
purposes.
H.R. 7410 I Public Law 97-454
An act to amend title 13, United States Code, to
transfer responsibility for the quarterly fmancial
H.R. 7154 I Public Law 97-462
Federal Rules of Civil Procedure Amendments
Act of 1982.
H.R. 7378 I Public Law 97-452
An act to codify without substantive change
recent laws related to money and finance and to
improve the United States Code.
1005
\
:i
·-' '' i
1I
~
�Appendix D
Approved january 12-Continued
S. 2863 I Public Law 97-463
An act to amend title 28 to provide protection to
all jurors in Federal cases to clarify the compen·
sation of attorneys for jurors in protecting their
employment rights, and authorizing the service
of jury summonses by ordinary mail
Approved january 14-Continued
personal injury or sickness, and for other pur·
poses.
Approved February 15
S. 61 I Public Law 98-1
An act to designate a "Nancy Hanks Center" and
the "Old Post Office Building" in Washington,
District of Columbia, and for other purposes.
S. 2273 I Public Law 97-464
An act to amend the Earthquake Hazards Reduction Act of 1977 to extend authorizations of ap·
propriations, and for other purposes.
Approved February 16
S. 705 I Public Law 97-465
An act to authorize the Secretary of Agriculture
to convey certain National Forest System lands,
and for other purposes.
H.J. Res. 60 I Public Law 98-2
.
A joint resolution to direct the President to issue
a proclamation designating February 16, 1983, as
"Lithuanian Independence Day".
H.R. 4350 I Private Law 97-56
An act for the relief of Arthur J. Grauf.
Approved March 8
S.J. Res 37 I Public Law 98-3
A joint resolution providing that the week containing March 8, 1983, shall be designated as
"Women's History Week".
Approved january 13
H.R. 5161 I Public Law 97-466
An act to designate certain lands in the Monon-
gahela National Forest, West Virginia, as wilderness; and to designate management of certain
lands for uses other than wilderness.
Approvedjanuary 14
H.R. 6538 I Public Law 97-467
An act to designate the Federal Building in Lima,
Ohio, as the "Tennyson Guyer Federal Building".
H.R. 3420 I Public Law 97-468
An act making technical corrections to the Natural Gas Pipeline Safety Act of 1968 and the Hazardous Liquid Pipeline Safety Act of 1979, and
for other purposes.
H.J. Res. 635 I Public Law 97-469
A joint resolution establishing the dates for submission of the Budget and Economic Report.
H.R. 7102 I Public Law 97-470
Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act.
S. 3105 I Public Law 97-471
An act to modify the judicial districts of West
Virginia, and for other purposes.
S.J. Res. 260 I Public Law 97-472
A joint resolution to designate the period commencing January 1, 1983, and ending December
31, 1983, as the "Tricentennial Anniversary Year
of German Settlement in America".
H.R. 5470 I Public Law 97-473
An act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of
1954 with respect to the tax treatment of periodic payments for damages received on account of
Approved March 11
H.R. 1296 I Public Law 98-4
Payment-in-Kind Tax Treatment Act of 1983.
S.J. Res. 15 I Public Law 98-5
A joint resolution designating the month of
March 1983 as "National Eye Donor Month".
Approved March 16
H.R. 1572 I Public Law 98-6
An act to repeal section 311 of the Federal
Public Transportation Act of 1982.
S.J. Res. 21 I Public Law 98-7
A joint resolution to designate April 1983 as "National Child Abuse Prevention Month".
Approved March 24
H.R. 1718 I Public Law 98-8
An act making appropriations to provide productive employment for hundreds of thousands of
jobless Americans, to hasten or initiate Federal
projects and construction of lasting value to the
Nation and its citizens, and to provide humanitar·
ian assistance to the indigent for fiscal year 1983,
and for other purposes.
S.J. Res. 35 I Public Law 98-9
A joint resolution designating the week begin·
ning March 20, 1983, as "National Mental Health
Counselors Week".
S.J. Res. 65 I Public Law 98-10
A joint resolution designating March 21, 1983, as
"Afghanistan Day".
1006
. - -
;
-.
~
�Appendix D
Approved March 28
S. 271 I Public Law 98-11
An act to amend the National Trails System Act
by designating additional national scenic and historic trails, and for other purposes.
Approved March 29
H.R. 2112 I Public Law 98-12
An act to extend by six months the expiration
date of the Defense Production Act of 1950.
H.R. 2369 I Public Law 98-13
An act to prevent the temporary termination of
the Federal Supplemental Compensation Act of
1982.
Approved March 30
H.R. 1936 I Public Law 98-14
An act to amend title 37, United States Code, to
extend certain expiring enlistment and reenlistment bonuses for the Armed Forces.
Approved April4
S.J. Res. 64 I Public Law 98-15
A joint resolution to commemorate the two hundredth anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of
Amity and Commerce between Sweden and the
United States.
H.J. Res. 175 I Public Law 98-16
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to proclaim May 1983 as "National
Amateur Baseball Month".
Approved AprilS
Approved April19-Continued
Aprill7 through April24, 1983, as "Jewish Heritage Week".
Approved April20
H.R. 1900 I Public Law 98-21
Social Security Amendments of 1983.
Approved April 22
S. 89 I Public Law 98-22
Saccharin Study and Labeling Act Amendment of
1983.
Approved April 26
S.J. Res. 53 I Public Law 98-23
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to designate the month of May 1983 as
"National Physical Fitness and Sports Month".
S. 126 I Public Law 98-24
Alcohol and Drug Abuse Amendments of 1983.
Approved May 2
S. 304 I Public Law 98-25
An act to hold a parcel of land in trust for the
Burns Paiute Tribe.
Approved May 4
H.J. Res. 245 I Public Law 98-26
A joint resolution to correct Public Law 98-8 due
to errors in the enrollment of H.R. 1718.
S.J. Res. 62 I Public Law 98-27
A joint resolution to provide for the designation
of the week beginning on May 15, 1983, as "National Parkinson's Disease Week".
S. 926 I Public Law 98-17
An act to establish uniform national standards for
the continued regulation, by the several States, of
commercial motor vehicle width on interstate
highways.
Approved May 10
S.J. Res. 32 I Public Law 98-18
A joint resolution to provide for the designation
of May 1983 as "National Arthritis Month".
H.R. 2600 I Public Law 98-28
An act to dedicate the Golden Gate National
Recreation Area to Congressman Phillip Burton.
Approved April 15
Approved May 16
S.J. Res. 52 I Public Law 98-19
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to designate the week of April 10,
1983, through April 16, 1983, as "National
Mental Health Week".
S. 1011 I Public Law 98-29
An act to amend the Federal Deposit Insurance
Act to provide for the issuance of income capital
certificates.
Approved April 19
Approved May 18
H.J. Res. 80 I Public Law 98-20
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
S.J. Res. 51 I Public Law 98-30
A joint resolution designating May 21, 1983, as
"Andrei Sakharov Day".
1007
�Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved januory 30
H.J. Res. 382 I Public Law 97-146
A joint resolution to permit the broadcasting in
the United States of the International Communication Agency film "Let Poland Be Poland: A
Day of Solidarity With the People of Poland".
Approved February 15
H.J. Res. 389 I Public Law 97-147
A joint resolution making an urgent supplemental appropriation for the fiscal year ending September 30, 1982, for the Department of Agriculture.
Approved Februory 22
H.J. Res. 391 I Public Law 97-148
A joint resolution making an urgent supplemental appropriation for the Department of Labor
for the fiscal yetu; ending September 30, 1982.
Approved February 26
S.J. Res. 134 I Public Law 97-149
A joint resolution to designate 1982 as the "National Year of Disabled Persons".
Approved March 10-Continued
ghanistan against the occupation of their country
by Soviet forces.
Approved March 16
H.R. 5021 I Public Law 97-152
An act to extend the date for the subinission to
the Congress of the report of the Commission on
Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians.
S.J. Res. 91 I Public Law 97-153
A joint resolution to designate July 1982 as "National Peach Month".
S.J. Res. 105 I Public Law 97-154
A joint resolution to designate October 1982 as
"National P.T.A. Membership Month".
..
Approved March 17
H.R. 4625 I Public Law 97-155
An act to authorize the Secretary of the Army to
return to the Federal Republic of Germany certain works of art seized by the United States
Army at the end of World War II.
Approved March 1
Approved March 18
S.J. Res. 122 I Public Law 97-150
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to designate the week of February 28,
1982, through March 6, 1982, as "National Construction Industry Week".
S.]. Res. 148 I Public Law 97-156
Approved March 2
H.J. Res. 373 I Public Law 97-157
A joint resolution expressing the sense of Congress that the Government of the Soviet Union
should respect the rights of its citizens to practice
their religion and to emigrate, and that these
matters should be among the issues raised at the
thirty-eighth meeting of the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights at Geneva in February 1982.
H.R. 3782 I Private Law 97-13
An act to revitalize the pleasure cruise industry
by clarifying and waiving certain restrictions in
the Merchant Marine Act, 1936, and the Merchant Marine Act, 1920, to permit the entry of
the steamship vessel Oceanic Constitution into
the trade.
Approved March 10
S.J. Res. 142 I Public Law 97-151
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
March 21, 1982, as Afghanistan Day, a day to
commemorate the struggle of the people of Af-
A joint resolution to proclaim March 18, 1982, as
"National Agriculture Day".
Approved March 22
H.J. Res. 348 I Public Law 97-158
A joint resolution to provide for the awarding of
a special gold medal to Her Majesty Queen Beatrix in recognition of the 1982 bicentennial anniversary of diplomatic and trade relations between
the Netherlands and the United States.
887
�Appendix D
Approved March 24
S. 2166 I Public Law 97-159
An act to provide for the distribution within the
United States of the International Communication Agency slide show entitled "Montana: The
People Speak".
Approved March 26
S. 2254 I Public Law 97-160
An act to temporarily extend the authority to
conduct experiments in flexible schedules and
compressed schedules under the Federal Employees Flexible and Compressed Work Schedules Act of 1978.
Approved March 30
S. 262 I Private Law 97-14
An act for the relief of Dolly Akers, Fort Peck
Indian Reservation, Montana.
Approved March 31
Approved April 6-Continued
S. 634 1· Public Law 97-168
An act to authorize the exchange of certain lands
in Idaho and Wyoming.
S.J. Res. 102 I Public Law 97-169
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to designate the month of April 1982
as "Parliamentary Emphasis Month".
Approved April 12
H.J. Res. 410 I Public Law 97-170
A joint resolution to designate April 19, 1982, as
"Dutch-American Friendship Day".
Approved Apri/13
S. 2333 I Public Law 97-171
An act to amend section 209 of title 18, United
States Code, to permit an officer or employee of
the United States Government, injured during an
assassination attempt, to receive contributions
from charitable organizations.
H.J. Res. 409 I Public Law 97-161
A joint resolution making further continuing appropriations for the fiscal year 1982.
Approved April 16
Approved April 1
A joint resolution to establish National NurseMidwifery Week.
S. 892 I Public Law 97-162
An act to amend the Federal Grant and Cooperative Agreement Act.
Approved April 28
S. 1937 I Public Law 97-163
An act to extend the expiration date of section
252 of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act.
Approved April 2
H.R. 4482 I Public Law 97-164
Federal Courts Improvement Act of 1982.
Approved April 3
H.]. Res. 272 I. Public Law 97-165
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
April 4 through 10, 1982, "National Medic Alert
Week".
H.J. Res. 447 I Public Law 97-166
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
April 4, 1982, as the "National Day of Reflection".
Approved Apri/6
H.J. Res. 435 I Public Law 97-167
A joint resolution providing for the designation of
April 12, 1982, as "American Salute to Cabanatuan Prisoner of War Memorial Day".
888
S.]. Res. 67 I Public Law 97-172
AppTI
H.R ..
An Q(
H.R.:
An ac
H.R..
Anac
H.R.:
An a·
Smith
Apprt
s. 11(
Prom·
H.J. R
A joiJ
Presid
Earha
Appro
H.R. 2
An ac
to sell
knowt
H.J. Res. 448 I Public Law 97-173
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
April 25 through May 2, 1982, as "Jewish Heritage Week".
S.691
Piracy
1982.
Approved May4
H.J. R
A join
the int
S. 266 I Public Law 97-174
· Veterans' Administration and Department of Defense Health Resources Sharing and Emergency
Operations Act.
S. 1093 I Private Law 97-15
An act for the relief of Sandra Reyes Pellecer.
Approved May 11
S. 2373 I Public Law 97-175
An act to change the name of the landing strip at
White Sands Missile Range in the State of New
Mexico, to "White Sands Space Harbor".
Approved May 17
S. 2244 I Public Law 97-176
Northern Pacific Halibut Act of 1982.
H.R. 1624 I Private Law 97-16
An act for the relief of Theresa Macam Alcalen.
S.J. Re
A join·
vembt
"Natio
S.J. Re
A join·
Presid·
Week''
s. 146
An ac.
to assi!
the St
poses.
H.R. 6
An ac
Ho~iJ
�Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President
Approved january 26
Approved April/4
S.J. Res. 16 I Public Law 97-1
A joint resolution designating January 29, 1981,
as "A Day of Thanksgiving To Honor Our Safely
Returned Hostages".
H.J. Res. 182 I Public Law 97-9
A joint resolution to designate April 26, 1981, as
"National Recognition Day for Veterans of the
Vietman Era".
Approved February 7
Approved May 1
H.R. 1553 I Public Law 97-2
An act to provide for a temporary increase in the
public debt limit.
H.J. Res. 155 I Public Law 97-10
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
May 3 through May 10, 1981, as "Jewish Heritage
Week".
Approved February 10
S. 253 I Public Law 97-3
An act to increase the number of members of the
Commission on Wartime Relocation and Intern·
ment of Civilians.
Approved February 17
S. 272 I Public Law 97-4
An act to increase the membership of the Joint
Committee on Printing.
Approved March 13
H.R. 2166 I Public Law 97-5
An act to amend the Energy Policy and Conser·
vation Act to extend certain authorities relating
to the international energy program.
Approved May 22
S. 730 I Public Law 97-11
An act to ensure necessary funds for the imple·
mentation of the Federal Crop Insurance Act of
1980.
Approved june 5
H.R. 3512 I Public Law 97-12
Supplemental Appropriations and Rescission Act,
1981.
Approved june 12
S.J. Res. 50 I Public Law 97-13
A joint resolution designating July 17, 1981, as
"National P.O.W.-M.I.A. Recognition Day".
Approved March 31..
Approved june 16
S. 509 I Public Law 97-6
An act to amend section 201 of the Agricultural
Act of 1949, as amemded, to delete the require·
ment that the support price of milk be adjusted
semiannually.
S. 1070 I Public Law 97-14
Youth Employment Demonstration Amendments
of 1981.
Approved April 9
S. 840 I Public Law 97-7
An act to continue in effect any authority pro·
vided under the Department of Justice Appropri·
ation Authorization Act, Fiscal Year 1980, for a
certain period.
S.J. Res. 61 I Public Law 97-8
A joint resolution to authorize and request the
President to issue a proclamation designating
April 9, 1981, as "African Refugee Relief Day".
Approved june 17
H.R. 2156 I Public Law 97-15
An act to amend title 38, United States Code, to
extend by twelve months the period during
which funds appropriated for grants by the Vet·
erans Administration for the establishment and
support of new State medical schools may be
expended.
Approved june 23
S. 1213 I Public Law 97-16
An act to amend title I of the Marine Protection,
Research, and Sanctuaries Act, as amended.
1321
�Administration of Jimmy Carter, 1977
CHECKLIST-Continued
during the period covered by this issue, are
not included in the issue.
Released January 25, 1977
Remarks: on Government actions to deal
with the natural gas shortage emergencyby Press Secretary Jody Powell (as transcribed from his daily news conference at
the White House)
Released January 26, 1977
News conference: on the President's natural
gas legislation-by Assistant to the President James R. Schlesinger
32
CHECKLIST-Continued
Released January 27, 1977
Statement: the President's initiatives for the
employment of Vietnam era veterans-by
Secretary of Labor F. Ray Marshall
News conference: on the President's initiatives for the employment of Vietnam era
veterans-by Secretary of Labor F. Ray
Marshall
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
NOTE: No acts approved by the President
were received by the Office of the Federal
Register during the period covered by this
issue.
�Administration of jimmy Carter, 1977
NOMINATIONS SUBMITTED
TO THE SENATE
CHECKLIST OF WHITE HOUSE
PRESS RELEASES
The following list does not include promotions of members of the Uniformed Services,
nominations to the Service Academies, or
nominations of Foreign Service officers.
The following releases of the Office of the
White House Press Secretary, distributed during the period covered by this issue, are not
included in the issue.
Submitted February 1, 1977
Released January 31, 1977
joHN F. O'LEARY, of New Mexico, to be Administrator of the Federal Energy Administration, vice Frank G. Zarb, resigned.
News conference: on the President's economic
recovery proposals to the Congress-by F.
Ray Marshall, Secretary of Labor, and
Charles L. Schultze, Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
Submitted February 2, 1977
CLIFFORD L. ALEXANDER, JR., of the District of
Columbia, to be Secretary of the Army, vice
Martin H. Hoffmann, resigned.
Released February 2, 1977
Submitted February 4, 1977
Released February 4, 1977
PAUL C. WARNKE, of the District of Columbia, to ·be Director of the United States
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency,
vice Fred Charles Ikle, resigned.
RICHARD B. PARKER, of Kansas, a Foreign
Service officer of Class one, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of
the United States to the Republic of
Lebanon.
Fact sheet: Reorganization Plan Extension
legislation
Advance text: report to the American people
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
Approved February 2, 1977
S. 474------------------ Public Law 95-2
Emergency Natural Gas Act of 1977.
87
�Administration of Jimmy Carter, 1977
-Mayor Abraham Beame of New
York City to discuss the financial
situation of the city;
-Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Ambassador at Large Ellsworth Bunker,
Sol M. Linowitz, Special Representative of the President for the Panama
Canal negotiations, and Dr. Brzezinski, to discuss the negotiations;
-Secretary Vance and Dr. Brzezinski;
-Vice President Mondale, Secretary
Brown, Dr. Brzezinski, and Mr.
Lance.
The White House announced that Jack
M. Eckerd has decided not to remain as
the Administrator of General Services.
The White House announced that the
President expressed his deep personal
regret and that of the American people
on the death of Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed,
President of India. The President designated his mother, Lillian Carter, and his
son Chip to represent the United States
at the state funeral in New Delhi on
February 13.
The President left the White House
for a weekend trip to Plains, Ga. He flew
to Georgia on board a U.S. Air Force
National Emergency Airborne Command
Post aircraft and was briefed about the
aircraft during the flight.
NOMINATIONS-Continued
Submitted February 7-Continued
CHESTER DAVENPORT, of Maryland to be an
Assistant Secretary of Transport~tion vice
Robert H. Binder.
'
LINDA KAMM, of the District of Columbia, to
be General Counsel of the Department of
Transportation, vice John Hart Ely resigned.
'
PETER G. ~OURNE, of the District of Columbia,
to be D1rector of the Offir.e of Drug Abuse
Policy (new position).
LEE .1. DoooLOFF, of Maryland, to be Deputy
D1rector of the Office of Drug Abuse Policy
(new position).
C. FRED BERGSTEN, of New York, to be a
Deputy Under Secretary of the Treasury,
vice Gerald L. Parsky, resigned.
W. GRAHAM CLAYTOR, of the District of Columbia, to be Secretary of the Navy, vice
J. William Middendorf II, resigned.
Submitted February 8, 1977
PAUL C. WARNKE, of the District of Columbia,
for the rank of Ambassador during his
tenure of service as Director of the United
States Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency, to which position he was nominated February 4, 1977.
Submitted February 9, 1977
EvAN S. DoBELLE, of Massachusetts, for the
rank of Ambassador during his tenure of
service as Chief of Protocol for the White
House.
Submitted February 10, 1977
ADM. STANSFIELD TURNER, United States
Navy, to be Director of Central Intelligence,
and to have the grade of admiral while so
serving, vice George Bush, resigned.
NOMINATIONS SUBMITTED
TO THE SENATE
CHECKLIST OF WHITE HOUSE
PRESS RELEAS~S
The following releases of the Office of the
White House Press Secretary, distributed during the period covered by this issue, are not
included in the issue.
Released February 6, 1977
I
Text: authorization and approval of the
Charter of the Presidential Advisory Board
on Ambassadorial Appointments-by Robert
]. Lipshutz, Counsel to the President.
The following list does not include promotions of members of the Uniformed Services,
nominations to the Service Academies, or
nominations of Foreign Service officers.
Submitted February 7, 1977
WARREN M. CHRISTOPHER, of California, to
be Deputy Secretary of State, vice Charles
W. Robinson, resigned.
ALAN A. DuTCHMAN, of the District of Columbia, to be Deputy Secretary of Transportation, vice John W. Barnum, resigned.
TERRENCE L. BRACY, of Virginia, to be an
Assistant Secretary of Transportation, vice
Roger W. Hooker, Jr., resigned.
148
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
NOTE: No acts approved by the President were
received by the Office of the Federal Register
during the period covered by this issue.
�Administration of Jimmy Carter, 1977
;;.···
,.
NOMINATIONS-Continued
Withdrawn February 18-Continued
The following-named persons to be members
of the Board of Regents of the Nation:1l
Library of Medicine, Public Health Service,
for the terms indicated, which were sent to
the Senate on January 6, 1977:
For a term expiring August 3, 1978:
jULIO E. FIGUEROA, of Louisiana, vice
John Phillip McGovern, term expired.
FRANCIS X. ScANNELL, of Michigan,
vice J. Stanley Marshall, term expired.
For a term expiring August 3, 1979:
NEVA MARTIN ABELSON, of the District
of Columbia, vice Susan N. Crawford, term expired.
CHARLES HUGGINS, of Illinois, vice
Bernice M. Hetzner, term expired.
For a term expiring August 3, 1980:
CLARA M. AMBRus, of New York, vice
Ethel Weinberg, term expired.
JoHN A. HILL, of Connecticut, vice
William H. Hubbud, Jr., term expired.
The following-named persons to be Associate
Judges of the Superior Court of the District
of Columbia for terms of 15 years, which
were sent to the Senate on January 10, 1977:
ANNICE McBRYDE WAGNER, of the District of Columbia, vice Theodore R.
Newman, Jr., elevated.
RoBERT ALAN SHUKER, of the District
of Columbia, vice Harry T. Alexander,
retired.
RoBERT McCANCE ScoTT, of the District
of ~olumbia, vice Richard R. Atkinson,
retired.
EDWIN C. BROWN, Ja., of the District of
Columbia, vice George W. Draper II,
deceased.
The following-named persons to the positions
indicated, which were sent to the Senate on
January6, 1977:
LoUis F. PoLK, of Ohio, to be Chairman
of the United States Metric Board for
a term of 6 years (new position) .
To be members of the United States
Metric Board for the terms indicated
(new positions) :
For a term of 2 years
HAROLD M. AGNEW, of New Mexico
SYDNEY D. ANDREWs, of Florida
ANDREW H. KENOPENSKY, of New Jersey
ADRIAN G. w~:AVER, of Connecticut
VIRGINIA H. KNAUER, of Pennsylvania
196
NOMINATIONS-Continued
Withdrawn February 18-Continued
For a term of 4 years
VALERIE ANTOINE, of California
CARL A. BECK, of Pennsylvania
RALPH V. DURHAM, Sa., of North Carolina
W. E. HAMILTON, of Illinois
HARRY E. KINNEY, of New Mexico
For a term of 6 years
FRANCIS R. DuGAN, of Ohio
FRANK HARTMAN, of Michigan
jAMEs D. McKEVITT, of Colorado
jERRY J. McREAL, of Oregon
SATENIG S. ST. MARIE, of Connecticut
KENYON Y. TAYLOR, of Illinois
CHECKLIST OF WHITE HOUSE
PRESS RELEASES
The following releases of the Office of the
White House Press Secretary, distributed during the period covered by this issue, are not
included in the issue.
Released February 18, 1977
Announcement: exception granted by the Attorney General to Assistant Attorney Generaldesignate Benjamin R. Civiletti, under the
President's conflict-of-interest and financial
guidelines.
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
Approved February 16, 1977
H.J. Res. 227------------- Public Law 95-3
A joint resolution making urgent power
supplemental appropriations for the Department of the Interior, Southwestern
Power Administration for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 1977, and for other
purposes.
S. 649------------------- Public Law 95-4
An act to authorize payment of salaries of
certain members of Senate committee staffs
at the rates paid to them on January 4, 1977.
Approved February 17, 1977
S.J. Res. 10 ______________ Public Law 95-5
A joint resolution to extend the period of
time in which the American Indian Policy
Review Commission must submit its final
r:!port and to increase the authorization of
appropriations for such Commission.
�Administration of Jimmy Carter, 1977
NOMINATION~ontinued
Submitted February 24-Continued
MARY ELIZABETH KINO, of the District of Columbia, to be Deputy Director of the ACTION Agency, vice John L. Ganley, resigned.
CHARLES HuoH WARREN, of California, to be
a member of the Council on Environmental
Quality, vice Russell W. Peterson, resigned.
Submitted February 25, 1977
GERALD PAUL DINNEEN, of Massachusetts, to
be an Assistant Secretary of Defense, vice
Albert C. Hall, resigned.
DAviD E. McGIPFERT, of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Defense, vice Eugene V. McAuliffe, resigning.
joHN McGRATH SuLLIVAN, of Pennsylvania,
to be an Assistant Secretary of Defense, vice
David P. Taylor, resigned.
jERRY JosEPH ]ASINOWSKI, of the District of
Columbia, to be an Assistant Secretary of
NOMINATION~ontinued
Commerce,
resigned.
vice
Richard
G.
Dannan,
CHECKLIST OF WHITE HOUSE
PRESS RELEASES
NOTE: All releases made public by the Office
of the White House Press Secretary during
the period covered by this issue have been included in the issue.
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
Approved February 21, 1977
H.J. Res. 240 ____________ Public Law 95-6
Fishery Conservation Zone Transition Act.
Approved February 23, 1977
H.J. Res. 239 _____________ Public Law 95-7
A joint resolution extending the filing date
of the 1977 Joint Economic Report.
253
�Administration of Jimmy Carter, 1977
The President received the first sheet
of Easter Seals, symbolizing the start of
the 1977 Easter Seal Campaign, from
Danya Steele, 7, of Little Rock, Ark., the
National Easter Seal Child.
NOMINATIONS SUBMITTED
TO THE SENATE
The following list does not include promotions of members of the Uniformed Services,
nominations to the Service Academies, or nominations of Foreign Service officers.
Submitted March 1, 1977
RoBERT THALLON HALL, of Virginia, to be an
Assistant Secretary of Commerce, vice John
W. Eden, resigning.
Submitted March 3, 1977
GuY RICHARD MARTIN, of Alaska, to be an
Assistant Secretary of the Interior, vice Jack
0. Horton, resigned.
RoBERT L. HERBST, of Minnesota, to be Assistant Secretary for Fish and Wildlife, Department of the Interior, vice Nathaniel Pryor
Reed, resigned.
Submitted March 4, 1977
RICHARD M. MoosE, of Arkansas, to be Deputy
Under Secretary of State.
DoUGLAs J. BENNET, JR., of Connecticut, to
be an Assistant Secretary of State.
HooDING CARTER III, of Mississippi, to be an
Assistant Secretary of State.
RICHARD N. GARDNER, of New York, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America to Italy.
BETTE BEASLEY ANDERSON, of Georgia, to be
an Under Secretary of the Treasury, vice
Jerry Thomas, resigned.
ANTHONY MoRTON SoLOMON, of Virginia, to
be Under Secretary of the Treasury for Mon-
280
NO MIN ATIONS-Continued
Submitted March 4-Continued
etary Affairs, vice Edwin H. Yeo III, resigned.
GENE E. GooLEY, of the District of Columbia,
to be a Deputy Under Secretary of the Treasury, vice Harold F. Eberle, resigned.
JAY JANIS, of Florida, to be Under Secretary
of Housing. and Urban Development, vice
John B. Rhmelander, resigned.
CHECKLIST OF WHITE HOUSE
PRESS RELEASES
The following releases of the Office of the
White House Press Secretary, distributed during· the period covered by this issue, are not
included in the issue.
Released February 28, 1977
News conference: on the President's meeting
with the National Governors' Conferenceby Gov. Reubin Askew of Florida
Released March 1, 1977
News conference: on the President's Department of Energy proposals-by James R.
Schlesinger, Chairman of the Energy Resources Council
Fact sheet: proposed energy reorganization
legislation
Proposed legislation: energy reorganization
Released March 4, 1977
News conference: on reducing Federal regulation of the domestic commercial airline industry-by Brock Adams, Secretary of Transportation
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
Approved March 3, 1977
H.R. 3753 _______________ Public Law 95-8
An act to bring certain governing international fishery agreements within the purview
of the Fishery Conservation ZofiC Transition
Act.
�Administration of Jimmy Carter, 1977
NOMINATIONS-Continued
Submitted March 9-Continued
PETER F. FLAHERTY, of Pennsylvania, to be
Deputy Attorney General, vice Harold R.
Tyler, Jr., resigned.
CHARLES LINN HAsLAM, of North Carolina, to
be General Counsel of the Department of
Commerce, vice John Thomas Smith II,
resigned.
CAROL TucKER FoREMAN, of the District of
Columbia, to be a member of the Board of
Directors of the Commodity Credit Corporation, vice Don Paarlberg, resigned.
Submitted March 10, 1977
JoHN C. WHITE, of Texas, to be Deputy Secretary of Agriculture, vice John A. Knebel.
W. J. MICHAEL CooY, of Tennessee, to be
United States Attorney for the Western
District of Tennessee for the term of 4
years, vice Thomas F. Turley, Jr., resigning.
Submitted March 11, 1977
RoBERT S. STRAuss, of Texas, to be Special
Representative for Trade Negotiations, with
the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary, vice Frederick B. Dent,
resigned.
Lucy WILSON BENSON, of Massachusetts, to
be Under Secretary of State for Coordinating Security Assistance Programs.
TERENCE A. TooMAN, of the Virgin Islands, a
Foreign Service officer of the Class of Career Minister, to be an Assistant Secretary
of State.
ARNOLD H. PACKER, of Maryland, to be an Assistant Secretary of Labor, vice Abraham
Weiss, resigned.
EuLA BINGHAM, of Ohio, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Labor, vice Morton Corn, resigned.
FRANCIS X. BuRKHARDT, of Maryland, to be
an Assistant Secretary of Labor, vice Bernard E. DeLury, resigned.
ALEXIS M. HERMAN, of Georgia, to be Director
of the Women's Bureau, Department of
Labor, vice Carmen Maymi, resigned.
RoBERT CAMPBELL EMBRY, ]R., of Maryland,
to be an Assistant Secretary of Housing and
Urban Development, vice David Olan
Meeker, Jr., resigned.
LAwRENCE B. SIMONs, of New York, to be an
Assistant Secretary of Housing and Urban
J?evelopment, vice James L. Young, reslgned.
.
RICHARD D. WARDEN, of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant Secretary of
NOMINATIONS-Continued
Submitted March 11-Continued
Health, Education, and Welfare, vice
Thomas L. ·Lias, resigned.
FRANK PETER S. LIBAssr, of Connecticut, to be
General Counsel of the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare, vice William H. Taft IV, resigned.
HowARD W. HJORT, of the District of Columbia, to be a member of the Board of Directors of the Commodity Credit Corpora·
tion, vice Robert W. Long, resigned.
WILLIAM D. NoRDHAus, of Connecticut, to be
a member of the Council of Economic Advisers, vice Paul Webster MacAvoy, resigned.
Withdrawn March 11, 1977
RoBERT Rroos NoRDHAUs, of Connecticut, to
be a member of the Council of Economic
Advisers, vice Paul Webster MacAvoy, resigned, which was sent to the Senate on
March 7, 1977.
CHECKLIST OF WHITE HOUSE
PRESS RELEASES
The following releases of the Office of the
White House Press Secretary, distributed during the period covered by this issue, are not
included in the issue.
Released March 7, 1977
Announcement: topics of discussion and the
other participants in the President's meeting
with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of
Israel
Released March 8, 1977
Announcement: nomination of Carol Tucker
Foreman to be a member of the Board of
Directors of the Commodity Credit Corporation
Released March 9, 1977
Biographical information: W. J. Michael
Cody, the President's nominee for United
States Attorney for the Western District of
Tennessee
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
Approved March 8, 1977
H.J. Res. 132------------- Public Law 95-9
A joint resolution to authorize a special gold
medal to be awarded to Miss Marian
Anderson.
373
�Administration of jimmy Carter, 1977
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
Approved March 10, 1977
I ..
\
l~
..
! .
: {· ''
l'ol-.' "';..•..
H.R. 334'-------------- Public Law 95-10
An act to rescind certain budget authority
recommended in the message of the President of September 22, 1976 (H. Doc. 94620), transmitted pursuant to the Impoundment Control Act of 1974.
466
Approved March 15, 1977
S. 776------------------ Public Law 95-11
An act to dedicate the canal and towpath
of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal National Historical Park to Justice William 0.
Douglas, and for other purposes.
H.R. 1746 ______________ Public Law 95-12
An act to amend the United Nations Participation Act of 1945 to halt the importation of Rhodesian chrome.
�Administration of Jimmy Carter, 1977
NOMINATIONS-Continued
Submitted March 31-Continued
WILLIAM MEREDITH Cox, of Kentucky, to be
Administrator of the Federal Highway Administration, vice Norbert T. Tiemann,
resigned.
DAVID J. BARDIN, of New Jersey, to be a Deputy Administrator of the Federal Energy
Administration, vice Eric R. Zausner, resigned.
Submitted April 1, 1977
RussELL MURRAY II, of Virginia, to be an
Assistant Secretary of Defense, vice Frank
A. Shrontz, resigned.
DEANNE C. SIEMER, of New York, to be General Counsel of the Department of Defense,
vice Richard A. Wiley, resigned.
EDWARD HIDALOO, of the District of Columbia,
to be an Assistant Secretary of the Navy,
vice John J. Bennett.
CHECKLIST OF WHITE HOUSE
PRESS RELEASES
The following releases of the Office of the
White House Press Secretary, distributed during the period covered by this issue, are not
included in the issue.
Released March 29, 1977
Biographical data: Howell W. Melton, the
President's nominee for United States District Judge for the Middle District of
Florida
558
CHECKLIST-Continued
Released March 29-Continued
Biographical data: Thomas E. Lydon, Jr., the
President's nominee for United States At- ·
torney for the District of South Carolina
Released April 1, 1977
News conference: on SALT negotiations with
the Soviet Union-by Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
New conference: on the President's decision
on the non-rubber footwear industryRobert S. Strauss, Special Representative
for Trade Negotiations
ACTS APPROVED BY
THE PRESIDENT
Approved March 25, 1977
H.R. 3839--------------- Public Law 95-15
An act to rescind certain budget authority
recommended in the message of the President of January 17, 1977 (H. Doc. 95-48),
transmitted pursuant to the Impoundment
Control Act of 1974.
Approved April 1, 1977
H.J. Res. 351_ ___________ Public Law 95-16
A joint resolution making further continuing
appropriations for the fiscal year 1977, and
for other purposes.
�LIST OF ITEMS
(Asterisks preceding items containing the President's remarks indicate that there was
no tape recording available to compare with the released text. These items, therefore,
follow the text as released by the White House Press Office.)
Inaugural Address.
2
3
4
5
Remarks at a Reception for Campaign Workers.
January 21, 1969
4
Remarks at the Swearing In of New Members of
the White House Staff. January 21, 1969
8
Remarks at the Swearing In of the Cabinet.
ary 22, 1969
Janu10
Statement on Signing Executive Order Establishing
the Council for Urban Affairs. January 23, 1969
11
Statement Announcing the Appointment of Dr.
Arthur F. Burns as Counsellor to the President.
January 23, 1969
12
7 Remarks at the Swearing In of Walter J. Hickel as
Secretary of the Interior. January 24, 1969
13
6
8
9
..........
January 20, 1969
Letter to the Chairman, Civil Aeronautics Board,
Relating to the Transpacific Route Investigation.
January 24, 1969
14
Statement Announcing Disaster Assistance for Mississippi. January 25, 1969
14
10 The President's News Conference of January 27,
1969
....
xm
�List of Items
List of Items
Page
Memorandum on the Need for a Review of the
Budget. January 27, 1969
JI
12
I4
I5
s6
25
Statement About the Nomination of Gerard C.
Smith as Director, United States Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency. January 29, 1969
Remarks at the Swearing In of Members of the Executive Office of the President and the White House
Staff. February 4, 1969
26
Remarks to Top Officials at the Department of
Labor. February 4, 1969
57
Message to the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa Meeting in Addis Ababa on the Occasion of Its 1oth Anniversary. February 4, 1969
61
Remarks at the I 7th Annual Presidential Prayer
Breakfast. January go, 1969
29
Remarks Announcing a Goodwill Tour to Western
Europe by Col. Frank Borman, USAF. January go,
1969
Special Message to the Congress Requesting New
Authority To Reorganize the Executive Branch.
January go, 1969
17
Remarks to Employees at the Department of Justice.
January go, 1969
Statement on the Death of Allen Dulles.
ary go, I969
Remarks at the Pentagon to Top Officials of the Department of Defense. January g1, I g6g
20
Statement Outlining Actions and Recommendations
for the District of Columbia. January g I, I g6g
21
Remarks Following a Visit With General Eisenhower. February 2, 196g
22
Remarks to Top Officials at the Department of Housing and Urban Development. February g, 1969
Remai'lis to Employees at the Department of Agriculture. February g, 1969
·-....
XIV
gg
27
28
Statement on the Death of Ralph McGill.
ary 4, 1969
29
Message to the Senate Requesting Advice and Consent to Ratification of the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. February 5, 1969
go
Statement Announcing Continuation of Advance
Payments to Participants in the Feed Grain Program
for Ig6g. February 5, Ig6g
g1
Remarks About a New Policy on Appointment of
Postmasters. February 5, I969
Janu-
19
2g
Statement Announcing the Nomination of Dr. James
E. Allen, Jr., as Assistant Secretary for Education and
Commissioner of Education. February g, 1969
Remarks to Key Personnel at the Department of
State. January 29, 1969
16
18
24
2g
Febru-
g 2 Remarks About an Increase in the Expenditure Ceiling of the National Science Foundation. February 5, I969
gg
49
Statement Announcing an Increase in the Expenditure Ceiling of the National Science Foundation.
February 5, 1969
6s
g4 The President's News Conference of February 6,
1969
66
g5
Statement on the Forthcoming Visit to Western Europe. February 6, 1969
XV
�List of Items
List of Items
Page
36
37
38
39
40
42
43
44
45
46
47
Remarks to Employees at the Post Office Department. February 6, I96g
Pagtt
48
77
49
Statement Announcing the Nomination of John G.
Veneman as Under Secretary of Health, Education,
and Welfare. February 7, I 969
79
Remarks to Participants in the Ig6g Senate Youth
Program. February 7, I 969
8o
50
110
Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report of the National Science Board. February 18,
1969
111
Special Message to the Congress on the Nation's
Antipoverty Programs. February 19, 1969
112
Message to the Congress Transmitting Report Relating to the Head Start Program. February 19, 1969
I 17
Remarks to Employees at the Department of the
Interior. February 19, 1969
118
58 Special Message to the Congress on Electoral Reform. February 20, 1969
I21
88
54
88
Statement on Coastal Oil Pollution at Santa Barbara, California. February I I, Ig6g
93
Remarks at the Swearing In of Walter E. Washington as Mayor of the District of Columbia. February
I3, I969
Statement on Signing Executive Order Establishing
the Oflrce of Intergovernmental Relations. February I4, I969
55
94
g6
105
February 17,
Letter Accepting Resignation of Ray C. Bliss as
Chairman of the Republican National Committee.
February I8, 1969
53
go
Statement on the Urban Coalition.
1969
107
Remarks Following a Meeting With the Director of
the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People. February 7, Ig6g
Remarks to Employees at the Department of Transportation. February I I, Ig6g
IOI
Remarks on Presenting Awards of the American
Heart Association. February 18, 1969
52
89
Remarks to Top Personnel at the Department of the
Treasury. February 14, 1969
106
Remarks to Employees at the Department of Commerce. February 7, I g6g
Letter to the Chairman, Civil Aeronautics Board, on
the Transpacific Route Investigation. February I I,
'1969
97
Statement Announcing Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller's Mission to Latin America. February 17,
1969
51
Remarks on Major Appointments in the Department
of Transportation. February 7, I969
Memorandum to the Director, Bureau of the Budget,
on the Need for Prompt Release of Statistical Data
by Federal Agencies. February 8, Ig6g
Remarks to Employees at the Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare. February I4, I969
56
57
59
6o
Memorandum to the Secretary of the Interior Reassuming Responsibility for the Nation's Oil Import
Policies. February 20, 1969
122
Statement About the Anniversary of Washington's
Birthday. February 21, 1969
123
XVII
XVI
30-861-71-2
�List of Items
List of Items
Page
61
62
63
64
65
66
Remarks on Announcing the Appointment of Donald M. Kendall as Chairman of the National Alliance of Businessmen. February 21, 1969
Statement Approving Wider Use of Federal Laboratory Equipment by University Scientists. February 21, 1969
Memorandum on the Narcotic and Dangerous Drug
Traffic in the District of Columbia. February 22,
1969
Statement on the Appointment of a Special Coordinator on Relief to Civilian Victims of the Nigerian
Civil War. February 22, 1969
Remarks to Reporters on the Forthcoming European
Trip. February 22, 1969
123
125
68
Remarks to the North Atlantic Council in Brussels.
February 24, 1969
72
73
So
81
82
134
83
137
84
Febru-
85
139
Letter to the President of the University of Notre
Dame on Student Unrest. February 24, 1969
141
86
Special~essage to the Congress Proposing Estab-
87
February 24,
xvm
!"
149
32
Remarks at the Airport on Arrival in London.
February 24, 1969
lishment of a New Public Debt Liinit.
•.,
1969
Remarks on Departure From Britain.
1969
79
126
I
71
147
78
Remarks on Arrival in Brussels.
70 *Remarks on Departure From Belgium.
ary 24, 1969
Special Message to the Congress on Reform of the
Postal Service. February 25, 1969
124
67
Toasts of the President and King Baudouin of Belgium at the Royal Palace in Brussels. February 24,
1969
75
77
132
69
Remarks to the Staff at the American Embassy in
London. February 25, 1969
76
124
Remarks at Andrews Air Force Base on Departing
for Europe. February 23, 196g
February 23, 1969
Page
74
February 26,
Remarks on Arrival at the Airport in Cologne.
February 26, 1969
151
Remarks in Bonn Before the German Bundestag.
February 26, 1969
151
Message to the President of Israel on the Death of
Prime Minister Levi Eshkol. February 26, 1969
153
Remarks on Arrival at Tempelhof Airport in West
Berlin. February 27, 1969
153
Remarks at the Signing of the Golden Book at the
Charlottenburg Palace, West Berlin. February 27,
1969
155
Remarks at the Siemens Factory, West Berlin.
ruary 27, 1969
156
Remarks on Departure From West Berlin.
ary 27, 1969
Remarks on Arrival at the Airport in Rome.
ruary 27, 1969
FebFebru158
Feb159
Toasts of the President and President Saragat of
Italy. February 27, 1969
161
Remarks on Departure From Rome.
1969
164
February 28,
Remarks on Arrival at the Airport in Paris.
ary 28, 1969
Febru166
XIX
--
.
~-._: :~~~~f.~~~~- ~~~~~::.:-·=~f'ft~~~-~~<i~::: ~ ~; ·- -. ~ ~~~?~#:.~·=·~-/:.J~~~~f~~~l'~B{~ ~~~-·~:~;·~~-~~iri#~~~~~~( ~~·~:-~~ ·-~' . :~:.-~j~~~~~-
· ··;j:::i·· ---·
~
�List of Items
List of Items
Page
88
8g
go
91
92
93
94
95
g6
Toasts of the President and President de Gaulle at
a Dinner at the Elysee Palace in Paris. February 28, Ig6g
I67
102
I99
Remarks to Top Personnel at the Central Intelligence Agency. March 7, Ig6g
202
Remarks Launching the Easter Seal Campaign.
March I I, I g6g
204
205
206
I68
Remarks at the American Embassy in Paris.
March 2, Ig6g
I70
Remarks at Orly Airport on Departure From France.
March 2, Ig6g
I 72
104 Message to the Senate Transmitting Conventions for
·the Protection of Intellectual and Industrial Property. March I2, Ig6g
Remarks at a Meeting With Pope Paul VI.
March 2, Ig6g
I73
105 Statement on Reorganization of the Manpower Administration. March I3, I969
Remarks to American Priests and Students at the
Vatican. March 2, 1969
176
Statement Following the Successful Launching of
Apollo g. March 3, Ig6g
I 77
Special Message to the Congress on Coal Mine
Safety. March 3, Ig6g
I77
g8
The President's News Conference of March 4, Ig6g
I79
99
Remarks on Presenting the Robert H. Goddard
Memorial Trophy to the Apollo 8 Astronauts.
March 5, Ig6g
··~
XX
Message to the Congress Transmitting First Annual
Plan for U.S. Participation in the World Weather
Program. March I3, Ig6g
207
Telegram to the Crew of Apollo g.
March I 3, I g6g
207
108 The President's News Conference of March I4, Ig6g
208
109 Statement on Deployment of the Antiballistic Missile System. March I4, Ig6g
2I6
I74
Remarks at Andrews Air Force Base on Returning
From Europe. March 2, Ig6g
Statemft{lt About a National Program for Minority
Business Enterprise. March 5, Ig6g
103
w6
I
IOO
Remarks on Presenting the Medal of Honor to Three
Members of the United States Army. March 7,
Ig6g
Toasts of the President and President de Gaulle at a
Dinner at the American Ambassador's Residence.
March I, Ig6g
Message to the Congress Transmitting Reports on
the Cash Awards Program for Military Personnel.
March 4, I g6g
97
Page
Io I
79
I 07
I Io
III
2I9
Remarks at the American Legion's 50th Anniversary
Dinner. March I5, Ig6g
222
112 Statement on St. Patrick's Day.
I I3
I95
I I4
197
Remarks at a Luncheon of the National Alliance of
Businessmen. March I5, Ig6g
March I7, Ig6g
224
Message to the President of Ireland on St. Patrick's
Day. March I7, Ig6g
225
Remarks at a Meeting With the Irish Ambassador.
March I7, Ig6g
225
�List of Items
List of Items
Page
I I5
Remarks on Presenting the Medal of Honor Posthumously to Pfc. Melvin E. Newlin, USMC.
March I 8, I 969
I I6
Letter to the Head of the U.S. Delegation at the
Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament
Committee. March I8, I969
I 29
Remarks on Presenting the Boy of the Year Award.
March I 9, I 969
227
229
3I
Message to the Senate Transmitting Broadcasting
Agreements With Mexico. March 25, I969
I32
Remarks at the Swearing In of Donald L. Jackson
as a Member of the Interstate Commerce Commission. March 20, I96g
Special Message to the Congress on Fiscal Policy.
March 26, 1969
I33
Letter to a Student Concerning the Miami TeenAge Rally for Decency. March 26, I969
I I9
Remarks at Van Horn High School, Independence,
Missouri. March 2I, I969
I34
I 20
Remarks at the Truman Library During a Visit With
the Former President. March 2I, I969
Stateme~t on Establishing Common Regional
Boundanes for Agencies Providing Social and Economic Services. March 27, I969
I2I
Remarks on Arrival at Point Mugu Naval Air Station, Oxnard, California. March 21, I969
118
122 *Remarks Following Inspection of Oil Damage at
Santa Barbara Beach. March 2I, I969
March22, I969
I23
StatementonCampusDisorders.
I 24
Remarks of Welcome at the White House to Prime
Minister Trudeau of Canada. March 24, I969
I 25
Statement on Bank Holding Companies.
I96g
I 26
Toasts of the President and Prime Minister Trudeau
of Canada. March 24, I 969
I 27
I 28
:
~·
Statement Announcing Appointment of the President's Commission on an All-Volunteer Armed
Force. March 27, 1969
I36
~'lemnrandum on Equal Employment Opportunity
m the Federal Government. March 28, I969
233
235
137
Statement on the Death of General Eisenhower."
March 28, 196g
237
I38
Special Message to the Congress on the Death of
General Eisenhower. March 28, I 969
I39
Proclamation 3907, Announcing the Death of
Dwight David Eisenhower. March 28, I969
I4o
Eulogy Delivered at the Capitol During the State
Funeral of General Eisenhower. March 30, I969
I4 I
Statement on the Balance of Payments.
I969
239
Remarks at the Conclusion of the Visit of Prime
Minist~_Trudeau of Canada. March 25, I969
XXD
I35
March 24,
Remarks at the Presentation of the Walt Disney
Commemorative Medal. MarGQ. ~5, I96g
Page
130 Remarks on Accepting the "Sword of Hope" of the
American Cancer Society Crusade. March 25,
1969
I
I7
I
Remarks at the Convention of the National Association of Broadcasters. March 25, I969
243
xxm
April 4>
253
255
255
259
�LIST OF ITEMS
Page
1 Remarks on Taking the Oath of Office. August 9, 1974
1
2 Remarks Announcing Appointment of J. F. terHorst as
Press Secretary to the President. August 9, 1974
3
3 Memorandums on the Transition of the Presidency.
August 10, 1974
4
4 Statement on Portuguese Recognition of the Independence
of Guinea-Bissau. August 12, 1974
5
5 Statement on a General Motors Price Increase for 1975
Automobiles and Trucks. August 12, 1974
6
6 Address to a Joint Session of the Congress. August 12, 1974
6
7 Veto of Legislation To Reclassify and Upgrade Deputy
United States Marshals. August 13, 1974
13
8 Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report on
Special International Exhibitions. August 13, 1974
14
9 Veto of Animal Health Research Legislation. August 15,
1974
15
10 Message to the Congress Transmitting an Amendment to the
Agreement Between the United States and the United
Kingdom on Uses of Atomic Energy. August 15, 1974
16
11 Letter Accepting Honorary Chairmanship of the American
National Red Cross. August 16, 1974
17
12 Toasts of the President and King Hussein of Jordan.
August 16, 1974
17
13 Statement on Signing the Forest and Rangeland Renewable
Resources Planning Act of 1974. August 17, 1974
19
.
XI
�List of Items
List of Items
Pagt
Pagt
14 Joint Statement Following Discussions With King Hussein
of Jordan. August 18, 1974
20
15 Remarks on Arrival at Chicago, Illinois. August 19, 1974
22
27 Remarks in the Chamber of the United States House of
Representatives. August 21, 1974
39
28 Message to the Senate Transmitting the United StatesAustralian Treaty on Extradition. August 22, 1974
41
29 Remarks on Signing the Housing and Community Development Act of 1974. August 22, 1974
42
30 Statement on the Housing and Community Development
Act of 1974. August 22, 1974
43
31 Letter to the Chairmen of the Conference Committee Considering Freedom of Information Act Amendments.
August 23, 1974
45
32 Remarks on Signing the Council on Wage and Price
Stability Act. August 24, 1974
48
31
33 Statement on the Council on Wage and Price Stability Act.
August 24, 1974
49
Remarks at a Reception Honoring Senate Majority Leader
Mike Mansfield. August 20, 1974
31
34 Statement on Signing the Small Business Amendments of
1974. August 24, 1974
50
22 Remarks at a Ceremony Honoring the Slain United States
Ambassador to Cyprus. August 21, 1974
32
35 Remarks to the Michigan Republican State Convention.
August 24, 1974
51
23 Statement on a General Motors Announcement of a Reduction in 1975 Price Increases. August 21, 1974
33
36 Remarks to Members of the Little League World Series
Teams. August 26, 1974
52
24 Remarks on Signing the Education Amendments of 1974.
August 21, 1974
34
37 Statement on the Death of Charles A. Lindbergh. August 26,
1974
53
25 Statement on the Education Amendments of 1974.
August 21, 1974
35
38 Remarks at a Farewell Party for Herbert Stein, Chairman of
the Council of Economic Advisers. August 26, 1974
54
39 The President's News Conference of August 28, 1974
56
16 Remarks to the Veterans of Foreign Wars Annual Convention, Chicago, Illinois. August 19, 1974
17 Remarks on Intention To Nominate Nelson A. Rockefeller
To Be Vice President of the United States. August 20, 1974
18 Remarks at a News Conference for Vice President-designate
Rockefeller. August 20, 1974
19 Statement Following Congressional Action on Legislation
To Establish a Wage and Price Monitoring Agency.
August 20, 1974
20 Message to the Congress Reporting on the Balance of Payments Deficit Incurred Under the. North Atlantic Treaty.
August 20, 1974
21
22
28
29
30
26 Remarks in the Chamber of the United States Senate.
August 21, 1974
~:...
38
......
Xll
x:iii
�List of Items
40 Statement on Signing the Public Works for Water a~d
Power Development and Atomic Energy Commission Appropriation Act, 1975. August 29, 1974
41
Statement Announcing Appointment of Chairman and
Members of the Council on Wage and Price Stability.
August 29, 1974
42 Remarks at Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.
August 30, 1974
List of Items
Pag~
53 Remarks at a Reception for Members of the National Council on the Arts. September 4, 1974
66
54 Remarks Opening the Conference on Inflation. September 5,
1974
67
68
85
87
55 Message for the Jewish High Holy Days. September 5, 1974
90
56 Remarks Concluding the First Meeting of the Conference on
Inflation. September 5, 1974
90
57 Remarks on the United Way Campaign. September 6, 1974
91
93
43 Special Message to the Congress Proposing a Reduction in ·
Federal Civilian Employment and Deferral of Federal Pay
Increase. August 31, 1974
74
44 Labor Day Statement. Septe~ber 2, 1974
76
58 Remarks at a Dinner Concluding the Reconvening of the
First Continental Congress in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
September 6, 1974
76
59 Remarks at the Alexandria Police Association Picnic in Fairfax, Virginia. September 7, 1974
98
78
60 Remarks on Signing a Proclamation Granting Pardon to
Richard Nixon. September 8, 1974
101
47 ~tatement on Signing Youth Conservation Corps Legislation. September 3, 1974
80
6J. Proclamation 4311, Granting Pardon to Richard Nixon.
September 8, 1974
103
48 Remarks on Signing a National Hispanic Heritage Week
Proclamation. September 4, 1974
80
62 Statement on Signing the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention Act of 1974. September 8, 1974
105
81
63 Statement on Signing Legislation Revising Federal Employees' Compensation Benefits. September 8, 1974
106
45 Remarks on Signing the Employee Retirement Income
Security Act of 1974. September 2, 1974
46 Statement on the Employee Retirement Income Security Act
of 1974. September 2, 1974·
49 Proclamation 4310, National Hispanic Heritage Week, 1974.
September4, 1974
50 M~ssage to the Congress Transmitting Annual Reports on
H1ghway, Traffic, and Motor Vehicle Safety Programs.
September 4, 1974
51 Statement on the Death of Gen. Creighton W. Abrams, Jr.
September 4, 1974
.
....
52 Remarks at the Swearing I~ of Alan Greenspan as Chairman
of the Council of Economic Advisers. September 4,.J.274
xiv
64 Statement on the Resignation of J. F. terHorst as Press Secretary to the President. September 8, 1974
82
84
65 Remarks to the Sixth International Conference on Urban
Transportation, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. September 9, 1974
106
107
66 Remarks of Welcome to Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of
Israel. September 10, 1974
112
84
XV
�List of Items
List of Items
Pag~
Pdgr
67 Remarks to the Conference on Inflation. September 11, 1974
114
80 The President's News Conference of September 16, 1974
146
68 Statement on Presidential Clemency and Pardons. September 11, 1974
117
81 Address to the 29th Session of the General Assembly of the
United Nations. September 18, 1974
156
69 Remarks at Pope Air Force Base, North Carolina. September 11, 1974
118
82 Statement Urging the Senate To Sustain the Deferral of a
Federal Pay Increase. September 18, 1974
161
70 Remarks at a Ceremony Opening the World Golf Hall of
Fame in Pinehurst, North Carolina. September 11, 1974
119
83 Statement on the Release of an American Prisoner in Laos.
September 18, 1974
162
Remarks at a Dinner Honoring Inductees Into the World
Golf Hall of Fame. September 11, 1974
121
84 Remarks at a Meeting of the Washington Press Club.
September 18, 1974
163
72 Message to the Congress on Legislative Priorities. September 12,1974
124
85 Message to the Senate Transmitting the Protocol to the
United States-Soviet Antiballistic Missile Treaty. September 19,1974
165
86 Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report on
United States Participation in the United Nations. September 19,1974
166
87 Statement on Senate Action Disapproving Deferral of a Federal Pay Increase. September 19, 1974
168
88 Remarks at a Reception for Representative Stanford E.
Parris in Alexandria, Virginia. September 19, 1974
169
89 Special Message to the Congress Transmitting Budget
Deferrals and Proposed Rescissions. September 20, 1974
170
90 Memorandum on Budget Deferrals and Proposed Rescissions. September 20, 1974
173
91 Memorandum on the Career Civil Service. September 20,
1974
174
92 Remarks Announcing Appointment of Ron Nessen as Press
Secretary to the President. September 20, 1974
174
71
73 Message to the Senate Transmitting the United States-Bulgarian Consular Convention. September 12, 1974
131
74 Message to the Senate Transmitting the United StatesCanadian Treaty on Extradition. September 12, 1974
132
75 Toasts of the President and Prime Minister Rabin of Israel.
September 12, 1974
76 Remarks to the Radio and Television Directors' Association
Conference. September 13, 1974
77 Remarks Announcing a Program for the Return of Vietnam
Era Draft Evaders and Military Deserters. September 16,
1974
78 Proclamation 4313, Announcing a Program for the Return
of Vietnam Era Draft Evaders and Military Deserters. September 16, 1974
79 Remarks at a Luncheon for Members of the Republican
National Committee~d Republican National Finance
Committee. September 16, 1974
.
XVI
133
135
136
138
141
.......
:XVll
�List of Items
List of Items
Pag~
Pag~
93 Statement on Signing the Alcohol and Drug Abuse Education Act Amendments of 1974. September 21, 1974
94 Remarks to the Ninth World Energy Conference, Detroit,
Michigan. September 23, 1974
95 Message to President Oswaldo Lopez Arellano of Honduras
About Hurricane Disaster. September 23, 1974
96 Remarks to the Annual Convention of the International Association of Chiefs of Police. September 24, 1974
177
106 Remarks Opening the Summit Conference on Inflation.
September 27, 1974
200
177
for the LBJ
107 Remarks at Groundbreaking Ceremonies
Memorial Grove. September 27, 1974
202
183
108 Statement on Signing Legislation Extending the Public
Works and Economic Development Act. September 27, 1974
204
184
109 Remarks Concluding the Summit Conference on Inflation.
September 28, 1974
205
97 Message to the Congress Transmitting First Annual Report
110 Remarks at the Annual Meeting of Boards of Governors of
of the Director of the National Heart and Lung Institute.
September 24, 1974
188
the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank
Group. September 30, 1974
210
98 Remarks at a Reception for Republican Congressional Staff
Members. September 24, 1974
189
111 Veto of Legislation Providing for the Sale of United States
Phosphate Interests in Florida. September 30, 1974
212
99 Remarks at the Unveiling of a Portrait of Representative
112 Letter to the Chairman of the Subcommittee on Criminal
Leonor K. Sullivan, Chairman of the House Merchant
Marine and Fisheries Committee. September 24, 1974
190
100 Remarks of Welcome to President Giovanni Leone of Italy.
September 25, 1974
Justice of the House Judiciary Committee Offering To
Testify Concerning the Pardon of Richard Nixon. September 30, 1974
192
113 Statement on Senate Action To Suspend United States Military Assistance to Turkey. October 1, 1974
213
194
114 Statement on Signing the Defense Production Act Amendments of 1974. October I, 1974
214
194
115 Statement Announcing Federal Civilian and Military Pay
Increases. October 1, 1974
215
101 Message to the Congress Transmitting Final Report of the
Advisory Council on Intergovernmental Personnel Policy.
September 25, 1974
102 Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report or> the
Food for Peace Program. September 25, 1974
103 Memorandum on the Combined Federal Campaign. September 25, 1974
195
104 Toasts of the President and President Leone of Italy. September 25, 1974
116 Message to the Congress Transmitting the Cost ~f Livi~~
Council's Final Quarterly Report on the Economic Stab1hzation Program. October 1, 1974
196
117 Message to the Congress on Federal Civilian and Military
Pay Increases. October 7, 1974
105
·Joint Statement Following Discussions With
......
Leone of Italy. September 26, 1974
xviii
213
216
217
President
·-.....
198
xix
�List of Items
List of Items
Page
Page
118 Remarks at a Dinner Honoring Senator George D. Aiken in
Burlington, Vermont. October 7, 1974
218
132 Memorandum on Fiscal Year 1975 Budget Cuts. October 10,
1974
272
119 Remarks of Welcome First Secretary Edward Gierek of
Poland. October 8, 1974
226
133 Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report of the
National Advisory Council on Extension and Continuing
Education. October 10, 1974
120 Statement on House Action To Suspend United States Military Assistance to Turkey. October 8, 1974
228
134 Remarks to the Seventh General Convention of the American Lutheran Church, Detroit, Michigan. October 10, 1974
274
121 Address to a Joint Session of the Congress on the Economy.
October 8, 1974
228
135 Remarks at a Republican Fundraising Dinner in Detroit.
October 10, 1974
276
122 Statement on the Death of Paul G. Hoffman. October 8, 1974
239
136 Statement Following a Meeting With the President's Committee on Mental Retardation. October II, 1974
284
239
137 Remarks on Signing the Energy Reorganization Act of 1974.
October II, 1974
286
242
138 Statement on the Energy Reorganization Act of 1974. Octoher 11,1974
287
139 Remarks at the Swearing In of Richard L. Roudebush as
Administrator of Veterans Affairs. October 12, 1974·
290
Octo140 Veto of Railroad Retirement Benefits Legislation.
her 12,1974
292
Veto of Atomic Energy Act Amendments. October 12, 1974
294
142 Remarks on Boston School Desegregation Violence. October 12,1974
295
143 Joint Communique Following Discussions With First Secretary Gierek of Poland. October 13, 1974
295
to
123 Toasts of the President and First Secretary Gierek of Poland.
October 8, 1974
124
~emarks
on Departure of Secretary of State Henry A. Kissmger for the Middle East. October 9, 1974
125 Statement on Privacy Legislation. October 9, 1974
243
126 St~te~ent on Signing the Department of Defense Appropnauons Act, 1975. October 9, 1974
244
127 The President's News Conference of October 9, 1974
245
128 Exchange of Remarks on Signing Joint Statements With
First Secretary Gierek of Poland. October 9, 1974
129
Te~t
of the "Joint Statement on Principles of United StatesPohsh Relations." October 9, 1974
130 Text of the Joint Statement on United States-Polish Economic, Industrial, and Technological Cooperation. Octoher 9, 1974
131
256
Remarks at a Dinner Honoring William W. Scranton in
Philadelphia, Pennsyi.Y.ania. October 9 1974
~"'·
'
·-.....
XX
a
259
261
264
141
144 Remarks on Signing Veto of Continuing Appropriations
Resolution Containing an Amendment Suspending Military Aid to Turkey. October 14, 1974
145 Veto of Continuing Appropriations Resolution. October 14,
1974
273
298
299
xxi
�List of Items
List of Items
Pag~
Pag~
301
160 Veto of Freedom of Information Act Amendments.
October 17, 1974
374
147 Statement on House Action Sustaining Veto of the Continuing Appropriations Resolution. October 15, 1974
301
161 Remarks on Signing the Emergency Home Purchase
Assistance Act of 1974. October 18, 1974
376
148 Remarks on Signing the Federal Election Campaign Act
Amendments of 1974. October 15, 1974
302
162 Statement on the Emergency Home Purchase Assistance Act
of 1974. October 18, 1974
377
149 Statement on the Federal Election Campaign Act Amendments of 1974. October 15, 1974
303
163 Remarks at the Dedication of the New Department of Labor
Building. October 18, 1974
378
150 Remarks to the Annual Convention of the Future Farmers
of America, Kansas City, Missouri. October 15, 1974
304
164 Statement on Signing the Continuing Appropriations
Resolution. October 18, 1974
380
151 Remarks at a Breakfast for Republican Candidates in Kansas
City, Missouri. October 16, 1974
313
165 Memorandum on Federal Energy Conservation. October 18,
1974
381
152 Remarks in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. October 16, 1974
318
166 Statement on Federal Energy Conservation. October 18, 1974
382
153 Remarks at Lincoln, Nebraska. October 16, 1974
326
154 Remarks in Indianapolis, Indiana. October 16, 1974
331
167 Remarks on Signing a Drug Abuse Prevention Week Proclamation. October 18, 1974
383
168 Joint Communique Following Discussions With President
Francisco da Costa Gomes of Portugal. October 18, 1974
383
146 Telegram on State and Local Efforts To Fight Inflation.
October 14,1974
155 Statement and Responses to Questions From Members of the
House Judiciary Committee Concerning the Pardon of
Richard Nixon. October 17, 1974
338
169 Letter to the Chairman of the National Cancer Advisory
Board About Regulation of Cigarette Tar and Nicotine Content. October 18, 1974
384
371
170 Remarks at Spartanburg, South Carolina. October 19, 1974
385
International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea.
October 17, 1974
372
171 Remarks at the Dedication of the Anderson Independent
and Anderson Daily Mail Building in Anderson, South
Carolina. October 19, 1974
388
158 Message to the Senate Transmitting the International Telecommunication Convention. October 17, 1974
172 Remarks in Rock Hill, South Carolina. October 19, 1974
392
373
173 Remarks in Greenville, South Carolina. October 19, 1974
395
159 Ramadan Message. Ocwber 17, 1974
374
174 Remarks at Greensboro, North Carolina. October 19, 1974
401
156 Veto of Second Continuing Appropriations Resolution Providing for Suspension of Military Aid to Turkey. October 17,
1m
157 Message to the Senate Transmitting Amendments to the
....
•..,._
XXlll
XXll
...... ·.,_.
�List of Items
List of Items
Pag~
175 Remarks in Louisville, Kentucky. October 19, 1974
405
176 Statement on Signing the Federal Columbia River Transmission System Act. October 19, 1974
412
177 Exchange of Remarks With President Luis Echeverria
Alvarez of Mexico at Nogales, Mexico. October 21, 1974
413
178 Toasts of the President and President Echeverria of Mexico
at a Luncheon in Tubac, Arizona. October 21, 1974
415
179 News Conference of the President and President Echeverria
of Mexico in Tubac, Arizona. October 21, 1974
417
180 Remarks on Departure of President Echeverria of Mexico
From Tucson, Arizona. October 21, 1974
421
181 Remarks to a Meeting of the National Council on Crime and
Delinquency. October 21, 1974
422
Pag~
189 Statement on Signing the Commodity Futures Trading
Commission Act of 1974. October 24, 1974
461
190 Remarks at Ceremonies Honoring Representative Leslie C.
Arends in Melvin, Illinois. October 24, 1974
463
191 Remarks at the United Republican Fund Dinner in Chicago,
Illinois. October 24, 1974
467
192 Remarks at Veterans Day Ceremonies at Arlington National
Cemetery. October 28, 1974
474
193 Statement on Signing the Foreign Investment Study Act of
1974. October 28, 1974
478
194 Statement on Signing the Motor Vehicle and Schoolbus
Safety Amendments of 1974. October 28, 1974
479
195 The President's News Conference of October 29, 1974
481
196 Letter Accepting the Resignation of John C. Sawhill as
Administrator of the Federal Energy Administration.
October 29, 1974
493
182 Remarks at a Republican Fundraising Breakfast for Senator
Henry Bellmon in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. October 22,
1974
424
183 Remarks at a Rally in Oklahoma City. October 22, 1974
430
184 Remarks in Cleveland, Ohio. October 22, 1974
437
197 Statement on Signing the Federal Fire Prevention and Control Act of 1974. October 29, 1974
494
185 Veto of National Wildlife Refuge System Legislation.
October 22, 1974
447
198 Statement on Signing Indian Claims Commission Appropriations Legislation. October 29, 1974
495
186 Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report of the
National Cancer Advisory Board. October 23, 1974
448
199 Statement on Signing Legislation Concerning the Regulation of Interest Rates. October 29, 1974
496
187 Remarks at the Iowa State House, Des Moines, Iowa.
October 24, 1974
449
200 Statement on Signing Legislation Increasing Federal
Deposit Insurance. October 29, 1974
497
188 Remarks at a Luncheon for Republican Candidates in Des
Moines. October 24, 1974
454
201 Statement on Signing the Amtrak Improvement Act of 1974.
October 29, 1974
498
202 Statement on Signing the Reclamation Development Act of
1974. October 29, 1974
499
·-
~-
·-..
XXIV
XXV
o a
�List of Items
List of Items
Pag~
203 Veto of Legislation for the Relief of Alvin V. Burt, Jr., and
the Survivors of Douglas E. Kennedy. October 29, 1974
499
204 Veto of Legislation for the Relief of Nolan Sharp.
October 29,1974
501
Pag~
217 Remarks at an Urban League Dance in Portland. November1,1974
555
218 Remarks in Salt Lake City, Utah. November 2, 1974
556
219 Remarks in Grand Junction, Colorado. November 2, 1974
562
220 Remarks in Wichita, Kansas. November 2, 1974
569
221 Remarks on Election Eve. November 4, 1974
575
~
222 Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report on
the National Cancer Program. November 4, 1974
576
207 Remarks at a Rally in Grand Rapids, Michigan. October 29,
1974
506
223 Statement on Receiving a Crystal Grown Aboard the Sky lab
Space Station. November 4, 1974
577
208 Remarks at a Reception for Republican Candidates in Grand
Rapids. October 29, 1974
510
209 Remarks at Calvin College in Grand Rapids. October 29,
1974
224 Letter Accepting the Resignation of Henry E. Petersen as
Assistant Attorney General, Criminal Division. November 5,
1974
578
512
210 Remarks at Sioux City, Iowa. October 31, 1974
521
225 Statement on the Results of the 1974 Elections. November 5,
1974
579
211 Remarks in Los Angeles, California. October 31, 1974
528
226 Remarks Following a Meeting With Secretary of State Kissinger. November 10, 1974
579
227 Remarks of Welcome to Chancellor Bruno Kreisk.y of Austria. November 12, 1974
580
581
205 Veto of Farm Labor Contractor Registration Legislation
Containing Personnel Reclassification Rider. October 29,
1974
~3
206 Veto of Vocational Rehabilitation Act Amendments. Octo~~~
212 Remarks to Reporters Following a Visit With Former President Nixon at Long Beach, California. November I, I974
536
213 Remarks at Fresno, California. November I, I974
537
2I4 Remarks to the White House Conference on Domestic and
Economic Affairs in Portland, Oregon. November I, 1974
543
228 Letter Accepting Withdrawal of the Candidacy of Andrew
E. Gibson To Be Administrator of the Federal Energy
Administration. November 12, 1974
215 Remarks at a Reception for Republican Candidates in Portland. November 1, I974
548
229 Toasts of the President and Chancellor Kreisky of Austria.
November 12, 1974
583
2I6 Remarks at the Oregon Museum of Science and Industry's
Annual Auction in Portland.
November I, I974
......
553
230 Message to the Senate Transmitting Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Diplomats.
November 13, I974
585
XXVI
xxvu
--~
�List of Items
List of Items
Page
Page
231
Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report of the
National Capital Housing Authority. November 13, 1974
586
232 Remarks on Signing the WIN Consumer Pledge. Novemher 13, 1974
586
233 Remarks at a Meeting With Coastal State Governors on
Outer Continental Shelf Oil and Gas Development. Novemher 13,1974
587
234 Remarks to the Annual Convention of the National Association of Realtors, Las Vegas, Nevada. November 14, 1974
235 Remarks on Accepting the F-15 Aircraft for the United
States Air Force at Luke Air Force Base, Arizona. Novemher 14, 1974
236 Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session at the Annual
Convention of the Society of Professional Journalists, Sigma
Delta Chi, Phoenix, Arizona. November 14, 1974
237 Letter Accepting Withdrawal of the Nomination of Peter M.
Flanigan To Be United States Ambassador to Spain. Novemher 16,1974
589
595
596
613
243 Letter Accepting Withdrawal of the Nomination of Daniel
T. Kingsley To Be a Member of the Federal Power Commission. November 19, 1974
633
244 Toast at a Luncheon Hosted by Prime Minister Kakuei
Tanaka of Japan in Tokyo. November 19, 1974
634
245 Toast at a Banquet at the Imperial Palace. November 19,
1974
635
246 Remarks at a Japan Press Club Luncheon. November 20,
1974
636
247 Toast at a Reception for Members of the Diet. November 20,
1974
641
248 Toast at a Reception for Nongovernmental Dignitaries.
November 20, 1974
643
249 Joint Communique Following Discussions With Prime
Minister Tanaka of Japan. November 20, 1974
644
250 Toast at a Dinner Honoring the Emperor and Empress of
Japan. November 20, 1974
647
251 Remarks to Reporters Following a Visit to Nij~ Castle in
Kyoto. November 21, 1974
648
238 Remarks on Departure for Japan, the Republic of Korea, and
the Soviet Union. November 17, 1974
615
239 Remarks at Anchorage, Alaska. November 17, 1974
615
252 Remarks on Arrival at Seoul, Republic of Korea. Novemher 22, 1974
649
240 Message to the Congress on Legislative Priorities. November 18, 1974
617
253 Remarks at Camp Casey, Republic of Korea. November 22,
1974
G50
241 Statement on Sugar Imports. November 18, 1974
629
254 Toast at a Dinner Hosted by President Park Chung Hee of
the Republic of Korea in Seoul. November 22, 1974
651
255 Joint Communique Following Discussions With President
Park of the Republic of Korea. November 22, 1974
653
242 Message to the Congress Reporting on the Balance of Payments Deficit Incurred Under the North Atlantic Treaty.
November 18, 1974 ....
.....
..
xxviii
631
·~."'-"
xxix
�L
List of Items
List of Items
Pagt
Pagt
270 Message to the Senate Transmitting Agreement on the
International Office of Epizootics. December 2, 1974
677
271 The President's News Conference of December 2, 1974
678
657
272 Remarks at the Boy Scouts' Annual Awards Dinner. December 2, 1974
691
258 Joint Communique Following Discussions With General
Secretary Brezhnev of the Soviet Union. November 24, 1974
658
273 Letter Accepting the Resignation of William E. Timmons as
Assistant to the President. December 3, 1974
693
259 Remarks Upon Returning From Japan, the Republic of
Korea, and the Soviet Union. November 24, 1974
662
274 Remarks to the American Conference on Trade. December 3, 1974
694
260 Statement on the Death of U Thant. November 25, 1974
664
261 Remarks on Signing the National Mass Transportation
Assistance Act of 1974. November 26, 1974
275 Remarks at the Rockefeller Public Service Awards Luncheon. December 4, 1974
701
664
262 Special Message to the Congress on Budget Restraint.
November 26, 1974
666
276 Letter to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the
House Transmitting Proposals To Establish New National
Wilderness Areas. December 4, 1974
703
263 Veto of Vietnam Era Veterans' Education and Training
Benefits Legislation. November 26, 1974
669
277 Message to the Congress Proposing Establishment of New
National Wilderness Areas. December 4, 1974
704
264 Veto of Zinc Tariff Legislation Containing Tax Riders.
November 26, 1974
670
278 Toasts of the President and Prime Minister Pierre Elliott
Trudeau of Canada. December 4, 1974
711
265 Letter Accepting the Resignation of Anne L. Armstrong as
Counsellor to the President. November 27, 1974
671
279 Remarks of Welcome to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt of the
Federal Republic of Germany. December 5, 1974
713
266 Remarks on Signing 18 Executive Warrants for Clemency.
November 29, 1974
672
280 Statement on Signing the Joint Funding Simplification Act
of 1974. December 5, 1974
715
267 Letter Accepting the Resignation of William S. Whitehead
as Chairman of the Renegotiation Board. November 29, 1974
674
Remarks to the Lilly Endowment Continuing Conference
for the Liberal Arts. December 5, 1974
716
268 Remarks at a Reception Honoring Professional Golfer Lee
Elder. December 1, 1974
675
282 Toasts of the President and Chancellor Schmidt of the
Federal Republic of Germany. December 5, 1974
718
269 Letter Accepting the "itesignation of Dean Burch as Counsellor to the President. December 2, 1974
676
283 Letter Accepting the Resignation of Leonard Garment as
Assistant to the President. December 6, 1974
721
256 Toast at a Luncheon Hosted by L. I. Brezhnev, General
Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, in
Vladivostok. November 24, 1974
656
257 Joint United States-Soviet Statement on the Limitation of
Strategic Offensive Arms. November 24, 1974
·-.
XXX
281
XXXI
�List of Items
List of Items
Pag~
Pag~
284 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Chancellor
Schmidt of the Federal Republic of Germany. December 6
Im
'
285 Statement on Signing the Departments of Labor; and
Health, Education, and Welfare Appropriation Act, I975.
December 9, I974
286 ~tatement on Signing the Farm Labor Contractor Registration Act Amendments of I974. December 9, I974
72I
725
295 Letter Accepting the Resignation of William B. Saxbe as
Attorney General of the United States. December 13, I974
746
296 Statement on the Canonization of Elizabeth Bayley Seton.
December 13, I974
747
297 Remarks on Arrival in Martinique, French West Indies, for
Meetings With President Valery Giscard d'Estaing of
France. December I4,I974
747
I
;~
726
II'
298 Statement on the Death of Walter Lippmann. December I4,
I974
749
299 Statement Following Senate Action on the Trade Act of
I974. December I4, I974
749
729
300 Toasts of the President and President Giscard d'Estaing of
France at a Dinner in Martinique. December I4, I974
750
730
30I Toasts of the President and President Giscard d'Estaing of
France at an Informal Dinner Honoring the French President. December I5, I974
733
302 Communique Following Discussions With President
Giscard d'Estaing of France. December I6, I974
29I Memorandum on the Minority Business Development Program. December I2, I974
739
303 Letter Accepting the Resignation of Roy L. Ash as Director
of the Office of Management and Budget. December I7, I974
757
292 Message to the Congress Transmitting Annual Report of the
Council on Environmental Quality. December I2, 1974
304 Christmas Message. December I7, I974
758
740
ll
305 Statement on Signing the Safe Drinking Water Act. December I7, I974
759
1!
287 Remarks at the Unveiling of a Portrait of Representative
George H. Mahon, Chairman of the House Committee on
Appropriations. December IO, I974
288 Statement on the Senate's Confirmation of Nelson A. Rockefeller To Be Vice President of the United States. December 10, I974
289 Remarks on Presenting the National Football Foundation
and Hall of Fame's Distinguished American Award to Bob
Hope in New York City. December 10, I974
290 · Remarks at a Meeting of the Business Council. December II
Im
'
293 Remarks on A warding the Congressional Medal of Honor
to WO Louis R. Rocto and S. Sgt. Jon R. Cavaiani, United
States Army. December I2, I974
294 Letter Accepting the Resignation of Kenneth R. Cole, Jr., as
Assistant to the Presidf~nt for Domestic Affairs. December 13, I974
"""
727
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752
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754
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306 Remarks at the Lighting of the National Community
Christmas Tree. December I7, 1974
741
307 Veto of Willow Creek, Oregon, Flood Control Project
Legislation. December I8, 1974
744
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�WEEK ONE
Reagan
Mar. 8, 1933
First Press
Conference.
Mar. 9, 1933
First session of
the 73rd Congress.
Jan. 25, 1961
First Presidential
press conference
seen and heard on
live television.
Mar. 9, 1933
Passed Emergency
Banking Relief
Act.
January 20, 1981
First inaugural
held on West Front
of u.s. Capitol.
January 20, 1981
Iran releases u.s.
hostages after 444
days in captivity.
January 20, 1981
Reagan signs
executive order
freezing civilian
hiring in
executive branch.
January 21, 1981
First Cabinet
meeting.
-------------
�WEEK 'l'WO
Reagan
Mar. 12, 1933
First "Fireside
Chat" -- The first
of eight radio
reports to the
nation during his
first term.
Jan. 30, 1961
Pres. Kennedy
delivered his
first State of the
Union message to
Congress.
Feb. 2, 1961
Special message on
the economy sent
to Congress.
January 28, 1981
Ends"···
effective
immediately -- the
elimination of
remaining federal
controls on u.s.
oil production and
marketing."
January 28, 1981
Met with Prime
Minister Edward
Seaga of Jamaica
(WH) •
January 29, 1981
Held first press
conference.
�WEEK THREE
Reagan
Mar. 20, 1933
Passed Economy
Act.
Mar. 22, 1933
Passed Beer-Wine
Revenue Act.
Feb. 3, 1961
Issued an
Executive Order
providing $4
million for
federal assistance
program for Cuban
refugees.
Feb. 9, 1961
Proposed federal
health insurance
program for aged
to Congress.
February 3, 1981
Met with President
Chun Du-Hwan of
South Korea.
February 4, 1981
Visited u.s.
Capitol to lobby
for his economic
initiatives.
February 3, 1981
Attended
Washington Press
Club's "Salute to
Congress.
February 5, 1981
Addressed the
American people on
television.
�WEEK FOUR
Reagan
Mar. 27, 1933
Issued Executive
Order Abolishing
Federal Farm Board
& later passed the
Farm credit Act on
June 16, 1933.
Mar. 31, 1933
Passed Civilian
Conservation Corps
Reconstruction
Relief Act.
Feb. 15, 1961
Pledged support of
NATO.
Feb. 15, 1961
Received cable on
disarmament from
Premier Krushchev
•
�WEEK FIVE
Reagan
FDR
April 5, 1933
Extended deadline
for turning in
gold coins and
certificates to
May 1.
Feb. 20, 1961
Special message
sent to Congress
in which he
proposed
$5,625,000,000
federal aid-toeducation program.
February 18, 1981
State of the Union
address.
February 19, 1981
President and Mrs.
Reagan leave
Washington for 4day vacation at
their California
ranch.
February 23, 1981
Addressed biennial
Nation Governors'
Association
meeting in D.C.
(48 Governors
attend).
�WEEK SIX
FDR
April 12, 1933
The first female
American
diplomatic officer
was confirmed by
the Senate as
minister to
Denmark.
Reagan
Feb. 20, 1961
Special message
sent to Congress
in which he
proposed
$5,625,000,000
federal aid-toeducation program.
February 23, 1981
Addresses biennial
Nation Governors'
Association
meeting in D.C.
(48 Governors
attend.)
February 26, 1981
Thatcher was the
quest of honor at
Reagan's first
state dinner.
February 28, 1981
White House
announced need for
further budget
cuts.
�WEEK SEVEN
Reagan
FDR
April 19, 1933
The Gold Standard
is abandoned.
April 21, 1933
Conferred with
Prime Minister J.
Ramsay MacDonald
of Great Britain.
- - - - - - - - - -
Mar. 4, 1961
Sargent Shriver
was appointed
director of the
Peace Corps.
Mar. 6, 1961
Issued and
Executive order on
equal opportunity
in government
employment and
government
contracting.
Mar. 8, 1961
Sent Special
message to
Congress in which
he asked for a
separate bill for
private school
loans.
----------
----------
March 6, 1981
Second press
conference.
�WEEK EIGHT
Reagan
Mar. 13, 1961
Offered ten-year
plan to raise
living standards
in Latin America.
March 10, 1981
Began two-day
visit with Prime
Minister Pierre
Trudeau in ottawa.
Mar. 14, 1961 He
asked Congress for
the $500 million
authorized in 1960
for the InterAmerican fund for
Social Progress.
March 15, 1981
Sent his FY 1982
budget revisions
to Congress.
March 15, 1981
Visited New York
City and reversed
federal freeze on
funding for
Brooklyn Army
Terminal and Elgin
Theater.
March 16, 1981
Met with
Congresswomen.
�WEEK NINE
Reagan
Mar. 22, 1961
Sent special
message to
Congress in which
he urged formation
of single foreign
aid agency.
March 17, 1981
Refuted CBO report
that
Administration
underestimated
budget deficit by
$20-$25 billion.
Mar. 23, 1961
Stated u.s.
position on Laos.
March 17, 1981
Met for second
time with
Congressional
leaders at u.s.
Capitol.
March 17, 1981
Met with Argentine
President-elect
Roberto Viola.
March 18, 1981
Gallup Poll showed
Reagan's
disapproval at
least 15 points
higher than any of
his four immediate
predecessors.
�'WEEK TEN
Reagan
May 7, 1933
Promised
"partnership" of
government and
industry.
May 12, 1933
Passed Federal
Emergency Relief
Act.
Mar. 24 and
Mar. 28, 1961
Sent special
budget revision
messages to
Congress.
Mar. 26,
Met with
Minister
of Great
1961
Prime
MacMillan
Britain.
Mar. 27, 1961
Discussed the
Laotian situation
with Foreign
Minister Gromyko.
Mar. 30, 1961
Appointed Vice
President Johnson
as chairman of the
National Advisory
Council for Peace
Corps.
March 24, 1981
Secretary of State
Haig expressed
"lack of
enthusiasm" to
House subcommittee
reports.
March 25, 1981
Reaffirmed Haig's
role as chief
foreign policy
advisor.
March 26, 1981
Created Council on
Integrity and
Efficiency.
March 30, 1981
Assassination
attempt on Reagan.
�WEEK ELEVEN
Reagan
May 13, 1933
Passed
Agricultural
Adjustment Act.
Apr. 3, 1961
23rd Amendment to
Constitution
ratified.
May 18, 1933
Passed Tennessee
Valley Authority
Act.
Apr. 4-8, 1961
Pres. Kennedy
conferred with
Prime Minister
MacMillan.
March 31, 1981
While filling in
for Reagan, Bush
met with Dutch
Premier (WH) •
April 2, 1981
Reagan's poll
numbers jumped 11
points following
assassination
attempt.
April 2, 1981 Vice
President Bush met
with members of
House Ways and
Means and Budget
Committees and 40
labor leaders.
April 2, 1981
Senate approved a
~36 billion budget
reconciliation.
April 3, 1981
Sent Soviet
President Brezhnev
strongly worded
message about
situation in
Poland.
April 3, 1981
Chinese Vice
Premier Deng
Xiaoping invited
Reagan to China.
April 6, 1981
Administration
proposed easing or
eliminating 34
automobile air
quality and safety
regulations.
�WEEK TWELVE
Reagan
May 27, 1933
Federal Securities
Act.
May 27, 1933
Authorized postal
savings system to
purchase $100
million worth of
government bonds.
Apr. 4-8, 1961
Pres. Kennedy
conferred with
Prime Minister
MacMillan.
Apr. 11-12, 1961
Pres. Kennedy
conferred with
Chancellor
Adenauer of West
Germany.
Apr. 12, 1961
Congratulated
U.S.S.R. on first
manned flight in
extra-terrestrial
space.
April 7, 1981
House Budget
Committee rejected
President's
budget-cutting
plan and
substitutes its
own.
April 11, 1981
Reagan released
from hospital -returned to WH.
April 13, 1981
Ruled out
compromise on his
economic passage.
�Apr. 17-20, 1961
Bay of Pigs
fiasco.
April 15, 1981
Granted full
pardons to two exFBI officials
convicted of
illegal break-ins.
April 20, 1981
Commerce
Department
reported economy
grew at 6.5
percent real
annual rate during
first quarter of
1981.
�WEEK FOURTEEN
Reagan
June 5, 1933
Completed Gold
Standard
Abandonment
Apr. 21, 1961
Announced first
project of Peace
corps
Apr. 22, 1961
Appointed Maxwell
D. Taylor to
investigate CIA
role in Cuban
invasion.
April 21, 1981
White House
announced that
Reagan will sell
Saudi Arabia a
multibilliondollar arms
package
April 24, 1981
Lifted Carter's
grain embargo
against Soviet
Union.
April 25, 1981
Senator Jesse
Helms said that he
had put "holds" on
several State
Department
appointments
April 27, 1981
Warned of trade
sanctions against
Soviet Union if it
invaded Poland.
�WEEK FIFTEEN
Reagan
June 13, 1933
Passed Home Owners
Refinancing Act.
June 16, 1933
Passed National
Industrial
Recovery Act.
June 16, 1933
Passed Banking
Act.
June 16, 1933
Passed Emergency
Railroad
Transportation
Act.
June 16, 1933
Allocated $238
million to the
Navy Department
for construction
of 32 new vessels.
June 16, 1933
First session of
73rd Congress
adjourned.
June 16, 1933
Vetoed (pocket)
amendment to
Federal Farm Loan
Act.
June 16, 1933
Departed on first
vacation.
April 28, 1981
Reagan plugged his
economic program
in an address to a
joint session of
Congress.
April 29, 1981
Philip Habib sent
to Middle East as
official u.s.
envoy to mediate
Syrian-Israeli
dispute over
Syrian surface-toair missiles in
Lebanon.
�WEEK FIFTEEN
JFK
END OF FIRST 100 DAYS
Reagan
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
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Paper
Dublin Core
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Early Achievements [2]
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Reproduction-Reference
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-004-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/7f77d7d568beb8861c4eb381a5a5b461.pdf
22d3bd5be9be18b7676327b75619c65a
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker .by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
1
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
·Lo;
Subseries:
.;,
4273
OAIID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Early Achievements [I]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
- - - ·
- - - -
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - '
�\
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.f'
CLINTON'S FIRST 100 D~
.THOMAS DIBACCO.
i'
T.a':~ Variati011S Of . the
fi$..~ lOO~dav:y·
ards_. tic
~
. a yardstick tbat .joumalists have de-
·
economy was in shambles, .with
·babies t'alliDi like so many ducks .on
a carniV,8.1.·~·1'8111e. -1\a.Will and the Housing Ac~. ·Johnson's
Rogers put.'lt ·.-.FDR's inaugura- Great SOciety program - enuncition: "I .clon't.Jmow wbat.additjcmal ated during the 1964 campaign authority ~t ·:QJ&y ·-ask, .'but . .was .impressive, but .sCarcely. a
·
i
'!
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i
:·
giveittobijn,:evanifit'a-tod,rownall . lOCklay phenomenon af~r his inauthe boy babies." · .
.
. · · ·. · . guration on Jan: 20, 1965. Medicare,
.. .: ;The -pteiident :'In· ·an ';IDlprec· .~ · tbr .:-instance, . wasn't ..p&ssed until
: .ideDted-fidioil, called Congresa.into. · July. · ·
· · ....... · ·
rmectat~on~·; ....pbabet
-~· _lntheolddays,~residents..:....~ .
ligen~es, were ~ted .so. swiftly
for George Washington's adminis- ·
...tbat after :five-score days CongreSs · . tration ~thad to launch the new ·
adjourned lind someone decided to
govermnent under the Constitution
·count .the achievements: '15 mes6wereD't supposed to be activists.
881~ .of .PI;>~ had .~ translated
They ""re supposed -to run a tight
'into.15 plecea.~.legisla~on. .
·
ship, not waste. taxpayers' money
;: ButllOera,inthe~~year&has
and keep the nation unentangled in
necessitated iuch a .~h to .legisla-: foreign affairs. Not until the Protive achiewment.·Tbat's the reason ·gressive reform movement of the
President Harry S.'lhunan on Sept.
early .20th century did presidents
4,' 1945, hoping .to interpret the end
propose ·a legisJative agenda conof World War D as a sign to set Con· . spicuous for· enlargirig the federal
· gresstoquick)yenacta21-pointprogovernment's regulatory and social
gram .later ,dubbed the Fair: Deal, ' welfare arms. But the sentiment ,
· found that he couldn't outdo Roosewaxed and waned until FDR's New
velt. Calling Congress irito special
Deal.
. _
.
&eliSion, tie got only a watered-down
Afterward~ historians used many
employment law by Febi'U8J1' l!J:46.
tests for rating presidents. Historian
Thomas A. Bailey's groundbreaking
and lost OU! ~~pletely f?n ~s h1gh
work "Presidential Greatness"
hopes for c1vil nghts legJ.slation, an
education package, health ~re, and
(1964), focuses on 43 tests for the
pro-labor laws. Even after his stun·
nation's leaders, of which "achieveDing upset victory in 1948, 'Ihlman
ment" is only one. Shunning the
temptation to make presidents
was kept iri check by Southern
Democrats W~f? thwarted r~form
"great" because they maneuvered
save for the nusmg of the minimum.
Congress into passing laws, Mr. Bai·
wage, liberalization o~ displaced
ley could be brutally critical of FDR
persons laws, and a Natlonal Housand quite favorable toward Dwight
D. Eisenhower:
ing Act promoting the. const:uction
of 810,000 public housmg uruts.
"Whatever the necessity, RooseWhen the Korean War broke out
on June 25, 1950, the Fair Deal was · velt encouraged the masses to develop their wishbones more than
put on indefinite hold.
their backbones. At a cost of some
Even a stronged-armed, former
$20
billion and six years of agony, the
congressional leader like Lyndon B.
Johnson couldn't speed up the re- 'Happy B.orrower' did not cure. ~e
form process when he became pres- Depression: He merely admwsident after John F. Kennedy's assas- tered aspirin and sedatives!'
sination Nov. 22, 1963. In his first 100
"If he [Ike] achieVed no sensadays, LBJ got Congress to pass a taxcut bill, but it wasn't until Day 232- tional successes, he made no· cataJuly 12, 1964- that he got the Civil strophic blunders. . . . Historians
Rights Act. Mter a year in office, the will almost certainly never give him
president had also chalked up a War as high a mark as voters did, but
on Poverty law, Urban Mass 1\"ans- perhaps we ought to be grateful that
portation Act, Wilderness Areas Act this untrained soldier and popular
idol turned out to be 8n eminently
respectable and respected presiThomas V. DiBacco is a historian dent, remembered for, his dignity,
at American University.
decency and dedication."
'I
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,
,
_
-
t•.:.;·So·Mr. ClintoD:~ not·~ wortied aboUt.tbe ~of bis Centen~
iU8l·~...~·mr~~•tth9ut achieving
·a FDR-le IeatSiatlve ~But
'
;die ·:42ilcl~t
ought not to
'.:breathe·1DO 1n1Bt.a sigh bf relief, for
the other ·lltiiK1uds of presidential
.Jeaderihip .....:·from appoin~ and
'tadvisers to ethic:iJ, integrity, han·
·.dling of ~crises, such as· the Waco,
·-n,xas, incident, and concern for the
national·in1el'e8t ·...,.., have a· w8Y of
making their imprinfoil a daily basis, with a cumulative total certain to
be scrutinized by 1996..
And no matter how well or poorly
Mr. Clinton thinks he may be faring,
there's the remark of William Shakespeare to contemplate: "Reputation:•
wrote the Bard, "is an idle and most
false impression; oft got without
merit, and lost without d~ei.'Viq!'
'lbokofflce
President
. April 30, 1789
• Revenue Act- July 4, 1789
AUGUST 8 -100TH DAY
• Judiciary Act-Sept 24,1789
Franklin D.
Rooeawtt
March 4, 1933
• Emergency Banking ActMarch9
·
• Economy Act- March 20
• Beer and Wine Revenue ActMarch22
• Emergency Farm Mortgage ActMarch27
• Civilian Conservation- Corps
Reforestation Relief Act- March 31
• Federal Emergency Relief ActMay12
• Agricultural Adjustment Act May 12
.
• Tennessee Valley Authority ActMay 18
· ·
• Federal Securities Act -May 27
• National Employment System Act
-June6
..
.
JUNE 12-100th DAY
• Home Owners Refinancing ActJune13
·
• National Industrial Recovery Act
-June16
.
• Farm Credit Act-June 16
• Glass-Steagall- Bariking Act of
1933-June 16
LEGISI
Dwight Eisenhower Jan
APRIL 30, 1953 -1 OOth OJ
• Submerged Lands Act21.1953
.
• Flammable Fabrics Act30, 1953
• Excess Profits Tax Extensi
July 16, 1953
• Creation of Small Busines:
Administration- July 30, 19:
• Farm Credit Acto~ 19531953
1
• Famine Relief Act~Aug. 7, ·
• Veterans Death Payment ~
Aug. 14, 1953.
Lrnd• 1. Johneon
Nov :
• Tax Cut Law-Feb 26, 1964
APRIL 2 -100th DAY
• Urban Mass Transportation
July9
• Civil Rights Act- July 12,
• Economic Opportunity Act
on Poverty) Aug. 20
• Housing Act- Sept. 2
• Wilderness Areas Act- S•
�Dwight Eisenhower Jan 20, 1953
APRIL 30, 1953 -100th DAY
D.
dt
I
Mai-ch 4, 1933
tncv Banking Act-
ny Act- March 20
1d Wine Revenue Act-
!mcy Farm Mortgage Act'·
1 Conservation-
Corps
1tion Relief Act- March 31
11 Emergency Relief Acttural Adjustment Act...:....
• Submerged Lands Act- May
21.1953
• Flammable Fabrics Act- June
30.1953
• Excess Profits Tax ExtensionJuly 16, 1953
• Creation of Small Business
Administration - July 30, 1953
• Farm Credit Act o11953- Aug. 6,
1953
1
• Famine Relief Act1Aug. 7, 1953 .
• Veterans Death Payment Act Aug. 14, 1953.
1888 Valley Authority Act-
d Securities Act- .May 27
al Employment System Act
-100thDAY
Owners Refinancing Act-
allndustrial Recovery Act
6
:redit Act- Jur)e 16
Steagall- Bariking Act of
une 16
Lyndon B. Johneon Nov 22,1963
• Tax Cut Law-Feb 26, 1964
APRIL 2 -100th DAY
• Urban Mass Transportation Act July9
• Civil Rights Act - July 12, 1964
• Economic Opportunity Act- (War
on Poverty) Aug. 20
• Housing Act- Sept. 2 ·
• Wilderness Areas Act- Sept. 3
Lyndon B. Johnson Jan 20, 1965
• Elementary and Secondary ·
Education Act - April 11
APRIL 30th -100th DAY
• Medicare- July 30
• Voting Rights Act of 1965- Aug.
6
.
. • Department of Housing and Urban
Development Act- Sept. 9
• Amendments to Immigration and
Nationality Act- Oct. 3
• Higher Education Act of 1965 Nov.8
Jimmy carter
Jan 20, 1977
• Emergency Natural Gas Act of
1977-Feb. 2, 1977
• Emergency Unemployment
Compensation Extension Act of 1977
-April12,1977
APRIL 30, 1977 -100th DAY
• Tax Reduction and Simplification
Act of 1977- May 23, 1977
·
• Dept of Energy Organization Act
-Aug. 4, 1977
.
• Cleari Air Act Amendments 01
1977-Aug. 7,1977
• Food and Agriculture Act of 1977,
Sept.·29, 1977
.
• Medicare-Medicaid Anti-Fraud and
Abuse Amendments- Oct. 25, 1977
Ronald Reagan
Jan. 20, 1981 •.
APRIL 30, 1981 -100th DAY
..
·
• Supplemental Appropriations and ;
Rescission Act of 1977 -.June 5,
:
1981
• Economic Recovery Act of 1981
(tax cuts) -Aug. 13, 1981
.,
0 Uniformed Services Pay Act- :
(pay increase) Oct 14, 1981
· ,
• Military Construction Authorization :
Act- (construction at military bases),
-Dec. 23,1981
'
George Bush
Jan. 20, 1989•
• Whistleblower Protection Act of · :
1989- April10, 1989
.
APRIL 30, 1989- 1DOth DAY
,
• Natural Gas Wellhead Decontrol •
Act of 1989 ~ July 26, 1989
0 Financial Institutions Reform,
Recovery and Enforcement Act of
,
1989-Aug. 9, 1989
·
•
• Ethics Reform Act of 1989- Nov. :
30 1989
.
'
• international Narcotics Control Act ;
of 1989- Dec. 13, 1989
•
:
• North American Wetlands
Conservation Act of 1989 - Dec: 13, 1
1989
.
:
• Medicare Catastrophic Coverage !
Repeal Act of 1989 - Dec. 13, 1989 ;
The Waaltlngton Till184
�December 2, 1993
MEMORANDUM TO TilE PRESIDENt'
From:
Gene Sperling
Subject:
11 Signs of Recovery
Below are 11 statistics that Alan Blinder, Eve Ehrlich, Joe Minarik. Sylvia Mathews and myself believe best
express the good news in the economy. WbUe we still must stress that our problems and solutions are long-term
and that people are still hurting, there is no denying that we are now experiencing consistent signs of a finn recovery.
(The unemployment number will be out tomorrow.) Cenainly an area where we need improvement is exports, yet
that reflects both why we are taking the trade steps that we are and the need for strong world economic growth.
1. PERSONAL INCOME IS UP: Today, it was announced that personal income is up 6% up over the
last month; non-farm personal income bas risen 9 months in a row.
2. PRIVATE SECI'OR JOBS IN NINE MONTHS SURPASS THE LAST FOUR YEARS: There bas
been 1.27 mUlion private sector jobs created over the last nine months -- more than 250,000 private sector
jobs than were created during the previous four years.
3. HISTORIC LOW INTEREST RATES:
10 Year Rates: One year ago, 10 year interest rates were at 6.94: today the are over a full point
lower at 5.82.
30 year rates: One year ago, 30 year rates were at 7.57. Today, they are over a full point lower
at 6.28.
Mortgage Rates: Are down a full point from last year to near 7% --a 2S year low.
4-7. LOW INTEREST RATES DUE TO THE SUCCESS OF OUR DEFICIT REDUCTION PLAN
IS SPURRING AN INVESTMENT-RECOVERY:
4. HOUSING: Housing Starts now 13% in the last 3 months. Single famUy starts are at highest
level in over 6 years. Construction spending is up 10% over the previous years spurred by 2S years
low mortgage rates. Existing home sales were at the highest in 14 years.
5. DURABLE GOODS: Durable goods order highest ever and up 9% over year over year.
6. BUSINESS INVESTMENT: Business spending on equipment is up 15% over the last year.
7. AUTO SALES: Auto sales are up 13% in the last 12 months.
8. MANUFACfURING: National Association of Purchasing Management's index in November rose to
SS. 7% a strong sign of expansion in manufacturing.
9. CONSUMER CONFIDENCE IS PICKING UP: The Conference Board's Consmner confidence was
up by a sharp 18% in November.
10. INFLATION IS AT HISTORIC LOWS: Core Inflation for the last 12 months were the lowest in 20
years -- to a time of price controls. Core PPI the last 12 months lowest since starting collecting the data
in 1974.
11. RETAIL SALES: We have had seven straight months of increases in retail sales-- up 6% over the
last year.
�THE 1993 CONGRESSIONAL SESSION :A WRAP-UP
"If we work hard and i£ we work together, if we re-dedicate ourselves to creating
jobs, to rewarding work, to strengthening our families, to reinventing our
government, we can lift our country's fortunes again. Tonight I ask everyone in
this chamber and every American to look simply into your own heart, to spark
your own hopes, to fire your own imagination. There's 80 much good, 80 much
possibility, so much excitement in thia country now that if we act boldly and
honestly as leaders should, our legacy will be one of prosperity and progress.
Thia must be America 'a new direction. Let us summon the courage to seize it.• ••
President Clinton in his Joint Session Address on February 17, 1993.
•
ENDING GRIDLOCK. From day one, President Clinton and V1ee President
Gore have worked with Congress to break the gridlock that paralyzed
Washington, D.C. for years. In one year, they have accomplished many of the
President's main priorities:
The Economic Package. Signed into law on Auguilt 10, 1993
National Service. Signed into law on September 21, 1993
Family and Medical Leave Act. Signed into law on February 6, 1993
NAFTA. Passed both Houses by November 20, 1998
Campaign Finance. Passed both Housea by November 22, 1998
Crime Bill. Passed both Houses by November 19, 1993
The Brady Bill. Passed both Houses by November 22, 1993
Health Care Reform. Introduced on October 22, 1998
•
LEGISLATIVE SUCCESS: Even before the tough vote on the NAFTA, studiea
showed that the president had a remarkable legislative record. Conpoesslonal
Quarterly found that legislation on which the president took a stand paaaecl
88.6 percent of the time, the highest first-year success rate since Eia8nhower in
1953. A Fordham University study found that the president won tough votes at
a higher rate: 91.3 percent of the tough votes in the House and 92.6 percent in
the Senate, better than the record of President Johnson in 1965.
•
BI-PARTISANSHIP, NO VETOES, MORE DEBATE, OPEN LINES OF
COMMUNICATION. Republicana have delivered crucial auppozt for National
Service, the NAFTA, the Family and Medical Leave Act and flood relief. For
oDly the second time in 60 years, there has been no Presidential veto. Impoztant
legislation that had fallen to President Bush's vetoea ··the Family and Medical
Leave Act, Motor-Voter·· was aiped into law. Congreaa has spent 40 percent
more time •• 1,920 houra - couideringlegialation thaD durin1 Beapn'a &nt
year. In the spirit of open commUDication, the president baa made 15 trips to
Capitol Hill thia year.
�,
November 23, 1993
REBUILDING THE ECONOMY
"OW' nation needs a new direction. Tonight, I present to you a comprehensive
plan to set OW' nation on that new course. I believe we will find our new
direction in the basic old values that brought us here over the last two centuries,
a commitment to opportunity, to individual responsibility, to community, to
work, to family, and to faith. We must now break the habits of both political
parties and say there can be no more something for nothing, and admit, frankly,
that we are all in this together." ··President Clinton in his Joint Session
Address on February 17, 1993.
•
HISTORIC DEFICIT REDUCTION. Working with Congresa, we have taken
bold and serious steps to bring down the federal budget deficit. We passed a
budget bill that will reduce the deficit by nearly $500 billion over five years, the
largest deficit cutting plan in history.
•
TARGETED INVESTMENTS. Congresa provided nearly 70 percent of the
President's investment proposals for Fiscal Year 1994, including funding for new
programs such as National Service, Goals 2000, and School to Work. These
included a 66 percent increase for the Ryan White Act; a 12 percent increase for
the Women, Infanta, and Children (WIC) feeding program; a 20 percent incnaae
for Head Start. an 11 percent increase for highways: a 118 percent increase for
dislocated worker assistance; and a 58 percent increase for immunization pants.
•
LARGE SPENDING CUTS AND A SPENDING FREEZE. The deficit
reduction package that Congresa pasaed included $255 billion in spending cuta
and an unprecedented "hard freeze"·· a 12 percent real reduction·· on all
disc:retionary spending. The House alao pasaed the President's additional
spending reduction bill that will cut $37 billion in spending.
•
HELPING SMALL BUSINESS. The economic package increases by 75 percent
the maximum expensing of investment and provides a new targeted capital gains
cut for long-term investments in small businesaes •• tax incentives that will
create hundreds of thousands of jobs in the next five years.
•
EXPANDING MARKETS FOR US EXPORTS. The President has worked
with Conpresa to expand markets for US exports, exports that support high·
paying American jobs. The President has worked with Congres8 to relu uport
controls on $37 billion worth of American goods.
•
MORE JOBS. Job creation is up in the first year of the administration •• more
than 1.2 miJJjou new private sector joba, 200,000 more than were created during
the entire four years of the Bush aclmiDistration.
•
LOWER INTEREST RATES~ American consumers an benefitting from
historically low interest and mortgage rates that make buying a home easier and
easing the burden on those who already pay their mortgagee.
.
•
UNEMPLOYMENT DROPPING. Unemployment baa dropped to just 6.8
percent in October, down from an average 7.4 percent last year.
�November 23, 1993
SAFE STREETS
"I ask you to help to protect our families against the violent crime which
terrorizes our people and which tears our communities apart. We must pass a
tough crime bill. ... I support ... an initiative to put 100,000 more police officers
on the street •• to provide boot camps for first-time non-violent offenders, for
more space for the hardened criminals in jail and I support an initiative to do
what we can to keep guns out of the hands of criminals. I will make you this
bargain. U you'll paaa the Brady Bill, I'll sure sign it." •• President Clinton in hie
Joint Session Address on February 17, 1993.
•
THE BRADY BILL. The President is ready to sign the Brady Bill, which will
make it more difficult for criminals to purchase handguDS.
•
100,000 NEW POLICE OFFICERS. The President will sign Concreaa' tough,
new crime bill that will help put 100,000 police officer& on the street and give
local and state officials the tools they need to atop crime.
•
MORE PRISONS. The crime bill will fund the construction of new prisons to
make sure that criminals stay behind bars.
•
SAFE SCHOOLS. The President proposed and the Senate pasaecl atronc new
measures as part of the crime bill to make our nation's achoola safer.
HELPING FAMILIES
•
FAMILY AND MEDICAL LEAVE. The President signed the Family and
Medical Leave Act. That law gives American workers job security by providinc
them with up to 13 weeks per yeu of unpaid leave lor child-bhth, adoption, a
personal illneaa or an illneaa iD the family. Thanks to Congreaa and the
President, Americana no loncer have to face the diflicult choice between carinc
for 'their fami1iea or keepinc their jobs.
•
MAKING STVDENT LOANS MORE AFFORDABLE. Congreaa paaaed and·
the President sicned the Student Loan Reform Act, which will make collep more
affordable, lower interest ratea and save taxpayer money throuch direct federal
lendinc.
·
•
NATIONAL SERVICE. Congreaa paaaed and the President sicned a National
Service Act that will enable over 100,000 younc Americana to serve their
commUDities and to eam credit toward higher education.
•
TAX CUTS FOR WORKING FAMILIES WITH INCOMES BELOW 127,000.
The tu plan Congreaa passed was fair. It asked wealthy Americana to pay their
fair share, while pYiDJ more than 20 mi1Uon American famjUea a tu cut
through the Eamecl Income Tu C:redit (EITC.)
�November 23, 1993
REFORMING GOVERNMENT
"I think it is clear to every American including every member of Congress of
both parties that the confidence of the people who pay our bills and our
institutions in Washington is not high. We must restore it. We must begin
again to make government work for ordinary taxpayers, not simply for organized
interest groups ... I believe lobby reform and campaign finance reform are a sure
path to increased popularity for Republicans and Democrats alike because it says
to the voters back home, 'This is your House, this is your Senate. We're your
hired hands and every penny we draw is your money."'·· President Clinton in
his Joint Seaaion Addreaa on February 17, 1993.
•
REINVENTING GOVERNMENT. The President and Vice President Gore have
launched a major effort to reinvent government. The National Performance
Review report was released on September 7, 1993, containing over 1200
recommendations to make government work better and coat leas. These
initiatives will trim the government's payroll by 250,000 jobs and atreamUne
government operations. NPR will cut red tape, abandon the obsolete, eliminate
duplications and end special privileges. The administration baa introduced more
than 40 of NPR'a major propoaala: eliminating special interests like the wool and
mohair subsidies; moving forward on procurement reform; mavins from a paper·
baaed system to an automated-electronic one. The Bouse incorporated some of
those recommendations in a reaciaaion bill the President ia ready to sign.
•
MOTOR VOTER. The President signed the National Voter Registration Act,
which will make it easier for millions of Americana to register to vote.
•
CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM. Both houaea have passed a campaign
finance reform bill that will reduce the influence of PACe and level the playing
field between challensera and incumbents. The President will sip the toughest
campaign finance reform bill Congress can paaa.
•
LOBBYING REFORM. AJJ part of the President's budget package, Congreaa
eHminated the tu deduction for lobbying expenaea.
DEMOCRATIC INTERNATIONALISM
•
FREE TRADE. Congreaa and the President have worked together to break
down trade barriers and to paaa the NAFTA. an historic agreement that will
create joba and markets for Americana and protect the environment on both
aides of the border. The President looks forward to continued cooperation from
Congreaa as he completes the GATT negotiations in Geneva and the initiatives
he began in at the G-7 summit in Tokyo and the APEC conference in Seattle.
•
AID TO DEMOCRATIC STATES. Congreaa has supported the President's
package of $2.5 billion in Ruaaian aid to bolster democn.cy in the former
Communist state and to lend stability to the new Rnaaien free market economy.
•
MIDEAST PEACE. The President appreciates the support Congreaa bu liven
him as he broken an agreement that will bring lasting peace to the Mideast.
�'
November 23, 1993
COMPREHENSIVE HEALTH CARE REFORM
"I believe if there is any chance that Republicans and Democrats who disagree on
taxes and spending ... could agree on one thing, surely we can all look at these
numbers and go home and tell our people the truth. We cannot continue these
spending patterns in public or private dollars for health care for lesa and lesa
and less every year. We can do better." ··President Clinton in his Joint Sesaion
Addresa on February 17, 1993.
•
HEALTH CARE SECURITY. The President is committed to passing
comprehensive health care legislation in the 103rd Congresa. For more than 60
years, Presidents and Congress have worked to enact a national health care
plan. Next year, Congresa and the President will deliver.
•
'
IMPROVING MEDICAL RESEARCH.
Congress passed and President Clinton
signed a National Institutes of Health bill that will help keep America at the
forefrOnt of biomedical research in key areas like cancer, heart diseases, women's
health, AIDS, and fetal tisaue transplantation.
PROTEcnNGTBEEMnRONMENT
"Backed by an effective national defeDSe and a stronger economy, our nation will
be prepared to lead a world challenged aa it Ia everywhere by. ethnic conflict, by
the proliferation of weapons of maaa destruction, by the global democratic
revolution, and by challenges to the health of our clobal environment.
"This (economic) plan..• provides the most ambitious environmental clean-up in
partnership with state and local government of 0\11" time to put people to work
and to preserve the environment for our future. • •• President Clinton in hia
Joint Session Address on February 17, 1993.
•
EPA CABINET STATUS. The President is poisecl to sip into law legialation
that would elevate the Environmental Protection Agency to Cabinet status. This
law will strengthen the acency's effectiveness and enhance ita ability to execute
national ancl international environmental policy.
•
FOREST PLAN. After a break-throuch Forest Conference in POrtland, Orecon
with groups on both sides of the issue, the Preaiclent announced a Forest Plan,
endinc contradictory policies from feudinc acenciea concerninclegia1ation
banninc the export of unprocesaed timber. ·
�'
November 23, 1993
SWIFT REACTION TO EMERGENCIES
The President and Congress have moved swiftly this year to address emergencies that
affected the lives of millions of Americans.
HELPING THE UNEMPLOYED. Last March, Congress approved and the
President signed extended unemployment benefits for up to 26 weeks for victims
of the recession. Quick action on the unemployment benefits bill kept 250,000 to
300,000 unemployed Americans from falling through the safety net each week.
•
NATURAL DISASTERS. Congress and the President moved quickly to provide
$6.3 billion in emergency assistance to victims of the tlooding in the Midwest and
$207 million to people affected by hurricanes. The President and Congress also
moved quickly to put federal resources in the hands of those fighting the fires in
southern California.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
November 23, 1993
For Immediate Release
PRESIDENT NAMES C.F.O. AND INSPECTOR GENERAL
AT DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
The President announced today that he has nominated Richard F.
Keevey to be the Chief Financial Officer of the Department of Defense and
Stephen M. Ryan to be the Department's Inspector General.
"We must ensure that our nation's defense dollars are spent frugally,
and that the vast operations of the Pentagon are managed in the most
efficient manner possible," said the President. "Under Secretary Aspin's
leadership, great strides have been taken towards eliminating waste and
fraud, and ensuring the most cost-effective procurement and management
processes possible. With a seasoned manager like Richard Keevey and an
experienced investigator like Stephen Ryan on board, those efforts will
progress even further."
Richard Keevey has spent the last four years as the state of New
Jersey's Director of Management and Budget, responsible for the planning,
preparation, justification, and control of the state's $19 billion annual
budget. He was appointed to that position after more than twenty years'
service in the state's Office of Management and Budget, Department of the
Treasury, and Office of Community Mfairs. Among the other positions that
he has held have been Deputy Budget Director, Deputy Comptroller, and
Supervisor of the Bureau of the Budget. In addition, Keevey has taught
courses in financial management at Rider College and Rutgers University,
and is active in a wide range of community activities. An Army veteran, he
holds a bachelor's degree from LaSalle College, and master's from the
Wharton School of Finance at the University of Pennsylvania. Keevey, 51,
lives in Cinnaminson, NJ with his wife and three children.
Stephen M. Ryan, an attorney with thirteen years of experience in the
judicial, legislative and executive branches of government, is a partner in
the Washington law firm of Brand & Lowell, where he heads the
government contracts practice. Before joining the f1rm in 1990, he spent
three years as general counsel to the Senate Committee on Governmental
Affairs. From 1984-87, he was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in Washington,
D.C., from 1984-86, he was deputy counsel to the President's Commission on
Organized Crime. He had previously been an associate in a large
Washington law f1rm, and a clerk to U.S. District Judge Robert A. Grant of
the Northern District of Indiana. Ryan holds a B.S. from Cornell University
and a J.D. from Notre Dame Law School. He is married, has three sons,
and is 37 years old.
# # #
�THE REUTER TRANSCRIPT REPORT
CBS ''FACE THE NATION''
WITH HOST: BOB SCHIEFFER
INTERVIEW WITH:
RICHARD REEVES, AUTHOR
DAVID MARANISS, AUTHOR
GARRY WILLS, AUTHOR
DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN, AUTHOR
SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1993
MR. SCHIEFFER: Today on ''Face the Nation,'' it's
been a year now since the Democrats captured the White
House. It's been a bruising time for the Clintons. They
won some big ones, and they lost some.
So what is the read on the Clinton White House one
year after tbe election? And what is the state of the
American presidency and the American electorate on this
Thanksgiving weekend of 1993?
How does President Clinton's first year compare with
those of his predecessors? What are the lessons to be
drawn as we compare this presidency with those that came
before?
Questions we'll ask four noted observers of the
presidency -- Doris Kearns Goodwin, author of books on LBJ
and the Kennedys, now working on a book about the
Roosevelts; Garry Wills, whose last book on Lincoln won
the Pulitzer prize; David Maraniss, who won the Pulitzer
for his ''Washington Post'' series on Bill Clinton's
campaign and who's now writing a biography of the
president; and Richard Reeves, author of the widely
acclaimed new book on John Kennedy.
ANNOUNCER: ''Face the Nation,'' with Chief
Washington Correspondent Bob Schieffer.
And now, from CBS News in Washington, Bob Schieffer.
MR. SCHIEFFER: And welcome again to the broadcast
a special broadcast this morning. The subject: The
American presidency.
Joining us here in the studio, Garry Wills, Doris
Kearns Goodwin, and David Maraniss, and in the CBC studios
in Montreal, Richard Reeves.
Ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much.
�It seems to me that trying to make a report card or
give a president a grade at this stage of the presidency
is kind of a
worthless exercise, but it does seem to me there are some
interesting things to talk about as we go back and compare
how this president is doing to what other presidents were
doing at this point in their presidency and just sort of
try to take stock of the American presidency, the modern
American presidency.
I want to start off the discussion by reading you
something that Bill Clinton said the other day in an
interview in the ''Rolling Stone'' magazine. It seems a
good place to start our discussion this morning.
Here's what Mr. Clinton said. He said, ''It is easy
to be president when the economy is rocking along, when
everybody thinks tomorrow is going to be better than
today, when they think America's a coherent society.''
Then he says, ''But what you've got today is a middle
class full of frustration, fear, and anxiety and a society
coming apart in a world that is more uncertain.''
This almost sounds in some ways like the famous
malaise speech that President Carter made deep in his
presidency -- I should add, of course, he never used the
word ''malaise''; that was picked up by others-- but it
sounds very much that way.
Let me start with you, Richard Reeves, up in
Montreal. Do you think that's a correct read? Has this
president got it right? Does he find a different America
than President Kennedy found when he came to office in
1960?
MR. REEVES: Well, I think the Americas when they
came to office were quite similar but that Clinton, in
talking that way, is going about it in exactly the wrong
way at the moment.
When John Kennedy came to office, Americans were down
on themselves. The economy had grown only one percent a
year in the second Eisenhower term. The Soviets had put up
Sputnik, which scared the heck out of us. They had shot
down our U2 spy plane and killed a summit. Then Kennedy
came on and talked about getting the country moving again,
and the country was ready to hear that.
Now, admittedly, he had it somewhat easier in some
ways than Clinton did, or at least when I last talked to
President Clinton a couple of weeks ago, the president was
talking about envying the fact that Kennedy had an
adversary. And having an adversary, the Soviet Union and
communism, did create a consensus in the country so that
�Kennedy was able to mobilize the country, inspired it. He
didn't tell them as much of what was wrong as he often
said what could be done about what was wrong.
And he was able to build a government which was
essentially bipartisan. The secretary of Defense,
secretary of Treasury, the head of the CIA, his national
security adviser -- down the line, these were prominent
Republicans, and America was ready to get moving, I think,
at that time, and Kennedy understood that and he rode it
for a while.
MR. SCHIEFFER: I guess one of the things you're
saying is that sometimes when you have a common enemy, it
is easier to build a consensus behind a program or some
project.
I'll tell you one of the things that I was struck by
in your book, Richard, one of the parallels is the
disorder. We hear so much these days about the disorder
and disorganization in the Clinton White House, but yet,
as you tell it in your book, it was chaos from day one in
President Kennedy's presidency. There seemed to be no
structure to deal with anything, and there was a lot of
flailing about going on.
MR. REEVES: Well, I think there's a great similarity
in the two men. These are men who rose to the top through
their charm, and I think they both believe that one on
one, they will always prevail. If they can get you alone,
they can talk you into anything, and people like that tend
to distrust organization. Where an Eisenhower or a Reagan
wanted to be on top of a pyramid or an organization chart,
a Kennedy or a Clinton wants to be at the center, not at
the top, so that they see the presidency as a wheel with
themselves at the center and they want to deal with people
one on one, and a certain bent toward chaos is a way of
controlling people. No one is ever quite sure where they
stand.
So that I think that you've got, in Clinton and
Kennedy, at least, two classic political personalities.
They really are lone rangers by nature who use other
people and don't want the other people too well organized
to know what's going on so that -MR. SCHIEFFER: Well, let's ask David Maraniss, who
covered Bill Clinton during the campaign and has watched
him closely over the past few years. Somebody -- I think
it was Stephen Hess, said the other day it's kind of a
mountain goat presidency, that he sort of leaps from one
mountain crisis to another and nobody -- people are always
worried about whether he's going to miss the next time
out. (Laughter)
�In Lyndon Johnson's first Congress, 89 important
bills got through. You had Medicare, you had aid to
education, you had voting rights, you had civil rights.
There's no comparison between that outpouring of
legislation, and I think the real difference is that what
Johnson was able to do in that short period before he got
lost in Vietnam, what Roosevelt was able to do, was to
move the country.
I mean, what we haven't seen yet with President
Clinton -- he's gotten victories in Washington. That's not
the same as making the country feel that they've got a
whole momentum going and that they're moving somewhere
together. I don't think we have that collective sense of
movement, and that's why I don't think it even begins to
compare to poor old LBJ.
MR. SCHIEFFER: Well, what was LBJ's secret? We
always look back on him as being the master of being able
to move the Congress, especially, to his will. Of course,
he failed in the end on Vietnam, but what was his secret?
MS. GOODWIN: He woke up every morning thinking about
the congressmen, went to bed every night dreaming about
the congressmen. He would wake up in the morning and start
calling congressmen. If the congressman wasn't there, he'd
speak to the wife. ''Tell your husband to vote for me.''
If the wife's not there, he'd get the daughter on the
phone-- ''Tell your father to vote for me.''
And then he had these huge charts on his wall all day
long. He knew where every bill was, in what subcommittee,
in what committee, which congressman was in charge of it,
who he needed to call up during the day, and then he'd go
to bed at night and get reports on what the -- reports of
-- his people told him about how the congressmen were
responding. He was called the great wampum man. He would
give them anything they wanted. He had a warehouse in
Texas where each time they came they'd get a gift.
(Laughter)
And you could choose from the bottom floor only at
the beginning, and you got to the top shelf after you'd
been there 20 times. (Laughter)
So he said, you deal with Congress incestuously
(sic), consistently, always. He just never let them go.
MR. SCHIEFFER: All right. That seems a good place to
take a little break. When we come back, we'll talk about
the new role of the
first lady, we'll talk about the changing role of the
�press -- if, indeed, it has changed -- in a minute when we
come back.
(Announcements.)
MR. SCHIEFFER: So we're back talking about the
Clinton presidency one year after the election, the state
of the American presidency, the state of the American
electorate.
David, let me ask you, Doris is talking about LBJ and
how he worked with the Congress. How does that compare
with the way Bill Clinton has gone about it?
MR. MARANISS: Well, people tend to compare Clinton
with Kennedy, but I think in some ways he's more
comparable to Johnson. Clinton always likes to talk about
how he learned from Johnson that, if you look in someone's
eyes and can't tell whether they're for you or against
you, you have no business being politics, and that's
really the way Clinton works, sort of the radar of the
eyes.
And in the legislature of Arkansas, he did a lot of
Johnsonian things. The biggest vote he ever won there on
education reform he got by one vote by pulling out a woman
legislator into the hallway and virtually tearing up and
telling her that she had to think of her grandchildren to
cast this vote. And she said, ''Well, if I vote for this,
I'll lose.'' And he said, ''Well, no, you won't.'' And she
vote for it and she lost. (Laughter)
MR. SCHIEFFER: All right. Let's talk about the new
role of the first lady, or if there is a new role, because
certainly this is a first lady unlike any that we have
seen before. How does all of this strike you, Garry? Is
this a role that has changed now forever?
MR. WILLS: Well, of course, because the position of
women has changed. Now we have a women's movement that has
-- it's the major social change of our time, which as
brought women into corporations, law, the courts, the
academies, everywhere, in vast numbers. And so the
ceremonial role of a woman that existed before will not
exist in the future, and even the Republican candidates
running this last time had lawyer wives and professional
wives. It's very hard now to find young politicians who
don't have, so that, when somebody like Hillary Rodham
Clinton goes into the White House, she's much more like
Louis Howe (sp).
She's a presidential adviser. She's a person who's a
friend or a relative -- Milton Eisenhower, say, with
Dwight Eisenhower -- who's a respected adviser who happens
�to be related to the president, and he takes the advice or
he doesn't. It's not because of any official role. In
fact, the whole idea of a first lady -- it's a nonconstitutional title -- is kind of silly and ceremonial.
If and when-- I shouldn't say ''if,'' but ''when'' --a
woman is elected president, we're not going to call the
spouse the ''first gentleman.'' (Laughter) That's absurd.
MR. SCHIEFFER:
title?
So what do you do, just drop the
MR. WILLS: Well, call her the president's wife. You
called Milton Eisenhower the president's brother. You
called Louis Howe the president's friend. In fact, the
last time I saw Ms. Clinton, she said, ''I'm Hillary
Clinton, PW --president's wife.'' (Laughter)
MS. GOODWIN: No, I agree with you in what I know
you've said, which is that Hillary resembles Louie Howe or
Harry Hopkins more than perhaps Eleanor Roosevelt, because
I think the real difference, even though I think Eleanor
Roosevelt was perhaps the most powerful first lady until
Hillary, Eleanor was an outsider always. From the time she
was a little child, she stood outside the parlor where her
mother -- beautiful mother -- stood inside with two little
handsome children on her lap, and Eleanor never felt she
belonged in that little family setting. And, as a result,
she became a voice for the outside people -- migrant
workers, labor, people who didn't have a voice in
government. Hillary's the ultimate insider. She's right in
the middle of all the policy settings.
But the interesting thing is that I think in
Eleanor's case, even though she was so powerful, when Bess
Truman came in after her, she panicked at the thought of
having to have a press conference like Eleanor had, and
she said, ''Do I really have to do this? I don't want to
talk to the press. I don't know anything about public
affairs.'' You didn't have a requirement for first ladies
to be important in those days. They could sink back into
the ceremonial role. Now it's going to be much tougher,
because the expectations are that she's going to do
something, and I don't know that that's fair, either. She
didn't ask for this. Suppose someone comes along and wants
to bring up a bunch of kids.
MR. SCHIEFFER: Well, let's ask Richard Reeves about
this, because, you know, when the president was elected
and you saw this first lady beginning to take an active
role, you began to hear people say, ''We didn't elect
her.'' But they said kind of the same thing about Bobby
Kennedy, didn't they? And I suppose that in retrospect,
she may have been more qualified for the role she has
taken, because she is truly an expert on health care, than
�perhaps Bobby Kennedy was as attorney general. Would that
be right, Richard?
MR. REEVES: Well, I think the Robert Kennedy
comparison is the one I relate to, too. The president
needs a confidante, he needs someone who has the same
agenda as he does, and I would disagree with Doris. I get
the impression Hillary Clinton asked for this. She didn't
get this by accident.
MS. GOODWIN: Well, not her. I'm talking about some
other women in the future. Oh, no. (Laughter)
MR. REEVES: Yeah, the -- but I think we are -Americans now marry by ambition. President Clinton, then
Bill Clinton at Yale,
married the smartest woman he could find, and I think he
did that for a good reason.
I think also that, taking off on what Dave said, it's
clear that Clinton has a better picture of the presidency
right now than he did earlier, although I agree with the
whining in the ''Rolling Stone'' interview. John Kennedy
would have said the same things, but he would have said
them in private, and he would have yelled them on a
telephone over to somebody to get them changed. He would
not whine, as it were, in public.
But Clinton now-- everybody says, ''Isn't this
terrible? The president is giving away all these things
and all this money.'' Well, the president's a politician,
and that's the way presidents prevail, so that he's
looking West now. He seems to have found a voice on things
like crime and on jobs, and it may be that at the end of
this first year that the Clinton presidency may be getting
ready to take off. The man certainly seems a lot more
comfortable with himself and with the job right now, and
any president in the first year has to learn the job
first.
Johnson had a great advantage in the sense that the
things that he signed on to -- Medicare, et cetera -- were
already in the pipeline from the Kennedy presidency and
the world wanted to do something, even the Congress, to
honor Kennedy, but it may be that Clinton is getting close
to that takeoff point. I hope.
MR. SCHIEFFER: David, what about these two power
centers that we now have in this White House, because that
is what's different. This is not Nancy Reagan working
behind the scenes to make sure that her husband doesn't
get slighted. I always thought that Nancy Reagan was the
ultimate show business wife. She stood back-to-back with
the president so she could watch the back while he was
�watching the front. (Laughter.) This was not what --this
is not the role that Hillary Clinton is playing. There are
definitely two separate power centers in this White House,
I think.
MR. MARANISS: Well, they're a team, but Richard said
that Clinton married Hillary for a reason. She married him
for a reason, too. I mean, I think they truly love each
other, but Hillary also, when she was working for the
Watergate inquiry staff, told her office mate that her
boyfriend was going to be president someday, and that was
20 years ago.
MS. GOODWIN:
Wow.
MR. SCHIEFFER:
MR. REEVES:
That's how smart she was. (Laughter)
MR. SCHIEFFER:
MR. REEVES:
Let's talk a little bit --
Let's talk --
She was that smart.
MR. SCHIEFFER: -- a little bit about the press. John
Kennedy got a great press. Everybody agrees with that.
There were things overlooked there that we look back on it
today and wonder how did that come about.
One of the things that struck me as I read you book,
Richard, is that what we didn't understand and what the
press didn't pick up on is that this man was seriously ill
most of his presidency, most of the time that we didn't
see him on camera he seemed to have been on crutches. He
was heavily sedated. He had to take all kinds of drugs to
just stay alive. Would that happen again today, do you
think?
MR. REEVES: Well, the last person that
question was President Clinton, who was just
Kennedy was able to hide his health problems
that among the things he was taking were not
corticosteroids to stay alive with Addison's
also was regularly using amphetamines.
asked me that
stunned that
and the fact
only
disease, but
Clearly that's not going to happen again, but one of
the reasons it's not going to happen again is that the
toughest scrutiny is during the campaign, not when a man
is president. Kennedy was a rich boy. They have long
driveways. They can get away with quite a lot without the
press sitting on their stoop the way they can with a Gary
Hart.
But Kennedy's health problems, in fact, had been
written about in technical journals, because he was the
�first Addisonian to survive traumatic surgery, so that all
that was available for the press then, but the press
didn't do things like that in those days. And the most
remarkable thing about Kennedy and the press was that
after the total disaster of the Bay of Pigs, when he got
on television and said that ''Victory has a thousand
fathers, defeat is an orphan -- I am responsible for
this,'' the next thing he said was, ''It's not in the
national interest to talk about this anymore, and I won't
talk about it,'' and no reporter every asked John Kennedy
a question about the Bay of Pigs.
MR. SCHIEFFER:
Yes.
MR. REEVES: If Bill Clinton has a Bay of Pigs in
Haiti, we will be on him like an avalanche.
MS. GOODWIN:
MR. SCHIEFFER:
You know, and I think
-~
Is that good or bad?
MS. GOODWIN: I think it's both good and bad. I mean,
I think it's good in that we'd be on him if there were a
Bay of Pigs analog today, but look at Roosevelt, for
example. Here was a man who was paralyzed essentially,
couldn't walk without the aid of crutches, could hardly
walk with crutches, couldn't even get out of his bed in
the morning without his valet helping him to the bathroom.
Yet, the press made a deal with themselves and with him
that they would never take a picture of him on his
crutches, never show him being carried from a car to his
wheelchair, so the country didn't know they had a helpless
cripple as a president. Were we better off? Probably we
were. Probably at that time, we needed the strength in the
White House to give us the confidence to get out of the
paralysis we were in with the Depression.
Today they find great pleasure in -- what's his name?
George? Ford -- President Ford floating down the stairs on
the airplane when he fell, suddenly that -- or you get
President Bush throwing up in
Japan. I mean, there's something wrong today. We don't let
mystery and distance remain in our leaders, and I think
the leaders contribute to it. I think, when President
Clinton went on and talked about his past in such great
detail, we lost a little distance from him that day. It
was like he was on Oprah Winfrey, and I think we've got to
be careful of that. The press is partly at fault, but our
leaders are at fault, too.
MR. SCHIEFFER:
Garry.
MR. WILLS: It's very hard, though, to say how you're
going to preserve that mystery. You know, the press is
�very intrusive and omnipresent and resented for that, but
when you look at the influence of the press on the civil
rights movement, on Vietnam, on current crises, the nation
is aware of things that it was never aware of. It didn't
want to face up to racism in the south, but it saw those
dogs on television and it changed history. It didn't want
to face up to Vietnam, but it saw atrocities over there.
So it seems to me that we really now have the most
informed, most highly developed electoral information that
we've ever had in our history, far greater than at any
other time. And there are disadvantages to that, but as a
whole, it's a very good change, and we were lucky that
something didn't go wrong with FOR and his health.
MR. SCHIEFFER: All right. We have to leave it there.
We'll all gather again on the Fourth of July and get part
two of this report.
Thanks to all of you.
END
~~-
-------------------
~-
--------------
----------
�TALKING POINTS ON WNG RANGE DIRECTION OF THE ADMINISTRATION
New economic vision.
America has moved out from under the dark shadows of a laissez-faire era and a donothing Presidency to a new Administration that sees tackling our economic challenges
as priority number one. The President's address to Congress (like the economic
conference in Little Rock during the transition) was a historic occasion. It showed how
the nation is willing to look very closely at the challenges of investment and training and
growth in new ways. Most now agree that our challenges are so great that government
cannot sit idly by. New coalitions are being formed. Consider the Chamber of
Commerce, which has come under attack from reactionaries who want conservatives to
oppose anything the President proposes.
New ethic of "Do more with less."
Along with growth incentives, the administration has won the largest deficit reduction
effort in history -- amounting to roughly $500 billion. The ironic thing is that for twelve
years, the GOP has tagged Democrats as the tax-and-spenders, but it took a Democratic
President to begin to reverse the deficit legacy of Ronald Reagan and George Bush.
Clinton has raised a sense of hope -· and people's expectations from government.
People expect more out of this administration than they did from Bush's and Reagan's,
when people were so beaten down with cynicism that they hardly blinked when new
scandals were announced. A new mood of hope and optimism brings forth new scrutiny,
where even the press holds you to a higher standard than your predecessors. From new
ethics rules to administrative cuts, to the performance review being overseen by VP
Gore, the President is tightening government's belt and bringing discipline to its
operations from top to bottom.
Health care is the next great challenge.
We expect the plan to be released in May. The nation realizes the system is broken; it
requires bold surgery. Freeing people from the fear of losing their coverage and
maintaining their choice of doctors will be our greatest aims.
An amazing amount of activity in the opening months.
The historically quick passage of the budget resolution (at this point in their terms, no
recent President had passed a program through Congress) shows how successful the
President can be when he stays disciplined and focused on economic concerns. The
family and medical leave act has been passed and signed, unemployment insurance
extended, sweeping policies outlined for long range defense conversion and technological
advances. No Presidency since LBJ or FDR matches this pace. There are some side
effects, however, that may be blessings in disguise: By taking such dramatic action so
quickly, this presidency has shaped public opinion (both pro and con) quicker than its
predecessors. Also, by focusing like a laser beam on the economy, some interest groups
have been disappointed that their agenda has not come before all others. This may
foreshadow long term success. Our first aim is to ftx the economy, and none of the great
Presidencies in American history were able to please everyone at the same moment.
�E X E C U T I V E
0 F F I C E
0 F
T H E
P R E S I D E
05-Apr-1993 01:02pm
TO:
Carter Wilkie
FROM:
Nestor M. Davidson
Office of Legislative Affairs
SUBJECT:
Memo for
u.
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Carter Wilkie
FROM:
Nestor Davidson
RE:
BC and Congress and the First 100 Days
DATE:
In past media attention to the President's success on
Capitol Hill during the First 100 Days, you listed three basic
categories that have formed the basis of judgement, "Direction,
scope and pace of legislation/Source and strength of
opposition/Personal reviews from members".
I would also consider looking into the following issues:
- Ability, compared to predecessors (Bush, I believe, was
perceived to have started with good potential, but rapidly
succumbed to bitter partisanship over issues like the Tower
confirmation, etc.).
- Unity within party (e.g. all the recent attention to Sen.
Shelby).
-Outlook for secondary agenda (other legislation, etc.).
- Knowledge/grasp of Hill parochialism (Reagan, for example, was
praised for attending prayer breakfasts).
- The President and Congressional electoral prospects for the
next cycle.
- Confirmation hearings, problems and successes.
Obviously, the resolution of the current filibuster will
likely play prominently in all coverage of the First 100, as it
is the first contentious challenge the President has faced on the
Hill.
There will likely be a great deal of comparison to Carter's
relations on the Hill, which were generally viewed as dismal. In
the April 16th New York Times, for example, Steven Weisman
�evaluated Reagan by saying, "And, perhaps by luck, [Reagan] has
managed to avoid the serious blunders of many predecessors.
Before the end of their first 100 days, after all, John F.
Kennedy had the Bay of Pigs and Jimmy Carter had already
alienated his congressional allies ••. ".
Carter -- where do you want to go from this?
#####
�THE PACE OF CHANGE: PRESIDENT CLINTON AND THE 103rd CONGRESS
m~Qor
*
Senate passage of the budget resolution marks another
President Clinton.
*
This is the quickest action ever taken on any recent President's economic
package during his first months in office; dates of passage of recent
Presidents' first economic packages:
President Clinton
President Bush
President Reagan
House
3/18/93
5/4/89
5/7/81
Senate
3/25/93
5/4/89
5/12/81
victory for
Conference
j,\ '\rx"
5/18/89
5/21/81
In theory, the budget law requires the concurrent budget resolution to be
completed by April 15. In practice, that has never occurred. If Congress
passes the budget resolution by April 15, it will be the first time ever under
the current budget law. (The Congress has not met the budget resolution
deadline on time in 17 years.)
*
This says a great deal about the President's ability to make his economic
program the top priority in Congress.
*
In just the first two months in office, President Clinton and the 103rd
Congress have moved quickly to improve the livelihood of the American
people: two weeks into President Clinton's term, Americans saw the
Family and Medical Leave Act signed; one month later, unemployment
insurance was extended.
In contrast to the early record of recent administrations: at this point in
their first months in office, President Bush had signed a cut in the salaries
of federal workers, and President Reagan had signed an increase in the
federal debt limit.
*
The change in direction is clear: President Clinton is forging a consensus to
turn government away from trickle down policies toward real deficit
reduction and bold, visionary investments in America's economy.
0
�iii
..
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 18, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR: George Stephanopoulos, Director of Communications
FROM:
SUBJECf:
~
Carter Wilkie, Communications Research
measuring the pace of change
Since passage of the 1974 budget act (in affect from 1976), the earliest passage of the
budget resolution by both houses has come around May 12 or 13. In some years since
1976, passage has not occurred until June, August or even as late as October.
Under President Reagan in 1981, the House passed the budget resolution on May 7, the
Senate passed its budget resolution on May 12, and the joint resolution was passed on
May 14.
As the article I gave you from National Journal reported, Congress eventually passed
more cuts than Reagan had wanted. And not too far into his first year, Reagan was
backing away from his campaign pledge to balance the federal budget by 1983.
As of this point during Reagan's first year in office, the only major piece of legislation
· passed by the Congress and signed by the President was a temporary increase in the
public debt limit (approved February 7).
In contrast, the Clinton administration is quickly undoing the trickle down policies of the
previous administration faster than any administration since FDR's first in 1933. Two
major pieces of legislation affecting the livelihood of the American people have already
been approved: Family and Medical Leave Act (February 5), and Extended
Unemployment Insurance (March 4). Ultimate victories this year on the economic
package, a health care plan and political reform could make President Clinton's first year
in office rival Wilson's first year in 1913, said by some to be the greatest year of change
in the American system brought about by any administration in history.
As of March 16, President Clinton had met with Congressmen on 63 separate occasions
in his first 56 days in office. He has met with, or invited to meetings, all 100 Senators,
and he has met with 335 members of the House. He has had private meetings with one
or two members 13 times; and he has met with larger groups of Congressmen on
substantive matters 29 times; he has invited members to join him at 21 other events.
�MEMO
TO: CARTER WU.KIE
li'ROM: RARR\' TOIV
3111/93
flA "t.~"J
REi PASSAGE OF BUDGET
R~OLUTIONS
IN THE PAST
The concurrent resolution on lhe budget is a cansressional documenL Lh~ adtlplion of which
require~ no (lre~identlal aclion. Oncr. an identk.al re.solution is appruvoo by bolh houses of
Congress-- U$Ua11y in the fonn of a conference report-~ the l'Quluuun is ctmsidered adopted.
ln theory. budacc law requh"C& lhaL Lla" llull5~L Jcsuluuuu ~ \:uauplc~~ b1 Aprtl 1,. That has
never oc:eurrcd. If it happens &his year, it will bc.the ficst time ever. Fulluwing l'i a list of
\he completion dates for pa.,t hudget resolulions.
. .
.
s
Bsca1 Year
1976......................................................:-...........................................
_...May. 14, l97S
. '
1977...............................................~ ................................................ Ma)' 11. 1Q71t
1978........•.........•......•.•..........•........... ~···-··--··-······································Ma)' 17, 1977
1~7~................................................................................................... May 17, 1978
1980...........................................................·...................................... ~ .. May 24, 1979
1981 ................................................................................................... .June 12, 1980
198l.................................................................................................... May 21, 1981
M1
1983.................................................................................................. .June: 23. 19A2
1984................................................................................................... .June 23, 1983
1985....................................................................................................()ctoher 1, 1984
1986.................................................................................................... August I, l98S
1987....................................................................................................May 15. 1986
19RR....................................................................................................Junc 25, 1987
1989................................................................................................... .June 6, 1988
1990....................................................................................................Mny 18, 1989 ·
f'\
199l ....................................................................................................()ctc..lbef 9, 1990
1992....................................................................................................May 21, 1991
1993 ...................................................................................................Ma,Y 20, 1992
4-
M4
�-
<I'
�........
Acts of Congress approved by newly inaugurated Presidents. Cutoff: April 2.
CLINTON
2/5/93
2/8/93
2/25/93
3/4/93
Family and Medical Leave Act.
Designating Thurgood Marshall Federal Judiciary Building.
Designating "National FFA Organization Awareness Week."
Extension of Unemployment Insurance Act.
BUSH
---2/7/89
3/15/89
3/25/89
3/23/89
3/23/89
3/24/89
..,..---3/29/89
3/29/89
~/31/89
4/2/89
Cut increases in federal salaries under Federal Salary Act of 1967.
Designating "Federal Employees Recognition Week."
Designating "Greek Independence Day."
Proclaiming "National Agriculture Day."
Designating "Freedom of Information Day."
Designating "Women's History Month."
Provide more balance in stocks of dairy products purchased by the CCC.
Commendation on lOth Anniversary of Camp David Treaty of Peace.
Authorize AID funds~r election observer in Panama.
Designate "National Child Care Awareness Week."
REAGAN
1/26/81
~/7/81
2/10/77
2/17/81
~3/13/81
~/31/81
Designation honoring returned hostages.
Increase in public debt limit.
re: Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians.
re: membership of Joint Committee on Printing.
Extend authority of Energy Policy and Conservation Act.
End semiannual adjustment of milk support price.
CARTER
~/2/77
('/'~.:;rq,116/77
2/16/77
2/17/77
-->]./21/77
2/23/77
3/3/77
3/8/77
3/15/77
3/15/77
3/25/77
4/1/77
Emergency Natural Gas Act.
Supplemental appropriations for SW Power Admin. in 1977.
Authorizing continued Senate committee staff salaries.
Extension of deadline for Am. Indian Policy Review Commission.
Fishery Conservation Zone Transition Act.
Extension of filing date of 1977 Joint Economic Report.
Widen authority of Fishery Conservation Zone Transition Act.
Special gold medal award to Miss Marian Anderson.
Dedicate C&O Canal Historic Park to Justice Douglas.
Halt importation of Rhodesian chrome.
Rescind certain budget authority recommended on January 17, 1977.
Continuing appropriations for fiscal year 1977.
file: chrono.cw
�,..
.
\
,
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 18, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR: Ricki Seidman, Deputy Director of Communications
FROM:
SUBJECI':
{j,;t_
Carter Wilkie, Communications Research
Reagan's early achievements
In an earlier memorandum, I compared the pace of legislative change so far with
previous presidencies. Here is a summary of Reagan's internal actions during his first
. 100 Days in office, taken from "Reagan's First 100 Days," by Steven R Weisman, New
York Times Magazine, April26, 1981:
Mr. Reagan's achievements so far are contained in a package of proposals including 83
major program changes, 834 amendments to the budget this year and next, 151 lesser
budgetary actions and 60 additional pieces of legislation. Not until March 31 did he sign
his first bill - cutting back dairy prices... [italics added]
... his proposal to consolidate at least 75 different health, education and social service
programs into a few big block grants, leaving the states to spend the money with no
strings attached. This move toward a "new federalism" ...
Turning to his critics, he asked, "Have they any alternative which offers a greater chance
of balancing the budget, reducing and eliminating inflation, stimulating the creation of
jobs and reducing the tax burden? And if they haven't, are they suggesting we can
continue on the present course without coming to a day of reckoning in the very near
future? ...
On Jan. 20, he gave an inaugural address devoted almost exclusively to the economy. He
spoke to the nation on television Feb. 5, and addressed Congress in a joint session Feb.
18, presenting the bulk of his economic package on that date. By March 10, he had
completed details of the package ... the boldest attempt of modem times to redirect the
resources of government...
In his very first days, Mr. Reagan therefore issued a blizzard of executive orders, lifting
dozens of Government regulations, dismissing hundreds of Carter holdovers, setting a
Federal hiring freeze and cutting back on travel, office redecoration, consultants and
furniture procurement.
�He met with everybody from the Congressional Black Caucus to the anti-abortionists.
He spoke to the nation on television, addressed a joint session of Congress and let NBC
film a day of his activities devoted to the economy for an hour-long special. Indeed, in
two months, he met face to face with 400 Congressmen and ostentatiously courted the
most powerful Democrat among them, Speaker of the House Thomas P. (Tip) O'Neill
Jr...
As part of his effort to keep the focus on the economy, Mr. Reagan deliberately avoided
speaking out on the controversial agreement that freed the hostages from Iran. He has
deferred such promises as those to dismantle the Departments of Energy and Education,
and he has tried to avoid embroilment in the abortion and crime issues.
Not once, meanwhile, has Mr. Reagan called for sacrifice. "Jimmy Carter talked about
accepting shortages, and look where it got him," said an aide ...
... just before Congress broke for Easter recess two weeks ago, some conservative Senate
Republicans dealt the administration a setback by defecting on a key resolution in the
Senate Budget Committee which didn't cut spending as fast as they wanted ...
Strategy set in early memo
Upon taking office, the memo went on, Mr. Reagan should gear his actions to his call for
renewed confidence in America and for passage of his economic program. He was
warned not to use 'grand rhetoric' until his program was ready, and then to seek to lower
expectations so that the public would understand that his goals could not be achieved
quickly. "Finally, to provide real leadership, President Reagan must engage in a
perennial campaign," the memorandum said and concluded: He should mount a daily
barrage of speeches, directives and meetings to support his legislation, and he should
forget any notion of being an "outsider" in the nation's capital.
fdc:Rcapn.c:w
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 17, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR:
Stephanopoulos, Seidman, Dreyer, Emanuel
FROM:
Carter Wilkie, Communications Research
SUBJECT:
How the Press May Assess the First 100 Days
As the attached article shows, we are in for a range of
assessments due a little more than a month from now.
I suggest that a working group be formed to develop an internal
consensus on the following most likely expected measurements:
Ideological direction and sense of priorities:
Clarity or ambiguity
Comparison to previous Presidencies or eras
Expectations weighed against reality
Promises kept, promises altered
Allies and obstacles
Apparent and ultimate impact on state of the Nation
Relations with Congress:
Direction, scope and pace of legislation
Source and strength of opposition
Personal reviews from members
The President's style:
Persona
Political discipline
Relations with the press and individual political players
Public approval and popularity
.
Controversies, real or perceived, l..e.,:
Homosexuals in the military
Perot
Advisers, officials and staff:
Where the influence lies
What makes this administration's team unique
Pace of staff appointments
Will stars get credit or scapegoats get blame?
Public Opinion
file: FirstlOO.cw
�/(. (_.,-~,·
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 17, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR:
FROM:
~
SUBJECT:
d: '
~~~;~<,) ~~
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/stephanopoulos, Seidman, Dreyer, Emanuel
Carter Wilkie, communications
How the Press May Assess the First 100
As the attached article shows, we are in for a range of
assessments due a little more than a month from now.
Days~ ~
~ ~-'(r_'
{ QD
V~ (
~,
~
I suggest that a working group be formed to develop an internalu~
consensus on the following most likely expected measurements: ~
Ideological direction and sense of priorities:
Clarity or ambiguity
Comparison to previous Presidencies or eras
Expectations weighed against reality
Promises kept, promises altered
Allies and obstacles
Apparent and ultimate impact on state of the Nation
Relations with Congress:
Direction, scope and pace of legislation
Source and strength of opposition
Personal reviews from members
The President's style:
Persona
Political discipline
Relations with the press and individual political players
Public approval and popularity
Controversies, real or perceived, i.e.,:
Homosexuals in the military
Perot
Advisers, officials and staff:
Where the influence lies
What makes this administration's team unique
Pace of staff appointments
Will stars get credit or scapegoats get blame?
Public Opinion
file: FirstlOO.cw
�PRESS REPORT
(
From a 'Revolution' to a 'Stumble'The Press Assesses the First 100 Days
Ever since FOR ·s first three months in office, it has been almost obligatory for the
news media to review each President's baptismal period in the White House.
BY DO'vt BONAFEDE
o The Washington Star. Ronald
Reagan's First 100 Days were "a
smooth start." The .\'e"· Republic mag·
azine perceived the President as "hitting
the ground stumbling" during his baptismal period in office. .\'e"·s"·eek re·
ferred to "the Reagan Revolution." Se"·
}'"ork Times columnist James Reston
maintained that Reagan "is not presiding
over a ·revolution' but o\·er a ·correction·
of 'ew Deal policies he thinks have
gone too far."'
In print and over the airwaves. the
L.S. news media celebrated Reagan's
plunge into the presidency with vivid
recollections ranging from the release
of the American hostages from Iran
to the "second hone~ moon" following
the \tJrch 30 assassination attempt.
Re"!>ponding on cue to what has become
an obligatory journalistic ritual. the na·
tion's major news organizations indicated
that they were not completely in harmony
in thc:ir assessmc:nts of Reagan's First
I 00 Days. Yet their overriding perception
was that he had s..:ored a personal success
in his presidential debut and may turn
out to be a better Washington politician
than a Hollvwood actor.
'ormally: skeptical reporters seemed
to rcncct the accommodating mood of
the countrv toward the President. Ernest
B. Furgur~n. the bureau chief of The
Sun 1Baltimore). commented on Rea·
gan's "genial salesmanship and the calm
competence of his top-most staff." Writ·
ing in The .'Ve"· }"ork Times Maga:ine.
Ste,·en R. Weisman. the newspaper's
White House correspondent. noted.
"With a gift for political theater. Mr.
ReaJ!an has established his goals faster.
communicated a greater sense of economic urgency and come forward with
more comprehensive proposals than any
new President since the first I00 days
T
(
of Franklin D. Roosevelt. the hero of
his \Outh ......
There was considerably less effusion
over Reagan's economic proposals. with
~orne suggesting that his ta~ cuts could
fuel higher prices and that his spending
cuts could worsen the lot of the dis·
advantaged. As l.'.S. .\'ew.f & H'urld
Report cautioned. "His supply-side economics strategy to curb innation. recession and unemployment simulta·
neously is largely untested." Some
storie)l. though not all. pointed out that
Reagan had pulled back from his pledge
to balance the budget by I 983 e,·en
a~ he was seeking to assure the nation
of the soundncs.\ of a policy aimed at
stimulating economic growth.
.-\side from the merits of his economic
plan. there was general agreement that
Reagan was wise in clearly defining it
as the top priority in the early period
of his .-\dministration. when he was riding
a crest of public opinion polls and Democrats in Congress were virtually defense·
less.
There was critical notice in the re\·ic>AS
of the confusing foreign policy signals
coming out of the Administrationhardly in keeping with Secreta!) of State
Alexander M. Haig Jr."s promise of a
diplomacy based on "consistency. rc·
liability and balance."
:\mong Reagan's introductory o,·er·
tures in the foreign affairs area >Acre
the cfc,·ation of the El Salvador connie!
to a test of t.:.S.-Soviet relations. the
lifting of the Soviet grain embargo and
the proposed sale of AWACS surveil·
lance planes to Saudi Arabia. rSee this
is.we. p. 868.)
And then there was the une"pected
selection of Vice President George Bush
over Haig to head the White House
crisis management group.
The political motivation behind many
of the decisions was transparently evi·
dent. Wrote columnist Joseph Kraft: ··tn
ca..:h ..:asc:. the President let the connict
~urge. and then suddenly made a decision
on behalf of his domestic constituenC\.
To keep his farm interests happy. he
lifted the embargo. To appease the en·
ergy interc~ts and the military. he de·
..:idcd to ..ell the :\WACS to the Saudis.
To keep the domestic interest foremost.
he gave crisis management to Vice Presi·
dent George Bush."'
REAOI:\G TEA LEA \'ES
Whatc,er the risks in reading e,·ents
of the First I00 Days like scattered
tea lca\·e~. it docs offer a convenient
opportunity to take the measure of the
new man in the White House and project
"hat may be e~pected O\·er the balance
of his .-\dministration.
During that brief spell. presidential
..:haracter is developed. working habits
arc set and the tone and direction of
the .-\dministration is fi.,ed. The changing
of the guard is completed and the Pre->i·
dent settles into his job and his llC\\
home amid high expectations. Appr~>
priatcly. the First 100 Days coincide:
with spring. a time of hope and re·
ju\·enation in a connuence of politics
and nature.
lncvitabl~. media reviews recall what
historian .·\rthur \1. Schlesinger Jr. said
of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's lei!·
cndary First I 00 Days. "Congress a,;(j
the country were subjected to a presi·
dcntial barrage of ideas and programs
unlike an~ thing known to American his·
tory."' Schlesinger wrote in The Coming
uf the .\"t'". Deal (Houghton Mifflin
Co .. 195!S).
During that period. he wrote. Roose·
\·cit "sent I 5 messages to Congress.
guided 15 major laws to enactment. de·
li,ered 10 speeches. held press confer·
enccs and Cabinet meetings twice a week.
conducted talks with foreign heads of
....................._______________________
NATIONAL, JOOR!'Al S/16/81
879
�'
From the White House News Summary
The commercial news media were not alone in taking note of President
Reagan's First 100 Days. The White House news summary office published
a special edition on April 30 containing a sampling of media commentary
on the subject.
"Taking the Measure of Reagan's 100 Days," the 17-page report. includes
excerpts from storie~ published in The> Sun (Baltimore). The> Los Angel's
Timc>.t, The> WaJhington PoJt, Til' WaJhington Star, the Newhouse News
Service. the Atlanta Journal and ConJtitution and The New York Tim's
Muga:inc>. as well as various television commentary from the three major
networks.
In an introduction. editor William Hart wrote: "Most of the commentary
is favorable. A few common threads run throughout the articles: President
Reagan and President
Franklin Roosevelt; White
..... ,
House management team;
Secretary of State [Alexander M.] Haig [Jr.); the assassination attempt; [lnte·
rior] Secretary [James G.)
Watt; the President's at·
tempt to remain true to his
campaign pledges: and the
apparent fact that the President. himself. is more popular than his programs."
Criticisms. as well as tributes. are included in the spe·
cial edition.
It summarizes. for e:\ample. a Los Angele.t Times
article written by Robert
Shrum: "Reagan budget has Taking the Measure of R-"""'s 100 Days
its own sacred cows-to-·
,._
bacco subsidies and oil de·
::;:::;.,•,.:,pletion allowance-and a
·~........ " ...... ..._... tr "'*'" -- ... "'-'-•' ....
double standard when it
come~ to federal regula·
lion-deregulation when it comes to worker health or safety. but deregulation
has been all but forgotten in the trucking industry ever since the Teamsters
endorsed Reagan-Bush."
Another story. \\ritten by Lisa Myers of The Washington Star, is summarized
this way: '"White House has been acutely aware ·that delegation of authority
gives pc:n:c:ption that the President is somewhat superfluous to his own
· Administration ... imperative to retain the idea that the President is in
charge."
Originated by President ~ixon. the news summary is a daily compilation
of media commentary gathered by staff members of the White House
press office. It is distributed each morning to high-ranking Administration
officials. including--especially-the President.
....
....
-.
·-'-------------------J
......
state. sponsored an international conference. made all the major decisions
in domestic and foreign policy and never
displayed fright or panic and rarely even
bad temper."
From \1arch to June 1933. the Emer·
gency Banking :\ct. the Economy Act.
the farm Credit Act. the :--;ational In·
dustrial Reco,·ery Act. the Home Owners' Loan Act and the Tennessee Vallev
Act and other important laws were
adopted. the gold standard was aban·
doned and the Civilian Conservation
Corps was established.
880 NATtO,:\L JOLR'I;AL 5/16/11
In the I 00 days. Walter Lippmann
noted. "We became again an organized
nation confident of our power to provide
for our own security and to control our
own destiny."
Recently. Thomas G. (Tommy the
Cork) Corcoran. one of the bright young
lawyers attracted to Washington by Roosevelt. reminisced about the early ~ew
Deal era.
"People talk of Mr. Roose,·elt's first
I 00 D-.1ys and all those laws that were
enacted and programs put together."
said Corcoran. who is now 80. "What
they forget is that many of them were
declared unconstitutional or had to be
redone."
But that made no difference, according
to Corcoran: the imPQrtant thing was
that people were regaining confidence
in themselves and the country.
(
llfE ARBITRARY MILESTONE
Th~ London Observer's Anthony
Holden argued in a column that the
100-day mark is "the most arbitrary.
not to say premature [milestone] avail·
able for judging of political leadership."
Ironically. the news media universally
cite Reagan's first 100 Days in com·
parison with FOR's although, as Holden
noted. the President is bent on erasing
Roosevelt's "furious spate of liberal legislation" from the record.
Similarly. Richard L. Strout. writing
as TRB in The .\'ew Republic. recalled
the desperation of Americans in the early
1930s: "'The country was near revolution .... People were starving but farmer's couldn't sell food: people were cold
but clothing factories were shut. Every
bank was closed." Commenting on an
analogy between Roosevelt's 100 days
and Reagan's. Strout exclaimed. "How
silly can you get?"
!'Oevertheless. the t;.S. press has seldom been inhibited in making arbitrary
or premature political assessments.
Perhaps the earliest review of the Rea·
gan presidency was made by Lou Cannon
of The Washington Post in a piece on
Reagan's "first five days" in office. Not
suprisingly. the article's subhead proclaimed. "President's staff struggling to
gain control.·
A rereading of Cannon's story shows
that despite the frenetic activity of the
Reagan Administration in its First I 00
Days and the "smooth start" subsequently attributed to it by some re·
viewers. a major problem that afflicted
it at the beginning continues to this
day. Cannon reported that presidential
aides were "struggling with the difficult
task of speeding Reagan's lagging time·
table on sub-Cabinet and other political
appointments ... [and an) aide said that
security and ethics checks had taken
longer than anticipated."
In its May II edition. more than
100 days later. Time quotes E. Pendleton
James. assistant to the President for
personnel. as offering the same excuse
for what the magazine called "the molasses pace of presidential appoint·
ments."
Not content with merely making a
100 days assessment. Kraft jumped the
gun and wrote a review of Reagan's
performance after 60 days.
Published on March 19, II days before
the assassination attempt. Kraft's column
(
�~tressed
(
(
that "the Reagan
Administration has started
to lose ddinition and momentum ... He: uplained that
"a letdown of sorts was
bound to follow Reagan's
brilliant debut." Surveys
and other indicators at the
time suggest that Kraft was
correct in his analysis. He
ular resurgence
wake
of the \1arch 30 shooting.
The unofficial record in As ,·an be se~nfrom a sampling of arricl~s 011 Presid~nt Reagan's First /00 Days, the news
terms of news space devoted media -...·er~ not complet~ly in harmony in their assessments.
to Reagan's First 100 Days
goes to rh~ Los Ang~/~s Times. In ad·
From Paris. Cook reported that most the White House. Hargrove replied: Ml
dition to a long piece by Jack "elson. Europeans are taking a wait-and-see at· would give him an A-not necessarily
the newspaper's Washington bureau titude. "\1eanwhile." he wrote. "there in policy but ceruinly in political craftschief. it published two lengthy analyses is a sense of unease and apprehension. manship. Reagan has demonstrated. in
in its "Opinion'' section-one by Richard largely because the Administration has a way that Jimmy Carter never did.
A. Viguerie, a prominent member of not defined any clear diplomatic ob- that he understands how to be President.
the New Right who is recognized as jectives-what it intends to do and how He k
deal
being attuned to Reagan's political phi· it proposes it."
~y
~
Joining the commemoration of Realosophy. the other by Roben Shrum.
press secretary to Sen. Edward \t. Ken- gan's First 100 Days were the media _..._._.........
nedy. D-\1ass.. who presumably was polls.
An ABC :v~-..·s-Washington Post surspeaking as a member of the opposition.
A fourth article was written from the \·ey showed that Reagan's personal popEuropean viewpoint by Don Cook. the ularity is e.,tremely high with the
paper's Paris correspondent. Besides that. with the great majority approving h
the newspaper published the results of over-all performance and supponing his
Time magazine alone. of all the major
a poll it had taken on Reagan's per· proposed spending and tu cuts. The news publications. decided not to publish
formance.
survey indicated that the President's rat· a special section on Reagan's First 100
Both the Viguerie (as might be elt· ing soared II points. to 73 per cent. Days. "We made a conscious decision
peeled) and Shrum articles were fa· immediately following the assassination not to do it," said a member of the
vorable to Reagan.
attempt. just about the same level as magazine's editorial staff. "We had said
"I have been pleased and in many when he entered his tOOth day in office. everything we wanted to say and we
respects pleasantly surprised," Viguerie
A Los Angel~s Tinr~s poll similarly didn't want to simply do a rehash."
wrote. Alluding to one "small criticism ... renccted the President's high standing
he said. "Reagan could have made better with the public. Reagan received an TELEVISIO~ TREATMENT
use of his mandate at the beginning. 83 per cent approval rating in the poll
"etwork tele\'ision, not unnaturalh·.
He had great momentum from the elec- at the turn of his First 100 Days. a also marked Reag;m's First 100 Days. •
tion and he let much of it slow down. tO-point jump since mid-\1arch.
Of the three major networks. NBC
L'.S . .\'~-..·.t & World R~port took still made the greatest commitment to proFor a time. his new Administration
seemed to lack any clear direction. The another tack. It sought the opinion of ducing a progrJm on the genesis of
President and his advisers wanted to Erwin C. Hargrove. director of the In· the Reagan presidency.
'hit• the ground running.' This did not stitute for Public Policy Studies at Van"We made the decision even before
happen."
derbilt lniversity and author of The the inauguration." said les Crystal. NBC
Shrum acknowledged, "It is clear that Pot~.·~r of th~ Mod~rn Pr~sidenc_r (Knopf. vice president for news. "Here was an
America will work hard at liking this 1974). Asked what grade he would give Administration that was given a fairly
President even if his policies don't work." Reagan for his first three months in big mandate. that was proposing fun-
NATJtJNAL JOURNAL S/16/81
881
�damcntal change' and going to reverse
it. th~ opinion makers and sovernment pru,ram like that wouldn't make much
~n~.··
the trend or go\·ernment. This had the leader\. We're Vef)· pleased with that."
potential of being very sittniticant and
CBS-TV didn't decide to produce a
Strangcl). Reagan\ nc~~osmaking qual100 da~~ program until mid-February. itie!>. ;tmplitied b) the drama of the
bccummtt a reall~ important story."
. \"ignmenh ~ere given early on to
"W~ had anticipated it and were logging
'hootin~. were major factors in promptproducer~ and key correspondents.
practical!~ everything filmed in Washing other ne~s organintions to try to
":\11- Roger \1udd. \1arvin Kalb, Irving
ington ... reported Hal Haley. a senior '~nthe~i1c Reag;an\ fiN 100 Days.
R. le\inc. Judy Woodruff and othersprodu\:er ~ith the network. ~aut it was
had a dail) preoccupation with it," Cf)S·
really a crash program the last three EXPECTATIONS
tal ~id. Two camera crews were assittned
weckl> before the show ran. At the time.
Few of the commentaries on Reagan's
specifically to the program. a network·
we were busy in El Salvador and with 100 days made comparisons with Jimmy
d~ignated "White Paper" called "Reathe Atlanta murders."
Carter. It is almost as though Reagan
gan: The First Hundred Days." From
As Haley implied. CBS had not made came directly to the White House from
\1arch I until the program was aired
an all-out commitment to do the show. the Eiscnho~er or Rooscv·elt era.
Called "The first Three Months" and
on :\pril :!3. five producers were assigned
Weisman. ho~evc:r. observed that "bean\:hored by Dan Rather. it was broad- fore the end of their first I00 days.
to it full time and one part time. Two
resean.:hers and eight tape editors worked
cast in t\\O parts. both late at night. John F. Kenncd) had the Bay of Pigs
The liN part wal> shown at II :30 p.m. and Jimmy Carter had already alienated
on th~ l>how. Other technicians cataloged
tap." for possible inclusion in the proEa~tern Standard Time on \1onday.
his congressional allies and had been
gram and clipped articles for background
April ~0. and the second on Thursday, dramaticallv rebuffed b\· the Russians
infl)f'mation.
April ~-'. ;tt the s.ame time except in on his ar~s control initiative. setting
"We~m:t!
... ··_·~it.~?rial and ph)·sical conth\: Wa~hington area. ~here it was not ncg0tiations back as much as a year
tact ~ithi •.
s~"'Hoose very early."
bruadc;1~1 until I ~:-15 a.m. because it for the ill-fated nuclear arms treatv."
C~stal re
· ~'inally. this was
ran int0 " ~chcduling connict with the
Within his first three months. Carter
,.th a show the network,-"··•="!1'~------------------------------of the.,,._~
Ironically. the news media universally compare Reagan's
First I 00 Days with FDR 's although. as one columnist noted, the
President is bent on erasing Roosevelt's "furious spate of liberal
legislation" from the record.
six ~eeks were very hectic,"
c~~tal reported. "There was the added
fac10r 0f the shooting. As a result of
that. we lost a sl.'hedul~d interview with
the Pn:~idcnt. But wc decided to e\pand
thc program fmm 90 minutes to two
h0UI'o ...
.-\ dcl.'i~ion was abo m;td~ not to broadl.'a~t the pr0gwm chronologically but
rather topically-forcign policy. military
affair~. s~nior ad,·iscrs. the econom\' and
the ~houting. The documentary inciuded
comments on Rr.:agan and the presidency
b~ noted governmcntal scholars. including James David Barber and George
E. Reedy Jr.
.-\t the conclusion. commentator \1udd
summed up: "Thc \1arch 30th shooting
rr..>7C everything in place. In fact. thr.:
~hooting is probabl~ what most Amcri- can~ \\ill remember about the I00 davs .
.-\nd because he performed under fire
that da\' as if it had been a movie.
Pr..-,.id.:~t Reagan made it diflicult for
all 0f us to think of him. ever again.
as just another B·grade actor."
The program ''as broadcast in prime
timc. and H.·'tuhington Post television
critic Tom Shales. noted as a harsh
rc' ic:~er. called it a "thorough and pungc:nt report."
Said Crystal: "We got respectable ratings. We didn't look at it as a potential
for attracting a big audience. The question is the kind of people who watched
"The
882
la~t
l'liATIO:'IiALJOURNAL S/16/81
local CBS aflili;ttc ~lation.
The fiN part of "The First Three
\1onth~" dealt primarily with the White
House ~taff organi1ation. Reagan's economic propusab and the assassination
;allcmpt. The second part focused on
foreign puliq and Administration efforts
to roll back federal regulations.
.-\t the conclu~ion of the documentary.
Rather ~;aid: "\fore than most Presidents.
Ronald R.:agan has staked out his pr~>
gram~ c;arl~. He has given us. in these
liN three months. the blueprint by which
hi~ prr.:~idcncy will be judged."
In rc~ronsc to an inquiry about the
~how\ latc programming. Haley replied:
"We would h;l\'l: liked more time. Showing it that late in Washington hurt us
bcc;tusc that is "here our logical audience \\as l.xah:d .... I don't know
about the rating~ e\cept that we had
10 \:ompctc against Johnn~ Carson and
.-\BC .\iglrtline. We weren't happy with
the timc cithcr. We have to take whatever
the nei\\Ork gi\'CS US."
ABC -T\' decided against a special
program on Reagan's fil">t 100 Days.
preferring instead to feature Vice President Bu~h on the II :30 p.m . .Vightline
show. moderated by Ted Koppel.
Explaining ABC's decision. Alan Raymond. a network spokesman. said. "Reagan's 100 days ~ere so newsworthy in
general. a summary piece would not
add a lot to people's kn~·ledge." And
he added. "bc:cause of the shooting. a
had demonstrated that he was going
to rely on style to gain support for
hi~ programs. But even that ~as to fail
him before long. It quickly· became app~trent that he was presiding over a
house in di~rra\· and that he would
run into trouble ~ith his comprehensive
cncrJ.!y plan and government rcorganintion ~chcmc:s .
In contrast with Carter. Reagan's per~0nal appeal is his Administration's
trump suit. The Lus Angeles Times poll.
f0r e.\amplc. ~howed that "the public
generally thinks more: hiJ.!hly of Reagan
personally than they do of some: of his
programs." Reston said. "It is probably
fair to sav that he has disarmed more
people ~ iih his personality than he has
pcr~uadcd with his appointmc:nts or policie~ ... :\nd .\'e"-s"·eek said. "The bullet
meant to kill him has thus made him
a hero in~tcad. tloatinJ.! above the contentions of politics and the \'agarics of
good news 0r bad."
But there arc still the unconverted.
who believe thc most difficult phase
0f Reagan's presidency lies ahead and
that his Administration will rise or fall
on the workability of his programs and
not 0n his persona.
As Time's Hugh Sidey wrote: "Reagan
remains more of a promise than a
fullillmcnt. ... In his 100 days. Reagan
has merely set the stage. This drama
is going to be far more than a oneact play."
0
(
�'s First IIPirl Card
In 1111an: •••••ve1v1ra11
short run. eould further jade pubUc opinion and undermine
the ultimate success or his program.
8enltar Ted 8tevene (R-Aiulcl). Senate assistant ~or·
lty leader: No one reaDy beUevecl this new administration
would move as npldly as It has or anticipated It would do
such an in-depth study or the total Rscal and monetary
poUcles or the country. Some Democnts are saying the
President may set only 70 percent or what he asked ror and
Imply that would not be very soocl. B~t, In fact, to set that
much would be an overwhelming victory for the President.
IGnitor RUIHII I. Long (Dal.L): Reagan Is dolns Rne.
He received a mandate &om the people to cut taxes and
federal apencllq. That's what he Ia trylns to do. I think the
country wants Consrea to so alons, and I think we wiD.
8lnatar Robert C.l!lyrd (D-W.VL). Senate minority lead·
er: President Reagan hall struck a responsive chord with the
American people. Hv has the ability to communicate his
ideas and mobiUze opinion. These traits have served him
weD in the early days of his Presiclency. He should be given
high marks f'or his efforts to bolster our nation's defenses
and Cor his determination to reduce the federal budget.
Democrats support th'!&e goals. bu.t the President woulcf do
weD to consult and IM!.ek expertise &om Democnts on the
various Issues.
Reprelentatlve Trent Lott (R-Mial.). House minority
whip: Reaaan has surprised a lot or old pols In Washlqton
with his 8bdlty to communicate with the media and to
convey a warmth and Interest In the city that have been
missing f'or the last four yean. We won't know Cor sure
about lila abilities Cor a rew more yean. but I'm convinced
he's a true leader. Perhaps more Important Is his comins to
the Presidency with a clear understan~ or what we need
from the sovemment-and what we don t need.
8enator Edward II. Kennedy (D-11111.): The President
has a senulnely lmpresdve capacity to articulate goals that
we can aD agree with. I hope there will be a reafbasis for
cooperation with him. His tax cut Is based on an untried
theory, Is potentially Inflationary and is certainly inequtta·
ble to the forgotten middle class. I am disturbed by the
administration's apparent search for a quick ftx abroad. We
Houee Sptalcer Thoma& P. ''Tip" O'NeU~ Jr. (D-11111.): · must be strong miUtarily, but we cannot afford a foreign
The President has made a very positive lmpreulon on
poUcy based on narrow Ideological stereotypes. The admln·
Congress and the American people in his ftnt two months
lstratlon is wrong to give up tlie issue of human rights and
on Its decision to escalate U.S. involvement in E1 Salvador.
in office. He has extended himselr to members or Congress
in a manner that is greatly appreciated by those who will be
considering his proposals. Whde Democrats will caref'ully
Repreaentatlve Rlohanl a. Cheney (R•Wyo.): Amons a
scrutinize his much publicized economic program, we will
President's great powers is his capacity to decide what the
criticize It constructi'Vely and move it along expeditiously.
agenda will be for the country. Reagan has done that effectively by focusing the nation's attention on the economy
and refraining from gettlnglnvolved In nonessential issues.
Repreeantatlve Jamaa R. Jones (D-Okla.): There Is In
Congress a bipartisan spirit or cooperation to make the
I'm lntrtsued by his abdlty to simplify very complicated
economic program successful. A danger the administration
issues. What he wants to do to bolster the government In E1
faces is In overpromising. Overly optimistic predictions of Salvador is baslcaDy sound. But it's Important that he not let
economic performance, not likely to be realized In the
extraneous Issues dlatract him rrom his fundamental pur·
Senator Howard H. Baker, Jr. (R•Tenn.). Senate lft$rity
leader: I don't recaD a President since John F. Kennedy
getting off to as good a start. Reagan has an unerring
instinct for the right thing to do in terms or poUcy, relation·
ships with Congress and communication with citizens.
U.S.NEWB l WORLD REPORT, April I, 188 1
27
�pose of the next few months. which Is to get his economic
program In place. Allin all, I give him pretty hfgh marks.
Senator Alan cranaton (D-Cal".). Senate minority whip:
Reagan's East start, uong with his continuing porulartty, gives
him a good momentum to get a large part o his program
through. He won the election and Is entitled to a chalice to see
It hlR program works. He will get coopentlon-not obstruction-from most Democnts as long as his poUcies do not hurt
people who depend on government for their very survival.
Senator Jamu A. MCClure (R·Idaho). chairman of the
Senate RepubUcan Conference: I've never seen a President
move as positively to have good relations with Congress. It
Is not all pluses, however. We still have cllfl'erences on his
selection of personnel. Some oEhls appointments have been
disappointing to some RepubUcans. Also, the appointment
process has been slower than some would Ulce. In Eorelgn
poUcy, it Is encouraging that the President has established
good relatitma with our Eriends In Mexico and Canada.
Repree..'Rtatlve Robert H. Michel (R-IlL). House mlnorl~
leader: I a~•n't know oE any President in.:X time who a
gone out of! .ta way so much to cement a
relationship
with Congra Erom the beginning. What President in my
UEetlme-inclu~·.ans some RepubUcans-would have had
the guts to propose spending reductions as large as Reagan
has and, then, to go out and defend themP Of course, there
will still be the test to see how tough he hangs In there.
Repruentatlve Guy Vander Jagt (R-Mioh.): Rl'.agan has
given us seine razzmatazz and has galvanized American
pubUc opln!on behind his programs. But he Is giving us Ear
more than just style. There Is a great deal of liUbsttmce in his
proposals. His relationships with Congress have been out•
standing. I have had more contact with the White House in
the first few months of Reagan's administration than I had
In the entire four years under Carter. I think many Demoants would say the same thing.
Repreuntatlve James c. Wright, Jr. (D-Tex.). House
The President has done a superb job of
communicating with the pubUc. He's off to an auspicious
~ority le~er:
28
start in his relations with Consress. '11le future of that
relationship will be determined by how well he can work
with those of us willing to coopente and compromise.
There's been quite a bit of rhetoric. Now, we are settlns
some or the details and speolftcs of his program. We wiD
have to study them, but we Democnts want It undentood
we actively are coopentlng.
R.........tlve Thoma 8. Poley (D-Wuh.). House ma·
jorlty whip: Reagan has had a good beginning. He has
proceeded to build pubUo opinion behind his programs and
to set his adminlstntion moving in an orderly way. But I
never beUeved the ftnt hundreddays or a set period in the
beginning was a meanlngEul test oE a new President. He
will be judged further down the road. Meanwhile, we Dem·
oonts In Congress will coopente. Our hand II out to him•.
8eMtor Paul Laxalt (R-Nev.): I think the Preddent's
paclcqe of economic measures, including his tax-cut proposals, will be substantially adopted by Congress. In Eorelgn
poUcy, the administration's consultations with the NA'tO
allies have gone very well, due in great part to Secretary of
State Alexander Halg. Reagan's position oE ftrmness in respect to the Soviet Union Is approved by most memben oE
Congress. Conservatives approve of his poUcy on El Salva·
dor, although others may ti8 concemed by it.
Senator Henry 11. Jaolclon (D-Wuh.): The President is
oft' to a good start on defense and Eorelgn policy. On the
domestic side, there .. stro:'f..:;port ror the thrust or his
attack on Inflation. He faces
eement, however, on the
kind of tax outs that should be appUed. In the end, I beUeve
Congress will make changes in the apeolflc spending cuts
that the President has proposed but Will give him the bulk
of the outs he has asked for. The EeeUng generally Is that, In
Rghting Inflation, he has the only show In town and should
be given the beneRt of the doubt. I share that view.
Senator Bany Goldwater (R-AriL): On the whole, I'd give
Reagan an Anow-not because he has accomplished so much
yet but because he has succeeded In raising military spending
and Is seeking some needed outs in other spendfns. Clve hllll
another month, and we can rate him even higher.
C
U.S.NEWS • WORLD REPORT, April I, t 88 t
�'.'
..
Excluslve.Survey
·low ·aaaaan 'R
With congress
What are the President's strengths and weakne111a? What
·do the lawmakere really thlnk·ot hie pollolee? Will
he oontlnue to hfjve hie way on Capitol Hill? Demoorate
and Republloana give the answers In a USNAWR poll.
While respeotins ·aonald Reapn as a strons leader,
memben ol Collp'M are becomlns more and more doubt·
Eul that he baa the amwen to America's peralltent clomeatio
and forelp problelllli
·
Skepticism Ia mountfn8 particularly over the President's
economic prosram lncluc:Uns ·his propoaecl new round of
budset outs, and hj, abdlty to lhape and Implement a
comprehenatve forel61fl poltoy. As a result ol these and
other orltlolama, many aenaton and representatives are
foreoaatlns an lnoreaaJngly tense relationship between CapItol Hill and the White flouaeln the months ahead.
Consr•'s candid llppralaal ol Reapn-hla wealcneaea as
weU as hlastrensths--emersea from a U.S.NIIWI cl World
Rsport survey on th11 President's performance durlns hll
Rrst elsht months In offtce. Questionnaires were sent to all
. 434 repreaentativea-oORe seat Ia vacant-4Uld all 100 aena·
tors. Reapondfns were 228, or 43 percent, of the memben ·
of CoRif888, many of whom· elaborated on their anawen
with thoughtful, han~wrltten comments.
Althougn a hlsher proportion of Republlcana responded
than did Democrats--despite an overall Democratic ml\lor·
lty In Consrea-mernbers of the two ml\lor oppoalns par·
ties offered strlldngiJ• similar evaluations on key phases of
the President's perfoJ.mance.
More effective th11n Carter. Most Democrats joined with
virtually all RepubUuana In ratlns Reagan as the atronsest
President to come al(>ngln many yeara. Spealdng for many
of his coUoquea of both parties, Representative Daniel
Akalca (D·Hawoll) aatd Reagan "has managed to sfve the
people of this count!')' a sense of unity and of purpose we
haven't seen Blnce Fr·anklln D. Roosevelt.''
Added Senator James Abdnor (R·S.D.): "Any man who
can face the kind of }~redetermined judsmenta and oppoal·
tlon that Ronald Rearcan baa faced, and stlll achieve a ml\lor
reahaplns of a natlo\,'s economy, has to be recosnfzed as a
atrons Prealdent."
The survey found Reasan to be, In Consreu's eyes, a far
more efFective leadt~r than hla predece110r, Jimmy Carter.
Reasan was rated aa a "strons"
President by 88 pe'!'cent of par·
tlclpatlng lawmakers. Only 9 per·
cent ranked him as "averase"
and IS percent as "below aver·
ase" In job perfo1~mance. By
comparison, Carter was judsed
as strong by 49 per••ent, average
by 40 percent and bnlow averase
by 11 percent or la•;vmalcera par·
tlclpatlnsln a almllor poll by the
magazine In 1977.
Reagan received particularly
high sradea for hla electlveneu ........ bHn 1'rtmlrk•
in deallns with Capitol Hill. ably IUOHIItui"IO fir,
U.S.NEWS l WORLD RI!I.'ORT, Oot. 12, 188 1
Some 93 percent of the respondents rated him ''very
effective" with Consreas,
compared with· 7 percent
llviDS Carter a Uke rating In
'1811. Even orltlol of Rea·
pn'a ~ voiced respect f'or hla poUtloal abdltiea. ''I
dlsqree with many of hlijrlorltiea, but he baa been masterful In his approach,'' sal a Democratic House member.
Qted repeatedly was Reasan's poUtical aldU In Blmulta·
neoudy pUahina throwdl Consreu, deaplte determined
Democratic oppolltion,his 35-bl1Uon-doll8r budget-reduction prosram for 1981 and a 749-bliUon-doUar tuo0ut bW to
be Implemented over ftve years. ''The ftnt six months havo
tumed the country around, with Consreu clolns the row•.
Ins and Reapn In the bow yeWns, 'Stroke!' " commented
· Representative· Henry Hyde (R·IU.).
How baa 1\eapD maDilled toauoceed where Carter larsely
f'allecl In promotfn8 bll leslllative ppamP One nason,
aocordlns to Representative John}. LaFilce (0-N.Y.),Ia that
"Reasan wrltea ofF certain Institutions and caters to others.
Carter tried to please everyone on every lllue and suoceeclod
In aUenatlns almoat everyone."
Equally Important, In the view ol Representative Jim
CoWna <R·Tex.), Ia that Reasan "baa a completely honeat
approach to Collp'M. No aurprlael. He builds hll case on
facta and ftshta hard to put It throush." ·
Reapn's most potent aaaet, aocordlns to an overwhelm·
Ins nudorlty ·of lawmakers reapondlns, Ia "hll ablllty to
marshal public support for hll prosram."
RepubUcana were exuberant In pralalns Reapn'a mastery
oftelevlalon as a means of communlcatlns with and lnOuenolng the pubUc. Said Representa·
tlve Bob Llvlnpton (R·La.)s "He's
catalyzed the people who can
really set thlnp done up hereour constituents. After his taxo0ut
speech, the phones rans oft' the
walla to support hll prosram."
Democrats, too, were lm·
prel&ed by Reqan's aldllas a com·
munlcator. "He Ia eapeclally
atron1 on television and tiaa had a
sreat Impact on American attl·
tudel," concluded Representative
WllUam R. Ratchford (D-Conn.). heidi PN1Id1nt .._..,.
Asked what baa been the Prell· In hllforolgn polloJ.
dent'• moat notable achievement,
an overwhelmlns 75 percent of the napondenta pointed to
hll triumphs In tax and budget lellalatlon. Another 10
percent aald Reapn's ohlef accomplishment baa been In
reldndllna a aplrlt of oonfldonoe thrOushout the land.
Spealdria frOm a RepubUcan atandpolnt, Repnaontatlve
27
�handUng of the·alr·trafftc controllen' strike as an encouras·
lJvfngston said that Reagan "has led the country to a new,
positive attitude and turned us away f'rom the negativism of Ins sign that he will· stand up to pressure and opposition
within the government.
.
the last 10 to 20 years."
How etfeatlve In foreign affalra? It Is In coping with
Memben of Congress bad a wide ~ of opinions on.
America's allies and advenarles abroad that Reagan has
which lndlvlduala or groups.exert the·moat lnRuence over
shown the least aptitude, according to. a ~orlty of the
Reagan. A ~orlty of survey participants felt that business
respondents. Only ~ percent regarded the President as
leaden had his ear most often,
very eft'ectlve as a world leader, while 43 percent said he
followed by conservative poUtical
was average and 20 percent regarded him as below average;
groups, econombts and military
"He seems very unsure of himself on foreign aff'aln,"
leaden. Many said· they beUeved.
observed Representative William M. Brodheacf (D·Mich.).
Reagan was strongly lnRu·
Added a House RepubUcan anonymously: "His foreign poU·
. enced-tome said overly lnRuenced-by top White House aides
cy seems Ill-defined and somewhat na\'ve compared with
his comprehensive domestic poUcy.''
Edwin Meese Ill, James A. Baker
The President's proposal to sell AWACS surveillance air·
Ill and Michael !C. Deaver. "You
craft to Saudi Arabia despite Israel's opposition was cited by
might also throw In Budget Dl·
rector David Stockman and De-.
members of both parties as an example of misdirection In
fense Secretary Caspar Welnber·
forelln polloy. Al8o criticized were Reagan's decisions to
ger," added a House Democrat.
bullcf the neutron bomb, his tolerance of South American
But Representative Robert
dlctatonhlpa and "his willingness to permit the sale of
Walker (R·Pa.) said Reagan's cabmilitary hafdware everywhere,lnclucUns China."
Inet style of government "seems
But othen, such as Representative Don Bonker (D·Wash.),
to be working well, thus far, and appean to have the
said· It was too soon to·evaluate Reagan's abiUty as a world
greatest Impact on the President's thinking."
leader. ''The best that can be said Is that he hasmadeno~or
The President's economlo advlsen drew heated criticism
blunden," Booker concluded..
from some Democrats. Representative Peter A. P8)'88r (D·
~epubllcans generally were optimistic that Reagan's
N.Y.) asserted: "The President Is being led down the road
global stature would grow. "Our foreign poUcy will contln·
ually be stronser as the President has more time to devote ·
by economists whose theories are not going to hold up."
Over all,lawmalwll'S found Reagan deftclent In managing
to forelp aft'aln," contended Representative Denny Smith
the bureaucracy and deallns with foreign governments•.
(R·Oreg.). But Representative Vln Weber (R·Minn.).
The bureaucracy, said ~tatlve Arlan Stangeland
warneda "America has Callen so far In world esteem over
the last US. yean that It will be moat dlftlcult for any Amerl·
(R·Minn.), will be Reagan's ' toughest nut to crack." Representative Bill McCollum (R·Fia.) found fault with his "slow· . can Preddent to exert world leadership."
ness In Rlllns key lower-echelon positions."
Other criticisms of Reagan, mostly from Democrats, foMany memben, however, predicted Reagan eventually
cused heavily on his handllns of the economy. The Presl·
would come to grips with the bureaucraoy. Several cited his
dent was blamed by some for persistently high Interest
Rlllrlllrd Fra• BlllfiD
U.S.News & World Report asked 10 questions
of all members of Congress. Replies were received from 228 representatives and senators,
43 perc(lnt of the membership-
Q
After eiC.ht monthaln office,. how would you
rate Ronald Reagan aa President?
A strong President • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 88%
An average President • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 9%
A below-average President • • • • • • • • • • • • • 6%
Q
In what area, aa you aee .lt. does the Preal·
dent•a greatest ability lie? ·
Maraha!lng support for hla program • • • • • 61%
Exerting polltlcallaadarahlp •••••••••••• 26%
Working with Congress • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 18%
Managing the bureaucracy • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 3%
Dealing with foreign governments. • • • • • • • 3%
Q
Where, In your Judgment. Ia the Prealdant
weakest?
Dealing with foreign governments. • • • • • • 61%
Managing the bureaucracy • • • • • • • • • • • • • 40%
Exerting polltlcalleadarahlp ••••••••••••• 6%
· Marahallng support for hla program • • • • • • 2%
Working with Congress • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 2%
Q
How do you regard the Prealdent.aa a world
leader?
Very affective ...••••••..•............ 37%
Average. In effactlvanaaa • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 43%
Balow average In effectiveness. • • • • • • • • 20%
Q
How would you rate the President's effeotlvene• In dealing with Congre11?
Very effective . . . . . • • • • . .• . . • . . . . . . . . . . 83% ·
Average In effectlvenaaa • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 7%
Balow average In effactlvenass. • • • • • • • • • 1%
USNaWR lillie
28
U.S.NEWS a WORLD REPORT, Oat. 12, 1881 .
�ntes and economic atapatlon and tor champlonlng cut·
his position after a ftrestorm or protest &om retirees and
backs In socJal prOgrams. among other things. Represent&·
other beneftciarles.
tive Dave McCurdy (D.Olda.) accused Reagan or giving
The survey also exposed a Eesterlns:problem within the
away "too much revenue with the tax cut" and "grosalr,
Republican ranks that could threaten the almost solid supunderestimating the fmpact or Inflation and Interest ratea. •
port Reagan has received &om his party In Con...... 80 rar.
Representative Bob Traxler (D-Mtch.).found Reagan "In·
Moderate Republlcuis &om the North and Midwest are
aensitive to the pain and hardship he's causing the poor,"
srumbllns beCause they feel the admlnlstntion Is Ignoring
whde Representative ParrenJ, Mitchell (D·Md.) contended
their views and polltlcal·needs. One Northam Republican
that "he has rather·polnteclly Ignored minorities."
acoused the President or "not be~ sufRolently sensitive to
Other Democrats chided hfm Eor 'lnflulbWty, excealv_,
needs or the North and. Midwest. ' while another said he
zeal·ln pre8lllng his beUeti· and Imprecision on details. ·Rephad shown a "regional bias toward the South and West."
resentative Richard Gephardt (D-Mo.) complained that
Whlt'a.to ·oame. How wiD Reagan
with Capitol HID
Reagan lacks ~any lons·ranse vision· and comprehension or between now and the 1981 congressional eleotlonsP Facing
the Impact on tomorrow or today's policies."
a lqlslatlve apnda laden with political and 800ial contraAmons Republicans, dlscontent was scattered and rela· . veny, most respondents predicted that he wiD ftnd Con·
tlvely mild. The vast ~ority. or the RepubUcans qreec1
..... -pliant 1n the·ruture than·m the Rnt halE or 1ea1.
with Senator Thad ·Cochnn (R·Miss.), who found Reagan
Democrats generally were more pealmlstlo than Repub"remarbbly succesiEul with no real disappointments."
lloans, with many forecasting that Reapn's congr81810nal
'The chleE complaint or many Republl08ns: Reagan's poll·
relations· would •be. only fair, or perha.Jt8 wone than :they
have been. About a third or the respondents, mostly Repubcles are not conservative enough to suit them. Represent&·
tive WIWam E. Dannemeyer (R;.caw',) was disappointed
licans, said 1\eapn would continue to
or.very wen
with Capitol HilL Members oF both parties stressed, howevthat the President didn't aeek'.heavler outs In t'eder8l spend·
Ins this year. ·"Reagan's targeted budget 'OUts for ftscal·year ·er, that Coqress's continued aooeptanoe or Reapn'alead·
1981 are t'ar below what Is ·needed to brfns down·lnterest ·enblp WOl depend larsely on the economy. Representative
BW Alexander (D-Ark.) aalch ~'Reagan's contlnuid SU008881n
rates,'' Dannemeyer aald. "With
strong presidential leadership,
domestic polloy Is contingent upon some visible Improvement In economic oondlti• notably Interest rates;•
we could cut 40 to 150 biUion dol·
Iaramore."
·
Added Representative E. Clay Shaw, Jr. (R·FlfL)s"IEinfla·
tion and Interest ntes are not brought under control, I
Senator Steven D. S)'IDJDI (R·
Idaho) thought Reagan had been
would expect that coJ11re881Den on bOth aides or the aisle
would attempt to plao8 distance between themselves and
"too slow" In formUlating and ex· .·
the President as we approach November, 1881."
plalnlng his nationil-defense prosnm and in outlining his stnteIn sum. the results or the IIW'V8)' could be Interpreted ~
glc policy.
the White House as generally excellent poades on Reagan 1
Some Republicans said .the ·
= - c e · ·But the replies also. contained warnlnp to
:President blundered politically .·
that Congresa .Intends to take a harder look at his
pollOtesln the future· than It has In the past.
C
In makln1 an ·abrupt call last Repreetntatlve Hvdel
spring ·Eor ·cutbaCks In ·Social· Se- ·Prelldent ''1181 tumed
curlty beneftts. Reagan modified· oountrv.arounct."
rare
rare wen
t
.•
.•
i
•''
D
·Q
In .what field of presidential action 11 Reagan moat etteotlvet
.
·Q·:
:What, If anything, hal dlaappolnted you
· .about the Prealdant'a performance 10 tart
Domestic affaire ••••••••.•••••••••••••• 95%
Foreign affairs.•••••••••••••••••••••••••. &%
Q
Economlc.program ·Impact,
·lntereat·rates •••••••••••••••••••••• ,· 24CM.
Soclal..program cutbacka,
lnaenaltlvlty to:poor and aged • • • • • • • • 19%
·Nothing at all ••••••••••••••••.••••••••• 13%
Foreign and military policies,
AWACS deal ••••••••••••••••••••••• 12%
.Inflexibility, exc~lva zeal • • • • • • • • • • • • • 11%
.Not conservative enough ••••••••••••••• 9%
Other •••••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••• 11%
·who, In your Judgment, .Ia moat 'Influential
With ·the President?
·Buslneaa leaders • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 51%
ConaaNatlve political groups ••••••••••• 18%
Economists •••• ,,, •••••••••••••••••••• 12"MIIItary leaders • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 84M.
Religious 'activists. • • • • • • • • • • • •.• • • • • • • • • 1%
Other groupe • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 8%
•
What Ia th~ Prealdent•a moat notable
achievement ao far?
Q
Cutbackaln spending, reducing taxes • • • 75%
Creating mood of confidence .. .. .. .. .. • 1OCM.
Marshaling support from public •••••••••• 8%
Other •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 7%
Q
How do you expeot the :Prelldent to fare
with Congren between now and the 1•
eleotlonat
Not as well u flrat abc months • • • • • • • • • • 44CM.
Well or very well •••••••••••••••••••••• 30CM.
Fair or woraa •. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 14CM.
Depends on the economy ••••••••••••• 10%
·can't predict •••••••••••••••••••••••••• S%
Noll: Some reepondanla did not anawor Ml'l que111on. Peroontegoa n baed onlho IU'IIbclr oiiiiiWIII to oea11 quoa11on. Tlllllllmav liCit ldd beaaulo o1 ~
U.S.NEWB • WORLD R&PORT, Oot. , 2, , 88,
28
�NATIONAL AFFAIRS
The Second Hundred Days
or the month since his wounding by
F
a would-be assassin's bullet, Ronald
Reagan's Presidency and his economic pro·
gram had bobbed along at half speed await·
ing his recovery. But last week, on the 99th
day of his tenure and the 30th of his con·
valescence, he returned to the wars riding
an extraordinary surge of personal senti·
ment and Irresistible political force. He
chose the high ·theater of a joint session
of Congress In prime television time to dem·
onstrate that he ,Is back In charge and to
summon up support for his measures "to
clean up our economic mess." The tumul·
tuous welcome home he received there was
token enough, if any were needed, that he
has won what one aide called a rare Second
Hundred Days-and that he will be assured
of getting most of what he has asked before
they are over.
Whatever doubts lingered as to the out·
come seemed to evanesce when, at the eve
of a critical ftoor vote In the House this
week, Reagan :admonished the Congress
that It was "time we tried something new"
and brought even mainstream Democrats
22
to their feet to join a rinslns ovation. "I
wish we could take that as the vote and
go home," one Reasan man whispered to
another. The opposition In fact did besin
regroupins by the weekend, mounting a
spirited counterattack for their own draft
budset and against a thinly dissulsed "bl·
partisan" clone of Reagan's own. But the
smart-money betting on both sides of the
aisle was that the President would prevailthat he would hold all but three or four
of his own Republican troops In line and
lure away enough conservative Democrats
to win by anythins from a squeak-In to
a landslide.
Good Peella11 That prospect was in turn
a measure of the real triumph of Reagan's
hundred days: his success at clothing his
Presidency-and smotherlns his opposi·
tion-in a blanket ofpersonalaoodwlll un·
matched since Dwight Eisenhower. Wheth·
er his Era of Oood Feelina will indeed last
an era or only a season remained an open
question. But his people are satisfied that
he had established himself before the shoot·
Ins as the most likable President since Ike-
his popularity ratings In some surveys are
the hlshest In polllns history-and that he
has since bucked up the morale of a nation
with his gallantry under gunfire. Their ex·
hlblt A Is a Robert Teeter poll showing
that the number of Americans who think
the country oft' on the wrons track has
shrunk by nearly half, from 82 per cent
when Jimmy Carter discovered ~he great
national malaise two years ago to 48 per
cent In Reagan's third month.
The President's tactical problem was
transferring the slow from his person to
his proaram, and his people seized on his
return from his sickbed as a precious moment "to be pumped," one said, "for ev·
erything we can." They thousht first of
an untaxing radio speech, then a television
address from the Ovlll Office and finally
a dramatic trip to the Hill-an option they
tried out on Reaaan only after clearlna It
with his doctors and his wife. In draftina
sessions, they kidded openly about substl·
tutins the cue "Cough" for "Pause" In his
text as a play for sympathy. Among them·
selves, they fretted that it could happenNEWSWEEK/MAY ll, 19111
�swered, but his aJow or pleasure gave him
away. Theotherside, by contrast, had come
··back from a two-week Conaresslonal recess
more painfully aware than ever that the
country was behind the President. Speaker
O'Neill had sensed as much before the boll·
day and had gone oil' to Australia and New
Zealand Instead of staylna behind to ftaht
the tide. "Well, where do we stand?" he
asked his operatives on his return. "Fifty
to 60 votes down," party whip Thomas
S. Poley guessed from the scattered ftnt
returns. Afterward, the Speaker met the
press and all but conceded defeat. "I've
been a politician Ions enough," he said,
"to know when to ftght and when not to."
'Wbat Kbul of Pool AID II' In the days
thereafter, the Democratsedpd near panic.
"We're golns to set the crap kicked out
of us." said one, only barely oventatlns
the consensus odds. The dally meetlnp of
the party whips were hot with undirected
anger. The corridors rumbled with com·
plaints about O'Neill, for havlns ftnt left
the country and then having acknowledfed
aloud what his colleasues were whispertns
In the cloakrooms. Some traded rumon
that he would stand down as Speaker after
1982. (Not so, said O'Neill.) Some prased
him to so on TV and answer the President.
("What kind of fool do they think I amr•
spake the Speaker.) Some fluttered through
a day's flirtation with a proposal to out·
Reasan Reasan by deferrinslndlvldualln·
come-tax cuts for a year and thus balancing
the budget now Instead of In 1984, as the
Congrru-tmd exhort• It to hrlp him 'clftln up our «tH~omlc m•'
President has proposed. The Idea wilted
that he might fall into a painful paroxysm in the coming House ftght, was the $689 overnight.
of coughing on live TV and 10 divert at· billion Oramm-Latta budget resolutionThe outlines of a Democratic counter·
tentlon from the merits or his program to a nominally bipartisan measure that closely strateSY did begin emerslns by the week·
the slow repair of this 70-year-old body mirrored his own and was In fact mostly end, thouah without much Impact on the
aner a near-miss brush with death.
ghostwritten by his man David Stockman. pervasive sloom over the outcome this
They needn't have worried about Rea· The $714.5 billion Democratic model, even week. Party leaden tried a new sambit In
gan, in flesh or fighting spirit. Waiting in with Its lower deftcit, was no alternative the biddins war for 47 conservative DemoSpeaker Thomas P. (Tip) O'Neill's office at all-"an echo of the past" with too little cratic swing votes (followlna story), oll'er·
to go on, he did complain that his throat money for the military, too much for the Ina to restore $6.5 billion In military spend·
felt "raspy" and asked for a glass of hot welfare state and only a one-year Income- ina authority to the Democratic budaet and
water. But he managed denty not to notice
thus match Reagan dollar for dollar. They
an outsized book on poverty. in America
began a propaganda oll'enslve stressing that
that O'Neill had laid out to bait him withthe Reagan-Oramm·Latta cuts would be
not even when the Sptaker tried steering
crippllnaly deep and, because they would
him toward it. And his performance was
come out of authorizations rather than
year-by-year appropriations, would be next
a smash from the moment he entered the
soaring House chamber, smiling and wav·
to Irrevocable as well. And O'Neill was
ing, to a three-minute thunderburst ofwhis·
confcctlns his own scheme to force the Reties, huzzahs and hand clapping. By his
publicans to stand up and be counted on
own design, the President· had stripped his
a sampling or controvenlallndlvldual cuts,
speech of all but the briefest allusions to
not just the budset as a whole. "You don't
his wound. "I want them to be able to
think I'm solns to do this In one packase,
uy at the end that I didn't exploit the tax cut Instead of three. ''The old and com· do you?" he asked. "I'm golns to have
shooting," he told staffers who had urged fortable way," he said, to a show·stor'pina some selected votes-and I'm aolna to pick
him to milk it-and the roar of the crowd clap or applause, "is to shave a little ltere some beautifUl ones."
confirmed that he need not have mentioned and add a little there. Well, that's not ac·
But prospects were brisht In both cham·
it at all.
ben for Reasan's budset-end briahtenlns
ceptable any more."
'The Only Aaawer'1 His text instead
That Reagan had recovered the Initiative for at least a two-year modification of his
started and ended with patriotic homilies was evident, to him and to the opposition, tax cut at somethlns near the 10 per cent
on the health of the American spirit-"We In the public huzzahs and the private com· annual rate of reduction he wants. In the
have much greatness before us"-and ham· pliments as he handshook his way out of House, he needed a minimum of 26 Demomered hard in between on hiKcut·and-slash the House. "Terrific job," an aide told the cratic votes to carry Oramm-Latta and was
recovery plan as "the only answer we have President back at the White House. "Aaah, thought to have 31 to 36-enouah to win
leO" to the ills of the economy. His choice, I don't know about that," Reagan an· If discipline holds in his own party. In the
For Ronald Reagan, an
extended honeymoon
-and a dramatic
return to the wars for
his economic program.
NEWSWEI!K/MAY II, 19111
ll
�..
12-to-9 vote apinst the budget turned into back to before the '30s." If so, it is Rea·
san's triumph to have reduced that war
a 15-to-6 victory for it.
Reagan could be said indeed to have pre- from an epic strussJe over principle to a
Senate, three ultraconservative Republi·
cans who had deserted him in a humiliating vailed in the battle of the budget before hassle in the marketplace over the price.
Budget Committee vote before the recess It was formally joined on the House floor When his people approached him with the
returned to the fold under what one White last week. The choice there was between Idea of commemorating his tOOth day with
House operative blandly called "a lot of a Democratic version conceding him three- the usual recitation of his achievements,
peer pressure." Stockman provided them fourths or more of the spending cuts he he waved them away. 1'oo self-serving, he
a way back with some accounting sleight sought and a crypto-RepubUcan model bit· said-and, he might have added, a n~less
of hand to allay their doubts that Reagan Ins S6 billion deeper Into social spending celebration of the victory he has so obcould balance the budget by 1984 after all. than even he had dared ask. Tip O'NelU viously and decisively won.
"Aesop's fables," one. Democrat protested. ventured pmely at the weekend that the
PETER GOLDMAN with ELI!ANOR CLIFf,
But the three strays came home, with three comins vote wiU be only "the ftnt skirmish
HENRY W. HUBBARD and
JOHN J, UNDSAY Ia Wublnallon
Southern Democrats close behind-and a of many ••• in a war to change the nation
NATIONAL AFFAIRS
after last November's election, checking
each prospective member's voting record.
House Speaker Thomas P. (Tip) O'NelU,
reallziDs their potential power, quickly
honored their request for more influence
in an efort to avoid party defection. He
helped them win positions on the nuijority's Steering and Policy Committee, Ways
and Means, Appropriations, Budget and
other key Congressional committees from
which conservatives had been largely excluded in the years when big Democratic
~oritles made their votes less Important.
When liberals shrieked that O'Neill was
sabotaging them, he argued that It was
vital in order to keep the BoU Weevils
loyal to the party. "Let 'em read the election returns," said O'Neill of his critics.
The Speaker chose carefully, giving the
most sensitive committee posts to old
friends and men that he thought he could
Consem~tlv. Democrtlll Grt~mm, Slenholm and Hance: Will they VOU with Rltlgan? trust. Yet It was from a position on the
House Budget Committee that one promi·
nent Boll Weevil, Rep. Phil Gramm of Texas, a former economics professor, helped launch the Gramm-Latta budget
proposal-which is even more stringent than the President's
Ronald Reagan has personally lobbied him on the telephone, and which Reagan quickly endorsed.
and the President's men have offered him box seats at the
The Boll Weevils are determinedly informal-with no &taft',
Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts and a ticket to his no letterhead, no dues and no taste for test votes among
first state dinner at the White House this week. After seven themselves on iuues. They meet only periodically-once or
years in Congress, Rep. Carroll Hubbard Jr. of Kentucky has twice a week when a big iuue comes along-over coffee,
suddenly found himself a very Important person on capitol doughnuts and strawberries in the spacious Rayburn Building
Hill. The reason: he Is one of 47 conservative Democrats, office of Ml88iuippi Rep. G. V. (Sonny) Montgomery (his
most from the ~uth and West, who may determine whether office Is known as the "war room" because it houses Mont·
Congress p888CS Reagan's cut-and-slash budget this week.
gomery's impressive collection of swords and flags from vet·
Because the Democrats now hold only a 51-seat m~ority erans groups). Many of the Boll Weevils are plainly sym·
In the House, a net defection of 26 conservative Democrats pathetic to Reagan's views on the budget. Others are simply
could give Rea$an a victory. Aware of their awing-vote power aware that budget-cutting is popular with folks back home.
on this and other iuues, Hubbard and his like-minded col· Says Hubbard: "I have solid citizens calling me up and saying,
leagues formed the Conservative Democratic Forum late last 'We've tried everythlns else, let's try something new, vote
year. Some call them the "Boll Weevils"-after the bloc of with the President'."
powerful Southern Democrats who dominated Congress for
Sbow4oWIU Stlll, many conservative Democrats in Congress
two decades after World War II. Unlike the Weevils of old, were not saying how they would vote In the budget showdown
however, the new group is not concerned with holding the and they say that in the long run they will remain loyal to
line against civil rights, and Its members have widely varying the party. They squelched an early proposal to replace O'Neill
views on foreign policy, the environment and social issues. with a more conservative Democratic Speaker, and their diverse
But all arc ft~l conservatives and many made campaign views on matters other than spending suSBest that they are
pledges to cut federal spending that closely echoed Reagan's hardly closet Republicans. But they do Intend to use their
own. "This particular issue is about 80 to 85 per cent of the power to push the party to the right. "We arc Democrats,"
platform I caq~paigned on," says Rep. Charles W. Stenholm, says Rep. Kent Hance, a Lubbock, Texas, lawyer. "But the
42, a Texas cotton farmer who helped to form the conservative only hope for the Democratic Party Is a tum in the conservative
forum and now serves as its chairman.
direction."
Stcnholm and his colleagues set up the forum immediately
DAVID M. ALPERN with HENRY W. HUBBARD In Wuhlngton
The 'Boll Weevils' Bore In
24
NEWSWEEK/MAY II, 1981
�·····-·· ......."''"••••u
Fur mmc British h:trg:tlns, send tht.•
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Tile N- vorll'TMite tlidaazr,;,;
Reagan's First JOO Days
By Stevea R. Welsaacm
n a mild winter momlna nearly
100 days ago, Ronald Reagan
took his oath of office as the
American hostages In Iran took
an Algerian jet to freedom. Mr.
Reagan's smooth, Insistent
volc:e, summonlng·Americ:ans to
a "new begiMin&," has slni:e
had to compete with such Intrusions as the cracklin& barrage
of a would-be assassin's bullets, the dlsturbln& stac.
c:atoof terrorism In El Salvador, the rumble of Soviet
troops maneuvering near Poland and the lesser
static or quarreling among his Cabinet and staff. But
none of these distractions has' weakened the new
President's resolve to propel the Government Into
the greatest change of direction In half a century.
With a gift lor political theater, Mr. Reagan has established his goals faster, communicated a greater
Steven R. Weisman Is o While House correspondent
for The New Yorlr Times.
ATEST
-OF TilE MAll
MD THE
PIESIDEIICY
In the most dramatic first 100 days
since F.D.R., President Reagan
has set the agenda to win the
nation .to his conservative views.
sense of economic urgenc;y and come forward with
more comprehensive proPQsals than any new President slnc:e the first 100 days of Franklin D. Roose.
velt, the hero of his youth and the man whose record
of achlilvln& social cluulge Mr. Reagan seeks to emulate- albeit at the opposite end of the political spectrum.
In RooseVeltian fashion, Mr. Reagan has commanded the altentlon of the public, the Con&ress and
America's allies and advei'Sjlries. He has skillfully
couned new and old iriends, kept Democrats and
liberals on the defensive and maintained a friendly
posture even to those who, like labor leaders and
blacks, regard his program as anathema.
And, perhaps by luck, he has managed to avoid the
serious blunders of many predecessors. Before the
end or their first 100 days, after all, John F. Kennedy
had the Bay of Pigs, and Jimmy Caner had already
alienated his Conaresslonal allies and had been
dramatically rebuffed by the Russians on his early
arms-control Initiative, settln& negotiations back as
much as a year for the Ill-fated nuclear arms treaty.
Mr. Reagan's a~ents seem all the more remarkable for having come from one of the most Improbable figures ever to assume the Presidency - a one.
�Projecting
An Image
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�time baseball announcer, B-mo"" actor and television pitchman who has had to force the Establishment to take lim seriously. Havins become Presl·
dent In the face of such skepticism, he seeks nothtns
less than the blgesf military buildup since the Viet·
nam War and the adoption of a conservative Republi·
can prosram that· would all but repj!al the Great
Society; brtnstns about a seismic shift of resources
.from Government' to private hands. In the pi'QI:8SS,
he has proclaimed· an elusive soal elisentlal to the
success of his Presidency: restorins the.confldence·
of Americans In themselves and In the future.
Every modem President plasued by a11 ecOnomic
crisis has defined It In terms of confidence, from
Roosevelt's appeal- "The only thins we have to
fear Is fear itself" - to Gerald Ford's WIN buttons·
and Mr. Caner's 1979 speech llbout America's ma.
latse. With Mr. Reasan comes a nell!( resolve, contemptuous of 11 decade of talk about the need to accept limits on American &rowth, easer to embark on
sreat new deeds wonhy of his veralon of a simpler
past. "And after all," he declared on Inauguration
• .;.. Day, "why shouldn't we believe that? We are Amerl·
•
cans."
·
· :. ,
But If Mr. Reasan's soals are awe5ome, so are the
. ;. .obstacles that Impede him, and they have come into
,.
i. i sharper focus as well in his first 100 days. The slml.,..,....,f',,. .. larities between Roosevelt and Mr. Reaaan are
many, but one major difference Is thitt Mr. Reasan
has begun by outllntna a prosram, not enactins one.
Before the end of Roosevelt's first 100 days, he had
taken the nation off the sold standard, rescued the
bankins system and won passase of 15 major pieces
of lestslation, fro"! Federal welfare prosrams to
revisions In securities laws and enactment of the
CIVilian Conservation Corps, the A8ricultural Ad·
justment Act and the Tennessee Valley Authority.
Mr. Reasan's achievements so far are contained in
a packqe of proposals lncludlns 83 major prosram
chanses, 834 amendments to the budset this year and
next, 151 lesser budsetary actions and 60 additional
pieces of lqlslatlon. Not until March 31 did he stan
his first bill- cutttns back dairy price supports-on
a breakfast tray at Georse Washtnston University
Hospital the momtns after he was shot. If the bulk of
his prosram Is enacted, It won't be until nwch later
In the year, and It Is far from cenatn what form It
will.be In by then.
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Narrow Estape
AJailed attempt-on the President's
life-may--tum--out-to-be-a~political
boon for advancing.. his ·policies.
As Mr. Rqan wavei after Ieavins a Waslllnston ·
hotel, siJt shots nns out and lur is lilt in tlur left lUIIf•.•
"~'a
people may be rl&btln wantlna a fut·
paCed 'ftrsliOO clays,'" says Rldlard E. Neustadt,
professor af polldcal acl~ at Harvard University.
"But die sltuatlan 111M Ia altopdler different from
tile collapae af die banJ11D8 sYstem that faced R velt Ia 181:13•• . . _ Reapn bas cfane an elfectJve job
ptUq started, and I'm lmpresaed with how he has
spent bla time. But that doesn't tell us how Ills poll·
· eta will fare aplnst the slloc:kof events."
"'lbe real P.UBbfnl and sbovlnlllas yet to happen,"
adds lllOiber President-watcher, Jama David Bar·
ber, professor of poiiUcal adeace •t Duke Unlvenl·
· ty. "Reapn's moved qutcldy, but our apectaUcms
llbollld be lower than tlley were for Roosevelt. So. far,
we've seen a lot af amllllll at meetlnp with eon.
sress. '111at's the oU, but It's nat die machinery of
Goverilment "
On ~ Hertleit H~s lasl day In office,
be c:urt1y told bla IIUCceSIOr:. "Mr. ~t. wileD
JOU bave beeD In Wasblqtaa u lana u I have, JOU
·will team that the PresldeDt af the United Stata
calls aa DObody." Roaseveltlpored die advice, and
·~~ere Mr. Re8pD has cfane aacdy the same. He IIU
am- borlleback rldllla In VfrBinla; visited baclllta,l~
at canceru, ballet and tbealeJ' In Wasblqtaa
· N- ~ork Qty; dined and luacbed at hotels
vate laDes; danned black ue and wlllte ue for
U. at tile 111011t elepDt clubs In towD, and
point af lllalself tnivellq to Capitol Hill to Ylstt
sressklnalleaden. .
.
.
.
ID tile proce111, Mr. ReapD b6s defined bls
Uvea wltb IIUCb amiable pnlallty tbat even aa
sillaUaaattempt became aa occasion for
self~. 'lllat, too, martledlll
wltb Raasevelt; wbo barely acaped a
BUlin's pllftre tbat left maa dead and
. otbers __...In MJaml tbree weelal before he
to tall8 amce. 111e puuy IDcldeat bi'OIIIht "a
nasb af fattb"ln Raasevelt at au- wbeD tbat
tty wu M8ded ..-t, accordlll& to t11e
thur M. Sc:lllatnaer Jr. 'lbose seliUments find
ecbotoday.
.
.
For after jolt upoa jolt to American prtde from
IMiclll ovenus and at bome, tile yeamiJI8 for aa
fsabiCIIIed caDodo aplrlt Is surely wbat Mr.
rode to vtctory wbeD he defeated Mr. caner aa
states and waaSI perCIIDl of tile popular vote. Nseelal to baiMII tile same spkttln a IIIPIY
way.
'l1le unortbodoa ecanamlsta wbo bave deviled
ReapD prGp'UII aclmGwledae that Americans
aaly c:blulp tbelr paltenll of bella\llor - tbat
..,. ---and be wti1ID8-- to
accept·-
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party for Intimates. When Mr. O'Neill
a &Ouventr tie to tbe White H - . Mr. Reapn IIMwed up at
tbelrnext meetlna wearinalt. "Now you're In tbe biB
leques," the Spealler had -med the new Prell·
deDI. But Mr. Reqan had already proved he knew ll.
· AI part of his effort to keep tbe focus on the econwaaelncreasell,
omy, Mr. Reapn dellbentely aVOided speaklnl out
dille
.
.
on the CDntroveralal qreemmt dial freed the hostqea from lrari. He hal deferred such promlles as
. ~ ~~~eory bebiDd
Rea&llll's propclll8la 1a unu- to dllmanlle the Departments ol EneriY and
te818d..and he conceded ill mucb In a speech to
Education, and he hal tried to aVOid embroilment In
1'Unlln8 to bls attlal, he aallecl: ·"Have they
the abortion and crime 1111111a.
any altematlve wlllc:b oilers a Jl'88ler c:bance ol bal·
Not once,'meariwhlle, hai.Mr. Reapn called for
IIDCIDa the budpt, reclucllli and ellmlnatllla IDfla.
sacrifice. "Jimmy carter talked about acceptlna
daa, &UmulatJna lbe creadon ol jCib8 and rec1uctna
ahortqes,
and look Where llpt him," said an aide to
die tax burden? Alld If they haven't, are Uley IIIII·
Mr. Reapn, defmdina die President's cleacriptlon
sest~n~we can CDntlnue an lbe preaeat CIIUI'II8 wltbo
of bls proaram as merely a reduction In waste and
outcomJna to a day of nciiDnlna In the very - r fu.
extravqance.
ture?"
.
.
.
1be "tnaly needy" are protected, .Mr. Reqan
. At .-y c:bance, Mr. Reapn l'fiCIII8IIa.& the need
uys, and anyone who llllnka otherwise hal faileD
torebulldapectaUanabJIIOIIIIdiD8thethemeolaelf.
captive 'to die .rtletortc of bureaucnts bent on pro.
CXIIIfklence, &hat "we are In CDntrol" and that "we
tectlna tbelr jobs and tbelr "dleDtele." 1be ease
can and will resolve the problema wlllch COIIfront .
wllll wlllch Mr. Reapn dllmlases criticism obvt·
. 118." But wbat be aeelaiiiiGIIt of allis a dupllcadon of
· ouslyderives from die practice he BOt In california.
· Roosevelt's polldcai8UCC188 altered to canaerwuve
Pollowlna tbe election, however, .Mr. Reqan's
needs-a creadon ol tbe candltlolls leadllll to a iww
economic advlsen had, In fact, dlaaareed ah&rply
enol Republican primacy IDAmertca.
.
.
behind the scenes about whether to attach a pqram
1'1118 may be Mr. Reqan's IIIG8t difficult task of
of deep spendiJ18 cuts to the 3D percmt cuts In Inall, for It Ia ID bls poUUcalapproach &hat Mr. Reapn
come
taxes that had been a comeistone of hll cam·
IIIG8t differs from RcaeveiL Roosevelt nn an a
palgn.
.
pledp to cut GoYemment apendiJI8 .., 25 percent,
tory Welnberwer (rl&IIC) after IUs European Crlp.
For example, Representative Jack F. Kemp, the
and dlea abDwed blmAif to be a praamaUst and an .
fall, lbe candidate's aides realized that voters perBuffalo, N.Y., Republican who was an orfBinal auImproviser capable of allaadonlna campalp promceJved Mr. Reapn to be
CODservaUve dian
tbor of die tax cut, wamecl there would be "blood on
laea. ''Talre a metbocl and t17lt," he aald. "I Itt falls,
they-perhaps too much 10. "We must minimize tbe
the Door" of CoftBress If Mr. Reagan tried to cut GoY·
t17 Blllllher. But above all, t17 -.etbJna."
perception &hat he Ia danaei'OUI and WIC8riJ18," said
By CODtnat, Mr. Reapn may be prqmatlc about
emmmt P"'lnm& as ah&rply as odlen were uJ'IIft&.
an
Internal
campatp
memorandum
In
October.
Mr. Kemp and otben ai'JIUed dial tax cuts diembls tactics, but he nn for office IDteat oalmplement·
campalan pollsten. tested different future
selves would produce l!ftCIUih economic Browth to
1118 an apnda be had adwcated for decadeS. To tbe
"icenartos"
Willi
voten
and
founcllllat
IIIey
vastly
pay
forextstlq Government services. ·
utonlnftlMit ol many, be Ia -'dq now to carry It
out:
. preferred to believe "America can do" nlher.dlan
In a pivotal decision, Mr. Reqan rejected Mr.
san actor and after.dlnner speaker
"le&l II better." 1be "can do" dleme thus formed
Kemp's aclvlce, atdlftl Willi die orthodox Republican
and as Governor of Callfomta, for
tbe veblcle for easlna voten' fears about Mr. Reaeconomlata who held &hat tax cuts without IJudBet .
example, Mr. Req&D had made It
pn's conservatllm and tnstiiiJna tbelr fallll In hll
cuts would Ignite a new round of lnftatlon.
clear &hat be dlda't 1111e lbe anupoy.
leadersbip poleDUal.
But not until the appointment of David A. Stockerty pnl8l'lllll8 of lbe Great Society,
Tile themes and actions of Mr. Reapn's flntiOO
man, die fiercely conservative ditector of die Office
even wbeD most voters did. Alld at
days have been as carefully piiUIIIed as tbe camof M811814!ment and Bud&et, did Mr. Reaaan beJin to
lbe llleiSbt olrlbe papularttyof Presl·
palp Itself, and by tbe same people. "Was the
review tbe specifics of tbe cuts. Seated at the cmter
Nlllon's policy of.
American dream over?" asked another Internal
of a 10111 table- lint at a tnnsltlon oHice and dieD
memonndum of last December. "1'11e voten said
tbe Soviet UniOJI, Mr.
In the cabinet room- Mr. Reapn llllened'as Mr.
NO, lbe American ~m was not over, or at least
.-aiDed a hawldah ~
Stockman presented cuts tbe budpt director had
IIIey boped ll was not."
Uc. He was apiDat Govemmmt reauJatloa evm
been wantiJII to make for yean while studyiJ18 tbe
UpoataJdn&offtce,thememoWeDton, Mr. Reqan
wbeD lhe CGIIUIIler,· envll'lllllftelltal and worker- '
bud&et as a Republican Coqressman frCim Michl·
safety movements were at their peak. He scoffed as
~d aear his actions to bls call for renewed confl- '
pn.
.
well at _..., canaerwuoa just as &hat Idea took
dence ID America and for Jl8lll8&8 of hll - m l c
In 80 ,percmt of die cases, the Pn!sldeDt 1ave a
hold. AI a polltlclaD, he had been nothlna I f - conpropam. He was wamed not to use "&rand rhetoatmple assent to what Mr. Stockman had wrouaht.
stateDt. Now tbe qiBtlon Ia: Has be a mandate to
ric" until bls proanm was ready, and then to seek to
Occasionally be sided wtth a cabinet secretary who
dismantle wbat be opposed and alter lbe American
lower expectat10111 10 dial the public would underobjected, and sometimes he asked why a certain pro.
landscape? Or did he Win last year &Imply because
stand &hat hll pall c:oucl not be achieved quickly.
ll'em couldn't be reduced even more. "Go ahead and
he vapely but lklllflllly tapped tbe frustntlons of
"Finally, to provide realleadenhlp, President Rea·
cut It," he Interjected at one point after a 10111 depn m111t enpae In a perennial campallft," die
AmeriCIIIII Willi a campalp dleme 8Willlled up bril·
bate. "1bey're BOIJII to IIana me In effiBY anyway;
ltantly at lbe debate Willi President Carter, wbeD
memorandum said; and lhen cancluded: He should
and ll doesn't matter how hllh."
mount a dally barnp of speeches, directives and
Mr. Reapn aallecl voters: "Are yau better oft !lOW
1'1le most heated debates were over tax policy,
meetlnp to support hll leatslatlon, and he should
Ulan yau were fouryearsaao?"
.
With Treasury secretary Donald T. Re1an arpin&
Tbe.-n to lbeaeca-Uan& are 10unclear, and
forpt any notion of beJna an "outsider" In tbe nafor areater benefits to pei'IICIIIS with hl&her Incomes,
American public oplnlan IIi 10 cbaJI&eable In any
tloa'• capital. Mr. carter had failed at dial, allmat·
a move he said would Increase savtnp and Invest·
C81111, dlat the political rtsiiB Mr. Reapn faces are
lnalbe power cmten Meded for a President to aov·
ment. Mr. Reqan rejected his advice on political
em effectively.
probably even more aertaus dian tbe - ' C rtska.
tp'OUI!ds. "We couldn't afford to have a pacllaae that
· 'J'1Ie Reapn proposals promise a poi1Ucal8tnlgle
In bls very lint days, Mt. Reqan therefore IISUed
loolced like a &lveaway for tile rich," an adviser said
w1.e outcome will affect American -lety for a
a billiard of executive orden,.llftllll dozens of GOY·
later.
·a-rattan. Canftdent of bls electoral mandate, the emment repletions, dilmiiiJna bundreds of c._rter
Al.consultatlcins proceeded, Mr. Reqan approved
President told aa applaudJna - t i f t audience
holdovers, settJna a Federal htrfn& f - and cut·
modifications to placate allies on capitol Hill. SUbsl·
lJna back on tnvel, office redeconllon, consultants
a few weeks aao: "We're- c:uttJna lbe bud&et atm.
dJes for lbe Clinch River breeder reactor In Tennesply for tbe salle of IIOIIIIder fiDanclal maM.......l,
and furnltureprocuremmt.
..
.
see were left untouc:hed lntlleference llllhe majority
He met with eveeytlody from lbe Con&resslonal
n - of 118 who call ounelvea Cllllllel'fttlve have
leader, Senator Howard H. Baker Jr., a Tennessee
Black caiiCIII to lbe anU..borUODIIts. He spoke to
poiDted out wbat'l WI'OII8 Willi Govemment policy
Republican. CUts In food Slam. . reduced to
tbe natloa on teleYislon, addresled a joint session of
for more dian a quarter of a CeDtury. Now we have
please Republican Senator Robert Dole of Kansaa.
an opportwdty ••• to c:banp our nadonal direc:tlona
and let NBC film a day of b1s activities de1be timetable of these actions telll the story of Mr.
voted to lbe eConomy for an hour-lontl special. In••• Pellow cltlrenl, fellow CD111181Yati'V88, our Ume II
Reaaan'• npld Presidential pace. On Jan. 20, he
deed, In two mandll, he met Ieee to face with 400
. -.OUr-thalarrtved."
save an lnaucuraJ addresl devoted aim.& exclusively to the economy. He spoke to the nation on tele~ and-Oitentau-ly courted tbe most
0
powerful Democrat 111ftC1118 them, Speaker ol tbe
vision Feb. 5, and addressed Ccllqp'ess In a jolni _:
H
Thotnal
P.
(Tip)
O'Neill
Jr.,
who
will
Invited
Ilion
Feb. 18, p,_lllll lJ¥1 bulk of his economic
In lbe atiate&Y of Mr: Reapn'• Presidential cam·
for dinner rand to the President's ~ bJrthclay
·packqeontbaldate.
(Conclnuedon f'aae '/&)
patp Ues tbe foundation of bls ftnt 100 days. Last
waae~~~creue~-tr they come to believe &hat GoY·
enu11111t can be curtled and &hat lafladon can be
~ down. If, Instead, Alllerlcans react to a tax ·
cut by speadlna today ntber dian IIWin8 for IAIIDOro ·
row, and bJ ciiiiiiCirlq as they have In die past for
Mr. Reqllll's pnl8l'lllll will be ane
oldie 111011t calamttGu&, laflatlanary failures of all
Mr.
:sress.
eon.
The. organizational prob!ems
have .been extremely senous.
Despite the drive for collegiality' a
series of acrimonious . disputes
imPedes the staff and the agencies.
more
conareaa
..
�..
'\
-.~/.·.
..:
,.
.!
~· ·.
~~:
,.
..•.
- .
'
'.
''•·
... ····)·..
'
·:1 .•
.., ...
;;.
·.,' .
....
. ~.... .
1: .
"1;.'·.
Scorr fiTZGERALD WROTE A CLASSIC STORY
ABOUT A DIAMOND AS BIG AS A CERTAIN HOTEL.
NOBODY EVER ACCUSED MR. FITZGERALD OF SE'TTLING
FOR S~ND-BEST.
THE RITZ.
IOODAYS
Conrillllfd from Pale 58
By Marcb 10, be had CDID· the very we&llhy, the Pftiii'IUD
pleled details of lhe pacllaae.
. still leaves Mr. Reapnopea to
In sum, the pacllaae conalsl8 the cllarae lbat be 18 proffer·
of a tllll5 bllllaD budpt foraext
1118 traditlanal "Republlc:aD
year, lhe boldest attempl. of IICIIftllllllcs," favorbll the
.
modern Umes to redirect tbe uppel' claales.
l'eiiiUI'ce8 of perament. It
One 18 drawn, then, to the
features nearly 1110 blillon In CGIICiusloD tbat Mr. lteapn,'S
spenclli!s cuts, more dian 1110 budpt c:uts bave spared tbe
biiUoa In tax cuts, and the truly powerful more dian tbe
stan of a W..year, 27 per. ~ aeedy. T~ be eure, 8hlo
cent rise In military apendlna dent . . . . ~ laans,
- an Increase eo hup 11111DJ dairy prtee auppol18 and ather.
apert8 question Wbelher lhe
PI'CJ8I'IIIII8 for tbe middle clus
PealqDa can spend at tbat
an beiDa trimmed. But tbe
rate.
.
caatllest PI'CJ8I'IIIII8 for tbepoor
In Cclapess, the pacJraae - welfare, Medicaid, faod
met wtdl lnltJal pn!\UCUIIIIB,
stamps, IIOCial aemces and
retal8881stance- ... slated
81110118 Democrats, tbat
.Mr. Reapa ~ aet -a of· for tbe .sharpest cuts. Proo
what be propoaed. Indeed,
pams tbat masUy belp dae
Democrats joined wtdl Repub.
In the mJddle clus or abovellcai\S In IIUJIPOI'lln8 a set of Social Securtty, Medicare and
Reapn.badled llpl!lldiD& cuts
veteriUIII lbeneftts - ... pre.
on lhe Senate noor ID early served. Also IDitoucfled are
April. But just before CCift. · tens of bllltans of ciDIIanln tax
su~~s~
IP'ell8 bl'lllle for Easter receSs ~~enents tbat, 111
two wee11s aao. 110111e CODBer·
dize boustJ1a and bealdl can
vadve Senate . RepubUeans
for the mlddlecl888.
dealt lhe Admlnllltradon a set·
One more caatrovenllll feabeck by defectlna ca a key
ture of Mr. Reapn's Pftiii'IUD
~lllklll
ID tbe • Senate 18 bl8 prapasal to CXIIISOIIdate
Budpt Committee wlllcJI
at least 75 diffen!at bealdl,
. didn't c:Ut speDdiD8 .. fast ... educallan and 8IICial aemce ·
.lhey wanted.
Meanwllile, PI'CJ8I'IIIII8 Into a few 1111 block
Democradc · leaders ID lhe ll'!lftls, leavtna tbe states. to
HOUle were saYIDa Mr. Rea· spend the 1DC11111Y wtdl no
pn would have to awallea strlnp attachad. Tbl8 move
federallslll"
110011 to lhe niled to CDID~ ·toward a .._
mise, at least on bl8 tax cuts.
has been bodl a l q d - Re1be Democradc criUcs fo.
publican dream and CGIIII$8leDl
cusecl on botb lhe economic
wtdl Mr. Reapa's talk of
and polldcal premises of Mr.
"states' rtahts" durlq tbe
errea,
Reapn'spropam.
For- tJUna, manymlsl8 dispute Mr. Reapn'a
openiJia contention thai radl·
cal 8Urpry Is needed because
Govenlment spenclll'la and
deficits have left Americans
worse off dian 20 ,ean ap; In
fact~dley point out, tbe stand.
ard of llvtna for Americans 18
twtce as blah aslt was In 11180,
even after Inflation, al~
It 18 true tbat many Americans
are worse off dian lhey were
four yean 1180• as Mr. Reapn
suuested 1n t11e PresldenliaJ
campalp.
.
Also, lhe rate of relief In Mr•.
Reapn's tax cut srows wldl
-·s
Income, akewlna Its
benefits toward lhe well·to-do.
This ryvenal of the historic .
polley of taxlna lhe waldly at
blpr rates Is defended by
Reapn aides on lhe pound
thai lhe wealthy are more apt
10 save or Invest, and an ln.
crease In savlnp and Invest.
mentIs needed to Improve pro.
ducllvlty and dampen lnfta.
~ the
lion. Thus, President had earlier naled out
lncreasllll tax-cut benefits for
campalp.
Tile apprailch 18 Cllllltrover.
sial because nodlln8 would . .
main to Impel states to spend
the money on dlole deemed
needy by Caftlresllln the last
20 ~· Indeed, Caftlresll
would be deprived altopdler
of Its blsloric role In decldlna .
the purposes fOr wlllcJI Federal money aiDald be spent.
Small - * r tbat on lna"'''ratlan Day, the pemors m·
attendance applauded Mr.
Reapn's appeal for power 10 ·
be returned 10 the states; the'
Democradc leader& of CCift.
IP'ell8 p-eeled lhe Idea wtdl
stony silence.
0
11le ..-stlon of mandate
hoven over 811 of ·Mr. Rea-
pn's
doc~.
Americans,·
no doubl, encloned bl8 pledp.
to curb lhe lnlnaslve role of
Government. Bul' did lhelr
votes lor Mr. Reapn mean
that lhey wanted him to take
all dlese steps?
Did lhe election results
that VOI~~brace
biB efforts to / e n lbe Clean
mean
�I
\
\
\
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 16, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR:
Bruce Lindsey, Personnel
George Stephanopoulos, Communications
FROM:
carter Wilkie, Communications Research
SUBJECT:
Correcting the Record on Reagan appointments
"OFF TO A SLOW START" read the table of contents in National
Journal on April 4, 1981. The story was synopsized:
President Reagan and his personnel director, E.
Pendleton James, have come under fire for the
President's appointments to top policy-making posts.
They have been hit for moving too slowly and have been
criticized from various quarters for picking the wrong
people.
The following week, the same publication ran a small item near
the back of that edition under the headline "The Appointment pace
quickens":
More than a score of nominations were announced in less
than a week, bringing to 112 the number of new
nominations that the new Administration has submitted
to the Senate after 11 weeks in office. By contrast,
the Carter Administration had sent the senate 1'1 names
through its 11th week. [4/11/81, p.626]
But one month later, National Journal returned to the critique:
••• a major problem that afflicted [the Reagan
administration] at the beginning continues to this day.
[Five days into the term Lou] Cannon reported that
presidential aides were "struggling with the difficult
task of speeding Reagan's lagging time-table on subCabinet and other political appointments ••• [and an)
aide said that security and ethics checks had taken
longer than anticipated.
In its May 11 edition, more than 100 days later,
Time quotes E. Pendleton James, assistant to the
President for personnel, as offering the same excuse
for what the magazine called 'the molasses pace of
presidential appointments'"
-- Dom Bonafede, National Journal,
5/16/81, p.880
�EXECUTIVE REPORT
You Say You Want a Sub-Cab~net Post?
Clear It with Marty, Dick, Lyn and Fred
•:
l'
Even before President Reagan was wounded, political, policy and legal barriers had
slowed the process of selecting presidential nominees to sub-Cabinet jobs.
BY DICK KJRSCHTEN
I
the bulk of the February issue of Conserl'atil'e Digest was devoted to an attack
n an Administration that started off on James and his staff and a demand
with some fast and fancy footwork. that Reagan fire him.
Ronald Reagan's personnel recruiters
A top Senate Republican aide described James as "in over his head"
have been sadly out of step.
The President drew raves for putting and predicted that "at some point he'll
together a comprehensive economic pro- probably have to bite the bullet and
gram in his first 30 days. but he has step down." And a source within the
drawn fire for being slow. even clumsy. White House. when asked about the
In the staftlng of his government.
tnals and tribulations of the personnel
The appomtments process. ilke much staff. replied, "Never rule out the posof the rest of policy making in Wash- s1b1hty of plain. old-fashioned incomington. ground to a brief halt when petence.
Reagan was wounded in the chest on
James. the target of all of this vitriol.
March 30 after delivering a speech at is standing his ground. He insisted in
a local hotel. But even before the shoot- a recent interview that the appointments
J.!lg., on only the 70th day of Reagan's process was never intended to be "a
presidency. his honeymoon was ruffled footrace with past Administrations" but
b_I persistent complaints about his aQ:- instead was carefully planned to produce
pointments to top pohcy-makmg posts.
professionally qualified officials whom
~Conservatives howled that ''true Rea- Reagan "will be able to live with for
ganites" were being left out in the cold. four or eight years."
There were bruised feelings among conFootrace or not. the Reagan team
gressional Republicans whose candidates had clearly hoped to do better than
for jobs were left dangling. Members iTS 1mmedwte predecessor. The Carter
of Congress complained of the lack of AdministratiOns recru1tmg had a somesub-Cabinet officials to testify about the what rocky start when it got caught
specifics of the President's economic pro- up in a turf struggle between aides Jack
posals. Minority and women's groups H. Watson Jr. and Hamilton Jordan.
grumbled about the preponderance of A Februar.Y, 1977 National Journal arwhite. male appointees. And even some ticle about the Carter talent hunt queof the recipients of "plum" jobs chafed ried: "Carter's Original Amateur Hour?"
Despite his reluctance to be drawn
because of long delays in making their
appointments official.
into a numbers game. James said he
Much of this static is simply par was finally driven to look them up. "and
for the course. The contest for top po- I found out that we arc a little ahead."
In a Washington Post interview conlitical jobs in a new Administration is
always spirited. and there is no way ducted on March '27. Reagan said he
that the selection process can avoid leav- was disappointed in the "slowness in
ing disappointed candidates and con- filling appointments" but said that the
blame could be attributed in part to
stituencies in its wake.
But t}le criticisms of the Reagan per- .rncw rules and re ulat1ons" that slow
sonnel operatiQn ana ol liS director, £". t e clearance ..12roccss. Like ames, e
Pendleton James. have been particularly asserted. "We're ahead. at th1s sta e
harsh. The forces of the so-called New of any recent] Administration except
!tight have called for his scalp, and Nixon s.
564
Ni\TIONi\1. JOLR,_·\1. 4/4/KI
The official compilations of presidential documents published each week tell
a different story. At the end of Carter's
I Oth week in office, 142 nominations
requiring confirmation had been sent
to the Senate. At the end of Reagan's
lOth week, 95 had been submitted, twothirds of Carter's total.
The official figures don't tell the whole
story. according to James. As of March
9. he said, selections had been made
for all 187 key sub-Cabinet posts that
had been targeted for priority treatment.
Of that number. however, 115 had not
yet been announced because of delays
in obtaining final clearances of one sort
or another.
Those clearance procedures, in addition to FBI background checks and
financial disclosure requirements, include several layers of White House
political screening. Accordingly, there
have been instances when candidates
on whom both James's shop and a Cabinet Secretary agreed have ended up
not getting the job.
Some of these last-minute political
checks have been abrupt and resulted
in adverse publicity. James confirmed
one published account in which Reagan's
political affairs adviser, Lyn Nofziger,
charged into the White House mess "all
agitated and excited" and demanded
of James. "Why are you hiring this
Democrat'!"
Political checks by senior White House
staffers. including policy advisers Martin
Anderson and Richard V. Allen, have
provided a channel for redressing some
of the grievances of the militant right
wing of the Republican Party. James.
angered by the personal attacks on him
and his aides. insists that the appointments system has not been altered. Lastminute changes. he said, "simply prove
the system works. that we catch things
before it is too late."
));
�White House personnel director£.
Pendleton James: "Never has so much
work been done to get ready to staff an
Administration. In some ways. /think we
are going too fast.··
SHAPING THE SYSTEM
(
That the Reagan personnel operation
has been accused of political insensitivity
comes as no surprise to Morton C. Blackwell, former editor of The Ne-..· Right
Report and now a White House liaison
to conservative groups.
Writing in March 197!.!, Blackwell predicted that a Reagan presidency "would
not be what many conservatives expect
and many liberals fear." He noted that
Reagan "comes across strongly as a citizen politician" whose interests and talents "would not build the GOP into
a mighty, permanently dominant power."
To staff his Administration. Reagan
did not turn immediately to the political
organizations that helped elect him but
instead to his "kitchen cabinet"-the
close circle of friends and advisers whose
success has been in business, not politics.
Selecting James. a private-sector executive talent hunter with social ties
to members of the kitchen cabinet and
to Edwin Meese II I. Reagan's counselor
and chief White
House aide, was a
logical course of
action for a citizen
politician. Political
pros such as Nofziger and former
Republican National Committee
chairman
Bill
Brock were not
given primary
roles in the recruitment process.
James, a longtime California
Republican and
Reagan booster,
lays no claims to
being a politician.
He was not a part
of the Reagan
campaign and had
no direct relationship with most of
those who labored
in the electoral
trenches.
But
James bridles at
charges that he is
apolitical or politically naive.
Under Meese's
orchestration,
James set up shop
several months before the election in quarters separate
from those of Reagan's national campaign staff. As one who takes pride
in his profession, James not surprisingly
turned for advice to senior colleagues
in his field. He assembled a task force
of corporate personnel officials to ferret
out potential candidates with "outstanding" qualifications for government service.
It also follows that a career spent
placing people successfully in new jobs
would lead him to place great store
on proven skills. Here. according to one
of James's critics on Capitol Hill, is
where the talent hunter first began to
get into hot water.
The talent pool of Republicans with
government experience is made up of
veterans of the Nixon and Ford Administrations, some of whom assisted
James in his pre-election hiring preparations. A great many of them stood
by President Ford in 1976, helping him
fend off Reagan's challenge for the presidential nomination that year. Some Reagan loyalists have long and unforgiving
memories.
It was never James's intention to limit
his sights to old Nixon-Ford hands. But
appearances were against him. He had
served in the Nixon White House per-
sonnel office from 1971-73. And, as the
Capitol Hill critic put it, many diedin-the-wool Reaganites were not pleased
to sec such people as M. Peter McPherson, a former assistant in the Ford
White House, "helping James write job
descriptions that called for government
experience." McPherson, like many others who have worked with James, has
since been awarded a Reagan plumadministrator of the Agency for International Development.
After the election, the water got hotter.
A recruiter for a New York executive
placement firm who is familiar with
James's work in the private sector described him as "an excellent and persuasive talent hunter, but not an adept
manager. He's ideally suited for what
he was doing in California, running a
small firm of his own."
Gearing up to hire 2,000 or more
government officials is a mammoth managerial challenge, and James quickly
turned for help to James H. Cavanaugh,
another veteran of the Nixon-Ford staff
and now a top executive of a California
pharmaceutical firm. In his White House
days, Cavanaugh had occasion to lock
horns with fellow Nixon staffer Howard
J. Phillips, an outspoken archconservative
who now directs the Conservative Caucus.
Cavanaugh ended up on the prevailing
side in several domestic policy disputes,
including the Nixon Administration's decision to support legal services for the
poor, a program Phillips violently opposes. (See NJ. 2/28/81. p. 358.) He
also outlasted Phillips in length of service.
·When Cavanaugh emerged as deputy
director of Reagan's transition personnel
office, Phillips and the New Right decided to wage war.
Because of the heat from the right,
Cavanaugh returned to his firm earlier
than he might otherwise have. His name
is scratched out on an organization chart
of James's White House personnel office.
Instead of being named the office's director. Cavanaugh on Feb. 6 was appointed as "a special consultant on the
management of the presidential appointment process." He is not on the White
House payroll and has gone back to
California.
William H. Draper Ill replaced Cavanaugh on the organization chart, but
not for long. He has since been nominated
to be president and chairman of the
Export-Import Bank of the United
States. Draper's case illustrates one of
the major problems that have beset the
personnel office: turnover. Most members of the team that James assembled
to help him during the transition have
either used the office as a launching
pad to find plum jobs of their own
NATIONAL JOURNAL 4/4/81
565
�or else returned to their private-sector
jobs.
The instability of the staffing of the
personnel team, particularly the post of
director, has magnified James's administrative and managerial weaknesses, say
critics of the personnel chief.
Draper's role in the personnel office,
however abbreviated, also caused James
more grief from the "anti-establishment"
Republicans of the New Right. Draper
has close ties to Vice President George
Bush, the very epitome of the establishment Republicanism that the right
wing of the party mistrusts.
Draper is not the only Bush protege
to fare well in the appointments process.
A transition assistant to James noted
that "the Bush people out-organized the
Reaganites at the start. They were better
prepared to go after the things
they wanted; they were way
ahead of the Reagan people
in getting their candidates
identified and named."
As the volume of appointments has increased, more
conservatives have gotten jobs
and much of the criticism of
James has abated. And as
the staffing process works its
way down to jobs below the
assistant secretary level, workers from the Reagan presidential campaign are more
likely to qualify for appointments, the personnel director said.
The system worked best where the
new Cabinet officers-Secretary of State
Alexander M. Haig Jr., for exampleknew the turf and knew what they wanted
to accomplish in the various job slots.
It worked worst where a new Secretary
lacked familiarity with both the issues
and the bureaucratic setup. That was
the case with Energy Secretary James
B. Edwards.
Once formal agreement on a candidate
was reached by James and a Cabinet
Secretary, the name was circulated to
Nofziger for political clearance, to White
House counsel Fred F. Fielding for legal
clearance and to either national security
adviser Allen or domestic policy adviser
Anderson for policy clearances. For a
while, Reagan's kitchen cabinet advisers,
office,
worki
h Nofz'
Policy checks by White House advisers
Martin Anderson (left) and Richard V.
GETIING CLEARANCES
Allen have remedied some ofthe
James has contended all along that grievances ofthe GOP's right wing on
most of the attacks on his work have Reagan's recruitment policies.
been the result of a "communications
problem." He said his critics "really
don't understand what we are trying
to do. To think that ·we are trying to
appoint liberals here is rather fallacious,
to say the least."
One problem has been the amount
of time it has taken for appointments
to work their way through the pipeline.
James noted that conservatives have expressed pleasure with several sub-Cabinet nominees recently announced in the
health and human services area, which
was one of Cavanaugh's specific responsibilities during the transition. "Many
of the names that are coming out now,"
he said, "were started through the pipeline before this vocal criticism began."
The process begins with the identification of likely candidates by the personnel team. Once the Cabinet Secretaries were named, they were invited
to add names of their own to the lists.
Personnel officials and the Cabinet Secretaries then began negotiating on the
best mix of qualified candidates for top
departmental posts.
566
NATIONAL JOURNAL 4/4/81
played a role in this stage of the screening.
That is as far as some candidates
got. Christopher T. Cross, a· former Republican aide in Congress, learned this
the hard way. He understood correctly that James and Education Secretary
Terrel H. Bell had approved of him
as the best choice for undersecretary.
But Cross's name got no further than
Anderson's Office of Policy Development, where objections were lodged and
his candidacy was torpedoed.
Even when names survive the Nofziger, Allen, Anderson and Fielding
clearances, there is another hurdle to
be surmounted. This comes at James's
daily 5 p.m. meetings with the three
ranking members of the White House
staff, Meese, chief of staff James A.
Baker Ill and deputy chief of staff
Michael K. Deaver. If these three guardians of the President's political wellbeing sign off, James then takes the
recommended appointment to Reagan
for his approval.
Only when the President himself signs
off is the name sent to the White House
press office for official announcement.
As a practical matter, however, the
names of most sub-Cabinet appointees
surface in the press long before that.
In many instances, they already are at
work at their new jobs, usually as consultants, while awaiting completion of
the formal approval process.
Because it took Reagan longer than
he expected to assemble his Cabinet,
the process of selecting the sub-Cabinet
necessarily lagged several weeks behind
James's original ambitious schedule.
The selection of heads of independent
agencies has also proved to be a timeconsuming process. White House policy
aides played a major role in that process.
James recalled that "before we announced Anne M. Gorsuch
as administrator of the Environmental Protection
Agency, we must have gone
through five or six candidates.
Each one of them sat down
with Marty Anderson so that
he could make sure that philosophies and policies were in
sync. Because once we make
the appointment, we are
stuck."
A veteran of the transition
personnel office noted that the
upshot of Anderson's review
was that "none of the top
five names originally recommended for
the EPA job ended up getting either
the administrator's or the deputy administrator's post."
WOMEN AND MINORITIES
If Gorsuch's selection hasn't helped
Reagan win friends among environmentalists, it has helped in meeting the
pressure to place women in positions
of responsibility in his Administration.
Carter moved aggressively in trying to
recruit women and minorities, and James
acknowledged that the Reagan White
House is concerned about the numerical
comparisons that are likely to be made
between the two Administrations "at the
end of the first 100 days."
During the transition, James had expected to have an assistant specializing
in the recruitment of women. However,
when Nancy M. Chotiner, a former Republican National Committee aide,
joined the transition team, she was named
as an adviser to the entire office. Although not in James's direct chain of
command, Chotiner was well equipped
to provide the names of qualified women
who had been identified through the
RNC's "Target '80" project.
James also had a special assistant
during the transition for the recruitment
))y
�(
(,
of minorities, Melvin L. Bradley. Since
moving over to the White House, he
has lost Bradley to Anderson's policy
development staff. He has, however,
gained a full-time associate director,
Wendy Borcherdt, to concentrate on the
hiring of women.
Another female associate director on
James's team is Willa Johnson, vice president of the Heritage Foundation and
director of the foundation's resource
bank. Her mission, however, is to recruit
conservatives for national security posts,
not to increase the number of women
in government.
Another of James's associate directors,
Alex Armendaris, is Hispanic, but according to James, he is no more responsible than any other member of
the staff for aggressively seeking out
qualified minority group job candidates.
When Hispanic leaders publicly criticized Reagan for failing to include a
Latin in his Cabinet, a meeting was
set up by the White House public liaison
office, which includes two HispanicsDiana Lozano and Ernest E. Garciaon its staff. At the Feb. 12 meeting,
Reagan reportedly said he expected
shortly to appoint at least seven Hispanics
to sub-Cabinet posts.
The original Carter Cabinet included
two women. Reagan's includes only one,
Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. In addition
to Gorsuch and Kirkpatrick, Reagan has
awarded top jobs to the following women:
Angela M. (Bay) Buchanan, treasurer
of the United States; Arlene Triplett,
assistant Commerce secretary for administration; Judith T. Connor, assistant
Transportation secretary for policy and
international affairs; Mary Claiborne
Jarratt. assistant Agriculture secretary
for food and consumer services; Dorcas
R. Hardy, assistant Health and Human
Services secretary for human development services; Carol E. Dinkins, assistant
attorney general for land and resources;
Annelise Anderson, associate director of
the Office of Management and Budget
for economics and government; Elizabeth
H. Dole, assistant to the President for
public liaison; Loret M. Ruppe, Peace
corps director; Leonore Annen berg, chief
of protocol; and Rosslee Green Douglas,
director of the Energy Department's office of minority economic impact.
Housing and Urban Development Secretary Samuel R. Pierce Jr. is the only
black in the Reagan Cabinet. That
matches Carter's record because the
United Nations ambassadorship was not
considered a Cabinet post.
Bradley and Dan J. Smith hold posts
on the White House policy development
staff. Only three other blacks have won
high-level appointments from Reagan:
Vincent E. Reed, assistant Education
secretary for elementary and secondary
education; Arthur E. Teele Jr., administrator of the Urban Mass Transportation Administration; and the Energy
Department's Douglas.
The Hispanic community is still waiting for those promised seven sub-Cabinet
appointments. To date, Michael Cardenas has been named administrator of
the Small Business Administration, John
Hernandez has been selected as deputy
EPA administrator, and Ricardo M. Urbina, originally put forward by Carter,
has been nominated as associate judge
of the District of Columbia Superior
Court, a non-federal post.
OUTLOOK
No one expected Reagan to emerge
as a champion of affirmative action programs for either women or minorities.
Nonetheless, many expected Reagan to
put together a broadly representative
Administration that could keep most of
his political fences in good repair and
help to sustain his personal popularity.
Many groups that were ready to support him are losing patience, however,
as the personnel appointments trickle
Morton C. Blackwell, a White House
liaison to conservative groups, predicted
in 1978 that a Reagan presidency "would
not he what many conservatives expect
and
liberals
"
out. Washington Post columnist William
Raspberry on March 25 quoted the following excerpt from a letter written by
William 0. Walker, a leader of the
Black Advisory Committee to the Reagan-Bush Campaign:
"Unfortunately, efforts to establish
meaningful contacts with members of
the Reagan team have been most discouraging. They neither return phone
calls nor answer letters. Plus the fact
that appointments of blacks are moving
at a slow pace, if at all."
Jo Ann Gasper, a columnist for Conservative Digest who offers the disclaimer
that "it's not often that I find myself
in agreement with feminists," has taken
Reagan to task for engaging in something
close to tokenism in the jobs he has
awarded to women. "Most of the women,
so far," she wrote, "have gone into jobs
which will not have strong policy implications."
Francisco Garza, legislative analyst for
the National Council of La Raza, said
in an interview that the Hispanic community, is "extremely disappointed" by
Reagan's appointments.
James, eternally optimistic in the midst
of the storm, insists that all will turn
out well. "Never has so much work
been done to get ready to staff an Administration," he said with pride. "In
some ways, I think we are going too
fast. That's sort of a shocking statement
for me to make, because everybody says
I'm going too slow .... My response is
that I don't know if we are ahead or
behind and, frankly, I don't care. My
only concern is whether we are doing
a good job and whether the appointments
we are turning out are quality appointments .... And that takes time."
History may yet vindicate James, even
though his critics think that time is
running out on him. Conservative Digest
credits the Reagan kitchen cabinet with
blowing the whistle on James's allegedly
"anti-Reaganite" operation. But, of late,
the kitchen cabinet seems to have fallen
into disfavor with the top echelon of
the White House staff.
To James, this is the final irony. "I've
supported Ronald Reagan longer than
most of these guys," he said of his
critics. "Remember, I'm from California." As for being at odds with the
kitchen cabinet, James replies that most
of its members, including its former
chairman and now Attorney General William French Smith, are old friends. "Bill
Smith and I belong to the same club-the
California Club."
In a real sense, James and his businessworld approach to personnel recruitingas opposed to a professional politician's
approach-is just what the Reagan kitchen cabinet ordered.
0
NATIONAL JOURNAL 4/4/81
567
�)I
APRIL 4, 1981, VOL. 13, NO. 14, PAGES 553-592
President and Publisher: John Fox Sullivan
Editor: RichardS. Frank
Deputy Editor: Joel Havemann
Chief Political Correspondent: Dom
Bonafede Staff Correspondents: Timothy
B. Clark, Richard E. Cohen, Richard
Corrigan, Linda E. Demkovich, Michael R.
Gordon, Dick Kirsch ten, William J.
Lanouette, Christopher Madison, Lawrence
Mosher, Robert J. Samuelson, James W.
Singer, Rochelle L. Stanfield
Contributing Editors: Maxwell Glen, Jerry
Hagstrom, Michael J. Mal bin, Neal R.
Peirce, Daniel Rapoport, Jane Stein
News Editor: Alice J. Porter
Production Editor: Jake Welch
Graphics Editor: Nancy M. Krueger
Picture Editor: Richard A. Bloom
Production Assistant: Lisa Cherubini
TAXATION
WHITEHOUSE
The Administration's liberalized
depreciation proposals may be the most
important part of its economiC package,
but their complicated details and likely
consequences are receiving less attention
than the personal tax cut proposals or the
list of budget cuts.
562 STILL IN CHARGE
By Dick Kirschten
~
EXECUTIVE
While still recuperating from his bullet
wound, President Reagan has taken steps
to make it clear at home and abroad that
he remains in charge and intends to carry
out his presidential duties.
564 OFF TO A SLOW START
By Dick Kirschten
Circulation Director: Joan Willingham
Subscription Manager: Janie D. Blackman
Conference Director: Barbara Norris
Conference Manager: Eleanor Evans
Reference Senke Director:
Nancy R. Miller
Admlnistrati~e Assistant: Julia M. Romero
Marketing Director: M. Cissel Gott
TRANSIT
President Reagan and his personnel
director, E. Pendleton James, have come
under fire for the President's
appointments to top policy-making posts.
They have been hit for moving too slowly
and have been criticized from various
quarters for picking the wrong people.
568 CRIPPLING CUTS?
B)' Neal R. Peirce
and Carol Steinbach
Government Research
Corporation
ANTITRUST
While many local mass transit officials
complain that the Administration's
proposed cuts in operating subsidies and
capital grants would cripple their systems,
some predict that they could force
overdue reforms.
573 SHIFTING GEARS
By James W. Singer
Chairman orthe Board: Anthony C. Stout
President, Publishing Di~lslon:
John Fox Sullivan
President, Qient Senkes Di~ision:
Raymond Garcia
Comptroller: Grace Geisinger
National Journal® (ISSN 0360-4217),
April 4, 1981, Vol. 13, No. 14. Published
weekly, except for a year-end double issue,
by the Government Research Corporation,
1730 M St. NW, Washington, D.C., 20036.
Telephone (202) 857-1400. Call toll free
for subscription service, 800-424-2921.
Available by subscription only at $415
per year. Academic library rate $265 per
year. Subscribers provided with semiannual
indexes. Binders available at $24 for a
set of two. Second-class postage paid at
Washington, D.C., and additional offices.
Typesetting by Unicorn Graphics Inc.
CJ981 by Tbe Go~emment Research Corporation. All rights resened. Reproduction
In whole or part without permission Is
strictly prohibited.
556 ECONOMIC SLEEPER
By Robert J. Samuelson
Focuses
CONGRESS
In a break with the policy of the Carter
Administration, the new antitrust teams
installed at the Justice Department and
the Federal Trade Commission are
looking more kindly on conglomerate
mergers, shared monopolies and vertical
restraints.
578 NEW BUDGET MATH?
By Richard E. Cohen
ENVIRONMENT
579 ANACIDTEST
By Lawrence Mosher
ECONOMY
580 FOR DATAHOLICS
By Robert J. Samuelson
PRESIDENCY
581 EXPECT THE WORST
By Dick Kirsch ten
Departments
WASHINGTON UPDATE
INFO FILE
PEOPLE
ATAGLANCE
555
585
586
588
Policy and politics in brief
Studies, surveys and statistics
Washington's movers and shakers
Weekly checklist of major issues
�PEOPLE
Fla., as president of the Overseas Private Investment
Corp.; Joseph ViUella, who has been working for the
You'd never know that President Reagan had been in California Specialized Training Institute, as deputy director
the hospital by the pace of sub-Cabinet nominations since of the Federal Emergency Management Agency; Kieran
his injury. More than a score of nominations were announced O'Doherty, a New York and Washington lawyer, as a
in less than a week, bringing to 112 the number of member of the Postal Rate Commission; Alex Kozinski,
nominations that the new Administration has submitted deputy legal counsel in Reagan's transition office, as special
to the Senate after 11 weeks in office. By contrast, the counsel to the Merit Systems Protection Board; Jay Fleron
Carter Administration had sent the Senate 161 names Morris, deputy director for administration during the traniiirough its 11th . week, or almost half agam as many sition, as assistant administrator for external affairs at
as Reagan. Three of tfie new nominees are at the Health the Agency for International Development; Winifred A.
and Human Services Department. Reagan chose Arthur Pizzano, from the health care practice of Arthur Young
HuU Hayes Jr., head of the clinical pharmacology division and Co. and formerly an official of Illinois's Public Health
of Pennsylvania State University's College of Medicine, Department, as deputy director of ACTION; and Thomas
as commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration. L. Lias, a veteran of the Reagan-Bush Committee and
WarrenS. Richardson, a lobbyist who has counted among a Health, Education and Welfare Department aide during
his clients the Associated General Contractors and the the Ford Administration, as ACTION's assistant director
Li~rty Lobby, was named assistant secretary for legislation,
for voluntary citizen participation.
and Pamela Needham Baily, director of government relations
for the American Hospital Supply Corp., assistant secretary
for public affairs. At the Interior Department, Reagan Around the Agencies
nominated Garrey E. Carruthers, a professor of agricultural After much speculation as to who would take the post
economics and business at New Mexico State University, of head of the Veterans Administration, it now seems
as assistant secretary for land and water resources; Kenneth
likely that the job will go to James
L. Smith, general manager of Oregon's Warm Springs
Webb, a decorated former Marine who
wrote A Sense of Honor, a novel about
Indian Tribe, as assistant secretary for Indian affairs;
and Daniel N. MiUer, Wyoming's state geologist, as assistant
the Vietnam war, and who currently
secretary for energy and minerals. The neglected Education
serves as minority counsel to the House
Veterans' Affairs Committee. The apDepartment also picked up three nominations. They !lre
pointment could help to reduce tension
Donald J. Senese, a senior research associate for the
House Republican Study Committee, as assistant secretary
between the Administration and Vietnam
for educational research and improvement; Gary L. Jones,
veterans, a group that has complained
from Chicago's MacArthur Foundation, as deputy unbitterly about proposed budget cuts ....
dersecretary for planning and budget; and Jollll H. RodAnother expected appointment is that
riguez, from the old Office of Education, as deputy unWebb
of Jonathan C. Rose, a senior official
dersecretary for intergovernmental and interagency affairs. in the Justice Department's Antitrust Division during the
Three nominations were made to the Housing and Urban Ford Administration, who is expected to be named assistant
Development Department: Antonio Monroig, who has held attorney general in charge of a new office of legal polseveral posts with the Puerto Rican government, as assistant icy .... After 24 years with the federal government, Robert
secretary for fair housing and equal opportunity; Judith Saloschin, director of the Justice Department's office of
L. Tardy, a Labor Department official and a member · information law and policy, has re_tired .... John Metelski,
of the transition team for the Export-Import Bank of who has been an associate chief counsel of the Commerce
the United States, as assistant secretary for administration; Department's National Telecommunications and Informaand Warren T. Lindquist, chairman of a New York man- tion Administration, has resigned to become senior counsel
agement consulting firm that specializes in regional eco- for telecommunications at Microbrand Corp .... At the
nomic development, as general manager and chief executive Internal Revenue Service, Jerome Sabastian has been moved
officer of the New Community Development Corp. In from the interpretive division to the post of deputy chief
assorted other nominations, Reagan named Frank Wesley counsel (technical), and James Keightley, who has been
Naylor Jr., senior vice president of a Farm Credit District director of the general litigation division, will become
in Sacramento, as assistant Agriculture secretary for rural deputy chief counsel (general). Elsewhere at the Treasury
development; William R. Gianelli, a civil engineer for Department, John E. Wilkins, who was director of the
California and former chairman of the Monterey Penninsula office of revenue sharing estimates, has been made director
Water Management District, as assistant Army secretary of the office of tax analysis, replacing Harvey Galper,
for civil works; Charles M. Butler III, administrative as- who is moving to the Advisory Committee on Intergovsistant to Sen. John Tower, R-Texas, as a member and ernmental Relations.
later woairman of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission: F Jward E. Noble, an Oklahoman whom the White
House describes as having "been involved in various busi- All the President's Men and Women
nesses," as chairman of the Synthetic Fuels Corp; Mary Reagan made it official and nominated William A. Niskanen
Ann (Mimi) Weyforth Dawson, administrative assistant Jr. to the Council of Economic Advisers. Niskanen was
to Sen. Bob Packwood, R-Ore., to succeed Robert E. a professor in the Graduate School of Management at
Lee on the Federal Communications Commission; Craig the University of California (Los Angeles) and economics
A. Nalen, director of the Barnett Bank of Palm Beach, director for the Ford Motor Co. before that. He spent
)
The Appointments Pace Quickens
6l6
_)
NATIONAL JOURNAL 4/11/81
.
~·
�.
'
\
\
{)IJ
~v~
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 10, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR:
Rahm Emanuel, Director of Political Affairs
FROM:
Carter Wilkie, Communications Research
~
SUBJECT:
the pace of real change
As the attached chronology shows, President Clinton and the 103d
Congress have enacted, or will have enacted by April 2, more laws
with direct impact on Americans' livelihood during the first two
months of any presidency in the last 16 years.
Even though President Carter was the last to serve with a
Congress controlled by his own party, it does not appear that his
presidency was as productive in the time period studied. With
the exception of the special case of President Ford, who assumed
office in mid-term, we might have to go back to LBJ to find a
similar pace of achievements. I will talk to several friendly
historians to find a consensus on this point.
We could edit the attached chronology to exclude all honorary
designations and commendations. This would make the achievements
of this year stand out further.
One point you may want Stan Greenberg to research: When asked
whether the President or the Congress should have "the most say
in government," 65% of respondents in 1959 said the President and
only 17% said the Congress; in 1977, however, 58% of respondents
said the Congress and only 26% said the President (Guide to the
Presidency, p.122].
cc.
Ann Walker
�MEMO
TO: CARTER WU.KIE
li'ROM: RARR\:' TOIV
3111/93
RE: PASSAGE OF BUDGET RESOLUTIONS IN THE PAST
The concumnt resolution on lhc budget is a consressional docu&uenL Lhc atlupuon of which
require~ no rre~identlal action. Oncr. an identk.al rt".sc1ution is apptu\'00 by oolh houses of
Congre.~s -- usually in lhc fonn of a conference report -~ t.he ~ululiun is considered adopted.
ln theory, budaet law require& IJ•&L tl~ l.Ju\11~&. '"~lulluu be \:t..uuple&a;IJ by April 13. 1ltat has
never oc:c:urrcd. If it happens lhis year, it will be the first time ever. following l4i a list of
lhc completion dates for pa:u hudget resolutions.
Eiscal Year
1976....................................................................................................May 14, 1975
1977................................................................................................
Ma~ 1~. JQ7f\
1978.................................................................................................... Ma¥ 17, 1977
IY7Y................................................................................................... May 17, 1978
1980.................................................................................................... May 24, 1979
1981 ................................................................................................... June 12, 1980
l982.................................................................................................... May 21 . 19Hl
1983........................................................................................................... June 23. 19A2
1984................................................................................................... .June 23, 1983
1985.................................................................................................... Clctoher 1, 1984
1986.................................................................................................... August
1, 1985
1987....................................................................................................May 15. 1986
19RR....................................................................................................Junc 25, 1987
1989................................................................................................... .June 6, 1988
1990....................................................................................................Mny 18, 1989
J99l ....................................................................................................()ctc.lber 9, 1990
1992....................................................................................................May 21, 1991
1993 ......................................................................................................May 20. 1992
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 9, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR:
FROM:
SUBJECT:
~
Rahm Emanuel, Director of Political Affairs
Carter Wilkie, Communications Research
selling the early achievements
For starters, OMB's Budget Timetable guidelines, published in
1988, state that Congress customarily completes action on
concurrent budget resolution by April 15. (These guidelines also
state that the President customarily submits budget on the first
Monday after January 3.) Clearly, we appear to be ahead of the
usual timeline, but I will compile actual dates since 1974 after
checking with OMB staff records tomorrow.
on a quick review of presidential papers, it appears on first
glance that President Clinton will have won more major
legislative achievements in this time frame since Lyndon
Johnson's Great Society of 1965, the last time both houses of
Congress and the White House have been under one party control.
I will verify (and quantify) this tomorrow.
We have two risks ahead of us:
1.
There could be a drawback on emphasizing speed.
may counter that haste makes waste.
Journalists
2.
There could be a drawback in emphasizing the President's
political achievements at the expense of establishing a new
governing ideology. Harry McPherson said LBJ's great failure was
not staying above the thrill of the game of politics long enough
to inspire and keep the nation behind a national cause.
Establishing an ideology (a la Reagan's first two years) lets
allies in Congress and the Party share in a President's success,
and it builds more public support for the agenda down the road.
As an alternative approach, would we want to emphasize more the
final death of trickle-down economics in America?
Lastly, former Speaker Thomas P. O'Neill might be a great
spokesman for the President's legislative achievements. I heard
from one of Tip's friends in Boston that Tip was deeply touched
by the President's video tribute at his birthday party recently.
Tip said that unlike Carter's team, Clinton's people have a
political view that rises above parochialism. He said Clinton
may turn out to be the best President since FDR. Perhaps one of
the Irish-related festivities around the 16th and 17th would be a
good time for the Speaker and the President to chat together
intimately.
�1134 VI Chief Executive and the Federal Government
I
Table 17 Ticket Splitting between Presidential and
House Candidates, 1920-1984
Year
Districts•
1920
1924
1928
1932
1936
1940
1944
1948
1952
1956
1960
1964
1968
1972
1976
1980
1984
344
356
359
355
361
362
367
422
435
435
437
435
435
435
435
435
435
Districts with split resultsh
Percentage
Number
11
42
68
50
51
53
41
90
84
130
114
145
139
192
124
143
196
3.2
11.8
18.9
14.1
14.1
14.6
11.2
21.3
19.3
29.9
26.1
33.3
32.0
44.1
28.5
32.8
45.0
Source: Norman J. Ornstein, Thomas E. Mann, and Michael J.
Malbin, Vital Statistics on Congress, 1987-1988 (Washington,
D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Inc., 1988), 62.
a. Before 1952 complete data are not available on every congres-
sional district.
b. Congressional districts carried by a presidential candidate of
one party and a House candidate of another party.
party to raise money and field strong candidates for office.
If the opposition party is not strongly challenged in a
congressional race, the likelihood that the president's party
will suffer is greater.
An example of this phenomenon was the 1974 midterm
elections. The incumbent president, Repubican Richard
Nixon, had suffered precipitously in public standing after
his 1972 reelection because of the damaging revelations of
the Watergate investigation. Thus, the Republicans-who
also were coping with an economic downturn-found it
extremely difficult to raise money and select strong candidates for office. Moreover, an unusually large number of
legislators (mostly Republican) decided to retire in 1974,
thereby enhancing the Democratic challengers' chances.
Finally, Democratic antipathy toward Nixon and the Republicans was fanned by revelation of Watergate misdeeds,
in part because these offenses were directed against Democratic party leaders. As a result, Democrats at all levels
were motivated to run for office, give more money, and
otherwise work to defeat the party of Watergate. The net
result in Congress was a gain of forty-nine Democratic seats
in the House and four in the Senate. Some of the Democratic House gains occurred in districts that had been
Republican strongholds.
Evaluation of the president is not the only basis for
voter decisions during midterm elections. Despite the longterm erosion of partisanship, political party ties continue to
play an important role. A study of midterm elections in the
.1970s noted that party identification, incumbency, and
personal attributes of candidates were strong predictors of
voter choices. 153
Still, the inexorable erosion of support for the president's party at midterm elections emphasizes the large
shadow that the president casts over congressional elec-
Ii
tions. As the only nationally elected leader the president is
a natural referent for voter choices. Moreover, some observers argue that the electorate is more likely to vote
against policies or candidates than for them. Given that the
president's standing is invariably highest at the start of the
term, followed by a decline (although this decline may be
mitigated by short-term factors), it is likely that at
midterm a president, and his or her political party, will be
hurt by critics more than helped by supporters.
It has been suggested that midterm elections may provide a source of affirmation for, or rejection of, the president's issue positions, but there is little reason to believe
that this is true. First, experts agree that the public knows
little about the positions of congressional candidates on the
issues, even the controversial ones. Moreover, voters'
awareness of issues during midterm elections is even lower
than during presidential elections. Second, many congressional races are not competitive. In 1978, for example, no
effective competition was offered in 128 of the 435 congressional races. Third, congressional candidates are likely to
deemphasize specific issues in their campaigns, focusing
instead on broader abstractions such as government efficiency and invocations of political symbols. Fourth, turnout in midterm elections is low. In 1982, for instance, only
38 percent of the national electorate voted. This level of
turnout is not a measure of public opinion, and those who
do vote are not representative of the population as a whole.
Finally, to the extent that issues are raised in congressional
campaigns, they are bound to vary from district to district,
in part because they spring from local concerns. 154
High and Low Presidential Standing
Presidents who stand tall in the eyes of the public
possess the political high ground in their dealings with
Congress. Presidents who lack high standing face a politically problematic situation in which Congress actually
might gain politically from jousting with the president.
Presidents have long appreciated the political clout accompanying popular approval, especially when it comes to
dealing with Congress.
In the aftermath of his overwhelming victory in 1964,
President Johnson moved ahead quickly to enact major
legislation, particularly the highly controversial Voting
Rights Act of 1965. Despite warnings that the bill was too
explosive and that he ought to bide his time more carefully,
Johnson knew from his years of Senate experience that
presidents had to act when their popularity stood high.
Many presidents before and since have seen the wisdom in capitalizing on public standing to promote important programs in Congress. When presidents are reelected,
their ~nnual programs are infused with new proposals as
part onhe postelection mandate. By the end of their terms,
however, a ':far larger proportion are recycled proposals
from earlier in the administration. This trend reflects realization that the president no longer possesses the p'opular
mandate necessary to mount successful drives in Congress
for major new legislation. The progressive erosion of the
president's public standing results in a more assertive Congress and a less influential president. (See Table 18.)
Presidential Leadership Skills
Shortly before leaving office, Harry Truman observed
that his successor, former general Dwight Eisenhower, would
�President and Congress 1135
Table 18 Presidential Proposals Resubmitted to Congress, 1954-1974
Presidential proposals
previously submitted
but not enacted
Resubmitted bills
as percentage of
legislative proposals
President
Year
Presidential
legislative
proposals
Eisenhower
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
232
207
225
206
234
228
183
12
31
79
74
59
63
78
5.1
15.0
35.1
35.9
25.2
27.6
42.6
Kennedy
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1968
355
298
401
217
469
371
431
414
36
64
67
29
37
31
83
12.1
16.0
30.9
6.2
10.0
7.2
20.0
1969
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
171
210
202
116
183
161
40
62
5
19.0
30.7
4.3
10
6.2
Johnson
Nixon
,I
Nixon/Ford
Source: "Presidential Boxscores," Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1954-1974 (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Inc., 1955·
1975). Table compiled by author.
be in for a rude awakening when he assumed the presidency.
Truman predicted: "He'll sit here ... and say, 'Do this! Do
that!' And nothing will happen. Poor Ike-it won't be a bit
like the Army. He'll find it very frustrating." u 5
Political scientist Richard Neustadt made a vital point
about the modern American presidency when he quoted
President Truman, his former boss. In observing that presidential power to command was both overrated and overstated, he was arguing that presidential power was primarily the power to persuade. Reliance on persuasion and
bargaining has become a hallmark of the presidency,
Neustadt observed, because the responsibilities, demands,
and expectations now inherent in the presidential office
have outstripped the powers of the office. As a consequence, presidents must rely on informal bargaining skills
to accomplish their goals.
Concern for the appropriate level of presidential leadership skills was articulated by two early twentieth-century
presidents. Theodore Roosevelt advocated an aggressive
stewardship role for the president. He argued that the
president was entitled, even obliged, to act as necessary to
promote the needs, goals, and interests of the people, unless such action was explicitly unconstitutional. Roosevelt's
successor, William Howard Taft, called instead for a restrained or whiggish view of the presidency, proposing instead that presidents could and should exercise only those
powers explicitly granted in the Constitution. 158 Both these
approaches require some level of presidential leadership
skills, but they vary widely as to the scope and limitation of
these skills.
While the philosophical debate over the relative merits
of the stewardship and whiggish views of presidential leadership persists, no modern president can ignore the fundamentals of effective executive leadership. To win enact-
ment of important (and therefore usually controversial)
legislation, the president cannot simply submit legislation
and sit back to wait for the finished product. Specialized
coalitions often must be built in Congress, even across
party lines. Lyndon Johnson, for example, admitted that
he could not have gained passage of key civil rights legislation without the support of moderate Republicans, despite
the fact that his party held substantial majorities in both
houses.
Often considered one of the most adept legislative
strategists ever to occupy the White House, Johnson knew
more than most about the key leadership role of the president. Johnson summarized his philosophy when he said:
"There is only one way for a President to deal with the
Congress, and that is continuously, incessantly, and without interruption."
Although many factors other than the president's leadership skills play a vital role in shaping presidential-congressional relations, presidents are nevertheless the personifications of their administrations. They take personal
credit for successes and personal blame for failures (although seldom willingly). More to the point, presidents are
personal, readily available reservoirs of influence. They are
an administration's handiest political balm.
Some presidents such as Lyndon Johnson bring with
them intimate knowledge of C~gress, while others acquire
such knowledge on the job. As president, Johnson paid
close attention to even small legislative details, and he
always made himself available to members of Congress who
wanted to see him.
Presidents also learn that the timing of legislative
maneuvers often contributes to a successful outcome. For
example, successful passage of Reagan's economic program
owed much to the rise in Reagan's popularity following the
�1136 VI Chief Executive and the Federal Government
A president's influence over Congress varies with each president's personality. Lyndon Johnson, aggressive as Senate majority
leader (shown here with Democratic Senator Theodore Francis Green of Rhode Island), was just as comfortable employing embarrassment and bullying to get his way as president.
1981 attempt on his life. Lyndon Johnson similarly found
that sending bills to Congress at the right time was important to a favorable outcome.
Consultation plays a vital role as well in executivelegislative relations. Presidents who do not bother to consult with key members of Congress often find that they
have made opponents out of potential allies. President
Nixon, for example, probably lost the support of Republican senator Margaret Chase Smith for the Carswell nomination to the Supreme Court when his administration informed members of the Senate that she was going to
support Carswell; in fact, she had not made up her mind.
Smith eventually voted against Carswell.
Frequently, presidents have found their cabinets to be
an important source of expertise and political pressure.
Johnson devoted much cabinet meeting time to pending
legislation, and he also directed his cabinet secretaries to
apply their departments to legislative ends. Cabinet secretaries and lower department officials often testify before
congressional committees, and the president can shape that
testimony to advantage.
One of the president's most important legislative resources is a personal appeal. Whether over the phone or
face to face, such an appeal is usually an effective (although
by no means unfailing) means of winning support. Some
presidents-such as Johnson, Ford, and Reagan-were frequent and effective users of personal appeals. Otherssuch as Eisenhower and Carter-were less comfortable
with the personal approach. Richard Nixon actively
avoided substantive personal contact with members of
Congress. Phone calls from members to the president were
screened carefully, with most not even getting through to
the president himself. His view of himself as more of an
administrator than a power broker, as well as his apparent
aloofness and detachment, did little to endear Nixon to
members of Congress.
As with any resource, the impact of direct involvement
by the president may decline if employed too frequently.
Presidents usually reserve personal pressure for close votes
on important bills and for instances when the president's
prestige is on the line. A good example of both of these
cases is presidential attempts to defeat a veto override
vote. In 1986, for example, Reagan tried to win support for
his veto of a congressional effort to block an arms sale to
Saudi Arabia by personally contacting twelve senators. One
senator who changed his vote to support Reagan's veto was
John P. East (R-N.C.). He was persuaded that "the president should be allowed to make foreign policy without
being managed at every turn by Congress." In this instance
Reagan's veto was upheld by the precise minimum of
thirty-four votes.
Although there is no consensus on the extent and
effectiveness of bargaining, it is indisputably an integral
presidential resource. President Kennedy, for example,
struck a bargain with Sen. Robert S. Kerr (D-Okla.) over
an Arkansas River project. (The Arkansas River runs
through Kerr's home state of Oklahoma.) When Kennedy
asked Kerr for help in getting an investment tax credit bill
out of the Senate Finance Committee, Kerr responded by
raising the Arkansas River bill, insisting on a trade. Kennedy replied, "You know, Bob, I never really understood
that Arkansas River bill before today." Kerr's project was
supported and enacted; in exchange, Kerr backed the Kennedy bill.
Every president engages in some degree of bargaining,
but the technique has its limitations. First, bargaining
resources are limited. The president cannot afford to use
bargaining or favor trading as a principal means of obtaining action. If bargains are made frequently and explicitly,
everyone in Congress will likely want to make such deals.
Like personal contact, bargains are most effective when
used prudently and implicitly. Moreover, members of Congress may not be swayed by the bargaining option, especially if they are motivated by such factors as constituent
pressure, ideology, or party ties. Although presidents use
bargaining to pursue their policy objectives, most of the
pressure for bargains emanates from Congress.
Sometimes, presidential influence extends to applying
�President and Congress 1137
coercion. Strictly speaking, the president can do little to
twist arms. Some presidents, such as Eisenhower, found
strong-arm tactics distasteful. Even after repeated attacks
against him and his administration by Sen. ,Joseph R.
McCarthy {R-Wis.), Eisenhower declined to respond aggressively ..Johnson, on the other hand, was not reluctant to
employ embarrassment, bullying, and threats to promote
his ends.
The Nixon administration also employed arm-twisting
tactics, although Nixon himself avoided personal involvement. These tactics came into play in 1969 over such
controversial issues as the antiballistic missile system and
the Haynsworth and Carswell nominations to the Supreme
Court. In addition, the Nixon administration threatened
rebellious representatives with reelection trouble. A wellknown example is the administration's support of James L.
Buckley, who was running for the Senate from New York.
Because the Republican incumbent, Charles E. Goodell,
had become a strong administration critic, the administration threw its support informally behind Buckley, the
nominee of the New York Conservative party. The weight
of the Nixon administration helped Buckley defeat Goodell
and the Democratic nominee, Richard Ottinger. Despite
this and other periodic successes for the arm-twisting technique, it frequently does not work, and it often serves to
fan and fortify opposition.
Presidents can provide a variety of services to members of Congress. These include presidential visits to home
districts, assistance with favored pork barrel and other
projects, patronage appointments, constituent service assistance (such as giving out presidential memorabilia and
signed photographs, arranging special White House tours,
interceding with federal agencies), access to privileged or
other inside information, campaign assistance, and personal favors and amenities for members of Congress (from
cuff links to choice theater tickets). The use of amenities
and social courtesies builds positive personal relations.
Early in his term President Lyndon Johnson was careful to
apportion credit for important legislation, but as Vietnamrelated criticism mounted, he began to refer to programs as
his own, which further eroded his relations with Congress.
As with other tactical devices, services and amenities are
limited in effectiveness.
In addition to these direct means of influence, presidents can marshal outside pressure, including that exerted
by constitutents. Thus, presidents may appeal directly to
geographic or other constituencies to urge that pressure be
placed on representatives. President Kennedy's legislative
chief, Lawrence O'Brien, frequently contacted state governors to urge them to pressure state representatives. Federal
agencies also may be called on to mobilize support for
presidential policies. Farmers, unions, business groups, and
regional or other interests may be persuaded to side with
the administration in attempting to swing congressional
support. President Johnson forged a coalition of the major
religious denominations and educational groups in support
of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965
even before the bill was introduced. In fact, Johnson deliberately held the bill until both the National Education
Association and the National Catholic Welfare Conference
agreed on the bill's basics.•••
The sheer length of this list of leadership tools available to the president is convincing evidence that presidential persuasion is irresistible when applied firmly and consistently. Yet the actual presidential record suggests almost
the opposite. Many examples of all of these factors in
operation can be cited, but in fact the persuasive tools and
abilities of presidents constitute only one category of factors that influence the legislative process. A penetrating
analysis of presidential influence in Congress has concluded that the impact of presidential skills has been overstated, partly because of the tendency for such activities to
attract headlines. According to this study, "Presidential
legislative skills do not seem to affect support for presidential policies, despite what conventional wisdom leads us to
expect."'""
The Public Presidency
Presidents often use their rhetorical skills to bypass
Congress and sway public opinion. The potency of aroused
public sentiment already has been summarized. It is not
surprising, then, that presidents often seek public favor to
build support for major legislation or to head off possible
opposition.
One of the best-known examples of presidents seeking
public support to sway Congress occurred before the era of
television. In 1919 Woodrow Wilson stumped the country
to rally support for the beleaguered League of Nations
treaty then before the Senate. Although he gave forty
speeches in twenty-two days, Wilson's efforts fell short. He
suffered exhaustion, then a stroke, and the Senate defeated
the treaty by a fifteen-vote margin.
To cite a more recent example, Ronald Reagan met
increasing opposition from both Congress and the country
to his efforts to cut back on education aid programs. (Polls
indicated popular disapproval of Reagan's cutbacks by a
two-to-one ratio.) In response, the White House launched a
communications offensive, emphasizing the themes of excellence in education, merit pay for teachers, and greater
classroom discipline, and Reagan made over twenty-five
personal appearances to repeat these themes. Later polls
indicated that the public supported Reagan's education
program by a two-to-one ratio, even though no programmatic changes had occurred. By altering public perceptions, Reagan also helped alleviate pressure from Congress.
President Johnson also found a public appeal desirable, and even necessary, to impel congressional action.
When Johnson's tax surcharge bill stalled in the House
Ways and Means Committee, he appealed to the people
through several public forums, including his 1968 State
of the Union address. The impasse was eventually overcome, despite some congressional resentment over the pub·
lic approach.
Early in his administration President Carter used a
series of television addresses to rally public support for his
proposed energy legislation. To symbolize his own commitment to energy conservation, Carter wore a cardigan
sweater instead of the traditional suit jacket. But despite
his appeal to the public, Carter's energy program faced
difficult sailing in Congress.
Presidents also try to take advantage of changing public sentiments. Immediately after the 1968 assassination of
Martin Luther King, Jr., President Johnson pressed congressional leaders to act on his Fair Housing Act, which had
been stalled in committee for over two years. Within seven
days of King's death the bill was signed into law. One day
after Robert F. Kennedy's assassination in 1968, Congress
enacted the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act,
even though the bill had been tied up in Congress for more
than a year. In both instances, dramatic swings in public
sentiment resulting from unforeseen events provided the
�1138 VI Chief Executive and the Federal Government
impetus needed to push a White House-favored proposal
through.
The presidential public appeal is nothing new, but
many analysts have noted that modern communications
technology, along with political changes, have had the effect of encouraging presidents to use the public forum to
pressure Congress. Presidents can command network television time almost at will, and no modern president would
think of launching a major political effort involving Congress without incorporating public communications channels. Indeed, presidents have progressively expanded their
prime time exposure. (See Figure 2.)
Political scientist Samuel Kernell has argued that
modern presidents "go public" more than their predecessors; they attempt to place themselves, and their proposals,
directly before the people in order to improve their political fortunes in Washington. These efforts may target particular groups or segments of the population, but since
virtually any presidential action is news, national coverage
usually results.
The consequence of this trend is that presidents, their
allies, and their foes have all become much more concerned
with public relations as a political tactic. Both allies and
critics agree that, among modern presidents, "No president
has enlisted public strategies to better advantage than has
Ronald Reagan." Reagan's acting background dovetailed
with a growing understanding of the impact of presidential
images to produce a presidency that cultivated Reagan's
national image as a means of promoting his congressional
agenda.
The idea that modern presidents can obtain powerful
political capital from public support is taken further by
Theodore J. Lowi. He argues that the country has entered
an era in which the government is centered around the
presidency. Presidential appeals have taken on a plebiscitary nature-that is, presidents seek popular support or
even adoration, as did the autocrats of ancient Rome and
the more recent French empires. And, according to Lowi,
the forceful ascendance of the personal presidency has
come at the expense of the separation of powers (especially
in a denigration of the role of Congress) and the two-party
system. The cult of presidential personality has been accompanied by expansion of the formal and informal powers
of the presidency, although these heightened powers cannot match public expectations. Under these conditions the
president may operate outside of the traditional presidential-congressional relations to impel Congress to act in
accordance with the president's wishes.
Thus, the powers and skills most important to presidents seeking an effective presidency have changed since
the 1950s. Communications skills have always been important, but past presidents known for their communications
skills-such as Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and
Franklin Roosevelt-did not rely solely or even primarily
on speechmaking and public oration to gain political results in Congress. Modern presidents have found public
appeals to be an increasingly important supplement to the
traditional bargaining with Congress. With the erosion of
strong party ties, the traditional institutional and partisan
links between the president and Congress have been further weakened.
Presidents as Leaders
Each president has left a mark on the presidency.
Historians, journalists, political scientists, and others pay
close attention to the strengths and weaknesses of each
president, and they often rank presidents according to
their relative "greatness." These rankings have been criticized for their unstated assumptions (such as the assumption that activism equals greatness), their reliance on subjective and reputational considerations, and the lack of
agreement about what constitutes greatness. Yet the varying leadership styles of recent presidents reveal much
about their dealings with Congress.
Roosevelt. Franklin Roosevelt oversaw the expansion of the modern presidency, in particular the legislative
realm. Early in his four-term presidency he shepherded
through Congress the enormous volume of legislation that
composed his New Deal program. And because he served as
president during World War II, he benefited from the
wartime deference to presidential authority. In both instances, severe national crises afforded Roosevelt singular
opportunities to shape and direct legislative affairs, and
even to redefine the president's role. His singular leadership skills were important as well.
As Richard Neustadt has noted, "No president in this
century has had a sharper sense of personal power .... No
modern President has been more nearly master in the
White House .... He wanted power for its own sake; he also
wanted what it could achieve."
In addition to the personal enjoyment he derived from
the use of power, much of Roosevelt's legacy is his impact
on the institution of the presidency. He created the Executive Office of the President and brought the Bureau of the
Budget into it from the Treasury Department. He increased staff and other executive resources, and he focused
these expanded resources on Congress to provide the necessary presidential input and to ensure the enforcement of
presidential preferences.
Roosevelt also knew how to use the media and other
external forces to bring pressure to bear on Congress. His
celebrated fireside chats highlighted his ability to use the
still new electronic medium of radio as a means of rallying
public support for his political agenda. Later, during the
war years, Roosevelt used the radio to instill confidence
and fan patriotic fervor.
For all of Roosevelt's skill, however, he made his share
of blunders and suffered his share of defeats. During his
second term he miscalculated congressional (and national)
sentiments when he proposed increasing the number of
seats on the Supreme Court so that he could appoint additional justices more receptive to his agenda. Congress
balked at Roosevelt's attempt at "Court packing," and the
president suffered no little political humiliation. In the
1938 primaries, Roosevelt ran pro-Roosevelt Democrats
against the Democratic legislators who had not been adequately receptive to many of his initiatives in Congress.
With one exception, every effort failed, and southern Democrats in particular harbored resentment for years.
Truman. Harry Truman sought to extend the legislative work of his predecessor. His "Fair Deal," which
emphasized economic security for Americans, was a continuation of Roosevelt's New Deal. Truman set forth a
twenty-one point program, which included proposals related to increasing the minimum wage, urban development,
national health insurance, social security, and full employment. Unlike his predecessor, however, Truman met vociferous opposition. In the midterm elections of 1946 the
Republicans gained control of both houses for the first time
since 1928, and Truman's programs were savaged, as was
he in the public press. Nonetheless, he challenged the
J
�President and Congress 1139
Figure 2 Presidential Addresses, 1929-1983 (Yearly Averages for First Three Years of First Term)
Number of
Addresses
Major Minor
3)
100
'Z1
00
24
fl)
21
70
18
00
15
50
12
40
9
3)
;
Minor _,."'
-----.;
/" ---....
~
;
~
~
6
a-1
3
10
0
0
/
;
;
/
Hoover
Roosevelt Truman Eisenhower Kennedy Johnson
Nixon
Carter
Reagan
(1929-1931) (1933-1935) (1945-1947) (1953-1955) (1961-1963) (1965-1967) (1969-1971) (1977-1979) (1981-1983)
Sources: Data for Hoover, Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Nixon, and Carter are from William W. Lammers, "Presidential AttentionFocusing Activities," in The President and the American Public, ed. Doris A. Graber (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human
Issues, 1982), 152. Data for Kennedy, Johnson, and Reagan are from Public Papers of the President series. See also Samuel Kernen, "The
Presidency and the People," in The Presidency and the Political System, ed. Michael Nelson (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1984), 242.
Cited in Samuel Kernen, Going Public: New Strategies of Presidential Leadership (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1986), 86.
Note: To eliminate public activities inspired by concerns of reelection rather than governing, only the first three years have been tabulated.
For this reason, Gerald Ford's record of public activities during his two and one-half years of office has been ignored.
Republicans head on, and in one of the great upsets in
modern presidential elections, he defeated his Republican
rival, Thomas E. Dewey in 1948, and carried into office
Democratic congressional majorities.
Truman could not match Roosevelt's reputation or
adroit leadership skills, but he was not without experience
and skill. Truman had served in the Senate for ten years
before becoming vice president in 1944, and he both knew
and respected the congressional decision-making process.
But Roosevelt's death took everyone by surprise, and Truman had little knowledge of White House decision making.
He spent his first two years establishing a coherent White
House structure to deal with legislative matters. While
contributing to the institutionalization process begun by
Roosevelt, Truman also took personal interest in and control over legislative matters. The well-known sign he kept
on his desk, proclaiming, "The buck stops here," embodied
his personal involvement.
Another indication of Truman's attitude was his frequent use of the veto-250 times in eight years. He used his
well-known veto of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 to enforce
his image as defender of the average working man. Truman
took special care with his veto messages and worked on
them personally. He became enmeshed in the unpopular
Korean War during his final two years in office, and suffered a precipitous decline in public standing that was
matched only by Nixon's decline during Watergate.
Eisenhower. The election of former general
Dwight Eisenhower represented the ascension of a relatively apolitical public figure inexperienced in the ways of
civilian governing. Initial assessments of Eisenhower's
presidential leadership, such as that of Richard Neustadt,
portrayed him as a man who served more out of a sense of
duty than a love of power, and as a president who saw his
role as that of referee rather than politician in chief.
Yet many presidential observers have argued that Eisenhower's leadership skills have been underrated. Despite
facing a Congress controlled by the opposition party for six
out of eight years, Eisenhower saw many of his important
programs enacted, presided over an era of peace and economic good times, and was elected twice by large margins.
Philosophically, he did not share the aggressive activism of
his two predecessors. In his first year in office he sent no
coordinated legislative program to Congress, but after stern
criticism from Congress, he followed through with annual
programs for the remainder of his term. His personal role
was one of relative detachment compared to his predecessors. He relied more on his staff and organizational hierarchies, and he generally disdained the backslapping, armtwisting style favored by some politicians.
One revised assessment of Eisenhower's leadership
style has argued that it was a "hidden hand"; that is, Ike
was in fact "politically astute and informed, engaged in
putting his personal stamp on public policy, a president
who applied a carefully thought-out conception of leadership to the conduct of his presidency." In addition to the
hidden hand, Eisenhower's political strategies included his
careful use of language, analysis of the personalities of
those with whom he was dealing in assessing options, refusal to engage in personality conflicts, and selective delegation. Eisenhower's leadership style with Congress and
I
j.
!I
/I
I
�1140 VI Chief Executive and the Federal Government
the country was relatively low key and detached. He benefited from and relied on his persistent public support.
Given the strong opposition congressional leadership of
Democratic House Speaker Sam Rayburn and Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, Eisenhower probably deserves more credit for having leadership skills suited to the
circumstances of the time than critics initially conceded.
I'
I
'
1! j
; I
.\
1'
I
i ~.
Kennedy. Although his presidency conveyed a certain mystique, John F. Kennedy entered the White House
on a razor-thin margin that left him little in the way of a
political base. Congress was in the hands of the Democrats,
but southern conservatives held tight reins, and many of
Kennedy's most important "New Frontier" initiatives (including Medicare, aid to education, creation of an urban
affairs department, establishment of a youth conservation
corps, and civil rights) remained bottled up.
Kennedy had served in the Senate for eight years, but
he had taken little interest in Senate affairs and in the
traditional paths of congressional power. When he became
president, his desire to exert leadership was exceeded by
political reality and his own inexperience. In the area of
civil rights, for example, Kennedy had pledged important
advances, but, having lost twenty Democratic seats in the
House in the 1960 elections, he failed to win passage of any
important civil rights legislation. In response to political
pressure, Kennedy did issue a series of executive orders
directed at improving civil rights, and he appointed more
blacks to judicial and other positions than any of his predecessors. And he achieved some notable legislative successes,
including a minimum wage bill, aid to depressed areas, and
a housing bill. As leadership specialist Barbara Kellerman
has noted, Kennedy might have realized greater successes
in areas such as civil rights had he been willing to apply
more of the rewards and sanctions available to him. Kennedy lacked "an appreciation of the politics of leadership.
He failed to exert sufficient influence on those political
actors whose support he needed to win."
In terms of staffing, Kennedy shed Eisenhower's formalistic, hierarchical arrangements, preferring instead a
flexible arrangement that fed information more directly to
him. Kennedy's top aides also had considerable discretion
to act on his behalf. Although these mechanisms could have
maximized Kennedy's personal ability to have an impact
on the legislative process, his fear of outpacing his mandate
did much to slow his efforts.
Kennedy's mixed track record in legislative leadership
was to some extent overshadowed by a series of dramatic
foreign policy developments, including the attempted invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs in 1961, the Cuban missile
crisis in 1962, completion of a nuclear test ban treaty in
1963, and the escalating war in Vietnam. Historians and
others have speculated about what course the Kennedy
administration might have taken had he lived to benefit
from the fruits of a strong showing in the 1964 elections. It
is difficult to believe, however, that Kennedy could have
equaled or surpassed the achievements of his successor.
Johnson. In many respects, Lyndon Johnson was
the political opposite of Kennedy. He knew the Congress
like few other politicians, having served there since 1937
and risen through the ranks to become majority leader
during the Eisenhower administration. As a southerner, he
knew how to play to southern Democratic conservatives
and Republican leaders in Congress. He also appreciated
the subtleties of promoting controversial legislation. In
1964, for example, he succeeded where Kennedy had failed
in enacting a major civil rights bill. After the 1964 elections, when the Democrats rolled up large congressional
majorities, he stepped up the pace.
Johnson's Great Society followed in the tradition of
the legislative agendas of Democratic presidents back to
Roosevelt. His successes were considerable during 19651966; of eighty-three major Johnson proposals, eighty were
enacted. Many of his proposals dated back to the Roosevelt
era. Johnson's prodigious record of achievement was the
product of both an overwhelming electoral mandate in the
1964 election and his well-known personal leadership skills.
To be the object of the "Johnson treatment" was to be
stroked, prodded, flattered, bullied, encouraged, and cajoled into supporting the president. Johnson was "the very
model of a political president."
Johnson's highly personal, hands-on style was reflected in his staff organization. Johnson actively participated in political and policy matters, reserving most important decisions for himself. Members of his White House
staff, of course, were heavily involved in such matters as
well. When Johnson's energy was directed at Congress, it
produced numerous achievements, but his pattern of close
personal involvement served him poorly when his attention
turned to Vietnam. As Johnson's public support lessened
and the country became more committed to the Vietnam
War, Johnson brooked little dissent and less disagreement.
He continued to log some legislative successes during the
last two years of his administration, but his unwavering
commitment to the Vietnam War inexorably sapped resources, political capital, and good will from his legislative
agenda. Johnson's considerable leadership skills could not
extract him from his own unyielding commitment to fight
an increasingly unpopular war.
Nixon. The 1968 elections inaugurated a period of
divided government. Although he had served in both
houses of Congress and as Eisenhower's vice president for
eight years, Richard Nixon failed to carry with him either
house of Congress. He was the first president to face this
difficulty since Zachary Taylor in 1848.
At the outset of his administration he forwarded over
forty legislative proposals to Congress, including election
law reform, tax reform, crime-related proposals, welfare
reform, and drug control. But despite these early efforts,
Nixon encountered problems with Congress almost from
the beginning, notably the Haynsworth and Carswell nominations to the Supreme Court. Nixon's initial organizational approach to Congress differed from that of his immediate predecessors. He sought to emulate Eisenhower's
strong cabinet model, emphasizing organizational hierarchy and more limited personal involvement by the president in day-to-day decisions. As his term progressed, however, the strong cabinet model was overthrown in favor of
an administrative approach, where power was concentrated
in the hands of key political aides. During Nixon's first
term, he sought to achieve policy successes through legislative remedy. By the second term, however, he had turned
increasingly to an administrative strategy that emphasized
circumventing congressional channels to the extent possible. This approach suited Nixon's personal leadership
style, which emphasized detachment, hierarchy, and managerial values.
Nixon's principal leadership efforts concerned foreign
policy. He began to scale down U.S. involvement in Vietnam (although he actually escalated the war, provoking
�President and Congress 1141
much criticism from Congress and the nation), opened ties
to China, and completed the first Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty with the Soviet Union. The Vietnam War was a
persistent source of friction between Congress and the
White House, with struggles over efforts to end funding for
the war and constitutional questions about the extent of
Nixon's discretion over the use of U.S. forces. Congress
scored several important legislative victories, including
passage of the War Powers Resolution.
Nixon's administrative approach conformed to his disdain for congressional critics, and he began to treat his
political opponents as enemies. This we-versus-they mentality did much to foster the Watergate scandal, which was
marked by efforts to turn the apparatus of government
against Nixon's political opponents. Nixon's reelection
campaign also diverted resources to political sabotage,
dirty tricks, and other illegal activities. As public exposure of Nixon campaign and administration misdeeds surfaced, a siege mentality gripped Nixon and his White
House more tightly. Despite the popular mandate accompanying Nixon's landslide 1972 reelection, White
House efforts focused increasingly on political damage control. Relations with Congress continued to deteriorate;
moreover, Congressional investigations were responsible
for Nixon's resignation.
Ford. The presidency of Gerald Ford was the product of historical accident. Had Vice President Spiro T.
Agnew not resigned over financial improprieties committed
during his tenure as governor of Maryland, Ford never
would have become president. Without the benefit of a
national campaign, Ford had no opportunity to construct
and promote his own political and policy agenda. This
simple fact explains much of the difficulty Ford faced with
Congress.
Ford's elevation to the presidency was welcomed by a
country anxious to put the troubled Nixon presidency behind it. Ford's simple, direct, unassuming style provided a
refreshing contrast to the cold and distant Nixon. Congress
too welcomed Ford. As House Republican minority leader,
he was known as a partisan, but also as a likeable, honest
leader. The Ford honeymoon was cut short, however, when
he pardoned Richard Nixon. The pardon provoked a sharp
drop in Ford's popularity and did little to improve Ford's
standing in the Democratic-controlled Congress.
Because the circumstances under which he became
president precluded proposal of a full-blown legislative
agenda at the beginning of his term, Ford had to rely
primarily on a veto strategy in his dealings with a Congress
whose Democratic majority had been enhanced significantly in the 1974 midterm elections. The inherent negativity of this approach fanned congressional resentment, and
it engendered a public image of Ford as a naysayer. (Ford
vetoed sixty-six bills in his two and one-half years in office.) Ford's aides were keenly aware of these problems, but
they felt that they had little room to maneuver unless and
until Ford won his own mandate in the 1976 elections
(although even an election victory might not neutralize the
cumulative ill will stemming from sixty-six vetoes).
Ford attempted a major legislative initiative in 1975
when he sent an energy plan to Congress, but Congress,
with its greater assertiveness, challenged and revised the
Ford proposal. Ford's overall support rate in Congress was
among the lowest of any president since approval records
were kept. His administrative apparatus was far more open
and flexible than that of Nixon's, but it operated less
decisively and authoritatively.
It is unclear whether another individual with more
adroit leadership skills could have exceeded Ford's performance, given the circumstances. Nevertheless, Ford's presidentialleadership style was similar to his style as minority
leader-that of a good man with limited vision who held
the reins of power loosely.
Carter. Former Georgia governor Jimmy Carter entered the White House as a Washington outsider. Because
in his four years as president he failed to shed the outsider
status, his legislative record was pockmarked with unfulfilled expectations and outright failures.
Carter's campaign promises filled over one hundred
pages, and he meant to carry all of them out. Although
Congress was controlled by the president's party, Democrats mistrusted Carter, and Carter did little to assuage the
mistrust. He underestimated the importance of building
careful relations with key congressional leaders, and he
overwhelmed Congress from the start by sending to Capitol
Hill numerous important bills all at once. This contrasted
with Johnson's practice of sending over one major bill at a
time. Carter's experiences testified to Johnson's wisdom.
Carter's top aides, including his legislative liaison
chief, Frank Moore, were non-Washingtonians, who were
inexperienced in Washington politics and did little to cultivate deep-seated support for the president. The Carter
staff was known for not returning phone calls, not informing key legislators of important decisions, and ignoring personal courtesies such as making photo sessions
available.
The post-Watergate Congress was not disposed to accept proposals simply because they came from the White
House. The composition of Congress also militated against
docility and pliability. Of the 289 Democratic House members elected in 1976, 118 had served no more than two
terms. The large proportion of junior members was interested in a share of congressional power, and Carter was less
disposed than most recent presidents to court members of
Congress.
Carter achieved some legislative successes, but most
observers saw him as incapable of getting an important
program through a Congress controlled by his own party.
For example, his 1977 energy package-really an amalgam
of different bills-encountered difficulties. Carter tried to
rally public support for the program as a means of overcoming congressional hurdles, but he found such support
broad and diffuse and insufficient for overcoming conventional congressional obstacles.
With foreign affairs he had more success, most notably
the Camp David accords that helped establish bonds between Israel and Egypt. Carter also concluded negotiations
for the Panama Canal Treaty, although Senate ratification
proved difficult.
Carter's leadership incorporated two divergent tendencies. First, he was a technocrat who immersed himself in
the details of complex programs. Second, he was a bornagain Christian who espoused high moral standards. What
he lacked was a middle-level concern for conventional political relationships.
·
Reagan. Like Carter, Ronald Reagan ran for president against Washington. Unlike Carter, Reagan's administration labored to gain political insider status, partly by
learning from Carter's mistakes. Bringing with him a Republican-controlled Senate (the Democrats retained con-
':
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�1142 VI Chief Executive and the Federal Government
trol of the House) and an electoral mandate based on
carrying forty-four states, Reagan labored to lay careful
political groundwork from the start.
After conducting a study of the first three months of
past presidencies, Reagan's aides concluded that they
should push a few selected initiatives and work to restore
the informal social courtesies and connections that Carter
had neglected. The outsider image successful in the campaign was sublimated after the election in the interest of
building better relations with Capitol Hill. Reagan selected
Max Friedersdorf, a Washington insider with experience in
two previous Republican administrations, as his legislative
liaison chief.
Like Carter, Reagan sought to rally public support for
high-priority programs, but the Reagan administration
paid greater attention to image-building, and Reagan excelled as the "Great Communicator." No president since
Eisenhower had demonstrated such enduring personal
popularity.
The primary issue thrust for the Reagan administration in 1981 was an economic package, incorporating major
increases in defense spending, cuts in social welfare programs, and a major tax cut predicated on supply-side economics. Reagan's political strategies and wide public support resulted in a major policy victory that has been
compared to Roosevelt's early successes during the New
Deal's first one hundred days. Reagan's political support in
. Congress stemmed from the Republican Senate majority,
the Republican minority in the House, and conservative
southern Democrats.
By 1985 Reagan's support level in Congress had
dropped to levels comparable to Nixon's low point. In his
second term Reagan faced increasingly stiff opposition to
several initiatives, including his expensive Strategic Defense Initiative proposal, his advocacy of continued aid to
the Nicaraguan contras, continued efforts to cut social
programs, and efforts to restrict abortion. In 1986 the
Republicans lost control of the Senate. The following year
Reagan lost a bitter fight to have Supreme Court nominees
Robert H. Bork and Douglas H. Ginsburg confirmed by the
Senate. Also in 1972 Congress launched an investigation of
the Iran-contra affair, which involved administration efforts to trade U.S. arms for hostages being held in the
Middle East and to use profits from the arms sales to fund
the Nicaraguan contras. In 1988 grand jury indictments
were handed down against the top White House aides
participating in the affair.
Despite these pitfalls, Reagan continued to maintain a
high level of personal popularity. The enduring appeal of
Reagan's personal qualities provided a constant to an otherwise roller-coaster presidency, and earned him the nickname "the Teflon president" ("nothing bad ever stuck to
him").
Presidential Purposes
and Circumstances
Presidents with ambitious political agendas need the
cooperation of Congress more than those with less ambition. But the determinants of presidential ambition are
partly beyond presidential control. Dire events such as
wars and economic crises impel more active leadership
than times of relative placidity. Similarly, if Congress and
the people have high expectations for executive leadership,
a politically adroit leader will accept the cue.
Political scientist James David Barber proposed a
scheme that categorizes presidents according to their level
and enjoyment of activity, based on assessments of presidential character. According to this scheme, active-positive
presidents exhibit much activity in office and enjoy their
high level of activity. These presidents also demonstrate a
sense of rational mastery and are ambitious about what
they can and will accomplish. This category includes such
activist presidents as Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman,
John Kennedy, Gerald Ford, and Jimmy Carter.
Active-negative presidents also work to accomplish
much in office, but they receive a relatively low emotional
reward for their efforts. These presidents often encounter
crises of their own making because of their inflexibility in
dealing with changing circumstances. Although they are
ambitious, these presidents find politics more a struggle
than a joy. They include Woodrow Wilson, Herbert Hoover, Lyndon Johnson, and Richard Nixon.
Passive-positive presidents are less ambitious and
have a more compliant personality that lacks the assertiveness and drive of the actives. These presidents include William Howard Taft, Warren Harding, and Ronald
Reagan.
Finally, the passive-negative president combines relatively little ambition with a negative orientation toward the
use of power. These presidents would be expected to be the
least ambitious about programs, issues, and goals, and include Calvin Coolidge and Dwight Eisenhower .
Although this scheme has been criticized for oversimplifying complex personality traits, the two dimensions
summarize the interaction between presidential ambition
and action. In the case of Gerald Ford, it illustrates that an
active-positive president is not necessarily a successful
president. The historical circumstances of the Ford presidency helped shape events. Similarly, Calvin Coolidge was
president in a time of peace and relative national prosperity. The Coolidge presidency coincided with the prevailing
political philosophy, which favored minimal government
involvement in people's lives. When the more ambitious
and flexible Franklin Roosevelt became president, the congressional plate was filled with presidential initiatives.
Presidential ambitions thus intersect with the nature
of the times, circumstances, and public expectations. From
the president's point of view, successful leadership is
marked by congressional approval of important presidential initiatives. But from the point of view of Congress,
successful presidential leadership incorporates presidential
actions marked by close consultation with congressional
leaders, flexibility, and respect for congressional procedures and norms.
These general patterns often are shaped by specific
events such as crises, which are endemic to presidential and
congressional cycles. Nonetheless, every president enters
office accompanied by an aura of good feeling. Even in a
close, bitterly contested election, supporters and opponents
alike in Congress and elsewhere traditionally express hopes
for cooperation, respect, and good will. This closing of
ranks is seen in the boost in popularity presidents 'receive
immediately after taking office. Honeymoon periods rarely
last beyond a few months, however, and presidents need to
act quickly after taking office if they are to reap the benefit
of initial congressional and popular good will.
Toward the end of presidential terms a reverse phenomenon takes hold. Presidents seeking reelection usually
find that Congress is less willing and less rapid in its
response to presidential requests as election day nears.
�President and Congress 1143
This slowdown occurs partly because members of Congress
are more preoccupied with their own reelection campaigns
(as is the president), and partly because presidents are
furthest in time from their last electoral mandate. Moreover, Congress is less inclined to respond to presidential
initiatives until the winner of the upcoming presidential
contest is determined. Even in presidential races where the
incumbent seems well ahead, guarantees are rarely issued
before elections.
When presidents near the completion of their final
term (as in the cases of Eisenhower in 1959-1960 and
Reagan in 1987-1988) or announce their intention not to
seek reelection (as did Truman in 1952 and Johnson in
1968), Congress is least likely to respond to presidential
initiatives. During the "lame duck" period at the close of a
term, members of Congress are already looking ahead to
the next administration and their own reelections. Moreover, presidential administrations often have run their
courses by the lame duck period. Presidents who attempt
new initiatives at this late point have great difficulty arousing the interest, much less the resources, necessary to ensure enactment.
Some presidential observers have suggested that· the
president's lame duck status has been exacerbated by the
Twenty-second Amendment, enacted in 1951, which limits
the president to two terms. Even though the two-term limit
had been observed voluntarily before Franklin Roosevelt,
the possibility of a third term, some argue, helped keep
each presidency a more vigorous institution in its final
days. In the modern era, however, presidents are obliged to
announce their election intentions well in advance, thereby
perpetuating the lame duck problem, regardless of whether
a two-term limit exists or not.
Notes
1. For more on the electoral college, see Judith V. Best, The
Case against Direct Election of the President (Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, 1975); Lawrence D. Longley and
Alan G. Braun, The Politics of Electoral College Reform
(New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1975); Neil R.
Peirce, The People's President: The Electoral College in
American History and the Direct Vote Alternative (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1968).
2. Many have proposed that the electoral cycle be changed so
that there is greater connection between congressional and
presidential races. See, for example, Donald L. Robinson, ed.,
Reforming American Government (Boulder, Colo.: Westview
Press, 1985); Donald L. Robinson, "To the Best of My Ability" (New York: Norton, 1987); James L. Sundquist, Constitutional Reform and Effective Government (Washington,
D.C.: Brookings, 1986).
3. Committee on Responsible Parties, American Political Science Association, Toward a More Responsible Two-Party
System (New York: Rinehart, 1950), 75. See also President's
Commission for a National Agenda for the Eighties, The
Electoral and Democratic Process in the Eighties, Paul G.
Rogers, chairperson (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,
1981), 35-36.
4. See Max Farrand, The Records of the Federal Convention of
1787, 4 vols. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
1966), 1:214-215.
5. Sundquist, Constitutional Reform, ll5.
6. See Robinson, "To the Best of My Ability," 270-271; and
Committee on the Constitutional System, A Bicentennial
Analysis.of the American Political Structure (January 1987),
10-11.
7. Quoted in George B. Galloway, History of the Hou.~e of
Rrpresentatives (New York: Crowell, 1961), 236-237.
8. See Robert J. Spitzer, The Presidential Veto (Albany, N.Y.:
SUNY Press, 1988), chap. 2.
9. United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683 (1974).
10. For example, see Raoul Berger, Executive Privilege: A Constitutional Myth (New York: Bantam Books, 1984); Robert
G. Dixon, Jr., "Congress, Shared Administration, and Executive Privilege," in Congres.~ against the President, ed. Harvey
C. Mansfield, Sr. (New York: Praeger, 1975), 125-140; Gary J.
Schmitt, "Executive Privilege: Presidential Power to Withhold Information from Congress," in The Presidency in the
Constitutional Order, ed. Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey
Tulis (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981),
154-194.
11. Quoted in Thomas E. Cronin, "Rethinking the Vice-Presidency," in Rethinking the Presidency, ed. Thomas E. Cronin
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1982), 328.
12. James W. Davis, The American Presidency: A New Perspective (New York: Harper and Row, 1987), 396-397; Joel K.
Goldstein, The Modern American Vice Presidency: The
Transformation of a Political Institution (Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1981), 4-6.
13. See Michael Dorman, The Second Man (New York: Dell,
1970); Paul C. Light, Vice-Presidential Power: Advice and
Influence in the White House (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1984); Irving G. Williams, The American
Vice-Presidency: A New Look (Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, 1954).
14. Quoted in Louis Fisher, President and Congress (New York:
Free Press, 1972), 60.
15. An excellent discussion of delegation of power is found in
ibid., chap. 3. See also Richard M. Pious, The American
Presidency (New York: Basic Books, 1979), 213-217.
16. This account is taken from Louis Fisher, Presidential Spending Power (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,
1975), chaps. 1 and 2. For more on budgeting, see Dennis
Ippolito, Congressional Spending (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1981); Lance T. LeLoup, Budgetary Politics
(Brunswick, Ohio: King's Court Communications, 1986);
Howard E. Shuman, Politics and the Budget (Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1988); Aaron Wildavsky, The Politics of the Budgetary Process (Boston: Little, Brown, 1979).
17. Wayman v. Southart, 10 Wheat. 1 (1825).
18. Field v. Clark, 143 U.S. 649 (1891).
19. S. W. Hampton, Jr. & Co. v. United States, 276 U.S. 394
(1928).
20. United States v. Curtiss- Wright Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304
(1936).
21. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495
(1935).
22. Quoted in Gerald Gunther, Constitutional Law (Mineola,
N.Y.: Foundation Press, 1975), 424.
23. See, for example, Theodore J. Lowi, The End of Liberalism
(New York: Norton, 1979).
24. Louis Fisher, The Politics of Shared Power: Congress and
the Executive, 2d ed. (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1987), 4.
25. See Aaron Wildavsky, "The Two Presidencies," in Perspectives on the Presidency, ed. Aaron Wildavsky (Boston: Little,
Brown, 1975), 448-461. Wildavsky noted: ·~In the realm of
foreign policy there has not been a single major issue on
which Presidents, when they were serious and determined,
have failed" (p. 449). Although Vietnam and subsequent
events altered the truth of this statement, an ever-expanding
role for the president in foreign policy continues to prevail.
For more on the "two presidencies" thesis, see Donald A.
Peppers, "The Two Presidencies: Eight Years Later," in ibid.,
462-471; Lance T. LeLoup and Steven A. Shull, "Congress
versus the Executive: The 'Two Presidencies' Reconsidered," Social Science Quarterly 59 (March 1979): 704-719;
Lee Sigelman, "A Reassessment of the 'Two Presidencies'
Thesis," Journal of Politics 41 (November 1979): ll95-1205;
Harvey G. Zeidenstein, "The 'Two Presidencies' Thesis Is
I
11
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11
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�1146 VI Chief Executive and the Federal Government
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.
156.
System in Congress (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
1971); and How Congress Works (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Inc., 1983), 109-112.
Woodrow Wilson, Congressional Government (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1886), 69.
Clarence Cannon, Cannon's Procedure in the House of Representatives (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,
1963), 221.
For more on the rules and procedures followed by committees
and Congress as a whole, see Lewis A. Froman, The Congressional Process (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967); and Walter J.
Oleszek, Congressional Procedures and the Policy Process
(Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1984).
See Norman J. Ornstein and David W. Rohde, "Political
Parties and Congressional Reform," in Parties and Elections
in an Anti-Party Age, ed. Jeff Fishel (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1978), 280-294.
Barbara Hinckley, Stability and Change in Congress (New
York: Harper and Row, 1988), 123, 138-140.
Ibid., 132.
Randall Ripley, Congress: Process and Policy (New York:
Norton, 1983), 66.
Hinckley, Stability and Change in Congress, 158-163. For
more on the committee and subcommittee system, see Richard F. Fenno, Congressmen in Committees (Boston: Little,
Brown, 1973); Steven S. Smith and Christopher J. Deering,
Committees in Congress (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1984);
How Congress Works, 79-108.
Roger H. Davidson and Walter J. Oleszek, Congress and Its
Members (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1981), chap. 6.
Quoted in ibid., 352; see also 46, 190, 352-355.
Ripley, Congress: process and Policy, 160.
Davidson and Oleszek, Congress and Its Members, 298-300.
Hinckley, Stability and Change in Congress, 204.
Alan R. Gitelson, M. Margaret Conway, and Frank B. Feigert,
American Political Parties (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984),
270-275.
Fred I. Greenstein and Frank B. Feigert, The American
Party System and the American People (Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1985), 133-135.
John H. Kessel, Presidential Parties (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey
Press, 1984), 138.
Ibid., 137-144. See also Wayne, The Legislative Presidency,
chap. 5; and Holtzman, Legislative Liaison.
Edwards, Presidential Influence in Congress, 88-90.
Roger H. Davidson, David M. Kovenock, and Michael K.
O'Leary, Congress in Crisis (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth,
1966), 64.
Edwards, Presidential Influence in Congress, 90-100.
George C. Edwards III, The Public Presidency (New York:
St. Martin's Press, 1983), 1-4, 83-88. See also Gary C.
Jacobson, The Politics of Congressional Elections (Boston:
Little, Brown, 1983), 131-137; and Barbara Hinckley, Congressional Elections (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1981),
chap. 7.
For more on the relationship between elections and the econ·
omy, see Edward R. Tufte, Political Control of the Economy
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978).
Hinckley, Congressional Elections, 114-131.
Edwards, The Public Presidency, 25-30.
Neustadt, Presidential Power, 9.
See Theodore Roosevelt, The Autobiography of Theodore
Roosevelt (New York: Scribner's, 1958), 197-200; and William
Howard Taft, The President and His Powers (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1916), 138-145.
157. See Ed~ards, Presidential Influence in Congress, chaps. 5
and 6. See also Light, The President's Agenda, esp. intro. and
chap. 1.
158. Edwards, Presidential Influence in Congress, 202.
159. Samuel Kernell, Going Public: New Strategies of Presidential Leadership (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1986), 4.
160. Theodore J. Lowi, The Personal President (Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, 1985).
161. These measures are summarized in Steven A. Shull, Presidential Policy Making (Brunswick, Ohio: King's Court Communications, 1979), 326-330.
162. The following assessments of individual presidents are drawn
partly from Berman, The New American Presidency, chaps.
6-8; and Wayne, The Legislative Presidency, 32-59.
163. Neustadt, Presidential Power, 118-119.
164. Fred I. Greenstein, The Hidden-Hand Presidency (New
York: Basic Books, 1982), 57.
165. Barbara Kellerman, The Political Presidency (New York:
Oxford Univerity Press, 1984), 87.
166. Ibid., 155.
167. See Richard P. Nathan, The Administrative Presidency
(New York: Wiley, 1983).
168. See James David Barber, The Presidential Character (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1985). See also Erwin C.
Hargrove, Presidential Leadership (New York: Macmillan,
1966) for an alternative personality-based scheme.
Selected Bibliography
Binkley, Wilfred E. President and Congress. New York: Vintage,
1962.
Crabb, Jr., Cecil V., and Pat M. Holt, eds. Invitation to Struggle:
Congress, the President and Foreign Policy. Washington,
D.C.: CQ Press, 1988.
Edwards III, George C. Presidential Influence in Congress. San
Francisco: Freeman, 1980.
Fisher, Louis. Constitutional Conflicts Between Congress and the
President. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985.
--·The Politics of Shared Powers. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press,
1987.
- - · President and Congress. New York: Free Press, 1972.
Holtzman, Abraham. Legislative Liaison. Chicago: Rand McNally,
1970.
Light, Paul C. The President's Agenda. Baltimore, Md.: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1981.
Nathan, Richard P. The Administrative Presidency. New York:
Wiley, 1983.
Polsby, Nelson. Congress and the Presidency. Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1986.
Spanier, John, and Joseph Nogee, eds. Congress, the Presidency
and American Foreign Policy. New York: Pergamon Press,
1981.
Spitzer, Robert J. The Presidency and Public Policy. University,
Ala.: University of Alabama Press, 1983.
Spitzer, Robert J. The Presidential Veto. Albany, N.Y.: SUNY
Press, 1988.
Sundquist, James L. The Decline and Resurgence of Congress.
Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1985.
Wayne, Stephen J. The Legislative Presidency. New York: Harper
and Row, 1978.
l
'
�Chief Executive
president only for "inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office." After his election to office, Roosevelt wrote
Humphrey and requested his resignation from the FTC so
that "the aims and purposes of the administration with
respect to the work of the Commission can be carried out
most effectively with personnel of my own selection." After
Humphrey's initial reluctance to resign, Roosevelt again
wrote him, this time stating: "You will, I know, realize that
I do not feel that your mind and my mind go along together
on either the policies or the administering of the Federal
Trade Commission, and frankly, I think it is best for the
people of the country that I should have full confidence." 88
When Humphrey refused to resign, Roosevelt notified him
tl'
that he had been removed. Humphrey died in 1934, never
having agreed to his removal. The executor of Humphrey's
estate decided to sue for salary he believed was due Humphrey but never paid him.
The court of claims asked the Supreme Court to answer two questions before it could render a judgment. First,
did the Federal Trade Commission Act limit the president's power to remove commissioners except for reasons
stated in the act? Second, if the act did indeed limit the
president's power to remove commissioners, was it constitutional?
Roosevelt had made clear that the removal of Humphrey was for political reasons. Justice George Sutherland
delivered the Court's opinion that the Myers case did not
apply to Humphrey because the FTC was "an administrative body created by Congress to carry into effect legislative policies." Therefore, it could not "in any sense be
characterized as an arm or an eye of the Executive." Sutherland continued:
Whether the power of the president to remove an officer
shall prevail over the authority of Congress to condition
the power by fixing a definite term and precluding the
removal except for cause will depend upon the character
of the office; the Myers decision, affirming the power of
the president alone to make the removal, is confined to
purely executive officers. ••
The Humphrey decision not only invalidated Roosevelt's removal of Humphrey but also generally limited
presidential removal power to officials who could be classified as "purely executive officers." Except for appointees
immediately responsible to the president and those exercising nondiscretionary or ministerial functions, such as
White House aides, the president's power of removal could
be limited by Congress.
The Supreme Court attempted to make a distinction
between "executive" and "administrative" functions within
the federal bureaucracy. Presidents have complete control
over executive functions, or those that deal with the execution of the policy of the administration and are under the
direction of the president, such as members of the EOP
and cabinet members. The Court ruled that presidents do
not, however, have complete control over administrative
functions, or those that have quasi-judicial or quasi-legislative roles, such as those of the independent regulatory
commissions. Only when Congress chooses specifically to
give presidents control over these agencies can they remove
officials for merely political reasons.
In 1958 the Supreme Court further clarified the removal power of presidents. In Wiener v. United States, the
Court held that if officials are engaged in adjudicative
functions presidents may not remove them for political
reasons. In 1950 President Truman had appointed Wiener
to serve on the War Claims Commission. When Eisenhower
415
assumed office, he requested Wiener's resignation. When
Wiener refused, Eisenhower removed him from office. Similar to Roosevelt's removal of Humphrey, Eisenhower's removal of Wiener rested on purely political reasons. Congress had created the War Claims Commission to
adjudicate damage claims resulting from World War II. It
made no provisions for removing commissioners. Wiener
sued for his lost salary.
Noting the similarity between the Wiener and Humphrey cases, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Wiener.
The Court argued that in both cases presidents had removed persons from quasi-judicial agencies for political
purposes. Calling the War Claims Commission a clearly
adjudicative body, Justice Felix Frankfurter concluded for
the Court:
Judging the matter in all the nakedness in which it is
presented, namely, the claim that the President could
remove a member of an adjudicative body like the War
Claims Commission merely because he wanted his own
appointees on such a Commission, we are compelled to
conclude that no such power is given to the President
directly by the Constitution, and none is impliedly conferred upon him by statute simply because Congress said
nothing about it. The philosophy of Humphrey's Executor, in its explicit language as well as it implications,
·
precludes such a claim.••
These cases have defined more clearly the legal and
constitutional authority of presidents over the federal executive branch by addressing their power to remove certain
officers. The Myers case gave presidents considerable authority to fire executive branch officials appointed by the
president and confirmed by the Senate. The Humphrey
and Wiener cases limited presidential removal authority
over agencies that exercise quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial functions, such as independent regulatory agencies.
Generally, presidents may remove all heads of cabinet
departments and all political executives in the Executive
Office of the President. In addition, they may remove at
any time the directors of the following agencies: ACTION,
the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, the Commission on Civil Rights, the Environmental Protection Agency,
the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, the General Services Administration, the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration, the Postal Service, and the Small
Business Administration.
The Budgeting Power
The power to control the budget process is one of the most
important administrative prerogatives of the presidency.
The chief executive is an important participant jn the
budget process, for often it is the president who decides
where and how money is spent. As presidential scholar
Richard Pious has noted, "To budget is to govern. In a
system of separated institutions that share power, the
question is which institution, and by what authority, determines spending levels for the departments?" 81 In the last
part of the twentieth century, the presidency has assumed
an increasingly important role in determining federal
spending and thus more responsibility in governing. Although Congress technically controls the purse strings, the
president controls the formulation and development of the
budget.
The Constitution does not clearly establish a budget-
�416
III Powers of the Presidency
ary process or specifically spell out the presidency's role in
such a process. Because of this ambiguity, presidents have
been able to bring much of the process under their control.
Article I of the Constitution gave Congress the powers to
tax and spend. Article II, section 3, gave presidents the
power to recommend to Congress such measures as they
deemed appropriate. ("He shall from time to time give to
the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and
recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he
shall judge necessary and expedient.") Implied in this
power is the idea that presidents may present to Congress a
financial program.
Historically, presidents have not taken part in budget
planning. Even in modern times, presidential involvement
in the process has varied from one administration to another. For many presidents, preparing a budget is a job not
readily cherished because it has proven to be tedious and
time consuming. President Lyndon B. Johnson once wrote,
"The federal budget is a dry, unfathomable maze of figures
and statistics-thicker than a Sears-Roebuck catalogue
and duller than a telephone directory." 92 Some presidents
have been able to maintain consistent interest in the budget's complexities throughout their terms in office; others
have not. Political scientist LanceT. LeLoup examined the
roles that past presidents played in the budget process and
found that shortly after the first year in office, Dwight D.
Eisenhower and Richard Nixon tired of the tedious budget
process. Harry S Truman and Gerald R. Ford, however,
were able to maintain their enthusiasm throughout their
administrations. 93
Budgeting gives the presidency a tremendous amount
of administrative power, and most presidents have recognized the importance of the budget in controlling their
administrations. They usually approach their first budget
optimistically, excited about the potential power to eliminate or cut back programs that they may feel have outlived
their usefulness. Describing his involvement in his first
budget, Lyndon Johnson wrote, "I worked as hard on that
budget as I have ever worked on anything .... Day after
day I went over that budget with the Cabinet officers, my
economic advisers, and the Budget Director. I studied almost every line, nearly every page, until I was dreaming
about the budget at night." 94 Yet, LeLoup found that
often this enthusiasm wanes after presidents are confronted with the recurring difficulty of the whole process.e5
Although their enthusiasm may fade, presidents continue to seek to control the budget process. They see their
participation in the process as a way of doing things that
can benefit the national economy and their own political
fortunes. In the words of President Ford, "The budget is
the president's blueprint for the operation of government
in the year ahead." 98 According to Dennis S. Ippolito in his
study of the budget process, presidents become involved in
the budget process to achieve a means of administrative
management and control: "By affecting the resources available for agencies and programs, the president can seek to
promote better planning of what is done, more effective
supervision of how it is done, and more systematic evaluation of how well various objectives are accomplished." In
addition, Ippolito has pointed out that budget decisions
can affect political support. He has written, "By emphasizing particular programs or criticizing others, by challenging
Congress' spending preferences, by trumpeting the need for
fiscal responsibility, or by reiterating commitments to
greater economy and efficiency, a president can attempt to
dramatize his leadership role and to generate public sup-
port for his economic policies and program preferences." 91
Attempts to control the budget process often force
presidents to play a public relations game. Most presidents
want to be considered fiscal conservatives. The overwhelming majority of Americans want a balanced budget and
want the president to curtail the growth of federal expenditures. Yet presidents must continue to fund existing programs for various groups and for the American public in
general. In addition, presidents are expected to present
new initiatives, some of which benefit groups to whom
presidents have political obligations. The dilemma is one of
holding down public expenditures while trying to solve
public problems. It is not an easy task, and it makes
presidential participation in the budget process much more
demanding and important.
The President's Role in
the Budget Process
In the role of chief administrator, presidents had little
influence in managing executive branch funds before passage of the Budget and Accounting Act of 1921. Previously,
agency budget requests went to the House of Representatives without much interference from the White House.
There was very little budget coordination by presidents or
their staffs. Congress believed it could handle the budget
without much help from the presidency. By the end of
World War II, however, both the executive and legislative
branches had developed an awaremess that the federal
government needed better management.
Budget and Accounting Act of 1921
The Budget and Accounting Act of 1921 gave presi. dents important managerial controls over the budgeting
process and made them the dominant force in budgetary
politics. Ironically, this act was passed by Congress in an
attempt to bring order into its own chaotic budget process.
An earlier House committee pointed to the haphazard nature of a budget process that lacked a coherent review of
the executive branch's budget request. But in attempting
to alleviate the problem, the act placed the presidency
squarely in the budgetary process by requiring presidents
to submit to Congress annual estimates of how much
money it will take to run the federal government during the
next fiscal year. (A fiscal year is the twelve-month span in
which financial accounting is made. This period for the
federal government runs from October 1 to September 30.)
The annual budget messages delivered by the president contain recommendations on how much money should
be appropriated by Congress for each department of the
federal government. The White House first evaluates all
agency budget requests and decides which to accept or
reject before submitting the annual budget message. Consequently, presidents become very much involved in the
process. They receive more information about the budget
than most members of Congress, allowing them to initiate
budget discussions on their own terms.
In addition, the Budget and Accounting Act created
the Bureau of the Budget (BOB) and placed it under the
control of the Treasury Department. Its role was to "assemble, correlate, revise, reduce, or increase the estimates
of the several departments or establishments." 98 In 1939,
as a result of a growing need for coordination of New Deal
programs and recommendations from the Committee on
�Chief Executive 417
~
Administrative Management (the Brownlow Commission),
President Roosevelt moved BOB into the Executive Office
of the President (EOP).
BOB began instituting a form of "budget clearance" so
that the departments could not bypass its budget review
process either for authorizations or for appropriations. No
longer were the departments on their own in requesting
funds from Congress. Bureaus and agencies made requests
for funds to their departments, and the departments went
through BOB for consideration by the president. From
1939 to 1969, BOB evolved into a highly influential compoent of the EOP.
f
Office of Management and Budget
In 1970 President Richard Nixon changed the name
and function of BOB. Emphasizing the management functions of the budget agency, Nixon renamed it the Office of
Management and Budgeting (OMB). As the word management implies, new emphasis was placed on providing departments with advice on ways to improve their efficiency
and to reduce the costs of their operations.
Nixon specifically had four major roles for OMB. First,
it was to continue many of BOB's functions, especially
writing the federal budget. Second, it was to serve as a
clearinghouse for programs and new legislation. Third,
Nixon wanted some part of the Executive Office of the
President to have the capability to track legislation as it
moved through Congress. OMB was vested with this capacity. Fourth, OMB was given the specific authority to provide management advice to the various departments and
agencies. Since its inception, OMB has served as the centerpiece of presidential budgeting.
Although the president's budget is not submitted to
Congress until the January before the first day of the new
fiscal year (October 1), the presidential budget process
begins at least nineteen months before the submission of
the finished budget proposal. (See Table 2.) The budget
cycle begins in early spring with OMB informing the departments of the fiscal outlook and the spending priorities
of the president. During the summer, the OMB director
(also called the "budget director") issues specific revenue
projections and imposes specific guidelines for departmental spending. On September 1 agencies submit their
initial budget requests to OMB. OMB then holds formal
hearings on these requests at which departmental officials
justify their proposed budgets before OMB examiners.
OMB's director examines the entire budget from November 1 to December 1. Often the director will invite the
National Security Council (NSC), the Council of Economic
Advisers, and several White House aides to participate in
the review. The OMB director makes final decisions subject to the economic forecast and communicates these decisions to the departments. The departments may appeal the
decisions directly to the president. Usually, however, each
department will revise its formal budget to coincide with
the budget director's wishes, for presidents rarely reverse
their budget director's decisions.
Congress receives the first official hint of what the
president wants in the State of the Union address at the
end of January, and specifics are then spelled out in the
president's budget message in February. Pending approval
by Congress, the budget goes into effect with the new fiscal
year, October 1.
Not all agency requests are treated equally. Until the
Nixon administration, the Defense Department's budget
requests were exempt from control by the president's budgeting organization. During the administrations of John F.
Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, the Pentagon submitted its
budget directly to the president without review by the
Bureau of the Budget. If BOB believed budget items to be
too high, it could appeal to the president. This practice, a
reversal of the traditional procedure, placed the burden of
proof on the budget office rather than on the department.
President Nixon changed the procedure for the Pentagon
by leaving final decisions with the NSC and OMB and
giving the Defense Department the right of appeal. Subsequent presidents have continued to use OMB as a counterbalance to the Pentagon's budget requests.
Current Services Budget
Under the provisions of the 1974 Congressional Budget
and Impoundment Act (PL 93-344), presidents must submit two budget proposals. When they submit their budget
for the upcoming fiscal year, they must also submit,
through the supervision of OMB, a current services budget.
The current services budget provides Congress with an
indication of the cost of existing budget obligations and a
guide for evaluating additional budget proposals. Specifically, the current services budget includes the "proposed
budget authority and estimated outlays that would be included in the budget for the ensuing fiscal year ... if all
programs were carried on at the same level as the fiscal
year in progress ... without policy changes." 88
Although this procedure was intended to provide Congress with a basis for determining the overall size and
direction of existing budget commitments and for assessing
and evaluating the president's budget proposals, it has
never quite lived up to its potential. Political scientist
Howard E. Shuman. has noted that the current services
budget has little significance or meaning: "Only budget
buffs and perennial budget watchers pay much attention to
it. It is, however, a useful document in assessing whether
any or how much fundamental change has been made in
the old budget to produce the new one." 100
Uncontrollable Spending
In any given year, much of OMS's current service
estimates can be classified as uncontrollable spending, expenditures mandated by current law or some previous obligation. (See Table 3.) To change the spending on these
mandated programs would require congressional action. By
1980, 75 percent of the federal budget could be classified as
uncontrollable spending. These expenditures can be broken down into three major categories.
The first category, fixed costs, consists of legal commitments made by the federal government in previous
years. These require the government to spend whatever is
necessary to meet these expenses. The largest and most
important component of this category is interest on the
national debt. Another fixed-cost expenditure is public
housing loans. Fixed costs are virtually "uncontrollable"
because they can be eliminated only by such extreme measures as default.
The second category is large-scale government projects
that require long-term financing. These multiyear contracts and obligations include the building of dams, weapons systems, aircraft, and the space shuttle. Many of these
projects are reviewed annually, and expenditure levels are
occasionally modified. Most, however, are not.
�418 Ill Powers of the Presidency
Table 2 Budget Timetable in the Executive Branch and Congress
Executive branch
Agencies subject to executive branch review
submit initial budget request materials.
Fiscal year begins.
President's initial appropriation order takes
effect (amounts are withheld from obligation
pending issuance of final order).
OMB reports on changes in initial estimates
and determinations resulting from legislation
enacted and regulations promulgated after its
initial report to Congress.
President issues final sequester order, which is
effective immediately, and transmits message
to Congress within 15 days of final order.
Agencies not subject to executive branch review submit budget request materials.
Legislative branch and the judiciary submit
budget request materials.
President transmits the budget to Congress.
OMB sends allowance letters to agencies.
Timing
September 1
October 1
October 1
Fiscal year begins.
October 10
Congressional Budget Office (CBO) issues revised report to Office of Management and
Budget (OMB) and Congress.
October 15
October 15
October 15
November 15
NovemberDecember
1st Monday after
January 3
January-February
February 15
February 25
OMB and the president conduct reviews to
establish presidential policy to guide agencies
in developing the next budget.
April15
May 15
June 10
June 15
June 30
July 15
Congress receives the president's budget.
CBO reports to the budget committees on the
president's budget.
Committees submit views and estimates to
budget committess.
Senate Budget Committee reports concurrent
resolution on the budget.
Congress completes action on concurrent resolution.
House may consider appropriations bills in the
absence of a concurrent resolution on the
budget.
House Appropriations Committee reports last
appropriations bill.
Congress completes action on reconciliation
legislation.
House completes action on annual appropriations bills.
Congress receives mid-session review of the
budget.
July-August
August 25
August 25
Source: Office of Management and Budget, Circular No. A-ll (1988).
..
,;
August 15
August 20
OMB issues its initial report providing estimates and determinations to the president
and Congress.
President issues initial sequester order and
sends message to Congress within 15 days.
Comptroller general issues compliance report.
April-June
Aprill
President transmits the mid-session review,
updating the budget estimates.
OMB provides agencies with policy guidance
for the upcoming budget.
Date of "snapshot" of projected deficits for the
upcoming fiscal year for initial OMB and CBO
reports.
Congress
CBO issues its initial report to OMB and
Congress.
�Chief Executive 419
The third category of expenditures officially designated as uncontrollable is the largest. These programs,
called "entitlements," commit the federal government to
pay benefits to all eligible individuals. Any attempt at
controlling these expenditures would require changing the
laws that set them up. Entitlements include Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, Supplemental Security Income,
food stamps, public assistance, and federal retirement. In
some cases the federal government will pay individuals
directly; in other cases, the states determine eligibility and
administer the programs. Most of these programs have no
limit on the amount of spending they may entail. As more
i' people become eligible for benefits, expenditures increase.
.·'
From time to time presidents will try to increase or
decrease these so-called uncontrollable expenditures.
Nixon and Ford, for example, attempted to decrease entitlement expenditures by restricting eligibility and establishing a limit on benefit increases on several programs. In
his first full budget year, Reagan proposed an entitlement
cut of $11.7 billion. His budget proposal reflected the frustration that many presidents have felt in attempting to
deal with uncontrollable expenditures. It said in part, "The
explosion of entitlement expenditures has forced a careful
reexamination of the entitlement or automatic spending
programs .... when one looks behind the good intentions of
these programs, one finds tremendous problems of fraud,
waste, and mismanagement. Worse than this, the truly
needy have not been well served." 101
Controllable Spending
The president does have some control over several
categories of expenditures. Sixty percent of expenditures
that can be classified as controllable are used for salaries
and fringe benefits for both civilian and military personnel.
Although these expenses technically fit the category of
controllable expenditures, the practical problems surrounding spending on salaries and fringe benefits make it
difficult for a president to control them completely. Seniority and civil service rules protect so many federal employees that it is futile to attempt real cutbacks in expenditures
going to salaries.
A second category of controllable federal expenditures
is the general operating expenses of the various agencies.
Spending for operating expenses constitutes 22 percent of
the budget. Although economical measures can be undertaken on such things as heating, cooling, electricity, transportation, and supplies, expenses will always continue if
operations continue. And operating expenses usually increase as inflation increases.
The third category of controllable expenditures, research and development of new programs, makes up 18
percent of the controllable portion of the federal budget.
Medical research, weapons research, and grants to state
and local governments encompass a large proportion of this
category. Again, budget cuts can be made in this category,
but only within limits. As a result, even the controllable
categories of the federal budget give the president little
latitude in budget decisions.
Budgeting Theories
One of the most important functions served by the
budget is to increase presidential administrative control
and management of federal agencies and programs. How-
Table 3 Uncontrollable Spending, 1970-1980
(billions of dollars)
Category
Open-ended programs and fixed
costs
Payments to individuals
Social Security and railroad
retirement
Federal employees' retirement
and insurance
Unemployment
Veterans' benefits
Medicare and Medicaid
Housing assistance
Public assistance and related
programs
Interest
Revenue sharing
Farm price supports
Other
Outlays from prior-year contracts
and obligations8
Defense
Civilian
Total
1970
1975
1980
31.3
68.4
120.4
5.6
3.7
6.6
9.9
.5
13.3
14.0
12.4
21.6
2.1
25.7
13.2
13.7
46.2
5.1
4.7
17.1
26.2
14.4
3.8
3.8
23.2
6.1
.6
8.0
46.2
6.9
2.8
9.8
24.1
17.4
22.3
28.4
37.1
50.8
125.8 237.5 404.1
Source: Office of Management and Budget, The Budget of the
United States Government, Fiscal Year 1980 (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1980), 560.
a. Excluding prior year contracts and obligations for activities
shown as "open-ended programs and fixed costs."
ever, the budget process has always been the subject of
criticism aimed at improving the efficiency of government
management. Over the years, critics, both within the presidency and outside it, have complained about the lack of
coordination and centralization in the executive branch's
efforts to control the federal administration. Consequently,
since the early 1960s various presidents have introduced
reforms aimed at making budgeting more efficient, rational, and comprehensive. Rarely, however, have they been
as successful as hoped.
Planning-Programming-Budgeting
In 1961 Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara
introduced a planning-programming-budgeting (PPB) system into the Pentagon. McNamara brought PPB from the
private sector and used it to improve the quality of decision
making and budget planning for national security policy. In
1965 President Johnson announced that PPB would be·
applied to domestic operations as well.
PPB was designed to allow budget decisions to be
made by focusing on program goals and on quantitative
comparisons of costs and benefits. Once budget officials
established priorities among their objectives, they then
determined the best expenditure mix in the annual budget
to achieve the largest future benefits.
Specifically, PPB had several main characteristics.
First, it attempted to improve the planning process before
programs were developed and before budget decisions were
made. Improving the planning process would allow analysis
�420 III Powers of the Presidency
to be used throughout the budget process and future budget decisions to be based on previously formulated plans.
Second, one of the most important features of PPB
was its strong centralization of the budget process. Agencies would base their budget estimates on their objectives
and then send the budgets up the hierarchy. This method
required strong, centralized control over the composition of
executive budget proposals, as well as planning and evaluation of goals.
Third, once each agency identified its goals, it also
would have to specify alternative methods for achieving
those goals.
Fourth, PPB emphasized cost-benefit analysis. In assessing consequences of policy alternatives, quantitative
estimates of costs and benefits were assigned to each alternative. The alternative that produced the greatest benefit
at the least cost would be selected. PPB proved to be
attractive to budget makers because it appeared logical for
the federal government to plan rather than to wander along
blindly and wastefully.
By 1971, however, PPB had come into disfavor with
executive budget makers. Although many people had
looked to PPB to reform budgeting in the executive branch
by making it more rational and less "political," PPB failed
to gain a permanent place in the budget process for a
variety of reasons. It never achieved any great degree of
popularity within the departments and agencies in part
because it required a very formal structure. One fallacy was
the assumption that what worked well in the Defense Department would work well in the entire national government. In reality, comparing alternative defense systems
had little resemblance to policy decisions made in, for
example, the State Department.
In addition, because the budgeting system largely was
forced on BOB from the top down, many BOB staffers
lacked commitment to making PPB work. Finally, PPB
suffered major resistance from Congress. Advocates of PPB
apparently forgot that Congress has an important and jealously guarded role in the budget process. Members of Congress who had spent years building up their contacts and
knowledge of agency budgets resented a new budget system
that disrupted their channels of influence and information
in an effort to make budgeting more ·rational and less
political.
Management by Objective
In the late 1950s, economist Peter Drucker developed a
management technique for business called management by
objective (MBO). In the early 1970s, OMB adopted the
system. Similar to PPB, it was an attempt to make budget
decisions more rational. Not quite as ambitious in its comprehensiveness as PPB, MBO simply stated that agencies
should specify goals and alternative means of achieving
those goals. At each level of the budgeting process objectives would be discussed, agreed upon, and then advanced
up the hierarchy. It was a system much less centralized
than PPB, with less emphasis on long-range planning, but
it still was based on agencies making rational choices about
their policy goals.
Despite its simplification, MBO also had a short life in
the federal government. By the beginning of Jimmy Carter's administration, it had passed from use.
LeLoup pointed out that many of the problems with
PPB remained with MBO. He wrote, "It was difficult to
specify and agree on objectives, and to quantify benefits.
MBO was not supported at middle and lower levels of
agency management because it was still perceived as a
system that increased control at the upper levels." 101
Zero-Base Budgeting
The most recent attempt at presidential control over
the national budgeting process is zero-base budgeting
(ZBB). Developed in the private sector (like PPB and
MBO) by Peter Pyhrr of Texas Instruments, Inc., ZBB was
first applied to state governments.
Under Pyhrr's direction, Jimmy Carter first implemented it in Georgia while he was governor. In 1977, several months after he became president, Carter instructed
OMB to implement ZBB. Carter promised that "by working together under a ZBB system, we can reduce costs and
make the federal government more efficient and effective." 103 ZBB was primarily designed to avoid "incremental" budgeting where some arbitrary percentage is
more or less blindly added to the preceding year's budget.
Pyhrr has argued that its main goal is to "force us to
identify and analyze what we [are] going to do in total, set
goals and objectives, make the necessary operating decision, and evaluate changing responsibilities and work loads
... as an integral part of the [budget] process." 104
, ZBB entails three basic steps within each administrative entity. First, agencies must identify "decision
units," or the lowest-level entities in a bureaucracy for
which budgets are prepared. These may be staffs, branches,
programs, functions, or even individual appropriations
items. Second, budget makers must formulate "decision
packages," a listing of objectives and levels of services and
resources needed to provide those services. Decision packages usually suggest estimates of how much service would
be provided for various amounts of funding (for example,
80, 90, 100, or 110 percent of current amounts). This type
of analysis allows budget makers to evaluate how much an
agency would lose if its budget were cut and how much it
would gain if it were given an increase. Third, at various
stages of the budget process, managers must rank decision
packages in order of preference. These rankings may then
be revised by higher-level agency officials who consider
available funding. The higher-priority packages for which
there is funding are then included in the agency's budget
request, and the others are dropped.
Like PPB and MBO, the appeal of a comprehensive
budgeting program such as ZBB is tremendous, but its
success has been limited. Budget scholar Allen Schick has
concluded that the effect of ZBB on the budgeting activities of the executive branch has been almost negligible.
Most budget items have been funded under ZBB at or
slightly above past current services levels. 105 In their evaluation of the success of ZBB, Frank Draper and Bernard
Pitsvada suggest that the success of ZBB "has been mixed
in the sense that while ZBB involved more people in the
budget process, it has tended to overextend itself and
evolve away from true zero-base reviews .... ZBB as a
process has not had a major impact on reducing spending,
nor did ZBB really change the way agencies budget." 108
Congressional Response to
the President's Budget
Because the presidency traditionally has controlled the
compilation and production of the budget, Congress fre-
�Chief Executive 421
quently complained that it could get only superficial information from the president on technical budget matters
on which it would eventually have to make important decisions. It argued that it did not possess adequate professional staff to evaluate independently the details, proposals, and estimates of the president's budget. Congress had
become dependent on OMB and the presidency for all its
budgetary information.
Congressional Budget Office
fl
To improve its ability to evaluate the budget, Congress
in 1974 created the Congressional Budget Office (CBO)
through the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act. CBO was a major innovation for Congress and a
major challenge for the presidency. Designed to provide
congressional budget committees with a variety of budget
and policy information, CBO's professional staff incorporates several functions performed in the executive branch
by OMB.
CBO activities fall into five categories. First, CBO
prepares an annual report on budget alternatives, including
fiscal policy options, levels of tax expenditures, and budget
priorities. Second, it issues five-year budget projections for
spending and taxation. Third, CBO projects the long-term
costs of bills approved by House and Senate committees
and sent to the full Congress for consideration. Fourth,
CBO performs a "scorekeeping" function by comparing
pending and enacted legislation with targets and ceilings
specified by Congress. Fifth, CBO provides Congress with
special reports on economic and budgetary issues.
CBO's independent data base allows Congress to evaluate presidential budget proposals more effectively. In
measuring the success of CBO after its first five years of
operation, political scientist Aaron Wildavsky wrote, "The
Congressional Budget Office has improved the accuracy of
budget numbers by providing a competitive source of .expertise, and it has made competent analysis more widely
available to those that want it." 107
This competition in the budget process, however, has
irritated more than one president. CBO's economic forecasts usually counter OMB's optimistic and more moderate
projections, leading to numerous congressional-presidential
confrontations over budget proposals. Shuman notes that
in the past, CBO "angered President Carter because it
disputed his energy program savings and angered President Reagan by saying that his economic assumptions
about inflation, interest rates, and unemployment were
unrealistic, overly optimistic, wrong." 108
Congress and
Presidential Lobbying
Since an almost adversarial relationship exists between Congress and the president over development of the
budget, presidents must actively lobby Congress for their
budget recommendations to become public policy. This
difficult task is complicated by the dispersal of congressional budget authority between the House and Senate
Appropriations committees and the various standing (ongoing) committees. After the president submits the budget
plan, Congress gives different committees jurisdiction over
different aspects of it. The House Ways and Means and
Senate Finance committees consider revenue proposals.
The various standing committees consider proposals for
changes in laws that affect the uncontrollable expenses.
The Joint Economic Committee studies the fiscal implications of the president's proposals. The House and Senate
Budget committees prepare the budget resolution. The
House and Senate Appropriations committees consider expenditure requests. Presidents must exert influence on
these different committees if their proposals are to become
grants of spending authority for their departments and
agencies.
Probably the most important committees with which
presidents have to deal are the Appropriations committees.
These are also the most difficult for presidents to influence
because they are among the most powerful and the most
isolated from White House control. Appropriations committees have several independent sources of information
from which to work when they consider presidential budget
requests. They have the figures prepared by OMB, estimates from the substantive committees of possible expenditures from programs under their jurisdiction, program
estimates and options prepared by CBO, and tentative
spending guidelines prepared by the various budget committees.
In addition to having sources of information besides
that prepared by OMB, the Appropriations committees
also are free from the political control of the president.
Their members enjoy tremendous electoral freedom, especially those in the House. In 1986 98 percent of House
members were reelected. Although the percentages are not
as large in the Senate, the number of incumbents reelected
has been well above the 60 percent range in recent years.
Pious has written, "Each committee member can maintain
his position in his district through delivery of goods and
services and patronage, from agencies eager to please him.
The president cannot oust these members from his party,
the committee, or the House by purging them if they cross
him." 108
Still, the initiative remains with the president. A determined president, who exerts the full force of the presidency, can overcome many congressional objections. The
president represents one view. Congress often speaks with
many confused and chaotic partisan voices. It is therefore
difficult for Congress to defeat presidential budget initiatives. Consequently, the momentum in the budget proceedings belongs to the presidency, which usually speaks with
unanimity. As Shuman has pointed out, because of this
consensus the White House can control the debate: the
president's "budget and ... views are the subjects of the
lead paragraphs in the early budget stories. Congressional
criticism trails as an afterthought at the end of the article." 110 After introducing his first budget in Congress, for
example, President Reagan went on the offensive by defending his budget before friendly audiences. Before a joint
session of the Iowa legislature, he said, "The budget we
have proposed is a line drawn in the dirt. Those who are
concerned about the deficits will cross it and work with us
on our proposals or their alternatives. Those who are not
... will stay on the other side and simply continue their
theatrics." 111
Presidential Spending
Although Congress has power over the appropriations
process, presidents always have a certain amount of discretionary power over spending, that is, they may spend
certain funds as they please within broad areas of responsibility. Often Congress delegates discretionary power to
�422 III Powers of the Presidency
the president. In a crisis, for example, especially during
wartime, Congress has given the president "lump sum," or
very broadly defined, appropriations so that the president
and executive branch officials who represent presidential
wishes may devote funds as they deem appropriate within
the congressional limit. For example, Congress set up the
Disaster Relief Fund to be administered by the EOP without restrictions. Although the discretionary power does not
give presidents unlimited spending authority, it does give
them some budget flexibility and some latitude in the
actual spending of funds as well as a final opportunity to
make policy. As political scientist Louis Fisher has observed, "What is done by legislators at the appropriations
stage can be undone by administrators during budget execution." 111
Sometimes presidents exercise discretionary spending
power that Congress has not delegated specifically by interpreting spending authorizations and appropriations as permissive rather than mandatory. In 1959, for example, President Eisenhower simply did not establish a food stamp
program that Congress had passed into law. Presidents also
can delay setting up appropriated programs in their efforts
to frustrate congressional initiatives. In 1975, after Congress had developed a summer employment program, the
Ford administration successfully stymied the program by
setting it up so slowly that the appropriated funds could
not be spent during the fiscal year. Similarly, OMB can
delay funding from the Treasury to an agency in an attempt to eliminate the agency or its programs. In 1975 the
Ford administration undermined the Community Services
Administration by delaying the agency's funds until after
the agency's authority expired.U 3
Confidential Funding
Occasionally, Congress grants the president confidential funding for urgent, highly sensitive, or secretive matters. Presidents have complete discretion over such annually funded budget items. For example, during his 1974
visit to Egypt, President Nixon used a presidential contingency fund to give Anwar Sadat a $3 million helicopter as a
gift.
Fisher has reported that several confidential accounts
are a matter of public record but are not audited by Congress, including four in the White House, six diplomatic
agencies, and one each for atomic energy, space, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).m One of the most notorious confidential funds was President Nixon's Special Projects Fund
that was used to finance a massive spying and sabotage
campaign against Nixon's "political enemies."
Secret Funding
In addition to the various confidential funds, presidents may ask Congress for a general appropriation for
secret projects. Secret funds do not require either the
appropriation (the amount of money granted by Congress)
or the expenditure (the amount of money spent by the
executive branch) to be a matter of public record.
Secret funding was used for the Manhattan Project
during World War II. The development of the atomic bomb
required more than $2 billion, which Congress approved
with very little scrutiny of the purpose of the appropriation.
Secret funding also is used for intelligence organiza-
tions, such as the CIA. The CIA's expenditures are drawn
on requests from the agency's director and are not made
public or audited by Congress. CIA activities are financed
by secret transfers of funds from the appropriations accounts of other agencies, primarily the Defense Department. This process keeps the CIA budget hidden not only
from the public, but also from many members of Congress.
In recent years Congress has attempted to restrict the
use of confidential and secret funds and bring existing
funds under greater congressional scrutiny. In 1974, after
revelations of covert operations overseas, Congress prohibited the CIA from funding operations other than activities
intended solely for obtaining necessary intelligence.m
More recently, there has been a move to make the funding
of the CIA and other intelligence agencies a matter of
public record. Congress has the power either to control or
to limit this type of discretionary power, but so far it has
chosen to impose only moderate limitations. As Ippolito
has pointed out, "(Congress] can insure, as it has done with
respect to the CIA, that more of its members participate in
the oversight activities. Congress can also provide for review and audit by the Government Accounting Office to
insure that confidential or secret funds are expended in
accordance with legislative intent." 118
Transfers
Another method of bypassing the congressional appropriations process is the transfer and reprogramming of
funds. In these cases, presidents attempt to use appropriated funds for purposes other than what Congress originally intended. Such transfers occur when Congress permits the executive to shift funds from one appropriation
account to another, allowing officials to use appropriated
funds for different purposes. As noted earlier, intelligence
agencies frequently are funded with transfer funds. The
Central Intelligence Agency Act of 1949 allows the CIA to
transfer funds to and from other agencies to perform its
functions.
In 1970, the Nixon administration used transfer authority to finance the Cambodian intervention with a
$108.9 million transfer from military aid accounts for
Greece, Turkey, Taiwan, the Philippines, and South Vietnam. In 1972 Congress prohibited transfers of military
aid from one nation to another unless the president gave
Congress notice. Yet, despite the Nixon administration's
agreements to submit transfers to Congress for approval,
the war in Cambodia in 1972 and 1973 was financed by
more than $750 million in transfer authority already given
the president.
Reprogramming
Presidents may also reprogram funds, that is, move
funds within an appropriation account from one budget
item to another. In some cases, presidents have used reprogramming to frustrate congressional intent by shifting
funds for projects that had been approved to projects that
had not been approved.
Presidents most frequently reprogram funds within
the Defense budget. The Pentagon often reprograms funds
in an attempt to develop new weapons systems after the
House and Senate Appropriations committees have cut the
Defense budget. In the 1960s, for example, as many as one
hundred reprogramming actions moved several billion dollars in a single year. Between 1956 and 1972, average annual reprogramming in the Pentagon totaled $2.6 billion.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Early Achievements [1]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-003-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/ac71607438a9500f23511d59d4c64975.pdf
da898833c0f02dd31e977c35582c75fd
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidentiaf:Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
.~··
,~.
;:·
Subseries:
.i
4273
OA/ID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Clinton's Top 10 of 1993
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
---
--
--
-------------------------
�--
�THE WHITE HOUSE
~tJ221;q993
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
Mike Sullivan
FROM:
Carter Wilkie, Speechwriting
RE:
speeches needed on disk for the President
vo(.
rJo .
Subject/theme
~
/Inaugural Address
renewal
1120/93
:?-1
3
c/' State of the Union
change
2/17/93
7
v
global leadership
2/26/93
-:J.-1
?-(
~utgers University
national service
3/1193
~1
{
!/"Jefferson's 250th birthday
change
4/13/93
:?-1
/.S-
v"Eartb Day
stewardship
4/21193
??
(b
vHolocaust Memorial
good and evil
4/22/93
t.-1
1(,
change/faith
5/12/93
'??)
1/
VMass for RFK
hope
6/6/93
2(
2.3
vinterfaith breakfast
diversity/unity/faith 8/30/93
!/'Peace Treaty
peace
~NAFTA agreements
V Joint Session of Congress
Speech/Qccasion
American University
vCooper Union
~-
2--1
35-
9/13/93
2'7
'37
trade
9/14/93
21
37
health care
9/22/93
zi
3~
v(].N.
global issues
9/27/93
~e University
'b1
3i
America's agenda
10/9/93
?9
/uNC Chapel Hill
security
10/12/93
7~
/IFK Library
internationalism
10/30/93
J.tl
qf
~'
J Church of God in Christ,
violence
11113/93
Memphis
Vlrk
7.-q
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 23, 1993
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
Betty Currie, President's Office
fROM:
Carter Wilkie, Speechwriting
RE:
selected 1993 speeches
·Attached, please find copies of the speeches you requested. On the disk they are listed by
key words, usually the occasion of the speech or its main subject.
These transcripts come to us from Mike Sullivan, editor of the Weekly Compilation of
Presidemial Documents. I just received them last night, and I have not had time to comb
them thoroughly for typographical errors or unnatural paragraph breaks.
I have three suggestions to make:
First, the Cooper Union speech, in retrospect, does not meet the timeless quality of the
others. The beauty of that speech is really the thematic opener and cloSe, on the subject of
· change and faith. If those sections could be excerpted, they are worth saving. Otherwise, I
would not use this one as a whole.
Second, the transcript of the NAFTA side agreements signing ceremony still contains wrapup remarks made when the President returned to the podium. I would delete these few,
awkward paragraphs. They were not part of the President's speech anyway.
Third, if further editing is required, please consider cutting some of the more lengthy
acknowledgments at the beginning of some of these transcripts (e.g., at Rutgers), and
possibly excerpting the best portions of some of these speeches (i.e., Cooper Union).
I am leaving this afternoon for New Orleans and will return Saturday evening. In the
meantime, the Staff Secretary, or his deputies, should be able to manage any further changes
to these transcripts, if necessary. I hope this works. Thank you.
��THE WHITE HOUSE
~22f;q993
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
Mike Sullivan
FROM:
Carter Wilkie, Speechwriting
RE:
speeches needed on disk for the President
vol.
tJ" .
Subject/theme
~
~augural Address
renewal
1/20/93
(
-'?(
....
~
v-¥State of the Union
change
2/17/93
?1
'-_.. American University
global leadership
2/26/93
zc.(
7
{.~utgers University
national service
3/1/93
?·
~/Jefferson's
change
4/13/93
,;~
/_5-
v·Earth Day
stewardship
4/21/93
'Z-'i
(b
v··l:J:olocaust Memorial
good and evil
4/22/93
v--) ~
!/Cooper Union
change/faith
5/12/93
•.. I
~ass forRFK
hope
6/6/93
7'7
-.
v·1nterfaith breakfast
diversity /unity/faith 8/30/93
1/ Peace Treaty
peace
9/13/93
2'7
37
v/ NAFTA agreements
trade
9/14/93
2"7
\¥-Joint Session of Congress
health care
9122/93
,........
7
32f
ji2U.N.
global issues
9/27/93
5'~~
Vv'ale University
America's agenda
10/9/93
21
?9
/uNC Chapel Hill
security
10/12/93
71
VJFK Library
internationalism
10/30/93
4f
,,,
. J;:)
·\.u.:.
j Church of God in Christ,
violence
11/13/93
Speech/Occasion
;:.
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250th birthday
I
Memphis
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�November 2, 1993
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
Betty Currie, Office of the President
FROM:
Carter Wilkie, Speechwriting
RE:
Anthology of the President's 1993 speeches
David Kusnet, David Dreyer and I recommend the following speeches. Several, such
as Rutgers, Cooper Union, and Earth Day, could be edited down to the important sections
only, to preserve space and the interest of readers. Please note that these transcripts are not
always accurate; sometimes stenographers have mistaken the President's Arkansas dialect,
e.g., substituting "in" for "and," etc.; sometimes, the paragraph breaks are not well chosen.
Prior to publication, all transcripts should be checked by a careful editor who knows the
President's speeches and speaking style.
Speech/Occasion
Subject/theme
Inaugural Address
renewal
1120/93
State of the Union
change
2/17/93
American University
global leadership
2/26/93
Rutgers University
national service
3/1193
Jefferson's 250th birthday
change
4/13/93
Earth Day
stewardship
4/21/93
Holocaust memorial
good and evil
4/22/93
Cooper Union
change/faith
5/12/93
Mass for RFK
hope
6/6/93
Interfaith breakfast
diversity/unity/faith 8/30/93
Peace Treaty
peace
9/13/93
Joint Session of Congress
health care
9/22/93
U.N.
global issues
9/27/93
JFK Library
internationalism
10/30/93
'··
�E X E C UT I V E
0 F F I C E
0 F
THE
P R E S I D E NT
01-Nov-1993 07:04pm
TO:
Carter Wilkie
FROM:
David Dreyer
Office of Communications
SUBJECT:
RE: Speeches
With all due immodesty, I remain fairly fond of the Holocaust
Memorial Speech. I also like the Jefferson Memorial 250th
birthday speech. I would nominate the Cooper-Union speech from
May, with the impromptu closing on the idea and ideal of faith.
And, if memory serves, the President gave a fairly rockin' speech
in the spring pre-Guanier on civil rights -- whether it was the
NAACP or the Black Caucus, I honestly do not remember. Beyond
these, I am in favor of all the obvious other choices I saw
listed.
Thanks for asking,
D2
�''
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Clinton's Top 10 of 1993
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-002-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/cd7b94cb3cbc51f8d9604940679a518e.pdf
478fee6d61539b28c5db47fa5fde8cc1
PDF Text
Text
•ft
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative ·marker·'by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
.'
.!V
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidenti~·I:Records
·~·
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
Subseries:
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Clinton Speeches Pre 1993
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�9/3/93
To: List
From: David Kusnet
Re: 1991 speeches
These are texts of speeches then-Governor Clinton delivered
in 1991. They're well worth re-reading and referring back to, as
a guidepost for his thinking and his writing and speaking style.
Liz Bowyer is also trying to obtain the texts of major
speeches he gave before 1991.
Carolyn Curiel·
Lissa Muscatine
Alan Stone
Carter Wilkie
�F':O::.
69
l
Lee's give them a round of applause.
(Stanaing oVation.)
2
3
ADDRESS Of HON. BILL CLINTON
4
OOVIRNOR OF ARKANSAS
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
5
Thank you very much,
thanking ehe Democratic
6
Mr. Chairman.
7
National Committee, all of its leadership, especially my
6
vice
9
great chairman, Ron Brown, for this magnificent meeting in
10 .
California, and for the opportunity you've given all of us
11
to come to speak.
Let me begin
chairma~
by
from Arkansas, Lottie Shackelford, and our
~2
My wife, Hilary, who is here with me, is the
13
Chairman of the Board of the Childrens Defense•Fund, a
14
member of the Carnegie Council on Education and the
15
Economy, ·and a partner of mine for now
16
the struggles over issues which have now.taken center
17
stage in American·politics.
w~
lS
a~ost
20 years in
are here not only because we are instincts,
19
heritage, and conviction Democrats, but because we are not
20
just ae the dawn· of a new election, we are at the dawn of
21
a new world, a world in which the concerns which Democrats
22
have
23
before; a world in whioh, contrary to what our Republican
24
oppoDents would say, the events in the SQviet Union in
25
re~ent
tra~itionally
held must be more important than ever
days, which we all cheered, de not prove the 1990's
ALDBRSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC~
llll FOURTEENTH STREET I N. w.
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will signal the dorinance of foreign
2
they.prove che
3
begins at home.
re~erse.
atf~ir~.
Instead,
They prove that national security
For the Soviet Empire did not ever lose to us on
4
5
the field of
6
economic failure, from political failure, and ultimately
7
from spiritual failure, and therefore we are no longer
a
doomed to a military dance of super powers which turns us
9
into an economic Jinosaur.
bat~le,
it rotted from the inside out, from
To be sJre, there will be a new national
10
r~Juires
ll
security which
1.2
America strong enjlgh to promote its values throughout the
. 13
a safe and strong America, an
world and to protJct democracy, but we know that national
You don't have
to
14
security begins at home.
l5
isolationist or pl:tectionist to know that if you're not
16
serong enough to t[ke care of your own folks, you can't do
17
the first thing t9r anybody else.
18
(Applausie. } .
OOVBRNORJ Ct.INTON:
19
. I
prese~e
As
be an
a Governor for ll years
20
working eo
2l
know that our competition for the future is Ger.many and
22
the rest of Euz·op , Japan and the rest of Asia, and that
23
destiny is
24
25
dete~
and create jobs in a global economy, I
ed by people power.
We are losing America'S. leadership in the world,
my fellow Democrats, because we're losing the American
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1111 FQURTBENTH STREET, N.W.
I
SUITB 400
'
WAS INGTON, D.C. 20005
(202)289-2260
(800) POR DBPO
�qpR 07 '93 16=45 SENT BY DNC COt·1MUriCATIOt~S OFC
1t
P.4
71
home.
!"or ll years, I have labore_d as
:.
dream ri.ght here
2
Governor to keep tthat aream alive, on the receiving end of
3
the Reagan revoluJicn,· and I see the Reagan revolution as
4
a movie in 3·0.
some of you are old enough to remember 3-D
5
You put ·n glasses, and shut the world out.
6
movies.
7
3-D's of the Reagfn revolution movie were, denial,
a
delegation, ana dtvision.
The
First, Jeny that we have these problems.
9
10
Everything is finj.
We're in a recovery.
ll
somebody in Silicjn Valley, or in the aerospace industry
12
here, and when
13
problems of Amerila are not our fault.
14
economy and educa ion and health care and social policy
lS
and infrastructur
16
and local government and to the private sector
17
know, the 1,000
lS
Well,
Tell it to
can't deny, just delegate.
yo~
Say, the
We gave the
and all the rest, that stuff, to State.
p~ints
I
f~lks,
I
-~
you
of light.
I've tried to be one of those 1,000
19
points of lights .nd I can tell you, where there is no
20
national vision, ~o natio~al partnership, no national
21
leadership, l,Ooolpoints of light leaves a lot of
22
darkness.
I
I
(Applause. )
23
24
2S
.
C&n nO
GOVERNok
longer QQn['
CLINTON:
1
When all else fails, when you
When yOU Can n0 longer delegate, then
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1111 FOIURTBENTH STREET, N.W.
SUITE 400
•
WAS' INGTON, O.C. 20005
(202)289·2260
(e·o 0)
POR
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�APR 1217 '93 16: 45 SE!'JT BY DNC COMI'IUNICATIONS OFC
72
l
stay in power with division, the divisions of race
2
foremost among them.
I am a fourth generation Arkansan, a southerner
3
4
born and bred.
I embrace it proudly, but I'll tell you
s
something, fol.ks, chis argument over quotas that they're
6
setting up for the next election, this is not a new
7
argument.
a
our race,
9
us for decades now.
I
Those of us who come from the South, whatever
L~ow
that they've been running this old scam· on
10
Whenever things get really .tight, and they get
11
really worried, they find the most economically insecure
l2
white
~~ericans
and they scare the living daylights out of
• l3
them and get them to leave their natural home and run away
14
from the unity that is ehe only source of strength in this
15
country.
16
(Applause.)
l7
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
If we pendt the Republicans
lS
to keep people staring at each other across racial
l9
divides, they will never be able to turn their.heads and
20
look to the White House ana look to Washington and say,
21
why have you let all
22
10 years?
23
what they want.
24
25
of
our incomes go down for the last
we cannot permit
that division, because that is
That is the last part of their 3-0 movie.
For 11 years, as I have watched this movie and
struggled against it and done by best to preserve a
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1111
~OURTEENTH S~ET,
St1I'l'E 400
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N.W.
D.C. 20005
(202)289-2261)
(800) FOR DBPO
�APR 07 '93 16:46 SENT BY DNC COM~lUNIC:ATIONS OFC
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1
laboratory of democracy, what have we done?
2
economic ground, working people have spent more hours
3
the job, less time with their kids, bringing home a
4
smaller paycheck to pay more for health care and housing
5
and education.
We've lost
on
Our streets are meaner, our families are more
6
7
broken, our health care is the costliest in the world and
a
gives among the poorest results.
What is the matter?
We should have provided an alternative.
9
We
But instead, time and
10
should have been the alternative.
11
again we have offered ourselves up as sacrificial lambs,
12
as punching bags, and today it is time to ·say. we are
l3
through with that.
14
We are going to be the alternative.
We are
15
going to give a new beginning to our party and to this
16
country, not by being better at Bush-bashing, n9t by being
17
better at slick labeling, but by doing a better job of the
18
very old-fashioned work of politics to confront the real
19
proDlems of.real people and point the way to a better
20
future.
That is the job tor the Democrats.
21
(Applause. )
22
GOVERNOR. CLINTON:
To do that, we have to make
23
same new choices.
The President's always talking about
24
choice, but we all know he doesn't really believe it.
25
has a very selective and narrow view.
He wants to have
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1l1l FOURTEENTH STREET, N. W.
. SUITE 400
w.ASH~GTON,
D.C. 20005
(202)289-2260
(800) FOR DBPO
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�FlPR 07 '93 16:46 SENT B'i DNC COMMiJNICFlTIONS OFC
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bu~
1
choice if it bankrufts. the school system of America,
2
he's more thau willing to criminalize women and doctors
3
who make a dif:erent decision than he would make.
4
{Applause.}
5
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
Nonetheless, America knows we
to make some new choices.
My wife and I, as we've
6
n~ed
7
moved into our 40 1 S, have gotten more interested in
a
psychology, as many of you do, and she gave me a book the
9
other day, a few months ago, in which the following
!0
statement was made:
11
Qver and over and over again and expecting a different
12
result.
13
over
14
won't be good.
15
again in ·1992, or we will get the same result.
that insanity is doing the same thing
Now, i ! the American people do the same thing
aga~n
in
they'll get the same result, and it
~992,
But
~either
can we do the same thing over
For ll years I have worked on the front lines of
!6
l7
jobs and education.
~8
Shackelford and the others here from my home State who
19
~elieve
20
future while Washington was giving us more to do and less
21
money to ao it with, and
22
approach, but I also know, based on our OWn experience,
23
that we can do better.
24
25
I have worked with people like Lottie
that we can keep hope alive and offer a better
I
know there·are ltmits to that
What the Democratic Party needs in this election
is a sireple program: ·more opportunity, more
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
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SUITE 400
,
WASHINGTON, O.C. 20005
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POR DBPO
�APR 07 '93 16:47
SE~~T
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75
responsibility,
mor~ ~ommunity,
2
opporcunity for all .
.
Opportunity for all means we've got to grow this economy,
3
not shrink it.
We've got to invest more money in American
4
technology, convert from a defense to a domestic
5
economy
1
o
{Applause.)
7
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
8
competition in world trade.
9
world trade, but we have to be treated fairly and we have
10
ll
We've got to meet the.
Of course we're all for more
to have a chance to win when we're the best.
Opportunity for all means world-class skills,
12
not placing tenth on every math test, tenth on every
13
science test, not having the highest
14
highest teen pregnancy rate, the highest drug_use rate
15
among children in the world, not having the 19th worst
16
infant mortality rate.
17
drop~out
rate, the
Opportunity for all means pre-school for every
18
child that needs it, an apprenticeship program for kids
19
who don't want to go to college but do want to be in good
20
jobs, net dead-end jobs.
21
a job to read, and it means giving. every young American
22
the chance to borrow the money necessary to go to college
23
and pay it back.
24
25
It means teaching everybody with
(Applause. >
GOVERNOR CL:tN'l'ON:
Pay it back as a small
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
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�APR 07 '93 16: 47 SEI'IT BY Dl'lC ,:OMMUNICATIONS OFC
76
1
percentage of income over several years, or with two years
2
of national service here ae home ·- a domestic GI bill.
3
(Applause.)
4
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
A domestic GI bill that would
5
ask young Americans to go to the streets of our cities and
6
be teachers, co be policemen where we need community
7
policemen, to be nurses where there 1 s a nursing shortage,
a
to be family service workers where families are breaking
9
down and children are abused and neglected, to rebuild
10
America from the people point of view.
ll
with a national service program.
12
(Applause.)
13
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
we
can do that
.
I know we C2t.%1 do it·.
In our
~4
State, we're far from rich, but our business community
15
supported an increase in the corporate income tax to redo .
16
our training programs.
17
the State contriDution for pre-school.
18
beginnings of a State-wide apprenticeship program, and we
19
made 75 percent of our high school graduates eligible to
20
earn four-year college scholarships by making decent
21
grades and staying off drugs.
22
We have
23
24
25.
We moved into the top States in
we set up the .
we can do it in America.
to do it in America.
(Applause.)
GOVER...~OR
CLINTON:
Opportunity for all means
first, for many families, health care reform.
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1111· FOURTEENTH STREET .. N.W.
SUI'l'E 4 0 0
.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20005
(202) 289 ·2260
(800) POR OBPO
Why should
�APR 07 '93 16: 48 SENT BY DNC
COMMU~UCATIONS
OFC
77
1
you foroe a working family to choose between taking care
I
I
2
or
3
of people can't change jobs today because they have a sick
4
spouse or a child that once had cancer, and they have
5
preexisting health conditions that freeze
6
are because they can never get health insurance again?
mama and taking care of the kids?
7
How many thousands
tha~
where they
We have to control health care costs, improve
a
quality, take care of
9
preventive care, maintain consumer choice, and cover
long~ter.m
care, do more in
lO
everybody, and believe it or not, we can do it for less
11
than we're spending if we have the
~2
system.
l3
(Applause.}
l4
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
courag~
to reform this
We don' t have to refo:rm the
15
taxpayers.
We do have to reform the unbelievable
16
insurance practices of this country and get some cost
17
·control into the system if we're going to have national
l8
health coverage.
l9
(Applause.)
20
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
Finally, opportunity for all
21
means !air taxes.
I'm net one of these rich fellows.
22
wouldn't mind being rich.
23
or a raise in 12 years.
24
taxing anybody, but there is great demerit in overtaxing
25
the people whose'inco.mes have gone down and undertaxing
I just haven't had a promocion
There is no intrinsic merit to
ALDERSON REPO~TING COMPANY, INC.
1111 FOURTEENTH STREET, N.W.
SUI'l'B 400
,
D.C. 20005
(202)289·2260
(800) FOR DEPO
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�FIPR 07 '93 16:48 SENT BY DtK COMMUNICFITIONS OFC
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1
ehe people whose incomes have gone up, and that is what
2
we've
~one
in America in the last 10 years.
(Applause.)
3
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
4
But hear me now.
I honestly
5
believe, if we try to do these things we will still not
6
solve the problems of today or move into the next century .
7.
with confidence unless we do whae John Kennedy did·and ask
8
every last American citizen to assume personal
9
responsibility for the future of this country.
The l98C's were not just a decade of greed and
lC
11
self-seeking, they were a decade of denial and blame.
12
Jo~~
l3
our problems.
14
country, nee who we could blame for the disgrace
15
in.
Kennedy
didn'~
look for somebody to .blame for all of
He asked us to ask what we could do for our
we
were
But everywhere people are trying to. blame
16
17
someone else in America.
18
American to do his or her part.
19
welfare to move toward independence through work and help
20
them to do it.
21
more productively. as well as harder, and:help them to do
22
it.
23
this world take responsibility for those kids,
24
chings with the toughest child support legislation we can
25
possibly pa3s.
I think we should ask every
We should ask people on
We should ask workers to work smarter and
We should demand that parents who bring children into
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1111. FOURTEENTH Sl~ET, N.W.
·SUIT! 400
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20005
(202)289-2260
(800) i'OR D,SPO
~ong
other
�79
l
(Applause. l
2
OOVER.'NOR CLIN'ION:
Thil!l idea that you can bring
3
ehildren intro the world and leave them for the Government
4
to raise is nuts.
5
oeople do, and when people don't the children pay for ever
6
and ever and ever,
Governments don't raise children,
~d
so do we.
7
(Applause.)
a
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
9
And we should say to
everybody, we know who the most irresponsible people of
10
all were in the 1980's.
Not those of you on the bottom of
11
the totem pole, not those of you who are doing worse, but
12
those who are doing better, in business and in Government.
Do you know ·c.hat in the 1980's while middle
l3
14
class income went.doWn,. charitable giving by working
15
people went up, and while rich people's income went up,
16
charitable giving by rich people went down?
17
we live in a country which had an ethic of get it while
lS
you can and to heck with everybody else.
Why?
Because
How can you ask American people who work or who
19
20
are poor to behave responsibly when· they know the heads of
21
our biggest companies raised their pay in the last decade
22
by
23
times the percentage their profits went up, and when they
24
ran their companies into the ground and they put their
25
people in the street,· what did they do?
four times the percentage their workers' went up, three
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1111 FOL'R.TEBNTH STRBBT N. w.
SUITE 400
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20005
I
(20.2) 289-2260
(800) FOR DEPO
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with a 3olden parachute to a cushy life, and it's wrong.
2
(Applause.)
3
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
Harry Truman used the bully
4
pulpit co put an end to such practices.
5
bully pulpit toda.y?
6
thing, the bully pulpit is silent.
7
than happy to tell Israel how to behave.
s
tell Wall Street how to behave?
9
(Applause.)
When Salomon Brothers did the same
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
10
Where is the
George Bush is more
Why won't he
What about us.
What about
11
the people that run Government?
How can they answer the
12
1980's?
13
competitiveness policy, we had no education policy, we··
14
didn't solve
.,-=>-
bankrupting our
16
global economy with a 30 percent handicap in health care
17
eosts.
Yes, we went dcwnhill1 but we had no
health care problem even though it was
t~e
bes~
corporations.
We sent them into cne
We didn't do it.
But we had $500 billion to recycle money to
18
19
wealthy people in the S&L mess, but not $5 billion for
20
unemployed workers, not $5 billion for the lietle kids who
21
needed Head Start.
22
(Applause.)
23
GOVERNOR CLINTON:
Our people in national.
24
Government called upon us to move into the future, but
25
~hey
spene more money on the pase,. more money on the·
ALDERSON
REPORT~G COMPANY, INC.
1111 FOURTEENTH S'I'R.EST, N. W.
SUITE 400
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present, and they squeezed the future until almost the
2
life was gone.
3
so there is room for everybody to do better.
4
believe, because ! was raised to believe and because I
s
have seen in my work for the last 11 years that it works,
6
that we must behave as if we wer.e all in this together.
7
If we have no sense of community, we will die separately,
8
and the American dream will continue to shrivel.
I
If you
can't figure out why your destiny is bound up with the
destiny of every other American, we're beaten before we
ll
12
st.art.
Yesterday, Hilary and I went out to meet with a
l3
group of community leaders here in Los Angeles who are
l4
working hard to deal with the problems of drugs and gangs
15
and bad education and no jobs, and we tnet ther.e a young
16
woman who is a schoolteacher.
:.7
Two years ago when we were here we went to her
l3
c1ass in South central Los Angeles and we spent 1·1/2
19
hours talking to a dozen sixth graders whose number one
20
problem was
2l
what they were worried about.
22
bei~g
shot going to and from school.
That's
'l'heir second wor1y was turning 12 or 13 and
23
being forced to join a gang or be beaten, and
24
were worried about their own parents' drug abuse, and that
2E
teacher had to tell us, almost choking, that two of those
ALDERSON REPORTr.NG COMPANY, INC.
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they
�APR 07 '93 16:58 SENI E''r DNC COM~1UI'i!CATIONS OFC
P.2
82
1
.2
ll child=en haa joined gangs, not because they wanted to
.
but to save their own skins.
3
Nearly half a century ago I was born in a little
4
town called Hope.
5
widowed three months before I was born.
6
four years by my grandparents while she went back to
7
nursing school.
8
9
My
mother, unfortunately,! had been
'
I was raised for
They didn't have much money, and I spent a lot
of time with my great-grandparents, and by any standard
10
they were poor.
Most of us were at the end of World War
ll
II.
12
We didn'e make excuses for our difficulties, and we did
13
assume responsibility for ourselves and for each other
14
because
But we didn't blame other people for our problems.
~e
15
knew we could do better.
It
is a long, long way in this country from that
16
situation which is embodied today in a picture on my wall
17
in the Governor's office in Arkansas, with me at the age
lS
of 6 holding my great-grana-daddy's hand, to a condition
19
where children on the streets of this city don't know who
20
their grandparents are and have to worry about their own
2l
parents' drug abuse.
22
make common cause of those kids, we cannot keep the
23
American dream alive for any of us.
24
together.
25
I tell you, my friends, unless we
We are in this
For 23.years, since Robert Kennedy died right
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1111 POURTBBNTH STRBBT, N. W.
SUITE 400
~HINGTON, D.C. 20005
(202)289.:.2260
(800) POR DBPO
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82
children had joined gangs, not because they wanted to
l
ll
2
but to save their own skins.
.
Nearly half a
3
centu~
ago I was born in a little
4
town called Hope.
s
widowed three
6
four years by my grandparents while she went back to
7
nursing school.
month~
before I was born.
I was raised for
They didn't have much money, and I spent a lot
8
9
My mother, untortunately, had been
of time with my great-grandparents, and by any standard
10
they were poor.
Most of us were at the end of World War
11
II.
12
we
13
assume responsibility for ourselves and for
14
because we knew we could do better.
But we didn't blame other people for our problems.
didn't make excuses for our difficulties, and we
eac~
aid
other
It is a long, long way in this country from that
15
16
situation which is embodied today in a picture .on
17
in the
18
of 6 holding my great-grand-daddy's hand, to a condition
19
where children on the streets of this city don'c know who
20
their grandparents are and have to worry about their own
21
parents' drug abuse.
22
make common cause of those kids, we cannot keep the
23
American dream alive for any of us.
24
together.
25
my wall
Governor's office in Arkansas, with me at the age
I tell you, my friends, unless we
We are in this
For 23.years, since Robert Kennedy died right
ALDERSON REPORTING COMPANY, INC.
1111 FOtJ'RTEBN'!'H STREET, N. W.
SUITB 400
WASHr.NGTON, D.C. 20005
(202)289:2260
(800) i'OR DIPO
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l
here in Lc·s Angeles, with only one brief interlude in the
2
late '70s the Democracic Party has failed in its historic
3
responsibility to keep the
4
opportunity for all, insisting, as President Kennedy did,
5
on more responsibility for everyone and treating us like
6
we were all in this together.
~~erican
dream alive with more
Our generation of Democrats can reclaim that
7
8
control and keep that dream alive i ! we remember what
:·
Robert Kennedy said
~c
us:
that we shouldn't be those who
lO
see things as they are and ask why.
ll
things that never were and ask, why not?
12
just curse the darkness, but instead we should embrace our
13
friends and seek a new world.
14.
That is .our job in.1992.
We should dream
We should not
If we do it, America
15
will survive and prosper and we will never have to answer
16
co the children why we did not do our part to keep the
l7
greatest
l8
future.
co~try
in
h~.n
history going into a better
19
God bless you, and thank you very much.
2C
(Standing
ovation~)
CBlURMAN BROWN:
22
Thank
you so much, Governor
Bill· Clinton.
23
Now we have a report from our Resolutions
24
Con~ittee.
I am pleased to ask a great
25
to take the podiUm.
ALDERSON
Democra~
from Ohio
Let us welcome the co-chair of the
RBPORT~NG
COMPANY, INC.
1111 FOURTBBNTH STREET, N.W.
SUITE 400
,
D.C. 20005
(202)289-2260
~HINGTON,
(800) FOR DBPO
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ANNOUNCEMENT SPEECH
GOVERNOR BILL CLINTON
. j :.~ J:_:
·::· ·OLD, STATE
_;.~ .•-~ji_,:·:··:~; :' :~· :: ';
.
'j
~~~~~B~-;;ri,E ~~~K·, ··ARKANSAS
1
'.;~;-'·, ~' .. '
..::~I;~_~;fif-~~~~~·'{~Q here today, for your friendship and su.p~ort, for ~iving me
tffez.~~~~.~.:;,h.~rve ,:.as ,:your Governor for
ble~.S:~.$~;-.. , ...{JlY.thi,n_~ t~e,ver~.deserved.
·:: ."1- J'• •. ··~~~/.-.~,~.:~: ...:.~):~·
.
,.,·... •
11 years, for f1lhng my hfe full of
.......... .
~~·1;;;;-a:·rt(i6'1tjilikefpecially Hillary and Chelsea for taking this big step in our life's
·'jo_~r~~~:t~:9~f~~~n1Uary, ·for being n:'Y wife, my fri~~d, and my partner_ in our ef!ort
to-- b1J1ld a· better future for the ch1ldren and fam1hes of Arkansas and Amenca.
·-Cheiii!~, wai$~:~~h~:~s only now corninQ, to .understand, has been our constant joy
aiit:J. reminder of ~hi:Jfour public· ~fforts ·a rEf really all about: a better life for all who will
.·work'
a:b.eifer'
future' for'the next generation ..: '
. .. fo:r:it,·
.
....
· .
.
.
:. ~ . :•' . ·:.:. ·: . . . . . .
'
.. .
· :.. A(! hf'.'y~u; ·i~-:~He,:irt wa\'/s·, have brought·me'here today, to step· beyond a ·life
~nd ~ jop t'love! f.<f!Jia,~,;a..c_q,rr'i:T:li~ment to a larger· cause: preserving the American
Dream ... ~~storing: the· t:iopes of the. forgotten middle class ... reclaiming the future
for our<•etlil:dre'n·.-:
:· :--)· . ; ' '
. . ~- ' . '
'.1
"
' : ., ......~~;:.~:-' ·.~~--. ! ; • .: . :
'
..
' hefu~~O:'b&'pft'f.of a generation that celebrates the death of communism abroad
with:the r6ss of-tne;Ametican.Dream at home. I refuse to be part of a generation
thaffails io~6n;P.~ in·'the·gr~bal e~onomy and so condemns hard-working Americans
to a li~.e of_ s~Qggl~~without _reward or se~urity. ·.. .
. . · .. · .
:,: ~--.:·.· ·.· -
in
.,
....
'
~
.
a
'~·
'
~r.:.
.
.
:·\/.:·:~··~.;:
·· .. ·
.·
.
Th.a~···i_{:.~~~~~i!~~·:.here .!od~y; b~~~\/s~ ·i·-~efus~ :io s~~nd·by an9Jet.Qur'c'hii~~en
becom~-.P.~~t~~st:genera_tiOn to· do worse than the1r parents. l ..don't want my
child-·otyour cflRd :.'fo'·. be~arf>of a,·country that's coming apart instead of coming
· tbgether,
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··. Ov~r 25 ~~-aa£cwo~,.l l'l.~d a professor atG~qrg~town who taught me tt1at Amenca
was thir:gie~s,f~~ti¥.%, history, be~a."::se::·our ·people believed in and acted on two
sim.ple ideas:·':' first>ttiat ttie future can be better that the present; and second, that
· .....
·"
.· 1
National Campaign He-adquarters • PO. Box 615 • Little Rock. A·· , ·: -'~ 72203 • Telephone (501) 372·1992 • FAX (501) 372·2292
Pa10 for oy !he C1tr:or .:; · .. .-.'
•
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�each of us has a personal, moral responsibility to make it so.
The fundamental truth has guided my public career, and brings me here today. It
is what we've devoted ourselves to here in Arkansas. I'm proud of what we've done
here in Arkansas together. Proud of the work we've done to become a laboratory of
democracy and innovation. And proud that we've done it without giving up the things
we cherish and honor most about our way of life- solid, middle-class values of work,
faith, family, individual responsibility and community.
As I've traveled across our state, I've found that everything we believe in,
everything we've fought for, is threatened by an administration that refuses to take
care of our own, has turned its back on the middle class, and is afraid to change while
the world is changing.
The historic events in the Soviet Union in recent months teach us and important
lesson: National security begins at home. For the Soviet empire never lost to us on
the field of battle. Their system rotted from the inside out, from economic, political
and spiritual failure.
To be sure, the collapse of co~munism requires a new national security policy.
applaud the President's recent initiative in reducing nuclear weapons. It is an
important beginning. But make no mistake - the end of the Cold War is not the end
of threats to America. The world is still a dangerous and uncertain place. The first
and most solemn obligation of the President is to keep America strong and safe from
foreign dangers and ·promote democracy around the world.
But we cannot build a safe and sP.cure world unless we can first make America
strong at home. It is our ability to take care of our own at home that gives us the
strength to stand up for what we believe around the world.
As Governor for 11 years, working to preserve and create jobs in a global
economy, I know our competition for the future is Germany and the rest of Europe,
Japan and the rest of Asia. And I know that we are losing America's leadership in the
world because we're losing the American Dream right here at home.
Middle class people are spending more hours on the job, spending less time with
their children,. bringing home a smaller paycheck to pay more for health care and
housing and education. Our streets are meaner, our families are broken, our health
care is the costliest in the world and we get less for it.
The country is headed in the wrong direction fast, slipping behind, losing our way
... and all we have out of Washingto·n is status quo paralysis. No vision, no action.
Just neglect, selfishness and division.
2
�For 12 years, Republicans have tried to divide us - race against race - so we get
mad at each other and not at them. They want us to look at each other across a
racial divide so we don't turn and look to the White House and ask, Why are all of our
incomes going down? Why are all of us losing jobs? Why are we losing our future?
Where I come from we know about race-baiting. They've used it to divide us for
years. I know this tactic well and I'm not going to let them get away with it.
For 12 years, the Republicans have talked about choice without really believing in
it. George Bush says he wants school choice event if it bankrupts the public schools,
and yet more than willing to make it a crime for the women of America to exercise
their individual right to choose.
For 12 years, the Republicans have been telling us that America's problems aren't
their problem. They washed their hands of responsibility for the economy and
education and health care and social policy and turned it over to fifty states and a
thousand points of light. Well, here in Arkansas we've done our best to create jobs
and educate our people. And each of us has tried to be one of those thousand points
of light. But I can tell you, where there is no national vision, no national partnership,
no national leadership·, a thousand points of light leaves a lot of darkness.
We must provide the answers, the solutions. And we will. We're going to turn
this country around and get it moving again, and we're going to fight for the
hard-working middle-class families of America for a change.
Make no mistake. This election is about change: in our party, in our national
leadership, and in our country.
And we're not going to get positiv.e.change just by Bush- bashing. We have to do
a better job of the old-fashioned work of confronting the real problems of real people
and pointing the way to a better future. That is our challenge in 1992.
Today, as we stand on the threshold of a new era, a new millennium, I believe we
need a new kind of leadership, leadership committed to change. Leadership not mired
in the politics of the past, not limited by old ideologies. Proven leadership that knows
how to reinvent government to help solve the real problems of real people.
That is why today I am declaring my candidacy for President of the United States.
Together I believe we can pr.ovide leadership that will restore the American Dream,
that·wm fight for the forgotten middle class, that will provide more opportunity, insist
on more responsibility, and create a greater sense of community for this great
country.
The change we must make isn't liberal or conserv.ative.
3
It's both, and it's
�••
different. The small towns and main streets of America aren't like the corridors and
back rooms of Washington. People out here don't care about the idle rhetoric of "left"
and "right" and "liberal" and "conservative" and all the other words that have make
our politics a substitute for action. These families are crying out desperately for
someone who believes the promise of America is to help them with their struggle to
get ahead, to offer them a green light instead of a pink slip.
This must be a campaign of ideas, not slogans, We don't need another President
who doesn't know what he wants to do for America. I'm going to tell you in plain
language what I intend to do as President. How we can meet the challenges we face
-that's the test for all the Democratic candidates in this campaign. Americans know
what we're up against. Let's show them what we're for.
It's just common sense.
We need a new covenant to rebuild America.
Government's responsibility is to create more opportunity. The people's responsibility
is to make the most of it.
In a Clinton Administration we are going to create opportunity for all. We've got
to grow this economy, not shrink it. We need to give people incentives to make
long-term investment in America and reward people's money. We've got to invest
more money in emerging technologies to help keep high-paying jobs here at home.
We've got to convert from a defense to a domestic economy.
We've got to expand world trade, tear down barriers, but demand fair trade
policies if we're going to provide good jobs for our people. The American people·
don't want to run from the world. We must meet the competition and win.
Oppor-tunity for all means world-class skills and world-class education. We need
more than "photo-ops" and empty rhetoric- we need standards and accountability and
excellence in education. On this issue, I'm proud to say that Arkansas has led the
way.
In a Clinton Administration, students and parents and teachers will get a real
education President.
Opportunity for all means pre-school for every child who needs it, and an
apprenticeship program for kids who don't want to go to college but do want good
jobs. It means teaching everybody with a job to read, and passing a domestic Gl Bill
that would give every young American the chance to borrow the money necessary to
go to college and ask them to pay it back either as a small percentage of their income
over time or through national service as teachers or policemen or nurses or. child care
workers.
.
In a Clinton admi'nistration, everyone will be able to get a college loan as long as
4
�they're willing to give something back to their country in return.
Opportunity for all means reforming the health care system to control costs,
improve quality, expand preventive and long-term care, maintain consumer choice, and
cover everybody. And we don't have to bankrupt the taxpayers to do it. We do have
to take on the big insurance companies and health care bureaucracies and get some
real cost control into the system. I pledge to the American people that in the first
year of a Clinton Administration we will present a plan to Congress and the American
people to provide affordable, quality health care for all Americans.
Opportunity for all means making our cities and our streets safe from crime and
drugs. Across America, citizens are banding together to take their streets and
neighborhoods back. In a Clinton Administration, we'll be on their side - with new
initiatives like community policing, drug treatment for those who need it and boot
camps for first-time offenders.
Finally, opportunity for all means we must protect our environment and develop
an energy policy that relies more on conservation and clean natural gas so all our
children will inherit a world that is cleaner, safer, and more beautiful.
But hear me now. I honestly believe that if we try to do these things, we will still
not solve the problems of today or move into the next century with confidence unless
we do what President Kennedy did and ask every American citizen to assume personal
responsibility for the ·future of our country.
The government owes our people more opportunity, but we all have to make the
most of it through responsible citizenship.
We should insist that people move off welfare rolls and onto work rolls. We
should give people on welfare the skills they need to succeed, but we should demand
that everybody who can work go to work and become a productive member of
society.
We should insist on the toughest possible child support enforcement.
Governments don't raise children, paronts do. And when they don't their children pay
forever, and so do we.
And we have got to say, as we've tried to do in Arkansas, that students have a
responsibility to stay in school. If you drop out for no good reason, you should lose
your driver's license. But it's important to remember that the most irresponsible
people of all in the 1980s were those at the top - not those who were doing worse,
not the hard-working middle class, but those who sold our savings and loans with bad
deals and spent billions on wasteful takeovers and mergers, money that could have
been spent to create better products and new jobs.
5
�Do you know that in the 1980s, while middle-class income went down, charitable
giving by working people went up? And while rich people's incomes went up,
charitable giving by the wealthy went down. Why? Because our leaders had an ethic
of get it while you can and to heck with everybody else.
How can you ask people who work or who are poor to behave responsibly when
they know that the heads of our biggest companies raised their own pay in the last
decade by four times the percentage their workers' pay went up? Three times as
much as their profits went up. When they ran their companies into the ground and
their employees were on the street, what did they do? They bailed out with golden
parachutes to a cushy life. That's just wrong. Teddy Roosevelt and Harry Truman
and John Kennedy didn't hesitate to use the bully pulpit of the presidency. They
changed America by standing up for what's right. When the Salomon Brothers
abused the treasury markets, the President was silent. When the rip-off artists looted
our S&L's, the President was silent. In a Clinton Administration, when people sell
their companies and their workers and their workers and their country down the river,
they'll get called on the carpet. We're going to insist that they invest in this country
and create jobs for our people.
In the t980s, Washington failed us, too. We spent more money on the present
and the past and less on the future. We spent $500 billion to recycle assets in the
S&L mess, but we couldn't afford $5 billion for unemployed workers or to give every
kid in this country the chance to be. in Head Start. We can do better than ·that, and
will.
A Clinton Administration won't spend our money on programs that don't solve
problems and a government that doesn't work. I want to reinvent government "to
make it more efficient and more effective. I want to give citizens more choices in the
servic'es they get, and empower them to make those choices, That's what we've
tried to do in Arkansas. We've balanced the budget every year and improved
services. We've treated taxpayers like our customers and our bosses, because they
are.
I want the American people to know that a Clinton Administration will defend our
national interests abroad, put their values into our social policy at home, and spend
their tax money with discipline·. We'll put government back on the side of the
hard-working middle-class families of America who think most of the help goes to
those at the top of the ladder, some goes to the bottom, and no one speaks for them.
But we need more than new laws, new promises, or new programs. We need a
new spirit of community, a sense that are all in this together. If we have no sense of
community, the American Dream will continue to wither. Our destiny is bound up
with the destiny of every other American. We're all in this together, and we will rise
of fall together.
6
�A few years ago, Hillary and I visited a classroom in Los Angeles, in an area
plagued by drugs and gangs. We talked to a dozen sixth-graders, whose number one
concern was being shot going to and from school. Their second worry was turning
12 or 13 and being forced to join a gang or be beaten. And finally, they were worried
about their own parents' drug abuse.
Nearly half a century ago, I was horn not far from here in Hope, Arkansas. My
mother had been widowed three months before I was born. I was raised for four
years by my grandparents, while she went back to nursing school. They didn't have
much money. I spent a lot of time with my great-grandparents. By any standard,
they were poor. But we didn't blame other people. We took responsibility for
ourselves and for each other because we knew we could do better. I was raised to
believe in the American Dream, in family values, in individual responsibility, and in the
obligation of government to help people who were doing the best they could.
It's a long way in America from that loving family which is embodied today in a
picture on my wall in the Governor's office of me at the age of six holding my
great-grandfather's hand to an America where children on the streets of our cities
don't know who their grandparents are and have to worry about their own parents'
drug abuse.
I tell you, by making common cause with those children we give new life to the
American dream. And that is our generation's responsibility - to form a New
Covenant ... more opportunity for all, more responsibility from everyone, and a greater
sense of common purpose.
I believe with all my heart that we can make this happen. We can usher in a new
era of progress, prosperity and renewal. We can. We must. This is not just a
campaign for the presidency -it is a campaign for the future, for the forgotten
hard-working middle class families of America who deserve a government that fights
for them. A campaign to keep America strong at home and around the world. Join
with us. I ask for your prayers, your help, your hands, and your hearts. Together we
can make America great again, and build a community of hope that will inspire the
world.
7
�A NEW COVENANT FOR ECONOMIC CHANGE
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY, WASHINGTON, D.C.
NOVEMBER 20, 1991
··~'
.:
...
Thank you for being here today. Abetter future for your generation
-a better life for all who will work for it- is what this campaign is about.
But I come here today convinced that your future - the very
future of our country, the American Dream - is in peril. This country is in trouble. As
I've traveled around this country, I've seen too much pain on people's faces, too much
fear in people's eyes. We've got to do better.
This month, I visited with a couple from New Hampshire named
David and Rita Springs. He's a chemical engineer by training; she's studying to be a lab
technician. They told me that a month before his pension .was vested, the people who
ran his company fired him to cut their payrolls. Then they turned around and sold the
company and bailed out with a golden parachute while David Springs and his family
got the shaft.
Last week, at a bowling alley in Manchester, I met a fireman who
was working two jobs and his wife who was working 50 hours a week in a mill. They
told me they were worried that even though both of them were working like this and
their son was a straight-A student, they still wouldn't be able to afford to send him to
college because of the rising cost of college education and beeause they were too welloff to get government help.
At a breakfast in a cafe in New Hampshire, I met a young man
whose 12-year-old child had had open-heart surgery, and now no one will hire him
because they can't afford his health insurance.
The families I met are from New Hampshire, but they could be
from anywhere in America. They're the backbone of the country, the ones who do the
work and pay the taxes and send their children off to war. They're a lot like people I've
seen in Arkansas for years, living with the real consequences of our national neglect.
These are the real victims of the Reagan Revolution, the Bush Succession, and this ·
awful national recession.
During this administration, the economy has grown more slowly
and fewer jobs have been created than in any administration since World War II.
People who have jobs are working longer hours for less money: people who don't are
looking harder to finl.lless. Midl.lle-class people are paying more for health care,
housing, el.lucation ani.! taxes, when government services have been cut.
?r~:Siut:nt to make good on his prom1ses, h1s answer to them is: Tough luck. It's your
fault. Go buy a house or a car.
·· . · ·
Just this week, George Bush said we don't need a plan to end this
recession - that if we wait long enough, our problems wi II go away. Well. he's right
abou~ that part: If he doesn't have a plan to turn this country around by November of,
1992, we're going to lay George Bush off,'putAmerica back to work, and our problems ·
will go away.
We need a President who will take responsibility for getting this
country moving again. A P,resident who will provide the leadership to pull us together
and challenge our nation to compete in the world and win again.
Ten years ago, America had the highest wages in the world. Now
we're lOth, and falling. Last year, G!!rmany and Japan had productivity growth rates
three and iour times ours b~cause they educate their people bettl!r. invest more in
their future, and organize their economies for global competition, and we don't.
~·
~· ·~
.'
'We need a
President who
will take
responsibility
for getting lhis
country moving
again. A
President who
will provide the
leadership to
pull us together
and challenge
our nation to
compete in
th~
WOrld and Win
again."
19
�.'
,. ...
/
For 12 years oi this R~an· ... -· l. the Republicam. ~ 1et S&L
.. ·. ~r~o~s and self-s.eNing CEOs try to buiid an econorr.. .Ut oi caper and ow.; ;nste.a<i oi
people and producu. Tt·s the Repuolican way: every r.:.n ior hiinseli ana-:-.-ge-t-tt-w7h-:-iie----1----\'0U can. They stacked the odds in iavor oi their friends at the top and told everybody
~ise to waitfor whateVer trickled doWn.' \
~9.evw-step oi the way. the Republicans iorgot about the very
;:-eopie they had promised to help- i.he very people who elected them tn the iirst
~iace- the forgotten mukile-ciass Amencans who still Jive by Amencan vaiues and
-..hose hopes. hearts and hands sttll carry the Amencan Dream.
But Democrau iorgot about real people. too.
Democrats in Congress JOined the White House tn tnpling the
nauonal debt and raising the deficit to the point of paralysis. Democrats and
Republicans in Congress joined the White House on the sidelines. cheering on an S&L
boom until it went bust to the tune of SSOO billion.
For too many Americans, for too long, it's seemed that Congress
and the White House have been more interested in looking out for themselves and for
their friends. but not for the country and not for the people who make it great.
And now, aiter 12 years oi Reagan-Bush. the forgotten middle class
is discovering that the reward ior 12 years oi sacrifice and hard work is more sacrifice
md more hard times: They've paJd higher taxes on lower mcomes for seMce cuts.
while the rich got tax cuts, while poverty increased. and the President and Congress
got pay raises and health insurance.
We've got to move in a radically different direction. The
Republicans' failed ,experiment in supply-side economia doesn't produce growth. It
doesn't create upward mobility. And mo~t important. it doesn't prepare millions and
millions of Americans to compete and win in the new world econQmy•
. And we've got to move away from the old Democratic theory that
says we can just tax and spend our wr~ out of any problem we face. Expanding
government doesn't~ opportunity. And big defacits don't produce sustained
economic growth, esptclally when the borrowed money is spent on yesterday's
mistakes. not tomorrow's investments.
Stale theories produce nothing but stalemate. The old economic
ll\SWers are obsolete. We've seen the limits ot Keynesian economia. We've seen the
worst of supply-side economics. We need a new approach.
For 12 years. we've had no economic vision. no economic
... """'-.
leadership, no national economic strategy, What America needs is a President with a
radical new approach to our economic problems that will give new life to the American
Dream.
We need a New Covenant for economic change. a new economia
that empowen people. rewards work and organizes America to compete and win again.
Anational economic strategy to liberate and energize the abilities of millions of
Americans who are paying more taxes when the government is doing less for them,
who are working harder while their wages go down.
· ' · ···. i ::
This New Covenant isn't liberal or conservative. It's both ·and it's
·.
different. The American people don't care about the idle rhetoric of left and right. .
They're real people. with real problems. and they think no one in Washington wants to
solve their problems or stand up for them. ·
The goals of our New Covenant for economic change are
straigttforward:.
· ·· · ~- ··
4
.:.: ~:'~· • We need a president who will put economic opportuna~t in me . ·.<· .:. .:., i · .
twids of ordinaly peciple. not rich and powerful special interests:
....
...., .....
~; .. ·
I
/.
•
•
20
'
,:
�• APresident who will revolutionize government to invest more in
the future;
"This country is
in trouble. As
I've traveled
around this
country, I've
seen too much
pain on
people's f.1ccs,
too m•.Jch fear
in people's
eyes. We've got
to do better."
• APresident who will encourage the private sector to organize in
new ways and cooperate to produce economic growth:
• APresident who will challenge and lead America to compete and
win in the global economy, not retreat from the world.
That's how we'll turn this country's economy around, recapture ·
America's leadership in the world and build a better future for our children. That's
how we'll show the forgotten middle class we really understand their struggle. That's
how we'll reduce poverty and rebuild the ladder from poverty to the middle class. And
that, my friends, is why I'm running for President of the United States.
Our first responsibility under this New Covenant is to move quickly
to put this recession behind us. Last week, I released a plan for what I would do right
away to help working people and get the economy moving again. I'd not only extend
unemployment benefits, as Congress and the President have finally done, but I'd push
through a middle-class tax cut, an accelerated highway bill to create 40,000 to 45,000
new construction jobs over the next six months, and an increase in the ceiling on FHA
mortgage guarantees so half a million families could pump up the economy by buying
their first home. I do think good credit card customers should receive a break from the
18 and 19 percent rates of banks, which have cut the rates the customers get paid on
· their deposit accounts. And I'm proud to say that four of the ten banks charging the
lowest credit card rates nationwide are in my state.
I would also make sure federal regulators send a clear signal to the
financial community not to call in loans that are performing, and not to fear making
good loans to local businesses.
But even if we did all those things tomorrow, it wouldn't change
the fundamental challenge of the 1990s. We need to get out of this recession, and
soon. But we also need a long-term national strategy to create a high-wage, highgrowth, high-opportunity economy, not a hard-work, low-wage economy that's sinking
when it ought to be rising. ·
It doesn't have to be that way. I believe we can win again. In the
global economy of the 1990s, economic growth won't come from government
spending. It will come, instead. from individuals working smarter and learning more,
from entrepreneurs taking more risks and going after new markets. and from
corporations designing better products and taking a longer view. We're going to
reward work, expand OJ'J'nrtunity, ~mpQw~r !,''!0P!-!. :!~rJ we :lre going to win J~in.
There are two reasons whv midJie-ciass people today are working
harder ior less pay. First. their ta.'<es have gonl! up- but that's only JO percent of
their problem. The other 70 percent is Amt:rica's loss oi economic growth and world
economic leadership.
If we're going to turn this country around, we've not only got to
liberate ordinary people from unfair taxes, we've got to empower every American with
the education and training essential to get ahead.
Let me make this clear: Education is economic development. We
can only be a high-wage, high-growth country if we are a high-skills country. In a
world in which money and production are mobile, the only way middle-class people
can keep good jobs with growing incomes is to be lifetime learners and innovators.
Without w11rld-dass skills, lhe middle class will >urdy continue to decline. With them,
middlc·class workers will generate more high-w;1~e jobs in .\mcrica in the '91ls.
.Empowering ..:verybody h~::ms w1th r>rcschonl ior every child who
needs it. :1nd fully iundin~ u~ad St:lrt. It irK!::J.:s :111;1tlllnal <!:<amimtion system to
�'
:~
"What I am
proposing is
hard,
unglamorous
work It will
require us to
reexamine
every dollar of
the taxpayers'
money we
spend and
every minute of
time that the
government
puts in on
·business."
22
push our students to meet world-class standards in core subjects like math and
science, and an annual report card for every state, every school district and every
school to measure our progress in meeting those standards.
Empowerment means training young people for high-wage jobs,
not dead-end ones. Young Americans with only a high school education make 25
percent less today than they would have 15 years ago. In a Clinton Administration we'll
have a national apprenticeship program that will enable high school students who
aren't bound for college to enter a course of study, designed by schools and local
businesses, to teach them valuable skills, with a promise of a real job with growing
incomes when· they graduate.
Empowerment means challenging our students and every
American with a system of voluntary national service. In a Clinton Administration we
will offer a domestic GI Bill that will say to middle-class as well as low-income people:
We want you to go to college and we're glad to pay for it, but you've got to give
something back to your country in return. As President. I'll ask Congress to establish a
trust fund out of which any American can borrow money for a college education, so
long as they pay it back either as a small percentage of their income over time or with
a couple of years of national service as teachers, police officers, child care workers doing work our country urgently needs. The fund would be financed with a portion of
the peace dividend and by redirecting the present student loan program, which is
nowhere near as cost-effective as it should be. This program will pay for itself many
times over.
But in an era when what you can earn depends largely on what yoi.J
can learn, education can't stop at the schoolhouse door. From now on, anyone who's
willing to work will have a· chance to learn. In a Clinton Administration, we'll make
adult literacy programs available to all who need it, by working with states to make
sure every state has a clear, achievable plan to teach everyone with a job to read, to
give them a chance to earn aGED, and wherever possible, to do it where they work. In
Arkansas we had 14,000 people in adult education programs in 1983. Today we have
over 50,000. By 1993, we'll have over 70,000. Every state can do the same for a modest
cost with a disciplined plan and a flexible delivery system.
And we will ensure that every working American has the
opportunity to learn new skills every year. Today, American business spends billions of
dollars on training - the equivalent of 1.5 percent of the costs of their payrolls -but
70 percent of it goes to the 10 percent at the top of the ladder. In a Clinton
Administration, we'll require employers to offer every ',vork~r hi~ cr her shllrc of t.lo:c:;e
training dollars, or contribute the equivalent to a nati(\nal training fund Wnrker5 will
get the training they need. and companies will learn that the more you train your
workers. the more your protits increase.
We need special efforts to empower the poor to work their way out
of poverty. We'll make work pay by expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit for the
working poor and by supporting private and public partnerships to give low-income
entrepreneurs the tools to start rew businesses, through innovative institutions like
Shore Bank in Chicago and its rural counterpart, the Southern Development
Bancorporation in Arkansas. We've got to break the cycle of dependency and put an
end to permanent dependence on welfare as a way of life, by really investing in the
development of poor people and giving them the means. the incentives and the
requirement to go to work.
Finally, ~mpowering working Americans means letting them keep
more of what they earn. Ronald Reagan and G~orge Bush raised taxes on the middle
class. I'm going to cut them. In a Clinton AJministration. we'll cut inc om~ tax rates on
�the middle class: An average family's tax bill will go down 10 percent. a savings of $350
a year. And the deficit won't go up- instead those earning over $200,000 a year will
· pay more, though still a smaller percentage of their incomes than they paid in the '70s,
not to soak the rich but to return to basic fairness.
Besides empowering citizens, we must lead a revolution in
government so it becomes an engine of opportunity again, not an obstacle to il Voters
who went to the polls in this month's elections sent us a clear message: People want
more for their money. The experts in Washington think that is a contradiction. But I
think the experts are wrong and the people are right. People want a better deal from
government, and they'll get it in a Clinton Administration.
Too many Washington insiders of both parties think the only way
to provide more services is to spend more on programs already on the books in
education, housing and health care. But if we reinvent government to deliver new
services in different ways, eliminate unnecessary layers of management and offer
people more choices, we really can give taxpayers more services with fewer
bureaucrats for the same or less money.
Every successful major corporation in America had to restructure
itself to compete in the last decade, to decentralize, become more entrepreneurial, give
workers more authority to make decisions and offer customers more choices and
better products.
That's what we're trying to do in Arkansas- balancing the budget
every year, improving services and treating taxpayers like our customers and our
bosses, because they are. Arkansas was the first state to initiate a statewide total quality
management program. We've dramatically reduced the number of reports the
Department of Education requires of school districts, slashed bureaucratic costs in the
Department of Human Services and put the money into direct services that help real
people, aAd speeded up customer services in the Revenue Department. We measure the
job placement rate of graduates from vocational-technical programs, and if a program
can't show results we shut it down.
So I know it can be done. But let us be clear: Serious restructuring .
of government for greater productivity is very different from the traditional top-down
reorganization plans that have been offered over the last 20 years, including in this
campaign. Those require a lot of time and energy and generally leave us with more of
the same government. not less.
What 1am proposing is hard, unglamorous work. It will require us
to reexamine every dollar of the taxpayers' money we spend and every minute of time
that the government puts in on business. !twill require us to enlist the encrgiP.:o; nf
front-line public servants who are ·often as frustrated as the rest of us with
bureaucracy. And if we do it in Arkansas, which has among the lowest taxes in the
country, imagine how much more important and productive it will be at the federal
level. In a Clinton Administration we'll make government more effective by holding
ourselves to the same standard of productivity growth as business and insisting on
three percent across-the-board cuts in the administrative costs of the federal
bureaucracy every year.
If we're going to get more for our money, we ought to have a
federal budget which invests more in the future and spends less on the present and the
past. Al President, I'll throw out last year's budget deal, which brought us the biggest
deficits in American history and the fastest-growing spending since World War ll.ln
its place, I'll establish a new three-part federal budget: a past budget for interest
payments: a present budget for spending on current consumption, and a future budget
for investments in things that will make us richer.
"For 1 2 years,
we've had no
economic
vision, no
economic
leadership, no
national
economic
strategy. What
America needs
is a President
with a radical
new approach
to our
economic
problems th.ll
will give new
life to the
AmPrir:m
Dream."
23
�24
Today the federal government spends only nine percent of the
budget on investing in the future- in education, child health, environmental
technology, infrastructure and basic research. We'll double that in a Clinton
Administration. We'll begin to finance the future budget by converting resources no
longer needed for national defense to the investments needed to rebuild our economic
security and by controlling health care costs.
We can bring the deficit down over time, but only if we control
spending on current consumption programs by tying overall increases to real revenue
increases, not estimates. I propose to limit overall increases in the consumption
budget to increases in personal income, so that the federal budget can't go up any
faster than the average American's paycheck. Making Congress and the President live
by this rule will cut the deficit drastically in five years, in a dramatic budget reform.
Finally, if we're serious about reinventing government, we must
reinvent the way we deliver health care in this country. We spend 30 percent more
than any othe!' country on health care and do less with it. For many Americans, the
rising cost of health care and the loss of it is the number one fear they face on a daily
basis. Thousands of American businesses are l.osing jobs because health care costs are a
30 percent handicap in the global marketplace. Two-thirds of the strikes today are
about health care, and no matter how they come out, both sides lose. We are the only
nation in the world that doesn't help control health care costs.
We could cover every American with the money we're spending if
we had the courage to demand insurance reform and slash health care bureaucracies,
·and if we followed the lead of other nations in controlling the unnecessary spread of
technology, stopping drug prices from going up three times the rate of inflation, and
forcing the people who send bills and the people who pay them to agree on how much
health care should cost We don't need to reduce quality; we need to restructure the
system. And no nation has ever done it without a national government that took the
lead in controlling costs and providing health care for all.
In the first year of the Clinton Administration, Congress and I will
deliver quality, affordable health care for all Americans.
These changes are vital, but American workers and American
businesses are going to have to change too: the private sector is where the jobs are
created. Many of the most urgent changes cannot be legally mandated, but we know
they're overdue after a decade in which the stock market tripled and average wages
went down.
Old economic arrangements are holding America back. It's time for
i1 .-evolution in the American workplace that will radically raise u·.c status of the
American worker and tear down the Berlin Wall between labor and management
It's been years since the U.S. could outproduce the rest of the world
by treating workers like so many cogs in a machine. We need a whole new
organization of work, where workers at the front lines make decisions, not just follow
orders, and entire levels of bureaucratic middle management become obsolete. And we
need a new style of management, where front-line worker; and managers have more
responsibility to make decisions that improve quality and increase productivity.
Dynamic, flexible, well-trained workers who cooperate with sawy,
sensitive managers to make changes every day are the keys to high growth in
manufacturing and in the service sector, including government. education and health
care, areas where productivity growth was very weak in the 1980s.
Everyone will have to change, but everyone will get something in
return. Workers will gain new prosperity and independence, but they'll have to give up
non-productive work rules and rigid job classiiications and be more open to change.
�"In the global
economy of the
1990s, economic
growth won't
come from
government
spending. It will
come, instead,
from individuals
working smarter
and learning
more, from
entrepreneurs
taking more risks
and goirig after
new
~arkets,
and
from corporations
.designing better
products and
taking a longer
view.''
Managers will reap more ,profits but will have to manage for the long run, train all
workers and not treat themselves better than their workers are treated. Corporations
will reach new heights in productivity, growth and profitability, but CEOs will have to
put the long-term interests of their workers, their customers and their companies
firsl
We should restore the link between pay and performance by
encouraging companies to provide for employee ownership, profit-sharing for all
employees, not just executives. And executives should profit when their companies do.
We should all go up or down together. We'll say to America's corporate leaders: No
more taking bonuses for yourselves if you don't give bonuses to everybody. And no
more golden parachutes if you don't make good severance packages available for your
workers.
It's wrong for executives to do what so many did in the '80s. •
Executives at the biggest companies raised their pay by four times the percentage their
workers' pay went up and three times the percentage their profits went up. It's wrong
to drive a company into the ground and have the boss bail out with a golden parachute
to a cushy life.
The average CEO at a major American corporation is paid 85 times
as much as the average worker. And our government today rewards that excess with a
tax break for executive pay, no matter how high it is, or whether it reflects increased
performance. If a company wants to overpay its executives to perform less well, and
underinvest in the future, it shouldn't get any special treatment from Uncle Sam.
If a company wants to transfer jobs abroad and cut the security of
working people, it shouldn't get special treatment from the Treasury. In the 1980s, we
didn't do enough to help our companies to compete and win in a global economy. We
did too much to transfer wealth away from hard-working middle-class people to the
rich without good reason and too much to weaken our country with debt that wasn't
invested 'in America. That's got to stop. There should be no more deductibility for
irresponsibility.
I believe in business. 1believe in the marketplace. I believe that the
best jobs program this country will ever have is economic growth. Most new jobs in·
this country are created by small businesses and entrepreneurs who get little help
from the government
Too oiten, especially in this environment, banks and other
investors won't take a chance on good ideas and good people. 1want to encourage
small business people and entrepreneurs. In a Clinton Administration. we'll offer a tax
incl'nttve to those who take risks by starting new businesses and develooing new
technologies. Instead of offering a capitai gains tax cut for the wealthy who will chum
stocks on Wall Street anyway, we'll put forth a new enterprise tax cut that rewards
. those with the patience, the courage and the determination to create new jobs. Those
who risk. their savings on new businesses that create most of the jobs in the country
will receive a 50 percent tax exclusion for gains held more than five years.
And I want to encourage investment here in America in other ways
- by making the R&D tax credit permanent, by taking away incentives for companies
to shut down their plants in the U.S. and move their jobs overseas, and by offering a
targeted investment tax credit to medium and small-size businesses who'll create new
jobs with new plants and equipment
Finally, we owe American workers, entrepreneurs and industry a
pledge that all their hard work will not go down the drain.
·
We must have a nutionul strategy to compete and win in the global
economy. The American people aren't protectionists. Protectionism is just a fancy
�"For many
Americans, the
rising cost of
health care and
the loss of it is
the number one
fear they face on ,
a daily basis."
26
word for giving up; we want to compete and win. That is why our New Covenant must
include a new trade policy that says to Europe. Japan and our other trading partners:
We favor an open trading system, but if you won't play by those rules, we'll play by
yours. That's why we need a stronger, sharper "Super 301" bill as the means to enforce
that policy.
I supported fast-track negotiations with Mexico for a free trade .
agreement, but our negotiators need to insist upon tough conditions that prevent our
trading partners from exploiting their workers or by lowering costs through pollution
to gain an advantage. We should seek out similar agreements with all of Latin America,
because rich countries will get richer by helping other countries grow into strong
trading partners.
We also need a new energy policy to lower the trade deficit, •
increase productivity, and improve the environment We must rely less on imported oil
and more on cheap and abundant natural gas, and on research and development into
renewable energy resources. We must achieve European standards of energy efficiency
in factories and office buildings. That will free up billions of dollars to invest in the
American economy.
If we want to help U.S. companies keep pace in the world economy,
we need to restore America to the forefront, not just in inventing products but in
bringing them to market Too often, we have won the battle of the patents but lost the
war of creating jobs, profits and wealth. American scientists invented the microwave,
the VCR, the color TV and the memory chip, and yet today the Koreans, the Japanese
and other nations make most of those products.
The research and development ann of the Defense Department did
agreat job of developing products and taking them to production because we didn't
want them produced overseas. We should launch the civilian equivalent -an agency
to provide basic research for new and critical technologies and make it easier to move
these ideas into the marketplace. And we can pledge right now that for every dollar we
reduce the defense budget on research and development, we'll increase the civilian
R&D budget by the same amount. We should commit ourselves to a transitional plan
for converting from a defense to a domestic economy in a way that creates more highwage jobs and doesn't destroy our most successful high-wage industrial base, and with
it the careers of many thousands of our best scientists. engineers and workers.
We must do all these things and something more. The economic
challenges we confront today are not just a matter of statistics and numbers. Behind
thrm ;)r~ r:-.al human beings and real human suffering. ! have seen the !)ain in the
faces of unemployed workers in New Hampshire. poiicemen in New York and Texas,
computer company executives in California. middle-class people everywhere. They're
all showing the same pain and worry I hear in the voices of my own people in
Arkansas, including men and women I grew up with who played by the rules and now
see their dreams for the future slipping away.
That's why we're offering a new radical approach to economics.
Economics as if people were really important. If we offer these hard-working families
no hope for the future, no solutions to their problems. no relief for their pain, then
fear and insecurity will grow, and the politics of hate and division will spread. If we do
not act to bring this country together in common cause to build·a better future, David
Duke and his kind will be able to divide and destroy our nation. Our streets will get
meaner. our families will be· devastated. and our very social fabric -our goodness'and
tolerance and decency as a people- will be torn apart.
The politics of division wh1ch the Republicans have parlayed into
the Presidency will turn on even them. G<!or~e Bush has iorgotten the warning of our
�greatest Republican President, Abraham Lincoln: Ahouse divided cannot stand.
Lincoln gave his life for the American community. The Republicans have squandered
his legacy.
I want to be a President who will unite this country. This morning,
here at Georgetown, the Robert Kennedy Human Rights Award ceremony was held.
Twenty-six years ago, when I was President of my class here, Robert KeMedy accepted
our invitation to come to Georgetown to give a speech. In the following year, he gave a
very different description of what American politics should be all about And I would
like to read that to you today and ask you how long it's been since you heard an
American President say and believe these things:
"Each time a man stands up for an ideal or acts to improve the lot
of others or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and
crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those, ripples
build a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls ·of oppression and resistance."
That is the spirit I seek to bring to the Presidency. The spirit of
renewal of America. I believe with all !'CIY heart that the very future of our country is on
the line. That is why these are not just economic proposals. They are the way to save
the very soul of our nation.
This is not just a campaign. This is a crusade to restore the
forgotten middle class, give economic power back to ordinary people, and recapture
the American Dream. It is a crusade not just for economic renewal but for social and
spiritual renewal as well. It is a crusade to build a new economic order of
empowerment and opportunity that will preserve our social order and make it possible
for our country once again to make the American Dream live at home and to be strong
enough to triumph abroad.
�I
•
GOV&a&Oa. B:tLL C%.10&2!'011
ASSOCUT%011' 0~ OBMQCP•T%C SD.TB CH•T'RS
I wane :o ehank our Chair.man. Ron Brown. aaa a~l of you wna· nave
worked with ehe Cemocra~~c Na~~nnal P~y for ehese lase years eo
~teep our fait.h alive and. mal.n~ain our Pa~y and. cul.ld our serenc;t:~
ae :he qraas rooes.
I'd like eo beqin my remarks by i~eroauc~nq my wife, Hillary,
3oara Cha1r.:an of :!le Children· s Cefense Fund and. -:rry parcner fer
~ouc ~wo decades now ~~ our effo~s eo make life ceet:er for ~he
;eople cf our scat:e anc ~!le children of :!lis count:~i·
: never :nouc;ht: :•: :~ve ~= see ehe :~e wnen :he ~ief
~or ~he Presl.denc ~ould correct: :ne ~residenc abouc who
cake a fal.l. This has become a. preeey fuzmy campaiqn.
said t.he other· day ehac h.e was goi.ng eo be t.he pit cu~l
ami scared every f!.re hydrant: i~ America.
of Staf!
sho\Ud
Dan Quayle
of l992
would like co cone.i.nue eo be funny, tm~ ~ can' t. . I be~i.eve chat:
this is an elevench h.our •. I chink cur coun~ry is hur:incJ. We're
· go:ing in . ehe wrong di.rece.i.on faac.
ave~g we s~ooci for for
four aaa a fta1~ decades afcer-Wor~d war I% is now in t:i•nnpb
aroumi t:.he world. '!'he Ameri.:a.n cream r.as been wa%mly embraced
across ehe qlobe.
~ow e!le quesci.cn is. :an we ke•p :he Amari.can
=ream alive nere ae ~ame and ce se:::= enou=n ~= leac t:he world ~e
~ve macie?
I
I enink ehe aDSwer is in d.OUbc.
we b.ave a ilresi.cient wba is very
!:em any President we• ve bad. in ~e paet. Wbell we've
been in tough e.i.mes before. our PreaicieDts bave eaken
ciif~eren~
reaponsil)i.l~ty -
econamy:
t.J.nccl.n,
Kem:l.ecly,
~or
t.he UD1cn: Roosevelt,
~or
ehe
for gacti.ng our cCND.t:y going aqain: azu:l even
Ron•ld Reagan cook =esponsil)i.lity
fA,banan eo shoulder i t a.l.l.
a~ter
our troops were killed
i~
we have a Preai.denc wno wan' t even eaJce reapcmail)i.lity ~or lower
ereci.ie c:arcl interesc :aces. we nave a Preai.c1ene ·o~~no says. • "Well,
I mow cl:le ciefi.ci.t: is eez::il)l.e, tJ:sac nc:nr cA8 paymra::s az:r. iAterest:
will outpace ~he d.efenae buclgac ehi.s year. ~ kDCIW oAe ill Cell .
Americaaa are on food scamps, cue wbat de you expecc me to cia?·
I'm. just the President:. Tba~ l:lel.cmp ~c scat.e a:d. local
gavez: •"'*"1: azul a t:hcuaBACl- pci:cs a! ).J.ghc. •
�\
.: . . ==:..ena :..:. Ca.l~:::.:.:.a s.:. ... - :-:.e cc:.er =.a.v,
~= =e c~e c: ~:ose ~~~t:s :: li~ne ~nen you
.
~~.
=~
-:lec-c::.: b:..ll. "
-
-
-:-::sc · ·· ·
·-
·-:.~
~
~
·ss1~l.e
:ur
Jur :ounery is di.viciacl y :"ace. R.e&CJall .and. :·.!.:.
· ·: ;.:.. :a ::-.at:
-=~~
:-a.ce card.:..::. elece:..on after elec::Oaz:L ~c::ar c.-,.,e.i·:·
~n~serae~on can• '= even decide wtlich sid.e :. :. ·:7. •..,1.c~ .:.::e c.:.·.·:.:
Riqncs Bi~~. ~ ::ey•re cryi.nq eo b1arna cav1~ =~~e ==~ ~~e
;:reel ems c!ley hel pea c~eaee i::. t:hi.s c:· ..J1Cry.
=~ ~ould ce funny if it: weren•e so eragic.
But: :..:•s c=ag1c.
Yesceraay, .~ben : came eo Chicago, ~ wen~ eo a ~:..e:~e fam1~y
:-eseaurane :..::. che sauehveac pare of ene ci.ty, and a ~oman sai.Q :~
:ne, "Gaverno~, : paaaed. t:hree women on t:he Street: ':Cd.ay Witn S19US
sayinq 'We' l~ work for ~ood.' It's real.ly bad isn't it? • ~ said,
"Yea, it is." She sai.d, "'t'he Preaicienc ciaean' t lalcw how bad. it
is, does he?• I said, "~don't chink he dcea."
:was in New Kampshire c~e.ocher day with a man wno has been
wr1:t:en up in Newwyeek, cavi.d Springs, a chemical enq~eer wno was
~i=ed 30 daya be~ore his pension veeced in an ef~:re by ehe
==~any manaqemene :o reduce chair ~ayroll cases so t:hey could
~~~ around and se~l :o another company.
ADd :he ~eople wno ::..=sa
:tim ca1leci cue ...,1c!l golden parachutes.
I also met in New Hampshire a man cen years younger chan me who
has a ewe.lve-y.ear-old child wno had op·en heart surqery. Mo one
will hire~ because chey can't afford to carry his child on
t:heir health care policies.
I was in a bowling alley che Thursday before lase with a ~~eman
who cold me he worked two jobs. Re introduced me to hi.s wi.fe who
worked ac a· m:i1~ l:)ecween 48 and so hours a week, and he iA::cduced
me co his beauei.fu1 sen, an A ·seucienc. He said, ~x sc~ll don't
know if we're going to be able co send chis child ~o college in
t:he world we live in. "
'"
: ~ec a 60-year-old =an .Yesceraay
~ncns be~ore n~s pens~on vesced.
here i.::. Chicago wnc waa fired 6
Ke designed macci:e coo~s. and
h.is compan:y daciclecl chey WCNJ.d go ec::a campueer- usiaeeci ~i.p.
Imn:ead. of tn;n;ng him to do thac work. wbich is t:he clectmc thinq
enac az1y ocher c:C\Ulery WCNJ.d do, t:hey tirecl him 6 maDeha before
l'U.s pension veacecl aDd. hired. someone 30 years younger cbae
would.D.' t be so expensiva to maine a; n.
.
:
We're
liv~g in a counery whicn pucs blame ~irsc, wbere everybody
is denying reapons1bility, ana where people, wbo ought :o
ac
ene cancer of our sociecy, are aom•haw pushed to t:he rear·
It' s time we daci.cled. wbae we are going to cia
cemacracs. We have sevezaJ.. opcioa.a.
·
=•
~cue
it u
We caul.d gat iDeo the "bl.ame gu~e. •
8wiA ball bean bl.a•ing '-·· We
· c01Ud juac bl.ame him. s.··s goc a lac to a118118r ~or. · 1111ac other.
indj.crmen: c:aul.d. you give ot:Aer than tbat you pnaideci over the
c!acl.i:e of A--ri.ca aad. the col1ap•• o~ the middle cl.u• •
But lac's a.oc ~ozget: t:ac t1:ua ccmyz-•
t:ipl.ecl the dBt:. ~ted. t.ha SALa
~
�·..:are·::::
~~emae~ves
w~c~=~c
;::vl.cii::.;'
:::.: ':3.Xea c:1 :.::.e :-:..:.::. anc:i :3.-J.seci
~::.em
~~
~=
C -~
_.,.,..
~:.~
.~ar~=~ ~eooie.
-'-sa·.
---=-==es"Cc:-. ..;~;,;;__~-.·.·. :
-~-
-
..... , ~
~--
-
·,.;aaJ:Unc:rcon. :.c. ~-.a.a ceccme a c~:·.· c:
s\Ulml.t.
~= vou-:=ac see~ bv sce"C, ~: :~t.t.ie wavs wni~~ ~~~·:·seem
apparenc ac :~e-t.~. ~·have c=eacea a ~~gnc=are of
:..:::esl)onsl.bili:.y :.:1 t.:.:is ccunc:r. so c!:.e "~!.:!:.e game•• """il! ~=c
·:r:.:.q us tack :o c~e Whice House.
play c!:.e ~qe game. 7-ne Repucl~cans are good at. :~at:..
Bush. goc elecced. on a preccy sunpl.e pl ~c~orm: ''Read. my
:ips • and. "!:hl.kaJc.i.s is no good. '' '!'hac • s all :::.! :;aid.
~e cou~~
~ecrqe
do y~u see t.cday, ~nen cough. c~s sec :..n and. :ougn dec~sicns
nave co be made? They can•t. even dec~de wno said what., wnen.
abouc who= because chere was no basis for t.he~r governance in
t.he~r campaign.
It was a campaign wich no soul. no coavict.ion, no
direct.ion, and. now t.hey are paying t.he price. Sue, my friends. we
cannoc =un an ~ere c•mnaic:rn. We cannoc af~ora to elect. anocher
?res1denc ~f e1t.her ~a~y wno does not. :<noW Wftat. ~e W&nt.S t.O do
!or Amer~ca.
·~c
is mosc vocers don·: care much abcuc ooli:icians of
~ey t.hink we•=e all a cuncr. of self-inceresced
:ecole. ~e co ~ut:. ~d =a~se ~onev ===~ :..::.erest. :rouos :o put:.
~eleV~S1Cn a~S on :c t.ell VOt.ers WQaC :ur pollscers Cell ~S t.~ey
wane t.o hear. ~c·s so we can gee in oftice, ignore t.heir real
incerescs, ~ever cbanqe ana do wnac w~ please so we can gee reelect.ea nexc e~e.
~e
c:uc~
~~:~er ~art.y.
The Amer~can people have lost. ~aitn in che political precess. ana
t.hey have ample reason. We have a councry t.hae ten years ago was
firsc in wages and. new is t.ench, was t.he world's banker ana new
owes more money t.han anybody in t.he world. We have a councry
wnere t.he .mia~e class is being c:usned. povert.y is exploding and
only t.he wea.lthy az::e doing beceer. Moae people are woft'ieci al2out.
keeping bcay and soul t.ogeeher, and t.hey're asking, ·s~ce I"
playea cy ehe rules - I paid. the ca.xes. I cij.d che ~ork. ! raised
:ne kids. ~ow wny am I gecei:g t.he shaft?• It is those quesc~cns
~=ac ~• have co answer :..: we wane :c w~n t.~e elecc~:n of ~992.
Th~s elecc~cn
is abcue the real prc~lems of real people ~ wbac
we can real.l.y do abcuc them. Wbac has happened. to this ccnmcry?
Whac are t.he rea.l prcmlema? ! believe chae we have c:u-ee.
one is, we•ve lose cur economic leadership aDd wit.h it we have
c::ushecl the midd.l.e class which has always beea. t.he baclcl:)cne of
this ccuncry. We have mandated.. the expl.caicn of povert.y aDd.
severed the l~ by whi.ch peer people al.waya have imp~ the~r
li.fe - by maY'U1CJ up to the micldle class.
The secoDd prcbl.em ia tbae gc:rvernmeae doeiiD' ~ work ury ~=re. It
is not. workinq t.o -solve t.hese pro~lema i.n parc1ers1Up w1:!1 the
privace seceor.
ADd the t.hird. problem i.s eae ac t.Ae tima t:2: :..:= ::U:-::-r needs
deape:racely eo l:le c:nming together. we are ccmnnr; a~a:-: r:.: the
se•m•.
~
bave baeD izl achaoJ• wMza dl.il.c!:ell do tm~:.: ~
f:1:e d.rl.l.1s.
I; ba,. t• 1 Jc:ad to Jd.c1a
c.~.:;:
wba••
-·:.:..:.1 :. ~scead. of
•J
~ -::.~!.-
is
�====
- a.=:·..::
.=el.na seen: aol.ncr co alUi
sc:llocj, a.nci ::..:.en
-... a.ecier -=~ey• ll.- be ceac. -..:.p :..:: :.::.ey d.on• ~ 3 o.:.:-.
"'ne;l c!:.ey
;e--,:~e are
:.-..1= ~!U.r~een.
: • ve i:leen :..:1 hcusl.nc; proj ec~=
··-; ..a •• '!:...
! """"~e
a£ra1d co waLk up &aA down cna scairs·w1en =~ 1-: · .. _......_____
- ~ ·,; JnCC
seen. c!l.e crushed. h~e• of :rrr own c!U.~c:ihooct · . _.. -··
...,necb.er cney• ll be a.Dl.e co :.o :-:.qh.: :y c!le-··
=
"~
: answered queaeiona in New Hampah1re lase wee~ !=:: high.
~col
abouc ~nac. cney c~d do acouc ::.!le ~~s~~; =a:.~ ~f cee ;e
su1c:.de in a scace chac four years aqo r~d a ~ ~~- ;3rcenc
unemployment: race and cocia.y has t:.!le nighesc =::!.t:.e c: '"'e.ifar.
growcn, cne tU.gbeae race of persoaa.l bani<TU~ccy ~rowcb. in ~e
Uniced. Stac.-ea aaa wilare che fooci s:ama rol.l.a .. 1ve i:lcre-~=·~ by 50
percenc. in six manc.hs ~ where mas c. peopl.e i:l ~• u:~.loymene
offices are mi.ddl.e cl.asa and. upper mi.dcUe cl.ass, .:..1::1 middle class
peop.le are cuing wal.fcu:e c:hec:ks co make cb.el.r h.ouae paymenc.s so
t:hey don't· puc chei.r chi.ldren in t:.he screet:.s.
r
~ids
whac chis eleccion ~s about:..
How we can answer ~hose
t:.hillqs. W
we cannoc do :..:. unless we !'".ave ·un1.t:.y and common
~~ose and. ~esa we can ~ift :ur v1s1cns and have t:.he couraqe t:.o
=~qe.
~c is whac ~his elect:.:..:n is acouc.
~c·s
Firsc, lec•s look ac t:.he economy. The ~eaaon we·~e in t:.rouble is
t:.hat:. ~• have been in a unique econ~c experimeac since 1980, when
Roaal.d Reaqan conv~nced a majori~y o~. ~he American people ebae t:.h.e
federal. governmenc could'never de anych~ng righ: and would. mesa up
a o~e car parade • . Ever s~nce chen, al.~ al.one among t:.he advanced
councrtes of t.he wor.lc1, America has sai.d, •wa neecl no naticmal
economic policy. We need no nacional. heal.th care policy, no
aacioaal. eciucacicn policy, QO naciona~ energy policy.
We~~, we have eriecl ie t:.heir way.
We went ~:om ~irsc eo tach in
wages. If'you re-e~ece George Busn, you'l~ be in fifteeneh p~ace
anci !alling in four years. Hillary gave me a book- a few raanchs
ago - a paycbol.oqy book chac definect ~anicy aa d~ing eha same
:h.ing over ami ever again anc1 expec::.:g a c:U.fferen: ~esul.t.
We muse organize cursel.ves t:.o campeee and w~n ~: che world
econclll'Y. We IIIWIC coopel2te - business ancl labor, gavez:l' '•"t anci
bwl~eaa, so tl:lac we c:&D grew · inace£ :.l c~ snr:..:uc, ami we IIIWIC go
baa t:.o an inveacmenc economy, nee one wbic~ squanders our
precious nerieage.
·
the gaveLI!"EDt took 011 recorci clebt a.DCi reduced its
in'Veament iD che future.
ID. ue 1980s, the privaee sector cook
o11 record. d.ebc ami cli.cl no: invest it iD. Che fucure. 'l'llat' s why
tJ:le SCOc:k m&rkeC. t:ripl.ecl aDd. wages WeDC d.OWD. ADci we h&Y8 1:0 say
to the American peop~e. "We're going co inveac iA America •. We're
going to work :ogecher again, aDd. we're going to will apiA in the
g~oi:lal econamr.•
.
In c.he 19808,
~e
trade and. procec:ic:miSID are tez:ms t:hac cioll' t mean 17UCb,
follca. We az:e a gJ.oMJ · t:ad1ng D&t:i.cm.. Olle iA ~ive ~f am: joba
ia tied. :a ::ada.
llzrctecticmiam ia not: an opti.cm. ~ czade
po~icy ought to be simple: ~ favor- expanded t:ada &114 U YGU' l.l
play by CNZ"
wa waa.lcl lcw.-l.c. auc. 1~ yat~.dall~t W!IC. to c1a
ic. ... 11 pl.ay by yam:. :al•.
~ gaiDtJ eo will
agaiA in the globe 1 ec n
:ala-.
Ragazd.l._.. -·
�en excellence.
.:·.:.:.::• ::q for
a
f:r ~=- children
...,no do not ·..rant :o ao co colleqe bue don't ...,ant :.o ce seuc.k ~~
dead. ana j ol)s. We ha.ve strippiad. the digu:i.ty out of blue collar
work ~~ t~s countr/ cy fa~linq co c:a~ non-colle9e qraduaees.
and we nave dri~en our produce~Vl.ty down.
~e
~eed
a
~~e~::a~ :ducat~:n ;ci~:y ~~~c
~cc:unc~l..l.~:.v a.nc:i
~e&Q St~ ~
r~c~=~ apprent~cesn1p
-:qua..l.i:.-;,
access.
·,.;e
:::~ses
~eeci !~.l~
pro~
·
muse =everse c~e :2 year actempe by Reaqan and :usn ~= make ~~
absolucely ~oss1ble for ~ddle class people co gee any help co
send ~he1r ch~ldren co colleqe. ADd : have sa~d for :oncbs chae
...,e ouqht :.o sec. up a nae:i.cnal serv1.ce cruse f..md f:cm
...,hi.c!:l a:r:J.Y Amer~r:an w1.thout =eqard to income can bor:ow the mcney
~c go co cclleqe and pay it back ~~ one of ~wo ways - either as a
s~l percaneaqe of ~ncame for years or wich two or :.hree years of
nat:i.c~ service ae reduced pay here at home where we need it. as
nurses, as policemen, as teachers. halp~g to solve the problems
in the sereets of Amer~ca where Amer~ca•s problems are today.
~e
We are the only counery with a.n ac:lvanced economy in the world
where the aovernmeat does nee helc conerol· health care costs and
pr~de decent health care co every one of ~ts c:i.t~:ens.
ADQ whac
are che ccnse~uences of :he Busn approach? ~e•re spendi.nq 30 . .
=ercenc ~ore c~an anvcodv else ana ~=~~= :ass wit~ ~:. ~-c~~=~s
~f ::ur scr~kes are a.bouc-~ealth care :.cday, and ::.o matter wh.~ch
s1de w~. :hey both lose because we're less competitive in a
global economy. Because the federal government:. has said. •we wil:.
not help. It• s teo cough a problem. It might:. make someone mad.
So we'll just lee :.he c~untry go down the drain." That ill wbat
t~s Administration has done on health care.
tt•s wrong.
think we ouqhe to sta~, as Cemocraes, by showing chat we have
the courage che chanqe this system before we raise taxes to solve
the ·problem. We're already spending 30 percent mare cDall anybody
else. We should have insurance refo:m. I~ we hacl a ~in•ncial
syscem as effic~enc as the Ger.man financial syseeM, we woul4 save
sso bi~lion. '!'hat' s enouqb. to cover everybody ela.!B.
I
we need to con~rol :he s~read of unnecessary high cos: :ecbDclc;y,
seep druq prices from going u~ at three ~~• eha raea o~
in£laticn. aDd see up a syaeez where ~he peop~e wbo are seadinq
~he bills~ che peo~~e who.are paying the bills sie ~
toqecher every year a.ncl figure out what health care is going to
c:ost. We can do it. ADd. we'll be mare heaJ.thy at a. man
affordable price.
We a.lso have ~o remember that:. a lot:. of our ~olks don•e have access
to health care. We need to pue up prl.mary, prevent.ive health care
clinics all across t~s counery i~ cieiea aD4 ~ rural azeaa so
t:bae people can reap the b~efits o1! the syecem we hope to create.
we don't control he~th coats aDcl cove~ everyone. yau ~
America be~ CCIIIpetitive. U , . da ie, yeN ·wU.l. see
cm i:creaae izl j oba aDd an izlcreaae izl wagea. ~• already bave ac
1 - e twa automobil.e cnmpeni ea iA tb1a cOUDert ::=petid.Ye wieh
the Japanese izl p~ice aDd qual.ity except foz- ~•• i Q can c:oaca •
It is a major issue wbi.ch the Pnaic!aJ::Le caza. due:: :a lCII88Z'• aDd if
you e~ec: ma, in the ~U:ae yeaz- of DlF ade:ln1 a':-:~ -::.::1 •.,. rill. bave
a nae:ion•' b•J th c:aze pl•n e.b.e Aerd.caa peat:-~ ·=.: :a pzo 1d of.
~~
~orgee aboue
�nave
·.-~e
_no enerqy -poJ.j.c:y '~: --~= !!or :=.ea~ .::..:. •
-:;:: ~: _ · :: ..: :.r
~a'V'1ronznenea.l :ozmn• rmene
:!1a l.990s mu~ : :.. a. :-.:. ., ::~: . ~::G.l
~nergy policy.
'!'he Pres1ciezu: may flj_p· .::. .;p =: c.:.e we .~ J.saue.
: •-:~ glaci he's on c.l:le fl.cp si.cie c.oday, t:l2ac. • s :::aceer -=~ c.he fJ.j_p.
AI1C1 J: hel)e we dcm' t al.l.cv ehe Vice Pre•~= . ·-:.' s •: .:-.me:..:..
.:1
=omnec~t:.veneaa eo aut: ehe c~ean a1r =e~: ~~~o:s.
:u: :~e .are
o:
=
ana~s~ of cur c~rmenc eo t:he env1r=~ne ~1l~ be a eeL ~r
eneqy policy. nus Ac4miniscrat:l.on• s energy poli.cy is simr '!:
cheap e·.l. Never m;na that: mare chan ~f of i:. ccmes .!:c: .he
~cid.le
.aae. Never mind that: every c.ime somechi.r.q !'1a.ppena .'l ehac.
:roubled region. we chink t:hey•ve gee t:heir hands around c .
c.l:U:'Qac. I say it's eime ea cbange.
we have a mouzle&i.n o= c:l::leap, eDY'ironmeneall.y cl.eaD na- ~ral . :.a in
t..his ccnmtry ami we ougb.t: ea mne it.
We have unbeli. ..~a.ble
poceneial ~or ehe use &Dd. ciave.lapm•nc of renevabl.e resourcaa, anci
·.re ought ta invest: in fi.gurl.ng ouc how ec use eh~m.
... · 1 i~ we
achieve European scandards of enerqy eff!~~ency ~~ ev:. · ~aceory,
office buildinq, ana hccel. we would. free up c~l~~ons c: dollars
cc rel.nveac in ehi.s ccune:y. It is c:.me we ·got:_ a.bouc t:he buainess
of doi.nq it. Gee off -:he cheap oil. Gee of~ the ciepenciance on
:.he Gulf. Lee's make chis ccuner/ more ~:aependene ana =:.cher ac
:he same eime.
We bave eo reinvent: ehe way governmenc opera t:es. The old
faab.i.aned delivery syacems cion•t work ~ ch~ ·~i.vace seccor, aDd
c.hey won't work in Che public seccor. either.
Bc1uc:aci.oD, health
care and gavernmen~ have been atmosc camplete.i.y imrm,ne to the
sweeping orqanizacianal. changes going an in che world. ~ the
business sector. our best: campani.es have cha.nqed. We have to do
it in the public secccr.
.r
We bave to. give our citl.:ens more choice and. empower them to ~e
chose c:ho;Lces. We need more ccmnnni cy police CQ help fight Crl.mB
and. more cho~ces far elderly people when they need·health care.
we need. ~o puc oue :nore of cur :.nvesrmenc in healtlf care a.acl
~ousu:1q funas inca ncn·profi.t comnn,ni ey org-cu::U.za~~ons wb~ grass
~occs people kDaw how eo avaici bureaucracy, save maney a.acl solve
pro~lema.
We ougb.~ to change ae way gover=DIIDC works.
ADA the
oemacracs have a resllcmai.bi.l.~ty eo d.o that: because we waAt to use
gove1 wn•nt for goad. ends.
.
The Republicans don't ever Want ~o fix goverament. Ot:he1Wiae, who
would they kick around anymore? We muse be the Parcy: of
re:Lnvencing govermnen~.
It • s a challenge cha~ I WQ\Ud. gladly
pursue.
ADd tinatly, we ougb.t to be a Parey af unity, aDd I bel.ieve we
need ta clo two things.
First of a.ll., we need to ~•ez:: Che ol.cl faahicmecl nc~i= Chat:
rupcm8i.l:)il.i.ty i8 aa. impORaDC ~ oC publ.i.C
=.ti.zen•h1 p. I do not bel.i.eve we c:aD get wbeze - need. to go
wa calL change this -.ntal.i.ty c~ bl••e p1aci2!g all4 :efus:Lng
reapcms~Ui.ty tl:lac pl.afJU88 oar soci•' aaaa~.
p~on• 1
.UDJ.-•
l: cia aat ~ --··caa..~c Wilen ..... a·•d
l.oo& at: the 1~ :m~. U.c··d o~ tt~a sborc
~~
gzo•m
a=
co
go
·•m'••·•··bagizl
to
tez:m. ~ci=J iA au:
~ ~·a li.ve~~ U.ceall o~ tuzzli:tJ a qaj.ck
~
�=~CK:
~~q
..... can.
care
s:
=~r
~e1qncors.
~=s~eaa
--
:ec~~:q
'..1n1.l.e
~hink ...,. sncu.l.ci say co pec~le ·1.!;1 and down c!le line. ·•we wil:
you. oue we wane you co c!:lanqe. :-f you• :-e on wel.fare. ·t~~e
...,ill spend. mare money in your eciucae:.on anc:1 t::aini:c; so t:hae you
:an :.aka care of ?OUr :!lilli.ren. ~ue ·t~~e excece 'IOU t:o ao t:o ·work
't~~i'len VOU can.
:f· 'I'OU t:ake a :.ow wac:re ~ =b- :.:: =a1se vour :h.ildren:
and.. you• :-e cioUl.q che base :o be a. good- parenc •...,•• 1i give you an
earned. inccma t:ax creciit, even a. refundal:)le one. so t:hac you can
:.ake beceer care of your kids. Sue :.~ you leave t:he house and. you
~anc somebody else eo raise your children. you'd ceceer pay your
:hilcl sugpore or we're go1nq t:o come gee you and make you pay."
So :
~el.p
~~f you wo:k in a pl.ant or you manac;e :.:, ~e·re goinc; co give you
affordable nacional health insurance. we're goinq t:o give you a.
~ifec~ t:ral"'"9 system. ana we're goinq t:o orq~ze chis economy
so you can win again, but every work pl.ace ha.a co cbanqe anc:1
beccma a h.ic;n pe~cnl&llce work place, even if you have co scrap
:ob c~asaificac~cns aDd work rules chat under.mine proauct1~ty.
We will increase your securiey if you have t:he couraqe t:o cnanc;e
~become more prcduct~ve.~
~d ~e
have :.:: say eo t:!le people at :.:a. ~=P of :.~e cocem pole i~
:over"'....menc a.nd. business, "You • ve ace ~= chancre, :oc. ~ We will say
C.c ene people on Wul Street, ~we- were rai.seil on t:he .image of t:he
Titanic, where t:he paasenc;ers goc off, ana the capca~ aD4 the
t:op guys went down with t:he ship.~ You k.now what happeas today,
don't you? ~e capcain bails cue with a. golden parachuce aDd
everybody else drowns. That • s the k.i.ncl of eehic chat we bave seen
for the lase een years. we neecl to say ta people, •we want you eo
make mcney the old fashioned way.~
wou~d be in favor of invesem•nt eax creclit ~or a.ew j oba, ill
scareing new businesses. I'= againsc a capital gain• tax, ~ I'm
a.~ainst all chese leveraged buy outs ana ac~sicions that bu1ld
'..l'P debt so that people can be chrOWD inec t:he scraet, chair lives
=~~shea. chair busi.neaaea aeatroyecl because we are not ~atinq
:or :he lang run. We•ve got co ee~l ~eople on w~~ Street,
"You' re goin.c; co have eo gee =i.ch che- old faailionecl way. You're
gc~ng eo have eo earn ic in t:he decaae of ~ne 1990s.~
I
Lee's aan•t let ourselves .off ene hook in gaverament. I will say
co the American people, "X wi~l not sign a pay raise tor the
President or the Congress until che wages of middle claaa
Americans start co go up again. Then we' 11 ce earning our keep
and we c:aa. raise our pay, aut not until Amert:ans c1o cetter."
I' ll get control of the federal. budget, limit the c:uneAt
consumption programs to increases in income c! the Amenc:an
reduce ac1miniatrative coats every year, becauae we ·need. to
set an example.
.
.
peop~e.
Moat important of all, we· need campaign refer.=. 't'be pzabl- in.
wa.al:1il:1gtcm ·ia not prt.mac.l.y the PACS. The PACS an a ~··ca.
~e problem. 'l'he prabl-. is the coat of alecc:..oD8 alld t1W fact
t.bat every ccm.grea-" is .U.til:Lg for the aexr alect:l.Oil alld his or
her W1.11~e Horccm act. Yo.~ Jmaw t!sat' s wbat .~3 :oi:CJ CD. S-ible
people daa.' t ea:jay S\M'IId1nv em:.. a:Lqhca a ·..rl!~:-~ -:·~: ~::i.DtJ .oa.
labby18ts co gi.ve eb
pjrmeyo wbml. they lalaV ·--~ l .~~:tt ==ci"fJ the
�•
same .:.::l::lby1scs
w1.~l :=a askl.:.q ~::.em t:: •J'ot:e c: ~.
--·:~v ~:~n• t:
~ey·~e do~q ~= :ecause-c: ~:e =:z
:
:v1.s~:: ads
and. t:..b.e fear of the negac~ve ada.
: say we ou:= - - - .·~: :=.a coscs
::f campa;~ ami open t:l:Le a.l.rwavea so t:.ilac eve:·: Ama=~=an can see
~e.levisi.on oDCe again uaec:i a.a aD inacrnmenc
a
~~e
t:~c.
weapon of
po.lit~ca.l aaaaaa~c~on.
== :.:.·_.:.:..:.:..:::. ::.::
:'his has goc :o be a campaign a.bouc :ommnn; ty. !.'m sick a.nci c:.reci
of t:.he Repub.licans using race t:o di~de our peo~le. The iss~e is
noc :ace. 1'he issue is noc pover:y. The Repu.cli.c:ans wane · J
d.ivere the a.ccenci.on of the people from che rea.l issues: :.:..e
dec.l1 n; nq ipccmee of world.nq American•. This is noc a. racial
issue. Moac peop.le on we.lfare are wnite. ~sc ~lack peop.le work.
Maac Hispanics work. This is a r~di.c:u.lous disc::-;J.ction • el:Le way
cney are using t:.heae issues.
Abrah•• r.sncola waa t:he ~aeeae Repu.b.l.ican ;:reaidenc.
He said,
~A hauae divideQ sball noc seana," &Da he gave his life eo
·
preserve ehe American connnnit.y. tt•s a.bouc eime we h.acl a
presl.denc who wou.ld go inca every nous~CJ project, on every farm
and every ~aceory and every board. room and every civic c.lub and
:very place .:..: Amer~:a. and a.lways say :::.e same t!linq, ··Whether :rou
~~e ~=or ::.oc, we are go1nq up or down cogecher.~
am angry. I ca.m:1oc st.anci to see waat.ecl pocencia..l • croken dreams
tba.c do noe have to. be tba.t. way.
I
wene ehrough Claremont., New Hampshire, look~g·a.t. :hcse empey
mi11s aDd ~ asked. ~xa chere a. plan eo redevelop chis area?• They
said. "He. We cou.ldn' t gee any he.lp from t:he governmene. &llCl we
don't know how to scare.~
I
I bave been al.l a.crosa this councry. I see chose unemp.loyecl
aerospace workers in soucher.n C&1ifornia., some of our ~ac gifted
faceory workers. Is there a pla.D. eo convere from a. defe1111e eo a
damesc1c econamy? Take ~1 eh1s maney we've been spending eo
:reace Pacrioe ~ssi.lea a.DA use ic eo create m1crcchips ADd
:ecn=aloqi.es of the 21sc cencu:y &DQ puc even mere peop.le t:o work?
.~o. ~• haven•t ehouqhc a.bouc ehac.
I'm t~red of look1ng inca ehe eyes of school chi1dren wbo kDow
their parenca ait cla1n:l to dinner wich them every !Ughc aDd feel
like failures because ebay c•nnae work aDd support their fl•1lies.
ADd it's nat tbeir fau1t.
This is nac juac an.ot.her campaign. You mwsc be invalved in a
crusacie eo rescore t:his councry• s greaenesa, recl.aim ena legacy of
the mi.c!dl.e claae aDc1 gua.J:allcae· a future for our c:!U.1=11D·
I wane Am•rica t:o be a.ble to be a liqht of freec!cm iD. tlW worl.c1,.
buc in arcler to do t:ba.c we have got. t:o prove t:ba.c we can wiz:i. aga1n
here at home. I believe we caa. wiD. if we' ll give t:he APJ8d.c:aA
peap.le a -.age t:J:aae acrilce•·· t:o the co~ of t:Mir ~ Uld
tbei: bap- Uld al.l.&ye their. fMZB Uld. calla em t b - to
&DC!
rise a.bave tll-el:vea Uld. cc::npece ill c.ha waJ:14.
cl!·-
""'""' yag ~ ••rb.
Clod.
bl-a-yaa.
·•
�•·
.........
.
.
·i·.....
. . . . ·•
-~~·'·•·
~··
_r: :.~·A, New COVENA~T·fe~~,A(MERIC{~ECURITY
ij
GEORGETOWN-.UNIVERSITV. WASHINCTO~N~.O~·~C:.:...- - - - - - - : 0ECEMBER 12, 1991 ... -· ~...,.~ ... ·~ ,:-..
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I was born nwly tJ_a
ago
..of_
War, a
t~e .or giul change; enbrmow opj,ortUnitY and uncertain peril. At a time when
i.
Alii¢fteans wanted nothing more than to comt home and resume lives of peace and
r1
qui~t; our counuv had to swnmon the will ror a new kind ot war ~. ~onwning an
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el1'~i~nist and hostile Soviet Union which vowed to bury uS. We had to find ways to
·
r~..!lltthe economies of Europe and Asia. encourage a worldwide movement toward
ind~ce and.vindicate our nation's principles in the world. against yet another
·-~
to~l!~ian challenge to liberal democnc:y.
. ·_ ~ . . · ~ • · · ..
. ·-· ·
'nlanks t~ the unstinting courage and sacrifice of the American
peo1,1le. .we,, .were
ablt.;
.
.. to win that Cold War. Now we've .entered an~ era. and we need a
·new wian and U'.t \trength to meet a new set of opportunities and threats. We face
th! }~~v~~~e~e t~'·~t we faced in 1946- to buil~ a world of security,
rre~~. democracy, free markets and growth at a time or great change.
·~··
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Anyone ruMing for Preside.flt right now:.:..:. RePublican or
-~...
D~~~ :..._ i~ ;a.o:~· t~ have to provide vision. for security. i1{tilis neW era. That is
-.whif{bope
to d'6'to0v.
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the problems we face
at home. we. do.•.•..have
to take c:are of our
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o~~~~-:~1~:~~ t~~ir ~~eds first We need to remember the central lesson of the
cdiliDflib;of communism and the Soviet Union.. We never defeated them Cl1 the field of
b~~~ S.oviet Union coliapscd from the ins~e-~~t ~ fro111 ~~~~~·political and
spirj~f~iftlre.
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Make no mistake: Foreign ind domestic J)C)J~ inseparable in
t~f.f~orld.Jf~;.re not strong at hom~ We an'ttad'die;:rlcf~\;e done so muc:h
. •::
to,inakC.
And if we Withdraw from the world. it will
hurt us. icOimaically
at home.
•.
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. • •.. . ....
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.
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We can't allow this false choice between domestic policy and
. for,~n,J~ftY to hurt our country and our economy. Our Presi~ has de.votat his
. '
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time.~ fnergy to foreign concerns and ignored dire problems here at home. As a
. '!.!'~ ... .
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res.u.!t.
we're
dniting
in the longest economic slump since World
Wu 11 and. in
.,
. . •· .
reaction to that. elements in both parties now want America to niJOIIIl to the collapse
of c:om~unism and a cripplinf recession at home by retreating fraln the world.
·.-.:"
. -~ ;: · ~~- ~- . I have agreed with President Bush on 1 number of foreign policy
a.~t;iOns,. I supported his elforts to kick Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait. I think he did
~a-~~~#ul job in pulling together the victorious multi-lateral coalition. I support his
~Ju~·p.eace talkS in the Middle Easl I agree with the President that we
~f~m our bade on NATO. And I supported giving the adriiiniitntion fast-track
· a~oh!Y·t~negotiate a _sound and fair free trade agreemt!Jt with.Maico.
.
.
''"'''
. .
.• ..
.
·.
...,.~--. But because the Praidenlleems to favor1'olitlciTiraii1il and his
P.!:!lp-nai·r~~-tons with fo.reliPTWien over a coherent policy of Promoting freedom,
.· :~~~d ~~~~~ie ~he often does things I disagree with. For aample.
· ·hi:$~close pq~iu!Jiqe \'lith fort:ign leaderi helped forge the coalition against Saddam
.:,.-~\ff:~t b'ital~nJed_l,~. t~. side with- China's communist rulen after the democratic
.. ~. · uQ~ df. studelltS. The President forced Iraq out of Kuwait, but • soan as the war
"~;fit seemed SCJ.~.~~~ with the stability of the area that 11t was willing to
I~ •.:Kurds to an. ~.:i fate. H~ is rightfully seeking peace in the Middle East. but ·
Jiis 'ijrge to penanally ·broker 1 ~eal ~.Jed _hun to taU public positions which may
~ine the abili~ of. tb~ ~~clis arid the Arabi agree on m enduring peace.
hfute attemath of the Cold Wu, we need 1 Praidalt who
' '
•, I
'freedom and
11'1e promotion
of democracy
-around the
world aren't
'"erely a
1-eilection oi our
deepest values;
\hey are vual to
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''The deiense oi
our nauonal
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�The President must articulate a vision of ~ere:we·re goilt'il1h::.:~.:.Pr.:..:-~:::-t:::den:::--::.;t-an;:administration have yet to meet that test~ to defme the requirements of U.S.
nationalsecurityaftertheCold.\Var~~::t>:' ::~~~-:_:__
~---- _
Retreating from the world or discounting its dangers is wrong ror .
the country and sets back everything eise we hope to accomplish as Democrats. The
defense of freedom and the promotion of demoCiacy around the World aren't merely a
rerlection of our deepest values: they are vital to our national interesu. Global
democracy means nations at peace with one another. open to one another's ideas and
one another's commerce.
The stakes are high. The collapse of communism is not an isolated
event: it's part oi a worldwide march toward democracy whose outcome will shape the
next century. If individual liberty, political pluralism and free enterprise take root in
Latin America. Eastern and Central Europe, Africa. Asia and the former Soviet Union.
we can look forward to a grand new era of reduced conflict. mutual understanding and
econom1c growth. For ourselves and for millions oi people who seek to live in treedom
and prosperity, this revolution must not fail.
· ~·.
And yet. even as the American Dream is inspiring people around
1UIA-tl~:ld2i~.,.
• .mHtaqr giaAt crippled by economic weakness
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We face two great foreign policy challenges today. Fi~st. we must
define a new national secur1ty policy that builds on freedom's victory in the Cold War.
The communist idea has lost its power. but the fate of the peoples who lived under it
and the iate oi tht worlJ will be in doubt until stable democ'racies rise from the debris
of the Soviet empire.
: ·7 · ., · ~. •
A.-•.! ~u..uoJ, we must forge a new economic policy to serve ordinary
Amen cans by launching a new era of global growth. We must tear down the wall in
our thinking between domestic and foreign policy.
· ·
·
We need a coherent strategy that enables us to lead the world we
have done so much to make. and that supports our lD'gent effortS'to take care of our
own here at home. We cannot do one without the other.
....~
---·· ... ·We neeaiNew Covenantfor Ariimcan SecuritpJt;r the Cold War. .
a set oi nghts and responsibilities that will challenge the American people, American
leaders and America's allies to work together _to build a safer, more orosw-ous. more
democratic world.
The strategy of American engagement I propose is based on four
key assumptions about the requirements of our ~ in this new era:
• First. the collat)se of communism doa not mean the end of
danger. Anew set of threats in an even las stable world will force us. even u we
restructure our defenses, to keep our guard up,
• Second. America must regain its economic strength to maintain
our position of global leadership. While military power will continue to be vital to our
national security, its utility is declining relative to economic power. We cannot afford
to go on spending too much on firenower and too little on brainpower.
• Third. the irresistible power of ideas rula in the Information
Age. Television. cassette tapes and the fax machine helped ideas to pierce the Berlin
Wall and bring it down.
• Finally, our defmition of security must include common threats
to aU people. On the environment and other global issues. our very suMval depends
upon the United Stata taking the leacL
Guided by these assumptions, we must pursu~ three ciear
""''a nauonal
securi1y issue is
more urgenl
1han 1he
quesuon at who
will con1rol 1he
nuclear
weapons and
1echnology oi
lhe former
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objectives: First. we mwt restructure our military iorces for a new era. Sec:ond. we
mwt work with our allies to encourage the sprUd and consolidation of democracy
.~f rWr.i6liSh Kril.~n~Triolmnncliicterstnvat.home ~·~in--+-----·· - the workL-- ·
When Americans elect a President. they select a Commander in
Chief. They want someone they can trwt to act when· our country's interests are
threatened. To protect our interests and our values. sometimes we have to stand and
fight That is why, as President. I pledge to maintain military iorces strong enough to
deter and when nec:essary to defeat any threat to our essential interests.
·....___
___rooav'&«t!fiie debate centen too nari'ow[yon ttie-size of the
military budget But the real questions are, what thruts do we face. what forces do we
need to counter them, and how mwt we change?
We can and mwt substantially reduce our military forces and
spending, becawe the Soviet threat is decreasing and our allies are able to and should
shoulder more of the defense burden. But we still mwt set the level of our defense
spending based on what we need to protect our interests. Fint let's provide for a
strong defense. Then we can talk about defense savings.
At the outset of this discwsion, I want to make one thing clear:
The world is sull rapidly changmg. The world we look out on today is not the same
world we will see tomorrow. We need to be ready to adjust our defense projections to
meet threats that could be either heightened or reduced down the road.
Our defense need.s were clearer during the Cold War, when it was
widely accepted that we needed enough forces to deter a Soviet nuclear attack. to
defend against a Soviet·led convenuona.t offwwe an Europe ana to protect other
American interests, especially in Northeast Asia and the Penian Gulf. The collapse of
the Soviet Union shattered that consensus. leaving us without a clear benchmark for
determining the size or mix of our armed forces.
·
_
However, a new consensus is emerging on. the nature of post-Cold
War sec:urity.lt assumes that the gravest thruts we are most likely to face in the yean
ahead include:
• Fint. the spread of deprivation and disorder in the former Soviet
Union, which could lead to armed contlict among the republics or the rise of a
· fervently nationalistic and aggressive regime in Russia still in possession of long-range
nuclear weapons.
• Seccnd. the spread of weapons of mass destruction. nuclear.
chanical and biological, as well as the means for delivering them.
• 'n\ird. enduring tensions in various regions. especially the
"Without
Korean peninsula and the· Middle East and the attendant risks of tenorist attacks on
growth abroad.
Americans traveling or working overseas.
• And finally, the growing intensity of ethnic z1valry and separatist
our own
violence within national borden, such as we have seen in Yugoslavia. India and
economy
elsewhere. that could spill beyond those borders.
c:annot thrive."
To deal with these new threats. we need to replace our Cold War
military structure with a smaller, more flexible mix of capabilities. including:·
• Naclar datlmlu:L We can clramatically reduce our nuclear
~rsenals through negotiations and other reciprocal actions. But u an irreducible
minimum, we must retain a survivable nuclear force to deter any conceivable threat.
• Rapid depiO)'IIIaat. We need a force capable of projecting power
quickly when and where it's needed. This means the Amrl must develop a more mobile
mil of mechanized and armored fore~ '111e Air Force should em,.._ tactical air
power and airlift. and the Na.,Y and Manne Coflls must maintain sufficient carrier and
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forces to drat with terrorist threats•
oiOgy. The Gulf War proved that the· superiort: _.mng of
•
our soldien. tactiaJ air power. advanced communications. space-based surveillance.
and sman weaponry produced a shorter war with fewer, American casualties. We must
maintain our technological edge.
. • Better iDtelligeDCt. In an era of unpredictable threats, our
intelligence agencies must shift from military beln-counting to a more sophisticated
understanding of political. economic and cultural conditions that can spark conflicts.
To achieve these capabilities. I would restructure our forces in the
following ways:
First. now that the nuclear amiS race finally has reversed course.
it's time ior aprudent slowdown in strategic modunization. We should stop
production of the B-2 bomber. That alone could save S20 billion by 1997.
Since Ronald Reagan unveiled his "Star Wan" proposal in 19&1.
America has spent $26 billion in futile pursuit of a foolproof defense against nuclear
attack. Democrats in Congress have recommended a much more realistic and
attainable goal: defending agamst very limited or accidental launches of ballistic
m1ssales. This allows us to proceed with R&D on missile defense within the framework
oi the ABM treaty- a prudent step as more and more countries acquire missile
technology.
At the same time. we must do more to stop the threat of weapons
ot mass destruction from spreading. We need to clamp dOwn on countries and
companies tha1 sdl these technologies, pumsn vaolators ana .work urgently w1th all
comtnes for tough. enforceable international non-proliferation agreements.
Although the .President's plan does reduce our conventional force
structure. I believe we can go farthe~ without undermining o'ur core capabilities. We
can meet om 1'e51J0nsibiJities in Europe with lw than the 150,000 troops now
Pf'DC'OHd by the President. especially as the Soviet republics withdraw their forces
from the Red Army. We can defend the sea lanes and project force with 10 carrien
rather than 12. We should continue to keep some U.S. fon:es in Northeast Asia as long
as North Korea presents a threat to our South Korean ally.
To upgrade our conventional forces. we need to deve!op greater air
anct sea lift capacity, anciuaing production of the C-17 transport aircraft. But we
should end or reduce programs intended to meet the Soviet threat. Our corMntional
programs. like the new Air Force fighter and the Army's new annored systems, should
be redesigned to meet regional threats.
The administration has c:ailed for a 21 percent cut in military
spending through 1995, based on the assumption, now obsolete. that the Soviet Union
would remain intacL With the dwindling Soviet thrat. we can cut defense spending by
over a third by 1997.
Based on calculations by the Congressional Budget office, my plan
would bring cumulative savings of about S100 billion beyond the current Bush plan. If
favorable political and military trends continue, and we make progress on arms
control. we may be able to scale down defense spenaing still more by the end of the
decade. However, we should not commit ouneJves now to specific deeper cuts ten
years from now. The world is changing quickly, and we must retain our ability to react
to potential threats.
Also, we must not foraet about the real people whose lives will be
turned upside down when defense is cut deCI)Iy. The government should loolc out for
its defense worken and the communities they live in. We should insist on advanced
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notification and help communaties plan for a transition from a detense to a domestic
economy. Thirty-one percent of our grad~ti engineers woric for the defense indUstrY.
---------t---.,l"'::::ey:-;an:;;;r-=»,0 er h1ifi1Yskilled worken and technicians are a vttal national resource_a_ta--+time when our technological edge in a world economy must be shar1)er Ulan ever
bdlre. I have called for a new advanced research agency- a civilian DARPA- that
could help capture for commercial work the brilliance of scientists and enginee~ who
have accomplished wonders on the battlefield.
: .·• · :· · -~
Likewise. those who have served the nation in wtiiorm cannot be
dumped on the job market We've got to enlist them to help meet our many needs at
home. By shifting people from active duty to the National Cuard and reserves. offering
early retirement options, limiting re-enlistment and slowing the pace of recruatment.
we can build down our forces in a gradual way that doesn't abandon people of proven
commitment and competence.
Our people in uniform are among the most highly skilled in the
arw we need most We need to transfer those human resources into our workforce
and even anto our schools, perhaps uapart by using reserve centers and closed bases
for community-based education and training programs. · ·
,..
The deiense policy I have outlined keeps America strong and still
yields substantial savings. The American people have earned this peace dividend
through forty yean of unrelenting vigilance and sacrifice and an invatment oi
trillions oi dollars. And they are entitled to have the dividend reinvested in their
future.·
-·
Finally, America needs to reach a new agreement with our allies for
sharing the costs and risks of maintaining peace. While Desert Storm se~ a useiul
precedent for cost-sharing, our forces still did most of the lighting and dying. We need
to shift that burden to a wider coalition of nations of which America will be a part. In
the Persian Culf, in Namibia. in Cambodia and elsewhere in recent years. the United
Nations has begun to play the role that Franklin Roosevelt and Hany Truman
envisioned for it. We mU:St take the lead now in making their vision real- by
expanding the Security Council and making Cermany and Japan permanent members:
by continuing to press for greater effiCiency in U.N. administration: and by aploring
ways to institutionalize the U.N.'s success an mobilizing international participation in
Desert Storm.
One proposal worth exploring calls for a U.N. Rapid Deployment
Force that could be used for purposes beyond traditional pacekeepin& such as
SWlding guard at the borders of COWltries threatened by agression: preventing
attacks on civilians: providing humanitarian relief: and combatting terrorism and drug
tratfJCking.
In Europe. new security arrangements will evolve over the nest
decade. While insJSung on a fairer sharing of the common defense burden. we must
not tUm our back on NATO. Until a more effective security system emerges, we must
give our allies no rwon to doubt our constancy.
AJ we restructure our military forces. we must reinforce the
powerful global movement toward democracy.
U.S. foreign policy cannot be divorced from the moral principles
most Americans share. We cannot disregard how other governments treat their own
people. whether their domestic institutions are democratic or repressive. whether they
help encourage or check illegal conduct beyond their borden. 'nlis does not mean we
should dGI only with democracies or that we should try to remake the world in our
image. But recent aperience from Panama to Iran to Iraq shows the dangers of
forging strategic relationships with des1)0tic regima.
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. It should matter tD'lli'fiOiPothliigowrridi'eniielVei Democrac1es
don't go to war with each other. The F~ ailctBritistttaYin~lw weapons. but we
---------+-d-:-o-n'::-tt7-ear-annihilation at their hands. Democraci.es do~t sponsor terrorist acts ·aga-ins_t__
eadt other. They are more likely to be reliable trading partners, protect the global
environment and abide by international law.. ' ..... ;~ .....,.~ '·'' ',• ·.· '. •
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Over time. democracy is astabilizing force. It provides non-violent
means for resolving disputes. Democracies do abetter job of protecting ethnic.
religious and other minorities. And elections can help resolve fratricidal civil wars.
Yet President Bush too often has hesitated ~en-democratic forces
needed our support in challenging the stat~ quo. I believe the President erred when
he secretly rushed envoys to reswne cordial relations with China barely a month after
the massacre in Tiananmen Square: when he spumed Yeltsin before the Moscow coup:
when he poured cold water on the Baltic and Ukrainian aspirations for selfdetermination and independence: and when he initially refused to help the Kurds.
The admmistration continues to coddle China. despite its
continuing crackdown on democratic reforms, its brutal subjugation of Tibel its
irresponsible exports of nuclear and missile technology, its support for the homicidal
Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. and its abusive trade practices. Such forbearance on our
part m1ght have made sense during the Cold War, when China was a counterweight to
Soviet power. But it makes no sense to play the China card now, when our opponents
have thrown in their han<i
-«.". .
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In the Middle Easl the administration deserves credit for bringing
Israel and its Arab antagonists to the negotiating table. Yet I believe.~e President is
wrong to use public pressure tactics against Israel. In the process. he has raised Arab
expectations that he'll deliver Israeli concessions and fed Israeli fears that its interests
will be sacrificed to an American-imposed solution..
We must remember that even if the Arab-Israeli dispute were
resolved tomorrow, there would still be ample causes of conflict in the Middle East
ancient tribal, ethnic and religious hatreds: control of oil and water: the bitterness of
the have-nots toward those who have: the lack of democratic institutions to hold
leaders accountable to their people and restrain their Ktions abroad: and the
temtorial ambitions of Iraq and Syri&. We have paid a terrible price for the
administration's earlier policies of deference to Saddam Hussein. Today, we must deal
w1th Haiu Assad in Syria, but we must not overlook his tyrannical rule and
domination of Lebanon.
We need a broader policy toward the Middle East that seeks to limit
the flow oi anns into the region, as well as the materials needed to develop and deliver
weapons of mass destruction: promotes democracy and human rights; and praerws
our strategic relationship with the one democrKy in the region:.llraeL
And in Africa as well, we must align America with the rising tide of
democracy. The administration has claimed credit for the historic opening to
democracy now being negotiated in South Afrie&. when in fact it resisted the sanctions
policy that helped make this hopeful moment possible.
Today, we snould concentrate our attention on doing what we can
to help end the violence that has ravaged the South African townships, by supporting
with our aad the local structures that seek to mediate thae disputa and by insisting
that the South African government show the same zeal in prosecutint the oerw»etraton
of the v1olence as it did in the past when punuing the leaders of the anti-apartheid
movement. The administration and our states and cilia should only relu our
remuning sanctions it becomes clearer that the day of danocrKY and guaran•::d
individual rights is at hand. And when that day does dawn. we must be prt111fed to
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estend our wastance to make sure that deniocncy, orice.pined. is not lost there.
An American foreign policy oi engagement for demOcracy will
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serve the needs
of our people
by un111ng us at
home and
restoring
Amet~ca•s
greatness 1n the
world ...
...
.. _ _;_----+----• First. we need to respond more forcefully to one of the greatest
security chaUenges of our time, to help the people_ of the. former Soviet empire
demilitarize their societies and build free political ~ economic irastitutions. Congress
has passed SSOO million to help the Soviets destroy nuclear weapons. and for
humamtarian aid. We can do better.AJ Senator Sam Nunn and Representative Les
Aspin have argued. we should shift money irom marginal military programs to this key
investment in our future security. We can radically reduce the threat of nuclear
destruction that tw dogged us for decades by investirig.·a fraction of what would
otherwise have to be spent to counter that threat. Ana. together with our G-7 panners.
we can supply the Soviet republics with the food 3nd medical aid they need to survive
their first win,ter of freedom in 74 years. We should do all that we can t~ coordinate aid
efforts with our allies, and to provide the best technical wistance we can to distribute
that food and aid.
No national security issue is more urgent than the question of who
will control the nuclear weapons and technology of the former Soviet empire. Those
weapons pose a threat to the secunty oi every American, to our allies. and to the
republics themselves.
· ·""
I know it may be bad politics to be for any aid program. But we owe
1t to the people who defeated communasm, the people who defeated the ·coup. And we
owe it to ourselves. Asmall amount spent stabilizing the emerging democracies in the
former Soviet empire today will reduce by much more the money we may have to
commit to our defense in the future. And it will lead to the creation of lucrative new
markets which mean new American jobs. Having won the Cold War, we must not now
lose the peace.
• We should recognize Ukraine's independence. as well as that of
other republics who make that decision democratically. But we should link U.S. and
western non-humanitarian aid to agreements by the republia to abide by all arms ·
acreements negotiated by Soviet authorities, demonstrate responsibility with regard to
nuclear weapons, demilitarize their economies. reJ1)1Ct minority rights. and proceed
with market and political reforms.
• We should use our diplomatic and economic levenge to increase
the material inrPntives to democratize and raise the costs for those who won't We
haw every nght to condition our foreign aid and debt relief policies on demonstrable
progress toward democracy and market reforms. In atreme cases. such u that of
China. we should condition favOrable trade terms on politicalliberaliation and
responsible international conduct.
• We need to suppon evolving institutional structures favorable to
countries struggling with the transition to democracy and markets. such as the new
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. whose mission is to rebuild tli.:
societies of Central and Eastern Europe. We are rilht to encouraie the ELD'opean
Community to open its doors to those societies, perhaps by aeating an affiliate status
that carries some but not all of the privileges of membership.
• We shoui~ .:ncourage pnvat&American irMstment in the former
Sowa empire. 'nle Soviet republics, alter aiL are rich in human and natunl resources•
One day, they and Eastern Europe could be lucrative markets for us.
• We should regard inaeased Iundin& for democntic assistance u
,..-.
a legitimate part of our national security budeet. We shouid support aroups like the
'I
National Endowment for Democracy, which work openly rather than covertly to
'
I
-
' ,
a
�•·
•
.
promote demacratic.pluralism and free""'~abiaad.
fwciula-auraae both the
Agency for International Development and :the..tli.int~ITnation Aiency to channel
--------4--m.:...o-~e....:.o'fth:-:--:ei-rr-es-ources to promoting democracy. And jUst as Radio Fr.ee.,.-_E~u~ro.=.p:..:...e.;.;.an_d~--t-----
.)
·t
the Voice of America helped bring the truth. to the people. of those,..societies, we should
create a Radio Free Asia to carry news and hope to China and elsewhere.
• Finally, just as President Kennedy latmched the Peace Corps 30
yean ago, we should create a Democracy Corps today that will send thousands of
talented American volunteers to countries ~ need their legal, fmancial and political
expertise.
Our second major strategic challenge is to help lead the world into
a new era oi global growth. Any governor who's tried to create jobs over the last decade
know that cxper~ence in international economi~ is essential and that success in the
global economy must be at the core of national ~ecurity in the 1990s.
Without growth abroad. our own economy cannot thrive. U.S.
exporu of goods and services will be over a half-trillion dollars in 1991- and 10
percent of our economy. Without global growth. healthy international competition
turns all too readily to economic wariare. Without growth and economic progress.
there can be no true economic JUStice among or within nations.
I believe the negotiations on an open trading system in the GA'Ii
are of extraordinary Importance. And I suppOrt the negotiation of a North American
Free Trade Agreement. so long as 1t's fair to American farmers and workers. protects
the environment and observes decent labor standards.
Freer trade abroad means more jobs at home. Every $1 billion in
U.S. exporu generates 20.000 to 30,000 more jobs. We must fmd ways to help .
developing nations finally overcome their debt crisis. which has lesseneu tileir capacity
to buy American goods and pr~bably cost us 1.5 million American jobs.
We must be strong at home to· lead and maintain global growth.
Our weakness at home has caused even our economic competiton to worry about our
stubborn refusal to establish a national economic strategy that will regain our
economic leadenhip and restore opportunity for the middle class.
How can we lead when we have &one from being the world's largest
creditor COL!ntry to the world's largest debtor nation- now owing the world $405
billion? When we depend on foreignen for $100 billion· a year of financin.. we're not
the masters oi our own destiny.
I spoke in my last lecture about how we must rebuild our nation's
economic greatness. for the job of restoring America's competitive edge truly begins at
home. I have oifered a program to build the most well.ecbnted and well-tnined
workforce in the world and put our national budget to work on programs that make
Amenca richer, not more indebted.
Our economic strength must become a central defining element of
our nat1.;.;-,;.! ~O:..:i.Oiit"i ;, ...:;.;-,.We mu~~ urgani;~ to compete and win in the global
economy. We need a commitment from American businas and labor to work together
to make world-<:lass products. We must be prepared to achange some short-term
benefits -whether in the quarterly profit statement or in archaic work rules - for
long-term success.
The private sector must maintain the initiative. but tCMIIUilent
has an indispensable role. Arecent DCI)arttnent of Commen:e rtl)ort is a wake-up call
that we are falling behind our major competiton in Europe and Japan on emerain&
technologia that wiil defme the high-paying jobs of the future -like advanced
materials, biotechnology, superconducton and computer-integrated mantJiadurinl.
I have mentioned a civilian advanced raarch projects agency to
·we should use
our diplomauc
and economrc
leverage to
increase tne
material
incenuves to
democratize
and raise the
costs for those
who won't.•
�i
worK closeiy w1th the pnvate sector. so that 1ts pnonues are not set bv government
:ilene. We have hunareds oi nauonai laboratones w1th utraordmary talent that have
- ---- -----+--pu-::t-,-th'-'iUMed States at the ioreriont of military technology. We-neeci to reonent the1r
mts.sion. working w1th prMte companies and umverstties. to advance technologies
that w11l make our lives better and create tomorrow's jobs.
~ot enough oi our compan1es engage tn export- !U.St 15 percent
oi our companies account ior 8.5 percent oi our exporu. We have to meet our
:ompetttors efforts to help smaller- and meciium-s1zed bustnesses 1dent1ty anci gam
iore1gn markets.
And most 1mportant. government must assure that internauonal
compet1t1on is iair by ms1stmg to our European, Japanese and other trading partners
that 1i they won't play by the rules oi an open trading system, then we w11l play by
theirs.
We have no more important bilateral relationships than our
alliance with Japan, a relationship that has matured from one oi dependency tn the
1950s to one oi partnership today. Our relationship is based on ties of democracy, but
as we cooperate. we also compete. And the matunty of our relationship allows
.-\mencan Presidents. as I w1ll. to ms1st on iair play. As we put our own econom1c
house m order. Japan must open the doors oi its econom1c house. or our partnership
w1ll be 1mpenled w1th consequences ior aU the worid.
~ow we must understand. as we never have beiore. that our
national secunty is largely econom1c. The success oi our engagement tn the worid
depends not on the headlines 1t brings to Washington politicians, but on the benerits it
brings to hard-worktng m1ddle-ciass Americans. Our uforeign" policies are not really
foreign at all.
When greenhouse gas emissions from developed nations warm the
atmosphe·re and CFCs eat away at the ozone layer, our beaches and farmlands and
people are threatened. When drugs flood into our country from South America and
Asia. our cities suffer and our children are put at risk. When a Libyan terrorist can go
to an airport in Europe and check a bomb in a suitcase that kills hundreds of people,
our freedom is diminished and our people live in fear.
So let us no longer define national security in the narrow m11itary
terms oi the Cold War. We can no longer afford to have foreign and domestic policies.
We must devise and pursue national policies that serve the needs of our people by
uniting us at home and restoring America's greatness in the world. To lead abroad. a
President of the United States must first lead at home.
Half a century ago, this country emerged victorious from an allconsuming war into a new era of great challenge. It was a time of change, a time for
new thinking, a time for working together to build a free and prosperous world, a time
for putting that war behind us. In the aftermath of that war, President Harry Truman
and his suC:cessors iorged a bipartisan consensus in America that brought security and
prosperity for 20 years.
Today we need a President. a public and a policy that are not
caught up in the wars of the past...: not World War D. not Vietnam. not the Cold War.
What we need to elect in 1992 is not the la.st President of the 20th century but the first
President of the 21st century.
This spring, when the troops came home from the Persian Gulf, we
had over 100,000 people at a welcome home parade in Little Rock. Veterans came from
all across the state - not just those who had just returned from the Gulf, but men and
women who had served in World War II. Korea and Vietnam. I'll never fortet how
moved I was as I watched them march down the street to our cheen and saw the
�Vietnam vtterans ima.lly being given the honor they deserwcfall'aloni. The divisions
we have lived with for the last two decades seemed to fade ~- amid the common
---------+----~~~~~~~------+---------outburst of triumph and gratitude.
;~,,,;_, ·· .
That is the spirit we need as we move into this new era. AJ
President Lincoln told Congress in anothu time of new challenge. in 1862:
.,.he dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy
present The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion.
AJ our case 1s new. so we must think anew. and act anew. We must disenthrall
ourselves. and then we shall save our country. Fellow citizens. we cannot escape
history."
Thank you very much.
"Even as the
Amerrcan
Dream 1S
1nspmng people
around the
world, Amerrca
is on the
Sidelines, a
m11itary g1ant
Crippled by
econom1c
weakness and
an uncena1n
VISIOn.•
•
LABOR DONJl.TtD
(·~
' :~
'
'
-·
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Clinton Speeches Pre 1993
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 2
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-002-001-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/ed4b1c2416955406e3796f6a03c6f2c2.pdf
28305448bc5eea7e771b553f997c4c27
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Clinton Presidenti~t Records
Collection/Record Group:
l ••.•
~·
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
:~
j
Subseries:
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Bus Trips Clips [2]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�D~eam
Team rips Puerto Rico:
ledn~sday
Bush prepares to fllht back: Nation sA
sr;orts to.
uad-City
llug. 5, 1992
' ~'
.'
Campaign
rolls our way ·..
con
llY.Li_..,_.,..
<.IU~II•llll
'tt
The Clinlon·Gore
campaigt\. buSes will
pass through
several O·C oren
towns today.
IJ
Clinton-Gore bus tour will sweep
into the Quad-Cities tonight
•
1
i;'&~ Paril•r"' ...... ·· ·· __ ..
.. ·...,·~ITY TiM!S
Jlltd-Cily !Rmot'MIII Q~ poiM:<: rot
fltil Cli~ton·~ vi~il to lh~ Q"~d..C'ill~~ II"
nitltl ant.l 'rhullidM}.
Voh1RIC111'!1 and SUpr>C>I1~rr. tlllllh:l(!\1 ~~
th~ ~on
Co11n1y Democratic om~~ 1n
to 1!111 nnl!lllins
O~•·t.nporrlate Tuesd~~
tc ..:~n oo plans for a !'lilly tonlsl\1 in the
fltorltlna Jet at ;yrn~r'l CUIIe Lods~ in
ll·:r~·· •:naorf.
Cli~lon, alona whh YkwJift!llJ~nliMI
con~iclat; AI Ool'l! a11d the Dem~malic
1\u~ QI\IDUI';II!II,
WMI ... Otltlll
t)11,hi·C'ltn•., 1\~l .. hll•lh
lu"'"''"\ t~J.I ~ m~rnu
It tht·~ 1\h ~'-- ,,
II.UNOUI
Gore
iH B~)\l'dUII!d IC ~rriVI' in
licllcnoorf ~11cut I 0:30 p.rr.. ~~)~l ~
in Surlingw~. IQwQ,
Hi& ~uc1 roy:~ lhrouah the Ound·Ut·
ll•c•ur..: muqh or lhc Jumor's )!llrkina
lot will M <e:«:rvqd F11r IIIC rally ond the
hUIC!I, pnrto.in. in l!IVAI'CIIIIill be limite<!,
Tmfll~ ol10 llfol1 be tt:tlriqtcd 111hcn the
ttlllitN urrivt: and lltfl'lft.
ncra:ti~ (tart~·. ''Th,•rl'\ h•h ,,,. L''~,;·.l~nh.'fll
~~ lh~ \urnuut h~r,• io'lli1!ht ·\tl<lt~,.,,•• , n
Wu11dlo~ ~nt.l Mu"!Uiii'C ulong 1111! way.
nul i~ not ClfiL'<~L'<i 111 !llop.
Th~ la1et~l piQM ~~!l far on i~r(l;mal
tnornin¥ m the Nitllnl .. lltlmll!hidlll ul~·
mt~um plnnt in l)av•t'l;'l<ll\.
"'rho pha""• hu•o 1'..-.:n rir.8lnau1Ttllv
nooka," Joh~ I.Juc:My, a Uavenpaft l.Jt:rn•
TIKI M11aol. ·'" (·han~~ llmmca' bus
tnur," J,•wu S.•n. I'"' I.Muh.:ry, [).
O(!:llthUSiilm,"
W\'!il m IJOL· '"m11runily. The visit I~ th•
••hll'l•• lilf a ~;_.., IIII!SSIIF to the na·
'"'r>
i~'f;
huo nm !leer. di~''''"'ctft>y ~~~uri!)
J·urec•. Tlw h~~J~ h•ur willtr•vclthr<>\l~.it
rail~ outsillr. tltc hotel. Off.llnl?.ert ~n:
oJ)Itmi"le 111at C'li~ton will it~ ..
'""••••tht
fi'OWU. H~e1 ,..,,,~,., rlmh II)
tlloo:k olh l•l'f!ll61:l:lion af the !'"Irk;"~ Jut
anti tel 1111 a !l(ldiuM aR."ll.
Th" ,;,it 111iU in~huk• ttl®t ihurldny
o;ntlic orpn11.~r. mod. "Th~rc't l!.~n I•U&
"It's flllllilrJ in<rw~;~lf.lY
h~lic.··
!•MI·,
··~·,n•"·lc1 r~ '''"' ,.
mtnr
&aiJ Torn r:n111cman t~l'rh~ I)~.om.
1111
or pMpl~ h•• ,,. fr··m llllkr••nt!llll'l"'ll~
nrltlWn,"
.., ""' U\lr'futl) ~:li.ht lhL·~· i.l.,'\litl(d hl \IU
tho! lt.'lWiolllhHl'<!tl•lllhl•... ul'llum 'On
DoWR!'<orl,-.;,,.1.
.. ,, ''"''r I''"'~"'~ Ar~
:
t.alk•na uhautth ..
vi~tiL ·nl\'rl'\ ol1tL11lh!ndaUI •mov"t l•l'ln-
'"'"·"
'fln~_ITINf~iiJ.RY.
,.,
8 8.111. • Cltt~on/Qofe tlua IOLW
11>"""9' l<lllt4. "'"""'"ll"'rastSt
1"'"' ln., oVlll u..,.~~~,~,~. Mo.
I p.m.: 111111'/ok'"K u"' "'"Jt11CUII "'
llllr'n&IOII, r.JH,
at•"'·' leave lllr Ouad·CRIIP" "''
u.s. (II,
\Oo2CI p.m.t tiohmhoiM In'"""'
at
J~'ICHt.., L~, ~~
hU.
nn.e III1C1 UIICII fl1lltle R<Wd, IIWitOJ•
dor'. tfnc!r speet.'fl. .mtl
r.l~ ta•oi'WIIU
tn.toatoi.
Tlllnc!Gy
l~ur
8;80 d m.:
!Otl;llllltt lk•n•
.,.._.,"""pt
.•~ d\2101
I!>! ""'"'"
ltJt.,d., DAI\II.'r1JtcM1 II1VII.thtlf1 llf!fy hlwtl
m&WiUtM •lC li!U 1)4111!
II;~
e.m.. t~ow• Qilikl 'n"'"
I' t i f,fll.; St(>Jl Rt Ct!litJ< R.olltdh.
tcw.a. Cllntlll11!lnn tWif .-111
~Uf
w~
O:U•
•trur tht:
ploUn. wnt1U 11\hl W!Vt'tl
au• to U~e Whllno 1ht S.uuut ,:,•~1
ltll'.
11m: Ct,Mtlll 1':\illll 411
rw.8:U
1"
... j,,.,, ut, ... ,.h ._,
,.,.,~lt.,...,,,
PrUINt' t>uCtwn IMP It ••l'nh·o~• ,n Wtto
COftllm.
fllfiiY
Slupt In ChtnPt~•llolb. tdtltH
a•MI M••Llllll)ll;tll·t>t
Pm~
INSIDE. . .
111111 Ia 1118 room Wllll'e IIIII llncl Hll\aly Cll!'tiDI'I will 11118ntl llltnr nl&hl
\rt !liB QUaO.CIIJet, Jffll Rl•, IIIISIM'MI mlllllliBI Ol Al1'110r'1
l:<uollo Lodpln lleHII'II!M, 111\d hla 11111 1\e~e t10tn i1111y prape;.
l~s
!or tho arrival 11111111111 o! tile Demac:ra1tt. P.etldonllal cllftiiiCiato
and rue Wile, aa ~t~rell u ·'~• llfGIICivnlk,l Gilmlidate "'Gore and
~~~ wll~. Tlp~r.
VIsit sends chills through the staff at Jumer' s
, jij;:. Chilli
au.,...
I'm r~'lll n~rv''"'·"
. ·
• secret ServiCe a~&unta
kOOP qlllet·, alert: )A
• Dukekl• W4ll 11141 tnot
nominee to villi: 'JA
• Candlclares Will lOUr
&IIII..OI·Ihe-art piiJnt: 'JA
• Local RtOUbllctll\5 win
IC~p..
~''"'· ~1111
Jlk'l
Mtlan, a1~ "''~'; 111
''ulll1~''td&•it.''
,.,, . . . . . .
lhl
.... ,,
''"''
�.l
'
50 CENTS
,..-.,~,
!t~ti
r :in, SoUth Africa
gest ProtestS in histofy against whiterule
idh~ir:jobs.
·:
·.
Soweto, outside 1ol\annasbura.'Four po·
No.ovcrall fitJUi'ea on the numbcr.of.
lice omccrs were wounded in ihc shoot· ·strikers were available, But rtpona from
h1tr.lv~ha Freedom · Party, · i~. ··
·· ·
·
.
.
.trade unions, tranJPOrt and business offi•
.atdlce, as did extrcmo black
Police a!'iot and killed a man when c:iala Indicated J.S million to 4 miUion
UJ)'J •. : · · .
.
..
strikers hu'rled . rocks at vehieles ncar the country's ·1 ·.mlllion black workers
Zl"'ti:lackS"iverf"kllleltttrsoat-.
'tbwn. - ......
lf!Yed home.
• ..
.._. ·
···---t:fi(Ci · · Sunday night' ·and
· Two journalists were shot Monday in
· Octplte the' success of the walkout.
th 1f l~t 12 .Cleat~ linked· · !vaton .ouuide . Johannesburs .·by the two-day strike that enda Tuesday hp
e Willkout: .: · . ··
unknown bla¢k assailants. The two, Paul no realistic: chan'c:e pf brlnsina do"" the
>Stern ·province orNata!, site. Taylor: or The Washinston Post and white lcadcl'lhip, which haa. waited out
ttlac~· ·factional violence; 19 . Phillip van Niekerk of The· Toronto
similar pretests in the past.
..
kll11:d Sunday-and MonW.y. . Olobe and Mail, were in stable condition, . · The ANC broke oO'blae~whiurneso
e, tl.ltee. black mon were
rricnd$ said.
· . . .
tiations in June to protest esc:ilating po.
\Cr~ I'XJiice nred on some .50 .
Ten U.N. monitors hac! arrived Sun·.. litim! violence that has cost tome 8.000
:erltl:¥ enforcing the strike .in · day.to try te help preven~ violence.
black live& in tht pas& three years.
:•& 1nain bl&ck rival, tho con·
or .
-eupe
q
•
•
..
•
· - · - - - ·. .
ra. ·
Clinton, Gore· piCln
·lateQ-c .·.ehec.k~h'l
·. ar Keml KMhner
QUAO·CITY Tf¥ES. , '
.: ·aut Clinton's visit to the Quad·Citlea
wlll i.nclude a rally and a-tour of- Nichol&HorriQhield Co. in Davenport. ·
. ·
· . Clinton, vice presidential c:anc.tidate AI
Oore ·&!ld the Oe:mm:ratic !3us entourage
·
.
·
·arc &~1\e<t.ulcd to arrive
about 10:30 p.m.
·
Wedhesday at Jvmer's.
. Castle Lcliae in Belt~n·
. . . . . . . ,.....~ •. L.J dorf. .
Quad-City Demo- ·
erat& arc p!annin~ a rail)'
to &feel th~ cand1dat~i.
. · Jn the moming .
Thursday, th•:y will tout. .
Nic:hols·Homcahlcld's ·
new $60 milli~rt alumi·
num
mill.
•
· Jack Williams, vice
president of Nichols- .
Homcshie:Cl, said com·
have nat been .~orlc~ ~ut, ·Scott County
Democratic: Chairman· Rick Scbloemer 11id
Monday. ·
·. · · .· ·
.· . :. .
· ·But he wants a rally ~meiime Wedna.-
· day nllht.to be· part ofthe plan.· · . · · . . . .
. . "His actuaUimc in the Q':'!ld.CI\ies .I• . ·
.aoln& to b¢ ve!lllmlted,~' ht·tald.
·
·.:
ne· candidates' SC'I'Iedule has ·c:hanpd .
several times, ·and .there are no plans now · ·
to stop in the rllinois Quad-C'hies. · ·
The bus earn van win move on Thurs.
dlly ·to the· small nonhcut IoWa town or .
Farmersburg for the Clayton County .4-H .
Fair. · .
Cam·
paian oides ·
soy they
Aim may
stop ThUI'$day ancrnoon. in .
~~~~!
Cedar Rap. 1--.....;; ~
ids.
The
three-day
oany officials have met
with e:tmp:~is,n rcprcsen·~OT'l the
ta!tv~ and ~ccurll.r per- . · R'ad.,.to
:•
','
.·.·.
scr.nc'! to ao ovor g1Jtai1s.
Chli'I$C
The hwilatlor.-only
Arncnca"
Gofe
. visit will include a town
bus tour
mcctin8 with worlo;crs and mnnagcrs.
~'Sins Wcdncs.day in St. Louis~ with stot'l!l
When thc.mill wat dooieotcd June lS. 1n Eut St. Lou1s, Ill.; and Hanntbnl. Mo.
tho ooml'lll\y said il put the new mill in ,
h will stop about 6 p.m. Wednesday in
Davcnpan bccliusc local amploye~ had the Burlinaton, Iowa, ror 11 "spoDk to 1h11 ~oak ills and willln&n'-'$S to mal:c the pl11n1 J'IC" event along the MliiSi~lppi River.
Cl)n'l_pc:titivc.
· ·
No other stops aN schaduled ~n th~:
·Tho !'llant, which mnkos aluminum wuy to tho quad·Citil.'l aiCtns U.5. 61. ·
shcc\ins for construction produc:tll out of
Othc:r v1sits inc:!.ude Pruiric: du C'hil!n,
Kcrup alumlnurt\, hM l'l:c.:ivcd notional
LllCro,SI: nnd Chif'J'ICWO !':nUs in Wl~~ronsir\
nttcnl.ion for itR cnvironmcnt:sl controls. · bcr(ln: the tour cnd11 Friday in Minneoi'Oii~Othcr details ()r thc: Quad-City vi11it St. "nul.
U.S. Marines return to the desert
\
:
·
.
��.,. .
.,
.
'·'
Bush plays
on big fear:
A tax" hike
~
Mijce Doming
•
~Trb.me
C01..0P.AOO SPRl:-.JGS-P'nll-
;cScllt &w.11 soU£ht Tll!u'!da)' w 1"11-
pin the Mb-tu constitu=C)' that
\IICID hi& 19&8 tlc:(:tlon ~
br porln\iD$ Drmocrat1c
nonuncc Biil 0111ton as a
c:&n·
didatc 'WI'ho wowd rair.t! tu.cs SI SO
billion CMit 1M Dn1 four ycan;fitum Uua! Ointon ciezUes.
Bu.sb cb&rled in a spccoch to
toa5iCr''lltive state ifgi.slaton from
atoar~d the nation tbat o.mto~:~'s
pwtorm wowd ~uire •tt~e iarleft tax
mcase ia Am.e:ticaA hiS-
tor)', la.racr thaa v.·hal Mike
l)w.kakis and Walter Monri&le
prooosed toptber."
Cli.Dton, c:amp&isains ia the
Midwest. •'II qllid: to dell\' the
BIW:I broadside, ¢ha.llin& that the
prsident !w "co crildibilir.y" OD
the iJ5ut because of Bush's 0wt1
e~oaomlc
record, lncludir.a his
tlrokeA ptomise not to mae taxes.
A mo~ cdltorial in a local
p&I)Cf ~CScl! Busll
tbc ~~it•
.ca1 ~ he ha$ paid tor the S 17 S
blUI011 W inr:nr.asr be M&Qtia~
in a budset·'"uuins deiil witb
or
CoftUeS$.
· '1"'h&1
w:
~
le.rJest in ll.S.
currently tbe
hi5tory, "WIIS yOW'
m.ista.ke," lect\.li"CCd the Oa·
bi~
zette.Tel~ph,
Accord.u\g to a Denver Post
poll published Thursday, Busb
trails Clinton 4'1 percent to 22
2_ercent in Colorado, whillh a
lJCmoc:ratic presidential candidate
Clinton
CoDdllleCI &om page 1
aiderizls for p=deztL
· Altbou~ ',llldceided about CWI·
ton. the ')9-year-old w~rker at the
John Deere plant in nearby
Dannport no lonaer consilien
b.inuelf a Bush supponcr.
,
..I'm just lpsinJ my confidezlce
in ~ man," swef K~ who
waited with rriends for more than
'IWO houn in tht bo'ICI parkinj lot.
.. He just d.oe:sr.'t SCJem to hAve the
c;ountry modvatecL 'rhe COWitry is
quite a bit dl.slll~oned rWn now.
People. art
or fielllh
Wlmployecl. · The
¢ate
cost
i5 all out of con-
troL''
. . ..:;
He voted ror Busb in ':1988, be
said, bec:ause "at the· time, 1
thouaht he was somg tO be the
best man for tbt jOb." :
..
Impms.ed with c::tillton's ,pe«h,
ht said his ml\ior doubts abOJt tbc
Democrat c:nte:ed on r.:ports te·
------------------
••
••
··....•
....•
0
' ....
�.. ~
'•'
allas Morning News -
19~2
--Long Print
EL..F.::CTIONS '92
!U!H~l
ina:
As candidates trade b~rbs, issues go unaddressed,
analysts s~y Some believe presidential campaign is
st~rting
to look
mu~h
August 7, 19'92
':1.
~-.
like past contests
Section:
NEWS
HOME f"INAL
Ed it ion:
Wotd Coi.Lnt 1 994
E\ljjil'i:
'!A
,( t: h r.:ll" =
S1.1San
reeney WMshington SL1reau 'of The Dallas Morning News
CEDAJ;:
RAPIDS, Iowa
ll:t!itJl
inea
�:EDAR RAPIDS, Iowa -- Th~ chief comb~t~nts for tha White House are
i~~lly ~ngaging4 But th~ir discussion~ -- often across 1,000 miles
are devoted more to long-distance public n~me-calling than cerebral
i~cussions
...., .. ,,
of the issues •
~very time you
ike~ pig under
point out a few ~imple facts, that crowd squeals
a gate,' Mr. Clinton said during a midnight rally of
~vera! thousand people Thursday in Bettendorf, Iowa.
h~ president fires his volleys, too.
~~""rhe otheY side has b'ien put·t:ing C•Ut more hsat than this Florida
un5hine,' Mr. Bush said Monday to a packed Jacksonville, Fla., rally.
11
Let's see how they can taka it •• They've had their day. Six months
f carping and griping and tearing down the Unitad States.•
F"cr all the pledges that 1992 would be a debate of issues, not
•~sonalities, analysts say the camp~ign is sounding a lot like
ecsnt presidential elections.
The cross-Til;"& i!5 ''pretty mu•::h J"''•:ll"mal,' said S~usan Howell. a
nivarsity of New Orleans pollster. "Negative campaigning works. It
orks to cast doubts and fe~r about the other guy.'
These days, Mr. Clinton devotes his standard stump speech primarily
o lambasting Mr. Bush on the economy, health care and the need for
hange --end to blasting the president for blasting Mr. Clinton on
hose issues.
Mr. Bu~h, in turn, criticizes Mr. Clinton for criticizing him. He
·-acks the Arkansa$ governor as lacking foreign policy e~perience,
;thy t!.')'q:uer ienca o1.1tside of gc:•vernment and ths 11 mC:•Yal fiber' to be
r~$ident.
·
~
Onniel Mitchell, a scholar at the conservative Heritage Foundation
had hopad that Ross Perot's candidacy would turn the
substantivE is$ues. When Mr. Perot decided not to run,
~~ race returned to a more traditional two-person fight, Mr.
it:,.::hell said.
~ Washington,
eb~te tow~rd
";~·t
t,~ill leave
"l~:ll:"s's n•::tthing
ra• . ~o:::•rh'illitie1S.
qnd
~rth
vc,ter·s in exactly the same L&nh5ppy position I'm in.
to ;et ex.:He!d about,' he said. lt~s a race about
It's e. ra.;;;a ai::JoLtt the past.'
11
it's a race wherm a charge can grow and change in the back-andbetween the camps.
In his speech to the Democratic National Convention in New York last
:•rrth, Mr. Cl~.n·ton used a line about the lJnit&?d States' ec:onomic
t~nding that is a regular p4rt of his campaign speeche~.
country has fallen liO::• fal'" f ~o fast that ,jList a few months ago
prima minister actually said he felt ~sympathy' for
neric:a. Sympathy. When I ~m your president, the rest of the world
ill not look down on us with pity, but up to us with respect again.'
"()1.1'1"
,~
J~panese
Monday in Dalton, Ga., Mr. Bush fired back but framed it in
1l'l''n'l$ of fona:i.c;n ~ol ;i,o:;y ii\t:1..1msn and patriot ism.
~n
11
1. heard a certain Sc•uthern governor say tha other day that this
~~ntry
been
was being ridiculad around the world. Well• I suspect.ha hasn'
around much,' the president said.
�Y
allas Morning Naws- 1992
I
IV
YV
r
•••••
•• ru
,. • • _..,.,,,. ·
--Long Print
---------------------------------------------------------------------------inec
!!4H:Il
Aide says Bush wasn't upset by controversial campaign memo
A1.1gust S,
Sec:tiona
NEWS
Editiona
HOME riNAL
Word Count; 693
1'~92
12A
Jt: hoY;
·•ciex Terms1
rrom Staff and Wire
Repo~ts
El-ECTIONS '92
!1~. t;
u
~~
campaign aide said Friday that Pl"'esidant Bush was not upsat about
ir controversial memo
~ttacking
Democratic opponent Bill Clinton.
'H~ said
~Q~ger.of
it wa5 perfectly legitimate,' Mary Matalin, deputy campaign
the Bush campaign, said during a t~ping of CNN•s Evans and
·,k for broadcast Saturday.
,~ didn't w~nt me to stop. He hoped that my exuberance in defending
.min· the future would not cross over the line,' she said of hal"'
)Mversation with the presidant after Mer memo caused an uproar early
\ i a week.
:M ths memo, Ms. Matalin referred to a. longtime Clinton side's
r 'l:he chra.ss ''bimbo er11ntjgps '
The Bide hid !!fWd t';s 'b!i?S
t
~se
�w-.1111
WI . . . . Ml
.............. ,,,..
'
'
IW
..-..-
"We believe in what ha's saying,' an Iowan told CNN. "And
w~'re
Jatrl'l: ing it to •:ome true.'
During the same day's campaign coverage on the NBC Nightly New~,
UJ~.hor Tc•m Brc•kaw began by repol"t ing that 469,000 Amar icans filed
· \r first unamployment claims during the week of July 1B-25. It was
:~;~·largest one-wasl.c increase in cla.ims i" 10 ysars.
Tc:II..\Qh Job fc•l" tha president,' Mr. Brokaw than told White HcLtsa
orYespondent John Cochran.
11
11
As long as this c:oLtntry is mired in a
ecession, it is virtually imposeible. for the presidant to turn
ocketbook issues into a positive for him. So today, he tried to turn
hem into a negative foy Clinton, too.•
:1:t is, Tom,' he agreed.
11
M~. 9ush's efforts ta br~nd his opponent as a classic big-spending
amocrat was turnad into ~omething of e plus for Mr. Clinton at the
t i:l:r:y' s end.
dec. ided he c.oul d not wait until after the Republ ic:an
C•rlvent ion to .scci.\Se Sill C:l in ton of selling snake oil, • Mr. Cochran
Ol"t•:luded. ''He decided he col..tldn't wait, because, as tha president
dmitted today in ~ffect, Bill Clinton is a vary.effective salmsman.'
''~:lush
repoYter Cl"l'r" is B~o.try left viawe\"s with this: "Tha
Yasident clearly tel•graphed his plan to paint Clinton as a taMer
nd ~ spender. But Clinton Just as cle~rly signaled his countar-punch
- that Bush's record does not give him the credibility to make ~hose
~ "'ges stick. '
Mt·11anwhile on ABC,
M$. Roberts said that the president
e.mpaign.
fac~s
a
tough time Yighting his
"Jt seems im~ossible for ~eople to gat across to him that between
ow and November, he should not go to Kennebunkport to fish or play
olf . He should be in the White House,• she said. dAnd he should
evsr take off his t1e. And that's easy!'
CNN political director Tom Hannon sa1d the Bush campaign probably
a~ ex~eriencsd its worst period betwaen the Demo,ratic a"d
epublican conventions.
:1: t' s been an el':tremel y vol at i 1e year, and you hav.e to have a great
of re$p&ct f~r tho GOP's electoral history over the last couple
f ~lections,' he said. "It's very likely the Bush campaign will show
11
~~~
~n~iderable
improvement.'
So far on television, Mr. Schram said, the Democrats hava "captured
1e glossy ~ide of th& postcard.'
n11a first Cl intc•n-GO'r"&4 bus tour boosted the 11 bounc:e' from th111
11
!!tri'H:tC:l".l\tic: conventic•n, he added.
And now -- ba-da-b•:•om, ba-da-bing
it~s
Son of Convention Bounce II, now playing on your
~l,1:iv is i ~~n
~pyright1
:~ession
lo~al
sr.: I" eens. •
Co~yright
Number: DAL127g13S
1992
Th~
Dallas Morning News Company
�le·.v-vork. -This-wae·k-'s sscond bus tour through America -- raplete with
icturas of the c~ndidates surrounded by beaming Just-plain folks -s a Norman Rockwall art exhibit compa~ed to recent drab Democratic
ampaigns. Mr. Clinton also has had lightning-quick retorts to any
r-.ttl.cisms leveled by the Republicans.
·,hey have brilliantly dealt with the media in a way that Democrats
not dona $lnce Jack Kennedy,' said veteran ABC News reportmr
okie Robarts. "The Reagan people were masters at it. My feeling is
hat it's a perfectly legitimate game to pl~y, and there's no point
n us whining about it. Both sides Just ought to play it. And for the
irst time in a long time, the Democrats are doiMg it right.'
~~e
the road Wednesday and Thursday, addressing
Knight• of Columbus convention in New York City and a disabled
eterans convention in Colorado Springs, Colo.
President Bush also hit
Bath aventa wsre vi~ually deficient. The president spoke indoors at
ecterns and was framed by plain backdrops. His audiences ware kept
t appreciable dist~nces. And he was buffeted by accompanying
elevision reports of his continued low standing in the polls and a
till-sluggish economy.
hWe're seeing the Reagan-ization of the Democrats and the
artarizat1on of Bush,' said syndicated political columnist Martin
e:tiram, a~otthor· of The Great Amer 1can Video Game. "By and laqiJe, this
r~sident is so balEaguerad that his events take on tha same kind of
rapping& •• CJimmy) Carter's ev•nts did. • •• All the Mi~hael
~~~~-·~ters in the world can't h•lp you if unemployment is still high and
~~~le think they're worse off than they were four years ago.•
Mr. Reagan's 1994 re-electi~n campaign, TV reporters often made
president's use of the medium part of their stories.
~~
"Hiow dces Ronald Rsagan use television?' CBS White Hcusa
~rres~ondent
jld
viewers.
Lasley Stahl asked rhetorically. "Brilliantly,' she
Swsh•s 1999 campaign, which included a visit to an American flag
generally was viewed as an acceptable copy of Mr. Reagan's
ed·-wh i te-and-bl ue Rembrandt. His opponent, the oft an mechanical
i•:::hael Dukakha, 11 aeted as though he was campaigning on the radio
~~t of the time,' Mr. Schram said.
~r.
~ctory,
~01 so with Mr. Clinton. Reporting on Wednesday's CBS Evening News,
~,respondent Richard Threl-keld described the Democrat's bus trip as
~ b1end of substance and constant images of him among mostly whita
1ddle-class crowds -- pictures the campaign treasures every bit as
.1•::11 as the candidate's word'S. The message is, ''I'm one of you.' The
imocrats are finally practicing a lesson they learned the hard way
•om George Bush four years ago, and Ronald Reagan bGfore that.•
Threlkeld ended his report standing in front of the Mel'rl< Twain
amily Restau~ant in downtown Hannibalp Mo. Enough said.
~y·,,
'th~
real question is whether TV produc&rs have gotten more skillful
\voiding the pnoi:o ol=)s that be•:ome the frC\\mewor k 1ol" stories,' Mr.
;.,ram said. "And I tnink the an!iiwer is,
11
Not yet.' '
Jn Thursday's edition of CNN's Inside Politic~, correspondent Gene
11
an~~all re!=)ortad on the Democratic ticket's
pic:tura-pe1•fect plant
lu,·• in Davenport, Iowa, where the candidates wore white hard hats
~beled 11 Bill' I'IJU,d "Al.' His story includad foc:•tage of Mr. Clinton
l~dking to a 1'larae. enthusiastic' coct-mirlMi~h~ ~~~wrl iM A~~•~~~~~~
�•'''''•,,,
allas Morning
Ne~s-
1992
--Long Print
CAMPAIGN COUNTDOWN
:;.l. Limn:
R<Hdl ine=
CAMPAIGN COUNTDOWN
ALIQI..\st '3,
Section:
NEWS
Edition:
BULLDOG
Word Count: 574
1992
17a
Staff and
&~k
30: The
~irs
r~ports,
The Hotline
~le~tion is only B6 days away.
meaner and MarshsY? Those were the questions
presidenti~l
Lnder &nd gentler,
~:ing ·AS~~ed c::d'
~t~lin issued
~r
the EIU$h c:amp.;;dgn a'ftl!\"" deputy campaign manage'!" Mary
~;~inst Bill Clinton that was heavy on
a news release
�1 I
W l • •• r'\1
'-IV-
Monday
Aug.3, ,992
019112
The legacy of· Kuwait
2 years after the invasion, Saddam remains defiant.
ANALYSIS
8, Robin Wrlllll
~OS
ANGHIS TIM£S
WASHINCTON - On \hr
uf his 1'1111•
~nd a11ni~em~ry
ar:n thnul into Kuwait, lrt~qi
Pr;aicknt Sadd~m J-1uu~<11 io
today tlllcing an
~'·:n riskier
dcfl~~c(' t~f
l!lmblc In his bold
the United Nrlli.,na.
But '" Jllrk ~ontrust to pr~·
abOut Hui>DOin's .:Sow<t•
di~iOI'll
fall on the R111 aranivei'IQry,
knior o.~mini,lllllior; apocial·
ills 1rc now reluc1~nt•~ wn~d·
illf,
"bij\Chcr of
Baendau" i•likcly toll<! ~ o~m·
.....one!'& 118111\si$
that
the
rnia rllr til~ Unit~ Statel 1\'r
lh' forc!l!t!3111~: r~tllrc:.
"Hrre·~ a ~~~~ "hi' made 1'1!31
Mi~o~:al;lllalions on a arant1
~calc 1wi~~ - ror ~Iiiii )'n!1 on
il'3n M'lt1 t"'u yc:rrt O!l K11wuil
lilt~ he's 1101 "~lv still
around, nn a~mor.SII':ul11s an
11n;Bnt)l' atoilily 10 worlc ~il
wqy DH \h~ 1101 $o"al." a U .8.
II,Al:vtl 'lllid,
On l'Qliti;ul an.! milil;ry
fronts, Huascin
•tronacr lll3n he
OJO,
.sc~ardilll
~~~~~~. "The hi& qu.:slion In
mind~ !101\' it whether llv'•
~lnJ to 1\i! ~~llrr otl' n )"Car
rrom toda~·.'' the anai)'SI 31.1\k'CI.
llur
i~
much
u )'Ut
wQ~
II\ U S, •'llli·
In in1~r.·i~~' lut w.:ck. a
crDSS·II.'I!tlon 111' lJ.S. oMrial&
[lrelli•1td Huuc:in ~till woulll
!lr arouncl in :'olowmllvr. Scv·
~ral al&Q ron.'1.'\l~L1 ~e ma)
1ur\·h·~ a~~~~ Ru•ll - a ll(lllo
sibilit~ 1hnt W;lt ,,nl~· re.orntl)
W~ihinat•'n\ t':l\·llnlq
!lall i•'k
"''~"
;m,•na ~mno;nll~.
"~,·~
ne> illu'i••n•;· !hr an:li)ll
''\\'hai(\W llUT hl\fl!o'S, ~·~~
SOli~ •
!Ill in'• t:~r~~~ '"'nllll'l~~k
,,..,·urr11..t
thla ~prinJ. til~ •P...,illli~t~
llatJ,
n.J,·anL~ t;~ti•"' 11er~ rur(
tlu~in: lwntif)• tul"~ntlltli·
li~A. 111~n ~cl ll•-titl~ll'ly - and,
il' nood ~~~. 111'111~11• - to fl!•
Tnr
nalwth~m.
·
Su, ~~\~r u '''"' ~ inl~r ul'
rlannin,, Hu~lt.'in m~ll~ ~ri1i~a1
~t:lli!iL>I\.< JIILI\11 the tc!IL•I 11,)111'1
in rl\11 l'~:tr.l~th nllt~h a!\~
~hliw·Lk,minat~d "''uri\.
· Finll. lie tJ.oci,J~J h~ \lo'\lulo.l
·~~tltll~
mililal"!·
~mllinaiiC'i31
-IR,\Q
1 1HW 111m IP I'IIV J,\
'rh~ rumin~ "'''"' '" llu~·
1
Q..c can expect
Clinton, Gore
late Wednesday
'rhv Bill Cll,t~nl Albl!r1 Oott
tour is "llcdu!ed 10 Rrrivc
WediiMday niaht In lletloiK!orf.
The DemOCI'81iC prcailieru141
a~d vi" prct.ldontial candillates
will 1pand the niB~tt in Oc:ttcndorr
than spend 8 CC111p~ or !Iotan
Tllur'ldliy mo,.,tn~ ·~ Dovcl\pol!.,
cAm paian llllll'lr:tllt li 1d Sunda~.
lluJ
Spccil!c 4etllllll D.bc>llt the
palr't 11111 lOIII' ~~ not btlna n:•
loumlyct.
llut 1ht: i11"1!1'81 rJctail& 1'\lfletl
a chansc in plan'l ID *10? in M~>
line Wednesday nlfhl. There are
no plaM 10 SIOII tn 11'1~ Ulinols
Quad.Ci1lcs, a ~am~al'" woncer
lor C:linton and Oorv 1111ttl.
Dovcnpon t;ooli" Cnlef Steve
L~nn llllill Sl:crer Scrv1~ PIII'1Dnnel met Saturday with pcliC('
eel'S. H~ said h~ ~xpe~led 10 be
brk:lild atlllul details of thv cam·
paign IIOP ttlia morni~8.
'tnili portio~ or &he "On th~
Road ... To ChDI\Bil 1\merica" blla
lOUr will bo..'Clll In St. l..oui~ ~nd
om.
end in
Minn~aflCills/St, 11a.ul.
Bush .campaign
complies criticisms
ROSEMONT, :II (APl -
Th~ llu~h :amr;J~&iRII, ~~lllil!d
by
Arkun11111 Cov, Ulli Cbnlon of
mull&linllin&. 1'9JPIII'IOit.J l'lunao~
11nlc:uhtn' • .;g(np;:milunl ur
lly
nail~ thinas \hat tlinlcn und
111h~r 1~1!10~1811 htiv~ llllid ahoul
Du~h.
The lhrve·paae <.'lllll~ign r~·
loa.•• c~l!l t1illl011 "lhC lL'Ud•r nf
the 'i\lllh~w: !Cilld" an<l 1111itl, "If
~·N AI ~HUT 'Nilt hUIIan,' it
il.'l!i• lik• MoYnt liv~rnl com·
p~~rc~
I
10
~our
IOWil,..lhon·Q~
snakc't-11<:11~ ~ami'IDian."
•
l..lial wuak, C'!inlcn BI!'III"Sill
Ja!T1411 Carville qnarncrorizQo 11111
ll~sh 11rai~'8Y ~• !lavina ''lllrtacl
~I
llw 111111~ hu1111n. Tl\ufll be ql
1114 ankiL-. l~~:l'fl ir. a ccufl\t of
Willi~!."
,..ca.IIJQI.IAI)i:\J't llt.H4.
BHI Riedt&eillllli I'll$ 611n lliarll, 9, StllliiO~ ~law lrOITI tne llat'll Alellcrlll moved OM rebllltlln IWIII tteveflport.
,,1'
IW.Iollltrd' tho •il~
th~ mi~tlt~l ~1111
li•'r\'"~ u!t a •i:tur"'\'&Lr ua1·a~ 111 1b, m,•""
hunt~ dl>.lul ~ll rnil~~ o•·•~·
,.
The chJ rat•til'l' bal'll "''"~~~~~~tin~.
~-=Y to ca•u in when Dill ttic.!~'<l'l
toclr. ar1 th~ mo~r •••l:>HiouH oroJo•1 ur
hl:l lire to uvo il.
With holr !'rom
hi~ llttl>ur,
~nd ;QoWOPk~l~, ho 100~ 111'1!11
l'rtiiiiLiS
tl10
llJU~hiW 7Q.yeur-tll\l ''"m in Wlwnl·
l~n~, lowo, ond r~ti.Aill ;, ''" hi• rttr.tl
______
l)aVCII(>t.)~t
....._
UCfl!.lJlC,
Th~ t•'IIOftM!'urt•'tl hqrn t~ ''''""'
.
......... ...........
~
,.....------·~·-·
'
u~~<'l'l 1\tr.hiu~ n~w
aarap." Lin·•"'·
it lno.•~~ lik" tHo rvo.! hurn• t~a! aro h<~
_,innin~ ''' \'4ni~l\ lh:un Hut ""I'JI\H~·~
Kjl.l(.
"I waniL'<l Ill I'IC'<"IIo'< 1111\ •1)'1~ •>f
hui!rJina." lit: ""''"· •th>lh•~ tltt'ttu~lt
ih~ !tli~{,,J\ wh<i. a• a rhilo.l 1\t,• nt:tM
~lay """"'" Uijl ••I' hay ~~;,/"'·
~IIW lh'L' loti\ iri ~""~I' fi11 ho•
II.;·~Uf·UILI .. ttl Mt<r~\ 111d. "n' ,,,11
I
llmio.!, L'Ltfllt'iL'II' \Oojfh 'ilatiLil r,u I'''' I IIi
m,. ran
•) '""'''' UIILI ~..
•'•"m~.
ttl'!<•~ 1~ Nj:a•> .tt~muntlinv
Ihe
h~m Ihr."'~""" atc>•· R><•l•"'<l'• """'
illlll'>thlfn• huilo.l•n~ rmJ•'\!1 hatl io<'"" it
d,·~t.. li.'lr h'~ h&~U"'-' in UJ\·t.!'n('l,rt.
~,
•M\1.' ,h,l th,'
~n,,..,.
whai u1 d,f!
"'l'~llrtll~ '"""' II•• nl.l ~ant. I
L~>IIIU '1\~' 111111'
tl wrt• ht!lil
UIIUI~al
-8,\M:IO
1'11'1111fl~rtllol'apH
!
�or:prlde ·today:··wHki~~
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J Tel~yo Marycrest. pr•alden~ quits:
.
uad·Cdy
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'
J.S. sends in troops
81·0 soldiers .will
add to the show or·torce in Kuwait
~:~~!led ~;· lw7~00
on
A.SI1liNQTON (AP)- Tile
admi!lilltratian l1 prep!rine
1d lnmdrcda ol' U.S. Arm,
1 I~· ~~uwalt
In th.e
co~nina
Pll'll'l,.,ll ti!HI.~ .!"ld Frio
•ldi11•~1 wlth mechani'&Cd and
ry ~·nils at Fott HOCIIl,
, anc! F01t Campbell. K.~..
JCII!r; :~iYIII ordm 10 pn:~nr
I mll1.'•1, \hey Slid,
1~ !J>>Un:e uiel il a~n:d
lhal ol&ns
!'or
*Oidien to ao to Kuw1lt
"II'& 1 mnaa~ to Sa4t:am.
lt'a lo allow lhe naa," he .aid,
'nlll IIIOYt rotl~ lhc: admin·
idlralion's
·
decision-Ill 118111 orlht onaoina
lcllllian with lr3q ov~t l.l"hod Nu•
lio!lll weapo111 iNpcc\i~;~n& - to
11:nd a bane!)' of Pattiol rniNilc&
lc Kuwait, and IIIOihtr bt!IO'I)' o(
the antl-mluilt wtas:<Jnry lo
ncishborin& llll.hta!M.
As wen, Na\'~ and Marine..
m ~'llpo:~td to ~anltipal~ In a
round or r.aval ~~~~ ampllibioua
emei~H ......wiUI .. JIIc
K~Wllill
military, ~lnnins 11~1 week.
Tho decljio11 10 'hll'\ K>ITMI
Army srmor a!lll l~t'aftlt')" ltOCtpt
to Kuw~lt d- 1101 portond rnili·
l.ry ~clion,tht i1rsi souree uid.
"11'1 d~fentiYe. II'S ll~e An
c~c~illl:," hc.11id. ·
"Th-.rc it l!OIIIIIIfi 8Cill8
lhcrt now Ihal 'houl4 t"aiu 3n)•
one'• level or -con~m." he saiel.
indiw1ina ~he- att e~1mnely
low that IM "':I'IIIJ lfotiPII WCIUid
~om~ under
utUII," and IIIII no 11"'11 level
or
•11sie1J IICQOIII~nicsthc d""ii1711.
··ne,.·• rttll; no alaml at10111
lhil." he ~Dill. "II'& an Q~«~ion
~ear. BliSh nml& 10 ali.,w the
n,.,.
n~~~o"
Ht Mid ~~~~ mo•·e will lllr.o
plaac soon unii!U Ule Whice
Hou111 dn:ides h Is 1101 11e~ry.
H; ilrt&5Cd thai top milll~ry
oFricials in the PeniDSQII wtff
trealina I he mova D! "bu.sinN lli
For1 !(gOd, nnr Aliltin. it
lh~
home of the ltl C'avalry Divition
~nil Alli1Circ4 Di•ilion.
ami the
fo" C'ompbell is irt 110111~
Kent~~Cky •nil i• the hQm~ <~f
l~liiAitt\sS;ltul!.
Q·C prepares
WELCOME BACK, S'U~B~AM
for Clinton,
Gore to visit
llr lllluw
Qut.O-C:Ih' TIMES
• Quad.Cir) Demom11 "Will tit
seramblillfl IOda~ 10 1111 HilL!~ for
lht arri•·al - 11roblbly in four
t:~ay1 -
of lhvir
UUIIUil All.:! WI~
diO.I~...
Thtl IIIII
b11a tour aiOI'II
11111'1~'11 pn11i·
l!fllltlil~ftllll
<:1ft·
Rivtr i• 110\l'
1111hrtllul~l!to
"opWI!IInt"'
da~· niaht in
M11hn~~l\'r •
L1111··tonf tnp
1~1111 ~·II ~in
in 51. Lmn"
i'1an5 a~ in
the worlli lilr a
wm~
rullr
• hcinl in f~l
Malin~.
h111m.1
one cont:IL:!~d
Frillay niih1 b)
lha Qu~J;Cil,>
blOt oaMar. Mille Finch, 1S, alaa af Mlltllle, wan IIMI.,_toll,
PIIIY"II friday ~ W81dllr ~onclti!Onl thai lftl1l llnlmalklillly llettlr
ll'lllr. wllal wt' ve 11'111111 lor most at the montll. Detallt: 1D
Ttm.-.~oulll
ll\"lnt"1rm lh~
l1~t'4."1L'k.1 :.t•
'
llllll.
"ltlj\lll II•"'·
)c:»wn in dumps? Blame It .on the rain
BY C.rt•
""'~ l!lb\Rfttlr :rM&form I<> f'III"P~
D111111
1
QUAP.C:ITf,_l_l~_~f"'&_ _ _ __
I
Yau probab~y wvre \n a ~!.\Oil
I
MM~d
Fd<!Jy a nil Ml n !111'11~
~~~~f'IY•
or
1\nd ~uu're prvuy IW'~~
todlly. too, ri&hl 1
Ncttut we'111 ()ayohi~. 1!'1
uauall~ 11 ph~tiaqi1;11ll'h~nom·
·vnon.
,..~ather
Is "'4:1, cold
~ncl owrwt -li~c it watl':'ll!!il·
of Jul~ - ll'llfty l"'oplo '""d to
be l~th.a.rgi~ a nil dcN~ill:d. (St.)
lllel'l! mur !Je 11011\11 billll'ltli~~ll>a·
•il for Wllnlin~ 10 curl up ""d
When liM:
_____
_________
____
__]\
st~oop QIJ dM1"'h~n
il's 'autitl~
1'11111.)
•
Wh~n
,. Hl<l •un P''~' nul UIJuill,_
.......
and hap11y.
It
~11!
r:.irw c.nc!
~~~ak. lhli
past .wvk unii: rrid~y, ••11••11 the
l~n nnuJJ~ ~~~~~~J!Ud. It w•~
UIW <Jf tmi;.• lltv~n llrillht .Sa,, iol
Jul~ -11\u N olhDI ;.la:l'o all ru.
c~~dull al
liillil u 1r;,'l:' il(
rrecirilalion, ·~t;tr<.linl!l<'l~·
NatiOnal ~',~athur St:r:vi,e, ML,.
hM, t.H Ill~! IIW ""-'111!~1 !uly
"'"-'· woth 11,1~ in~hc9 t>rroin
t'l.'t!l.lr~~o.l. Tn~ nid rvcunl WA~
II. l~. "'' in I ~.t.~. Nom1ol July
ruim'lllll• ~.K'J 1Mi'K'll.l
Thu ·~l111iiJy;~~rm~
11100~
~¥tlnJ.~ an: 5i mihu· l~, *!~.wnul
·
o(t~Citlfl! t.Jf~rth::, <1 I:QJ11.JII~Llft in
~>•lll•h f"':O~I~ 1~nL11u "'" ''"'~
ur,~rg~u~ un.lt:IMC J•'!lr~~lii·J
lhlriP&Ih~ ~'\1l~. tn~ ,..iRI~r
n1an1h.. "i1i ~nh O''Kl~~. ~
~linic-,11 101:i~l wQrkvr ~~ Mut>.lrl
YtlunB (,'~nl~ r ror t;'t;trntTI~ftll~
M••olol H"~ll~. lto.;k l•t.lnd.
L1~hl \h&:rUf'l"· wM!.jh nduu~,
~unalllne, ~tln•uluu.'llli!IIJ\' ~lldnt•
~~ot'r~ "'" ~l·
nlllh' tnlilmlafiuft th.all
r•'llll ••r h•"llr from lht
m~'ll•~." R,w;\ l'll~nJ C'ounly
~~~~ an)
~~ohal ~·~
()<.om,\o:I"Jtl~ l'till!niiiiL~ 11\t!ttllftrr
ll~l•n ll~ii~n,j,.ul.
C'omNo:~n
\!'-.Jfltinut:
lOOV etrecl Oft lh• WD~ Wll ro:<"l,"
1311' l'rili;l)
IIIR>IIinc h116 a Ytl')'
IM
"'' In rush•..li'rt•n-1toac~of('linllo>n''·
a !hay by
to1~~1h ,11· ~
imrr~>v~~. 1~v IIIli! Q\:10'1"1~
Wl/l!h, wh••n il w•~ r.1i n~ anLl
lh:•lon•l
ht...:n riMIIna'
•loom~. l .ktlnn~ly 11a1·• 11\~ll
!h~ viTI"<~I '·"' rolk5 her~.··
Vf.lUr
rn.:l,;t;l'ti4.lf'1 i•
titn~ .:tuhl''"" hlwy -
m3kc
tn l!.r'JI'UJ
"it will
~ou li.~lllentr,'' iht ~ill.
ror
Llft tL~ La t.'r\1111:, W11~.
lh~ ,.,,~lll!oll:t\1 Prcu I'CD~Jnc::d
1~a1 lhC ~clledulo h11
11W aal~. "On~ ~unn~ da~. ,....1-
pw'• "•vrall f~n~licnina ln~l
lll$!1111~,.
'"'ijl.J ah'l•·~ h•·~>· i'u•MI~y. I~II''C'
W,\lru.,;~a~ fn>m 1)~1 tnjll)n anll
11'01~ - !131ut"~l ·•up)Wn''Iiiii imrm.v~ m,"oC\d,
·
"Th~
•
C'hnh•n. lh~ ·\r~~""'' so••muu,
an•l liMe. a l'.S. wllatl.'lf (fUm
r~""''Ut.'tl. ll~.t <;~~<l tilt: caravan
th.:
'"'".1 tho telephono h~
~nn•t.rJnll)l &U M•.:k
hi""'' ('''''"" l'knliiC'!IIIW h~d.S•
-1u~nm '" l::ill M<lllllt.
''\\~ IIIII ..!lln'l illl\t II\)' l>an·
ncr.;,, ~IHII'n6. ''' ~n~thillj,'' •1\e
,,1111. "I' H'~LIIW \\ani• 1\UII\Inl
~n.ll·•lu"•
;t.•I.''
,~an
qn,J
'"~~~~rotr
d!it w~
�-1 ·••
r ••
_.,. _ _ _ _ , · -
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.hmi and they shawed up to be reassured- or
what, I'm not certain; perhaps that Clinton
didn't have two beads, or that if he did. he
wouldn't put an Army helmet on one of them
· and climb into a tank. . .. ·•. · , . ·
well into the. next . ·.' .
century.
.
· · · Very few or the spectators· seemed raady to
: ·.: 'Not.becau&e they'll . ·.
: lose tt, although they ..
• ·probably will It wU1 ·
: :b.aunt them because
: :,they'll be losing it .
·. · ·almost
..
. . bY default .
'
, run tmvuah a brick wall tor B1Il 1Cl.Snton, and
· ·not ~Y more looked ready to spend their .
spare ttme stumng envelopes and rtngtns
'doorbells for him.
. Baaed on what I saw Thursday I emi believe
· CUnton's
lead 1n the polls. I can also
believe
s~lest 29-point Jea4 1D
·
·
'•
d.:•;•!•J:~;&c;;,;,,,~.~;·i<.·.:\;,",.;!'1_.''\·;':~ ,·,:,?·,·. ~:;C/~,'~
.
see1~·!4 Uttle
.
Even
·,: :.'.: ·;·. •'':···~\
..
senutne'exoltemmt .,
.'
no spontane1ty .~1ther 'bt>!ore ,·. :! . ' This
'
.arcitluct
·· CUnton
.his appearance or during the ·. . · · succession of
··
· whole
.; speeches. Atte'mpts·to start ch~ts cUed after a · turnouts set
recorda f.br apathy;. ~· : , . . .
·;::~uple Q('.fllled l'ePf1:it1on.s.:
. . .. .
The point heridm't'stluply to raiii'en '. ,: . .
·,:;);iOne tnaiaht was pronded ·by sornethiris you
Clinton's plii'ade;· It~a a heck of a parade. His ···
· probably didn't see on TV: Alter waitina a long ,. caravan 1s·maldng people~~ that.he cares · .
-~>while for"Clinton to appear, many 1n the crowd ·.about tbem,'"satherhlg h\iae.S'Obs of, adoring · ·
.·beaan to leave the minute he wu 1ntrodliceci' .· . press coveraee. creatb\g the impr8asi~ of an .
,.They \V&re dep8rt1ng in droves, flve and six .,
unstoppable bandwqon. It ts·by any standard a
·g~~~h =·~:~~look, befo.re ~ .~~i=~C::~ pol1~ ~b,it..per~~~;~. · ·
·., .'I'bat ian't a reflection on his speech, which
But lt 1s not the reflection of unbridled .-·
was pretty decent, nor ts it unique 'behavior.
. grass.roots enthusiasm it's be:ins made out to
SOme people seem to tlUnk the best reason to
be. It is instead yet anotber indication that · .
. att.end an event ~to beat the crowd to the exits. ·Clinton's overridf.n;' strensth ts the weakness ot
,·:You see them leaving a bultetball same at the · his opponent.
· ,
. ·start of 9Vertime, or a football game with the
. On Nov. athat should be enough to set the .
.-·score tied and a minute to play. Besides, they
Job done. After Jan. 20 1t will not be, whi$ ·
··.coUld still hear Clinton as they walked away.
.means we'd an better hope there's moM to the
·..,::,But whUe you see it happening at football
·man and his candidacy than he's shown us thus
· and basketblll ~es. -y·ou don't see it among
far.
new
.
0
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treet wen::,~
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.
·-,
·ll a(Ced!Jr.
'!I' WedDerldlly. ,:,~
rqJect to~ : .
:
~taMsbetwem·
..
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rmda..
i was naarty .,:.,-,
1l.dal bJ my .
.
.. 'IIOl'e
.f
.
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fimded project .
.my. llril!iDil .
' l"ad Place.
!Jt aae-11a!f~
lao CIGStb'.
:.
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.......
allas Morning News- 1992
--Long Print
--·-·-----------------------------------------------------------------------Observers say Clinton, Gore have been picture perfect on
TV
In contramt, Sush appearances look plain
August B, 1'3'92
13A
Jthora
,d~x
Sec:tion1
NEWS
Editionl
HOME riNAL
Word Counta 1126
EO BARK Television Critic of The
Terms:
Dall~s
Morning News
ANALYSIS
e:r:i~ =
L~ture thi$.
ampaign~ the
With three months remaining in the presidential
Democrats are u•ing t~levision more effectively than
'~apubli~ans. Even Ronald Reagan'• former media maestro says the
L~~ Cl1nton-Al aore "bus-capade' has performed like a Cadillac on
tening newscasts.
·
'I think th•y
~rticularly
lct~ael
h~ve
taken a page out of the Republican book --
the Reagan book-- and 5een how successful it was,•
Deaver tc•ld CBS Evening News this week.
'lAnd
no"'' important
it
�In tne ·Hanas -Of Democrats
·Ann
.... JA..&--.....-
:EAtl UAIR£, tr11., A'-11- • -·- ·~
intcnUpr "F8JIIily l'eud' 111 lll'il!!l )W
~ aoor~.M
'" _
_...'Uia!dllll>-
""""'cn- elnled .,.._rs rJ! V.'J!;Iri-TV.
'llle CBS affiliate ill wt51"" W-In.
Was II a-t? WoJ It z. temado? A
..,..!Dr~ JJs> lho-Oval orr-?
·h -Gin. lllill 0 - " s 111ade-far·
111:ilo\._ 1u - · · ratlina f11m1 Inca!
Ollflllill -""" .., llllldil markf4- tile
~~~ vas ~ diu a llour late
&t!ltlna f111110 Ills hollrllD .. 9 A.M. rl!lly
F_.J.It.l pari: llil.AI Cnlislir, 'rlis..,ld
U.Ullld- ..... ,lle ..-frwm ll"iffg
l i • fo.- die- 91) ftlilalt£:5.
It - • 1:11! '"'" al .........,.,., anll
frimdly ~ llru na Pl'id C81111.·
mttdol- IIU!dl. 1111! Bill Oimfa>.
AIGIIRbusiWril;.inessena.,alree
-r<Oi&l,. .......... AI ~ry f1qJ
<IIIII in ' - " - C11112ll!ir rr.ra-da:r b-.,
kigugil:g wp lilt l.!im!tippi Riva".
'""' Detn<>tra1S -re
'lril!l
Jall!df OIII!Ciibtal lllld afusl Cl!»dU'&IW
.r--m
mdussialit J'11IOI1S frono oek.mo<l.
radiuiOll:lrt.e!iJIIOIII'IS!tdb&W.neGIF'alu..buli may a<:aJ lil<e •
llldla& ...,
IJirnwlladc,lut llemoaats Ujl' ll iS IIJt:
-..ollbtoflllllllfl! ill Pn!si4mlioJ Ulltpoli:Jis. 1\ Is IIIMt ~"' llu" die
Democrats court
the voters via
their TV stations
and papers.
I
I
�~
-·----~~~~~-----------------------------------------------------The Democrats
Clin'fon-,· on Bus· Tour, Puts
,.
t
•
New.Emphasii·on Co~rage
.'IJITitV.!N f,..IIOLM£1
ilpHIIIIOTllr_Y.... lt,...
MJNNI'.AI•OLIS. Aug. 7 -.UP ui n1.1w 1aeorl'l! ltullh," t:iclo · Doo .M~t-rs, 1~
In 111M rnn1palgn fill' Prcaldml, Gov. Bill Cllnlnn campaign's pl"l'&B suc:relll')'
CIII\IC>Il hAl II~ tile llUbllr'a yoamh11 'CIICI T!IUI'Idll)' IIIIIBkil' II metal -rile
ror ell& nRC! as a way of ac:arlnM political rllt"cory In Dawnpura, Iowa.
IIIJintR. Now, awaro thai 1~ ile.ll"C! tor
MI. Myers aclclcd: "Ccarge lluah Ia
chllng.c can 10motlmee be! OIIIWCIAIIed trylnA to makcthccampaiAnonl!that'a
by the fear of II, Mr. Clinton IS btljlttn nllnut whu do you trual. If 1\0 Wlnt& lo
atreM\ng a now tllamo: eouraal!.
tAlk abOUt cl\anae Itt's not very c:redl·
A• his elght•bua motorcade has blco 11nd Bill Clinton l.ltryilll to redefine
wound 115 W")' IIOIIA lhe-MIDIRBIJIIII tntMI."
'
,
. River rrom MfRIDUrlto Mlnneaota, Mr. Yt'l; na ho talll& ot clulnll" and or IlK!
Clinton ha8 CIIChOrted Crowds to hi VI! forllllldc' n~ Ia lllkO rlalca, Mr. Clll\o
tho torlltudo 111 ac~ &anaet and to ton 110vma to bt> pi'Citforlnll dual mill' ·
roal&l Rcpublf~n auemp!a to portrtl)' !lltlll!a: ani! far lar11o1y blar.k allcllcnees
him and hla runnlrll& mato, senator AI MCIIhC llthor fllr jlrcidomlnantl)' white ·
· OCI"e of 'ti!Dftl!llll!ll, 88 ''IWO )'Wnjl 11\IYS Ulltlll.
'
with su·anac ldC!as.''
"If 'AI Gore and Dill C11111on 10 Itt .
"ThiB COIIIIIty hiS bi!on III'CIUnd for Waiii\ICIAIDIIID tho Whllo HilUM, our job.
200 )loara bo~auao " ovory pivotal Ia ta craatt ·oprMWtunlty," Mr. Clinton
point· In our hlatoey, we havo had tht said nl Uaar · St. Loula HIP Sc:llaal.
c:aur&lll! totha!IAC,'' Mr. Clinton saki at "YOilr job Ia Ill· eomo up With lht! re11 tally 'In clclwntown Mlnlll'lapOIIa thAt apcmalbllltY to lit.!~ that opportunii'IJ
t~n&IC!II Ill& tllrCI!oclay bua 11111r In tho nnd nlalfa It wurk and ta find out exaC'I·
.UNK'I' Middle Wmil.
.
· ly how to 1111n In lh18Aiobftl ei:DIIClmY·"
'I lie! t11mmcn1 was I)'Piral of lhel
AI Mr. Clfntclil miMI,clup the Mlul•
-/~;:· tht'nlo thiiDc\moeratlc nllmlnct atruek •IPf'll valley, vlalllnR aman towna with
thr~r.1!1hoU1 his flvo•etalo 1011r. II II a m~erwhcllminaly wliller I!QI'Uiatlons, lie
tnma110 lltal has cr~poCI up In flll¥1! no hlllt of any cr 1110 kllldl ol
~-~ apooclios
In aoodotl~ Iowa dtfl!l like
Jtm t:J~•nn/llw Htw \'util T1Mtat
Bettcnclorr and Cedar Rlfllds, and at
,
........
...,.
,
~o~ar.!b1g
through a c:m¥d of mpportertl yesterday in ):.a Croase, Wle.
smltll~f.townallkc Elkader, l!(!llln! tho
candldaii!S apako to l!\lenlnS YilltOI'IltC!
lhe Claptrm C6unty Fair, With a corn
tl~lcl rlsinll on a hlllliohlnd them _. a,
batkdi'DJl.
.
.
But In mtaklna lhc ca" lor jlceeplln&
the! risk or !!hllnRO, Mr. Clinton seldom
tollll hla rrowd~t whaltho!IO tl&kl mljlht
~~-----------------------------·
..
l
on Sa,ys, 'Stl.·ck With Us_' ~~~~~~gnr.~~'·
Mr. (lore's lfOIIII w'os maYina l'DII'
who~ll llR nanlll ran lnlo thoile of ·Mr.
cltm,3n's·cntourasa. After a bit. or
~~:h•sed raring on, the Vloe-Prt:ll•
dCI'Itlal cl11eter gave WB)' to rho top~(
lhll 1ICkOI Ill Mr. Ciorc movl!d oft to
lhe 1ldt~, whoro h!! found hlm•olt
wod~ed between Abus 11nd aga~le of
cnn111raa.
·
•
~L!·IIIrned to a report or with a lock
at l'!'tloc:IIDfl·on hla faeo. "Did )1011
~vr.1• &t't' 'thlll W~d)l Allen ·rnovla
wMro there arc Ihen stx liLlY~
di'C~!it'd In black ~mlnil clown P
Slrt:r~l and they're carl'l(lng thl& auy
on .~ c:ros~; and 11\cy·re loolllng for a
Pllt'ltlnll apace? Tll6n, just as lhcy're
ba!,ltll'lll into a space, ,lht'BI! at• othor
~u)•1;· fn biiiCII careyinA a guy. on 11
rroi·l" ecm~ In from· behind and 111lce
th<t 1;1,1\ee. You rememhl!r that seano?
•"rhtit's what 11111 11 like ror·m11
&ornoliJnCS," Mr. Clore 1111ld.
Chla:ttlnc After Mklnl1ht
Ml'. Core Is aceuslomCd 10 • nice
niRi~~ ., all!l!p, bohljl In the ltl\bll · ol
HU"!~1InR In ro~:ulnrl)l' b)l 10 P.M. Mr.
Clhi!OIIIs 11 nl~tht parson, who enJoys
&111'(!:1111 up weliJ)II &I mldnll!hl playlna
ctmh anCI talking. ltspoclal)y llllklnR.
Mt'IVhtA at· Allclt~l calll.'d Jumar's
Cn~tlo In JktuendOrl, loWP. nft~•· mid·
nlpi1i Wc:dnc&CIIIY, Mr. Clinton und
Mr, ·::l:~ro both CICIIvtrcd pumfK!d·up
'·."ll~hoS 10 I ('t'ftWd or Dl II!USI D
,;nlid thllt hllld waul!d lor thom.
...·warl.l, aa ls· oxpcr.ll!d of tl14!m,
llul h men worllcd lh<!lr wo)l olon" thto
od~1t&
ttl the erawd, !ihulilng hand&
unr.l lulklnl&. Mr. Gore dtd n c:~ttdlble
juh, o;~ullln11 in ll· h11nclrod ur !ID hunda
pn nne slde of tho C:fOWd, wllfll' Mr.
Cllr•~on .worked thll other.
Wi:lcn 11111iU111 I~ hundred ot thaa11
cl~n&orl~~,~t fnr thC! COIICiiclmoa hod
llll(!l'l urknowladlll'll, Mr. Garl! mudc
hiS \~II~ ID lhP. frlllll d110r, And ~. II
WB&
~" IMn
If lln'l/,
!18Crltic:aa ti_WY
. Gain, but No Pain
l'lf'llrljl I A.M .. 1\00ut
lndC'I'CI, rXr.l!lll rnr htMnpPilBI'tlnta AI
twenty hours· after thl! l>~mn~rntR " hlflh Hchnol In Halt St. I.DIIIs, Ill.,
· hall &tllrttd tllrtt• bus II'%
wht-l'r he! told an Pll·blac:k audillllee
Mr. Clinton k~pt.on. Moving from lh:lltllo pcl!lr would havo ta shoulder a -~....., Hnllllll~
per&On to parson, 1\1111:18 cec.h hand ·moasprc or rC!Bp011albllllp tor aliCVIII\•
IIIII wasstretc:llod Out, 1\fl W~lk~d In a ln.: their own pllAitl, Mr. Clll'lton 'did
.Uny ~l.ot.JI&III.Jrl&de by.tho.Ciosh· ·JUt~ -but. 'l"'llmlao a $l01Cim 1utlll"'!
light ar thl! soc ret SOI'Yitn(lcnt at hi» ltthlcvcd WllhWI pa111.
ba•'". .
&1clc. He had alread)ltouc:hod at ICII&I
1'hc Rhlfl 111 Mr. Clinton''
IIJI' _.::;"~-~-~~._,
two or t~rllO hundred hands and the ptolll~ermsto bo an anompltO eoutlter .. aeu.· .: ,
. Atilt. .
limo waa II:OIIInll on l!l 1:1!1 whl!tl a thoR\IfiUblh,:unbal'l'D&GihRlliPIIInllnt~ ·
·, ... ··
111
)'Ot.tnR man stoppl!d him Willi a qiiCR• th!• Dcntocrallc llekct oa ot heat un•
··
'
,...., . ·
•Nfw"'"'"'-
worst u diRJiui~inu lradl· The ClintCtn.Qore. busea traveled
liunal DomOC'rtUic "\All Ancf spand" from St. l.Ctula to Mlftneapolil.
pra.11ram tx>hlnd the oratory of cblnae. _ _..._.·.......- .
"Our opponent• . in this rar.a, you
.
,• .
know what thto)l'rc aotna to HY," Mr. ~~~c·l'lfk:t>~~ or llhll'll! ·1n attlludel lha.t
C:lilltCII'I ltllld at a momtna nlly on I~ would bo aalwd ur lhoat' YOttora.
·
.
·
. ,, bnnk• of till! Rtat!k IUvor, a tributary Of
He hn& told crowd& In thla primarily
11
11
• "Did YOII knnw that .omeottt! " thD Ml&&fa<mlln l.a CI'ONI!. "Timy'ro aArlcultural l'l!lllan 111111 he! doos not
'11° 11 wlllln all prubllblllly chanae 11'1~& aoin1110 lllly·eunton and Gore arc rilok· nuppon eunlnA fllrm sub•ldll!l, UlllciJ
llllll\1 tlmllf In 11 lifetime? -T!illts ICR'IhO)''rtojust·twoyounsrollowawtth tile n111lon'1 majlll' tradlllft partners
. 11ghc. eight tlml!a · · · What \\'C! nl!l!d 111 11 tOt Of lllrllllll! ldoaa nnd thO)' can alRIIrt!dut:c thnlrs. Aftor 11511111 1 mama prl.l•ram wbtt"e )'<IURII people l1ke mnkl! lhlnJ:II W<lrat~."
'
bor of '*Illy proaramllhat would help
yo\t~an so to collc_ge! lln)'li!'dll wtmta
Pl't!&ldont 111111h, In ~ampaiRJI eom· ~'lrlcllo-rlallll ranlllles, lncludlnAtho ea.
111111hrlcel for admiSSIOn '"' 110 to l'tll· · m~rrlala that bo11an this WC!Ok and In tabllllllmvnt or It plan 10 Pti!VICIO baste
lege, and PRY back tho tui!IDn by puhllt! apJH!nrant:C!8In New York, COlo- hl!llllh ln1111rant11!, Mr. CUntDII 11ld ho
romlng bark hcrl!, to ll!!ttPndcrl, !lnd rudu !lprfnRtllnd at a proaa confol\'>nCO w011ld JJIIY for th!!m b)l rutnlnt In 11\fl
wcl'klnll foi'IWD )'l!nrg non ~Ut•l!mnn In wn~hlnnton tndny, h"a mounted an nnllon'n hl!ttlllwnrv l'DRI&, lnc111aaln11
nt• n IMcller · • • WI! nllt'd a Secrl!tary ·11ffl'noivc. 11fllii11MI lh~ n!lllon of thAnAe 111111'11 on tho Yl'l')' rlrh,llhlhlll!lii'KIIIIl)l
(or A&;rtrulture ...nnt a Deportment or rur liM uwn Hnkco. In hlti com111erctal, tl'lr from tho mllllllr)l budpl and rvdutlna
Allrteullul'l! • ••
. ,, ·
l'~~itll'lll siRrl'll lntt~nll)l lnlll thO ea"" lhe·Flldcral work IDI'l't' b)l 100.000 pogo
An aid~: taPrw<l 111' rii!Qulder. Plen· ri'H unci ~IIYK Ito UJirl'ltM thulci!RiiJIO II plf! thl'lllltlh attrlllon.
ly of folk& ovrt htlt;r wt'lrl want to MOe "''"'liHRJ)I but nelil~. "(:llllnll" muat bo .WIIM pslced what chllnlll!ll a Cllntcn
)IOU too, Ocwrmur. .
f'rc-kll!llc•y mtllltt allk YOtCrllto RfC'C!PI,
11uldNI hy plinrlplc.,.,"
Twunt)l hundsm· &o lnlur," mld&lll!•
'l'n!luy,_ Mr. llu•h llllhlt!lui·Pfler.t!tr M~. M)ltl'll mrnUunrcl wr.lfare rcfCir.n,
1111rd man ll&kod Mr. Clinton what Ml'publlrnn
Nlltlonat
Convl!!lllnn Wllrn nllkC'II whllt riSC!, •he meniiDI!l'll
IKirl of Ruaphonl! hvplaytd.
"ynu'rv JlllinR 111 ~ hnJ'tl·hllilnll Ill• nti'PC•I'IItlcll'l•' brfnA aakocl to fillY top
Th~ cRntli~l,_tc fll\lnd 1111a an conlll''~ uirks thuc ul't' MUlliS! to rntrty dctloo hla C'llt'C•UIIVI'• 11'11~ mCIM)', IIOI'mll' hl.>lna
ly rtilaUnllbic- mqulr~."! qLiilrctr f'UI Jlll!llllonN."
· ""'"" 10 lt«'Pmo mure ln¥lllllf'clluthelr
ont'
In thehomotnlnll·
I l't' 1101 11 1!1~5 , At·•••'II
hill l'C!C'I'nl
rhllctl'('l'l'•
C!lllll!lllk•n And ICIIC'IIC'rs' 114"' •
S!!lmun,"
&nld.
.,..a Ill M•• • ...·~t~ccm
, "
~
·
.
"l'vo 1101 a Mo1•k G" Hnld tho nllwr ~ommcntN 111'1' noc l'lf'W, bul thi!'IJ DC· IIIII u~llrd "' tnkl' C'PmfiC'IMC1' Clltftmlo
m11 n
'
I koowtl!tl~:co lhnl he IR omjlhlc•lahllllhe nntlonN, thmljlh 11110 qulrk!Y ncldt<llat
M;..'CIInton J'lutaMito c·Cinsi~C'I' thul. mosJ;Aav mart' torcerully un hi• bu• r.;tr. (~Unum waM M1ndvnrat11111 thalllll
"Mar~ o i& bctlli:lr," lit: 5nld. "Thl! urur.
{•IIVrmmc-ntul 11011<'?'·
, .
Scolmnn ~!l'a llt'l' nrtunll,v lll•ltrr .ln.
"C!Inn11o ro(JIIIrH !lOme riHk ancl lndt'C!II, ~~~Y~ fill W~lflltt' l'fl~rm,
Ylrumcnla, hut Ihoy t:t't ntll ofndjliKI· I thCrt'lcn'llll Ia Nllmcowltlll llllt'tll!r In volo ~~:!~:::!~ 1!~~:,"1\1' II~IMI htvtlvrtl
1 •- ·
mcnt Ino r.oRIIy.''
· ·
1fnr 11111 clinton limn It IR to \ltllr. ror
lion about jobund ti.IIICIIC.
. Tho qllo&llon hll aome buttull in the
eandldute's mind, ancl for the ncllt
seven mtnuloa tha youth staoll tM.ro
na Mr. Clinton lhl'l!w ch11nk DfiOt'
chunk of stump lfiCCC'h At hill\.
t rlcd and 11
I
I
��/
··· ..,
't•"l
., ....... -
...
'
.. _
..... ,.... ~ ..
~
, •• ,,. . . . . . . .
.·
t
........... .
..
....
,
··Victim's family tra~ed do)vn suspect in seriai
YF
�··· ...
�...
--~
......
-
�...... _.-.- .... ..
-';,
--~-
-----
And, contrary to White House statements issued after the contYoversy
'rupted, Ms. Matalin said she hadn't apologized for the remarks-.n1:i didn't plan to.
intcn spokeswoman Avis La-Velle said the campaign was not
prised. »I think it's very clear.that this is a good-cop, bad-cop
outine, and the bad cop isn't sc•rry,' Ms. La-Velle said. "We could
ell from the tone of the apology (earlier in the week) that it was
nly half-hearted.'
~'
ME. Matalin made her comments
f nagativ~ attacks.
as the candidates accused mach other
A·b a Yally in LaCrosse, Wis., Mr. Clinton said: 11 They•re going to do
hm same old thing they always do, but let me tell you something: At
h~ and of the day, there'll be some things that none of this
egativa Yhetoric can erase -- they can't run on their record, and
h~y don't have a plan for America's future.'
Mr. Bush told reporters at the Whits House that 11 aftar being
oundad and pounded for nine months by my principles baing illefinad and what I stand for being ill-defined, you're going to see
ome hard-hitting attacks which are going to fairly define his
oaitions. And that's what you should look for.'
what he thought was unfair about Ms. Matalin's memo, Mr. Bush
11
1 already said that ! want to keep this campaign out of the
l~a2e business, and in-~mmuch as some interpreted the re-play of
linton's campaign manager's words as sleaze, I don't want any part
A~kad
epl :i.ed,
-~·.~hat.'
Clinton and running mate.Al Go,a campaigned through Wisconsin
,d Minnesota on friday, winding up a thraa-day bus tour in
inneapol is. Along the mostly \"ural route, people waited for the
Js~s in a steady rain. CYowds ranged from several hundred to a few
,ousand, and the campaign made~ number of unscheduled stops to.
~r.
"Gi~l!t
-t
votel"Se
Osseo, Wis., a small farming town of 1,500, several hundred
'ople were gathered at the local farm implement store. Some had
aitad more than two hours for the bus ca~avan, Which fell further
!hind schedule as the day wo~~ on.
ro rallies along the bus route friday, Mr. Clinton predicted that
1e Bush campaign will try to scare voters into opposing Pamocrats
, i!!t fall.
Dee Myers, Mr. Clinton's spokeswoman, conceded that tha emphasis
Ln part was in response to Mr. Bush's stepped-up attack in recent
'~e
i\)."\1.
'1''hey' ra going to sc:aYe people, and thay' Ye going to tl"y to craate
atm•;:,sphere of fear,• she saidv 11 It's what they did in 19SS.
• ••
l
;'m going to be a choice between hope and fear • . • and usually it'
!&sier to vote your fears than your hopes.•
~~.
to
11
Matal1n said she had been deluged with calls from Republicans
care that I hit the mark' with the memo.
•our offica was deluged with
c~lls from all over the country and not
one of them talked about bimbos. They talked about Democratic
fpacrites,• she said.
�The Boston Globe, August 7, 1992
August
7, 1992, Friday, City Edition
SECTION: OP-ED; Pg. 15
LENGTH: 297 words
HEADLINE: ROADSIDE ATTRACTIONS;
CAMPAIGN COUNTDOWN
BYLINE: By Michael Kenney, Globe Staff
BODY:
The day before yesterday, the "On The Road • • • To Change America" bus tour
stopped along the Mississippi River where a bridge was under construction, and
Bill Clinton spoke about using d~fense sav~ngs - the old "peace dividend" - to
restore the country's infrastructure.
It was not a particularly extraordinary message. Economists who are not hung
up on the federal deficit argue that the fastest way to end the recession is to
create jobs and the best way to do that is through public works programs building roads and bridges, water systems and sewage treatment plants.
But the real message, to paraphrase Marshall McLuhan, was the medium - the
bus tour making a roadside stop in small-town Iowa.
Nothing could have changed the pitch of the Democratic campaign more sharply
than the bus tour. Rolling out of New York City three weeks ago, it left the
National Convention with its staged enthusiasm and its conspicuous consumption
far behind.
And it brought the campaign to where it should be - to where real people live
and work, or struggle and look for work. The infrastructure-building comments
made good sense out there.
And even the foreign policy remarks - the suggestion that air strikes on
Serbian strongholds may be needed to end "the mass, deliberate, systematic
extermination" of civilians - made sense. Delivered in the gymnasium of the
East St. Louis High School - whose graduates could be making those air strikes the remarks had more of an impact than if they had been delivered in the usual
setting, a Washington press conference surrounded by foreign policy aides and
academic experts.
for
I would rather stay home than take a bus trip through Missouri and Iowa. But
Clinton and Gore it is a powerful symbol of a campaign on the move.
�The New York Times, August 7, 1992
Democrat's Road Tour: Selling the Ticket
Retail
FOCUS
BYLINE: By MICHAEL KELLY, Special to The New York Times
DATELINE: CEDAR RAPIDS, Iowa, Aug. 6
BODY:
This is not the way Presidential nominees are supposed to campaign.
The general election race between the Republican and the Democratic
candidates is supposed to be a matter of what the people in the business call
wholesale politics: big-scale, highly structured events scripted to be fitted
neatly into a thematic scheme geared toward the national television audience.
Retail politics, where the candidate goes out in less-controlled
appearances to meet the public in closer circumstances and by more random
chance, is supposed to end with the early primary contests of Iowa and New
Hampshire.
Into the Countryside
FOCUS
But in a year where cliches of politics are proving even more clearly wrong
than usual, another has been quietly scrapped by the Democratic ticket of Gov.
Bill Clinton and Senator Al Gore. They have resurrected retail politics in the
wholesale season, and so far it has proved successful.
In their first bus trip after the Democratic nominating convention, the two
candidates and their wives traveled through eight states; in the current
three-day trip from Missouri to Minnesota, they will cover five more. Similar
trips are under discussion. So far, each day has followed the same pattern.
In the mornings, the candidates, neither of whom shine much before
mid-afternoon, lumber through "town meetings," in which they take dozens of
questions from voters of various stripes. In the afternoon there is generally a
rally or two. These things are routine, no different really from the appearances
of Michael S. Dukakis or Dan Quayle or anyone else.
The difference comes in between these routine stops, when Mr. Clinton and Mr.
Gore do not take a jet to the next stop but board that humblest form of mass
transit, the bus. They then drive slowly along back roads, through places where
Presidential candidates hardly ever go.
FOCUS
In every town, and sometimes just at odd spots along the road, people stand
and wave and cheer (some give thumbs-down signs, or even more emphatic signs of
disapproval, but they are very few so far).
Whenever there are more than a few hundred people gathered in one place, the
entourage comes to a gear-grinding halt, and Mr. Clinton and Mr. Gore go out and
work the lines, greeting and touching and smiling and talking to people who
waited hours for them in lines five and 10 deep, and who literally chased the
men at times in their desire for touches or words or autographs.
Reach Out and Touch
When the Democrats traveled and campaigned from 6 A.M. Wednesday to 1 A.M.
today, the buses stopped seven times by the side of the road. Mr. Clinton, whose
motto seems to be Leave No Hand Ungrasped, must have, by conservative estimate,
touched 3,000 people.
If Mr. Clinton keeps up his current pace, he will, by Election Day, have made
physical contact with nearly as many voters -- 118,550 -- as made up the margin
of victory for John F. Kennedy over Richard M. Nixon in 1960.
�LEVEL 1 - 61 OF 993 STORIES
Copyright 1992 Globe Newspaper Company
The Boston Globe
August
7, 1992, Friday, City Edition
SECTION: OP-ED; Pg. 15
LENGTH: 356 words
HEADLINE: On the bus;
CAMPAIGN COUNTDOWN
BYLINE: COMPILED BY MARJORIE PRITCHARD
KEYWORD: US POLITIC CAMPAIGN
BODY:
When Gov. Clinton and Al Gore made an unscheduled stop in Bettendorf,
Iowa, the other night, they were greeted by more than 3,000 people. Gore said
the crowds along their road trip are unexpected and spontaneous. So is it mere
coincidence that a row of toilets were set up in Bettendorf?
With the rap singer TRQ performing at the Republican National Convention, the
GOP has found a singer who gushes the party platform. TRQ is Steve Gooden of
Washington. He lectures on self-reliance and preaches the evils of sex without
marriage. He plans to perform "We Are Americans," a response to Ice-T's "Cop
Killer."
FOCAL POINT The Money Managers Following the flow
Money is flowing by the millions in and out of the Bush and Clinton camps,
and the task of keeping track of it is immense. The Associated Press recently
followed the task of accountants and technicians who document the money flow.
Here are some of its discoveries: The Bush-Quayle campaign employs 49 people to
keep tabs on the money, including five full-time lawyers and four computer
specialists. The Clinton -Gore ticket has 15 people.
Down to the penny
It's a headache, but every cent must be accounted for - a daunting task when
one considers that during the primary campaign, Bush spent $ 26 million and
Clinton spent$ 28 million. In June, the Clinton campaign received$ 4.7
million and spent $ 4.1 million. It reported in an item-by-item list that it had
spent exactly$ 4,149,796.
�NY Times
There are two calculations at work here, both well understood within the
Clinton campaign. On one level the campaign does put real stock in the
candidate's ability to charm anyone who comes within range of his apparently
bottomless enthusiasm for talking to voters. In New Hampshire, they say,
post-primary polling suggested that Mt. Clinton won the votes of 80 percent of
those who actuallyrmet him.
In addition, and more important, the campaign knows that from each passing
visit with each roadside crowd it derives a benefit far out of proportion to the
number of voters present.
Winning OVer the Media
In this sense, what the Clinton bus tour is up to is not retail politics
at all but wholesale, wrapped in the bright and pleasing package of retail.
Typically, the Clinton campaign press corps numbers between 30 and 40
journalists., The Gore corps has only about 10 full-time members. But the
combined press corps for each of the two bus trips has so far been between 140
and 160.
The press is drawn in part by matters of economy; it is a great deal cheaper
to travel with a candidate by bus than by plane. But it is also drawn by -- and
impressed by -- the same thing that draws and impresses the farmers in bib
overalls and the housewives in Bermuda shorts who stand with the signs "Welcome
Bill and Al": the novelty of seeing a Presidential candidate wandering leisurely
along country roads.
Isolated on buses, exposed to mile after mile and hour after hour of cheering
Clinton supporters, even the national reporters tend to respond with positive
stories. The local press is far more enthusiastic. Each county the buses roll
through is good for glowing reports on the local television and radio stations
and headlines like the one that greeted Mt. Clinton in The Quad-City Times this
morning: "Hello, Bill."
Most of Mt. Clinton's encounters with the people who wait for him are
fleeting and prosaic, but there is something about the moment of actual touch
that sometimes transcends even mass politics.
In Canton, Mo., 19-year-old Cher Gross stopped Mt. Clinton with the question,
"Mt. President, may I kiss your cheek?" , of course," Mr. Clinton said after the
slightest of pauses. Then he hugged her as she stood on tip-toe to buss him.
One Family's Story
In the Mississippi River town of Muscatine, Iowa, where hundreds of people
stopped the buses at 10:30 P.M., and where Mr. Clinton and Mr. Gore shook, it
seemed, every hand at least twice, there was a scene of odd and poignant
intimacy caught in the artificial whiteness of the cameras' lights.
As her neighbors stood around her holding candles and listening in silence,
Jeanette Honts told Mr. Clinton the story of how her husband-- "a good man,"
she said -- lost his job at the Thatcher Tubes Company plastics factory, and how
he had not been able to find another for five months now.
As she told of sending out 25 resumes a day, and of the six children at home,
she nearly wept, and the candidate, caught with her in the pool of light, held
both her hands in his and told her she was a brave person for waiting so long
and for comi~g forward to tell him her story.
"I would have waited all night," she said.
GRAPHIC: Photo: Senator Al Gore and Gov. Bill Clinton speaking with a worker at
Nichols Home Shield, an aluminum siding company in Davenport, Iowa. (Agence
France-Presse)
�The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour, August 10, 1992
MR. MAC NEIL: Still ahead on the NewsHour, the
Jimmy Carter on race relations.
FOCUS -
Clinton -Gore bus tour and
CLINTON/ GORE - BUS STOP
MR. MAC NEIL: Next, the Clinton -Gore bus trip as seen by people along the
way. Last week, the Democratic nominees spent three days traveling up the
Mississippi from St. Louis to the twin cities. Correspondent Elizabeth Brackett reports
on how some voters from two river towns reacted to the
candidates and their message.
MS. BRACKETT: The Clinton -Gore bus caravan made its way slowly through the
heartland last week, slowly because Bill Clinton couldn't resist the crowds
that gathered along the way. Even ten or twelve people waiting along the road
side brought the candidate out of the bus. The result, 18 hours days and blown
schedules, but thousands of voters got to see the candidate up close. In Cedar
Rapids, Iowa, Clinton brought out the crowds at a rally at the Quaker Oats
Plant.
BILL
CLINTON:
We could solve the problems of this country.
MS. BRACKETT: In an impromptu stop in Central City, Iowa,
to problems on the farm.
Clinton
reacted
BILL CLINTON: The average farmer in America today is 58-years- old. There
are almost no young people who are in farming.
MS. BRACKETT: Even in small towns like Strawberry Point, Iowa, several
thousand people waited for hours to catch a glimpse of the candidate. As the
buses headed North along the Iowa-Wisconsin border, frantic preparations were
being made at each of the upcoming stops. In National, Iowa, a five men Clinton advance
team had been in town for a week working to make their stop a spontaneous success.
PHIL SPECHT, Clayton County Democratic Chairman: These guys, the advance team
here is a bunch of real professionals.
MS. BRACKETT: The first decision, pick the backdrop, where would the
candidate look good for the cameras as he talked to the crowd? The advance team
thought they had the perfect spot. Build the platform in front of acres of Iowa
corn glinting in the sunshine. The Democratic County Chairman had another
concern. He wanted to make sure Clinton would talk about farm policy standing
in front of all that corn.
PHIL SPECHT: As soon as I knew that I was in contact with people that were
going to actually come and address farm policy
MS. BRACKETT: What did you tell them?
PHIL SPECHT: That this is important, it hasn't been done, that there was
concern at the convention that the platform didn't address agriculture
sufficiently, and that the administration hasn't done it, and this is an opportunity for
them politically and a necessity for the country to get some leadership on agriculture
policy.
MS. BRACKETT: So you've got a lot riding on this visit tomorrow.
PHIL SPECHT: You betcha.
MS. BRACKETT: The corn, scheduled to provide the dramatic rural backdrop,
belongs to farmer Gary Burrack, ironically a registered Republican.
MS. BRACKETT: Is that Republican corn or Democratic corn?
GARY BURRACK, Farmer: Oh, Republican.
�MS. BRACKETT: Burrack said he might listen to Clinton
because of his concern about the area's farm economy.
anyway, primarily
GARY BURRACK: I need a decent price for our product so we can survive, keep
farming, and I guess that would be the main thing. If we'd get a good price for
our product, everybody would be happy.
MS. BRACKETT: People here in the little river towns and farm lands along the
Mississippi in Iowa and Wisconsin pay a lot of attention to national politics.
In the last Presidential election, voter turnout here in Clayton County, Iowa,
was 83 percent. Michael Dukakis .won the county, but just barely. When asked to
identify their party preference, voters here split evenly between Republicans,
Democrats and independents. It is those Republican and independent voters that
the Clinton campaign hoped would respond to the message of change. And for
those planning to hear him at the Clinton County Fairgrounds, that message did
have some impact. Mary Jo Pirc and her family have run the hardware store in
Marquette, Iowa, for the past 50 years. She's voted Republican the past seven
Presidential elections, but she is now considering Clinton and Gore.
MS. BRACKETT: Does it surprise you about yourself, that your considering a
Democrat so strongly now?
MARY JO PIRC, Store Owner: Yes, it does, because I'm a registered Republican,
but I may vote the Democratic ticket this time. I'm still on the fence and I've
really fallen off the fence a little bit and tonight's going to be a deciding
issue. I'm kind of excited about going to the meeting tomorrow night and seeing
what comes up.
MS. BRACKETT: For Brenda Meyer, a nurse at the hospital in Prairie Duchenne,
Wisconsin, health care is the primary issue.
BRENDA MEYER, Nurse: I know that Clinton is going for national health care
and I'm not real sure that's an answer. But I'll listen to him with an open mind
and see what he has to say and then, you know, just be stronger on the issues
that he doesn't want to touch on, he has to be stronger on and possibly will be
what I want to hear.
MS. BRACKETT: Fellow nurse Judy Bebow is also concerned about health care,
but she is more concerned about where her son will find a job.
JUDY BEBOW, Nurse: I have a son who's a college graduate and is laid off
right now and having a hard time finding a position. He's a business major.
There are many of them around. But he's looking for a job and that's a problem.
I don't know how much it is Bush's problem, but I think there should be some way
that they can find positions for these young people. Maybe they should just have
them work for the country for a couple of years.
MS. BRACKETT: Virgil Wessel's family has owned this land just West of the
Mississippi since his grandfather came from Germany in the 1860s. Wessel knows
farming and he wanted Bill Clinton to understand that.
VIRGIL WESSEL, Farmer: Bill Clinton should say now I'm not a farmer, you
guys are the farmers, I want you to tell me what's best, take that attitude.
Don't come out and say, I know the answers, here's what I'm going to do. Say, I
want to listen to you.
MS. BRACKETT: It wasn't so much what Bill Clinton said that had excited car
dealer Fred Huebsch. It was just the idea that he was coming to town.
FRED HUEBSCH, Auto Dealer: I think it's tremendous. That is really something.
I guess that is one of the reasons that I like that ticket, because they're
youthful and they've got the energy and stamina to do this type of thing. And
it's really tremendous to see them in the small towns.
SCOTT GORDON, Teacher: I'm kind of caught up in the excitement of a candidate
coming. Certainly I'm going to be listening to what he has to say. What I'm most
�interested in seeing is the debate, the Presidential debate. That to me is the
key, not the campaign literature and even the speeches, the campaign speeches.
I'm more interested in the debate to see how that goes.
MS. BRACKETT: Teacher Scott Gordon says what he wanted to hear in the debate
is what Clinton will do about education, but he did plan to get in on the
hoopla when Clinton came to .town that night. The crowd at the fairgrounds
began to build an hour and a half before the scheduled 6:20 PM arrival. But the
motorcade was still making unscheduled stops as the sun began to fade from view.
Back at the fairgrounds, the advance team's frustration grew as their carefully
choreographed shot was disappearing, along with the sun. Finally, three hours
late and in the pitch black, Clinton/ Gore met the voters at the Clayton County
fairgrounds. Clinton did apologize for being late.
BILL CLINTON: In some of these little places, there were more people
waiting for us than lived in the town and I thought we ought to stop and shake
their hand and tell them we were proud to be in Iowa. [applause] I'm telling
you, we can make a lot more money out of agriculture in this country, and keep a
lot more family farmers on the farm if you've got somebody who believes you
ought to have a fair return on your effort, somebody that thinks there ought to
be fair trade and expanded trade, someone who thinks there ought to be value
added to agricultural products, and somebody who won't put the farmers in rural
America in the back seat in America, and I won't. It means if you're a farmer,
I'll give you a secretary for agriculture and I won't let agriculture policy be
run by the State Department and the Office of Management & Budget. It means that
we won't fool around for nine months to wait to lift the pork embargo on the
Soviet Union. It means that we will try to add value to agricultural products
here at home. I want so badly to do that. I want to see ethanol developed. I
want to see soy bean ink. I come from a big soybean growing state, myself.
MS. BRACKETT: This was promoted as a major ag speech. Did you feel like he
met that expectation?
VIRGIL WESSEL: I do feel that he missed pinpointing on what, on what could be
done, or what his plans were for improving the image of agriculture and the
prosperity of agriculture. And I don't know what his plans could have been to
improve them, because I don't know what I'd do if I was in his -- it all depends
on so many factors that are really uncontrollable back here. It's a worldwide
market and that's what he's going to have to deal with.
BILL CLINTON: I want you to give us a chance to do some real specific
things. I want you to give us a chance to end trickle down economics and
substitute for it people first economics. And let me tell you what that means.
It means that we ought to give our business people more incentives to start new
businesses, more incentives to invest in new plant, new equipment to put
Americans here to work at home, but no more incentives to shut our plants down
and move 'em overseas or to cut quick deals and make a fast buck, incentives for
jobs in America.
MS. BRACKETT: What about the economy? Now he had some pretty specific
suggestions about the economy. What do you think about that? Judy.
JUDY BEBOW: Well, he again was rather vague. I think
exactly how he's going to develop all these jobs. Is he
Roosevelt did and create a lot of jobs to help America,
was just so vague that I can't imagine that -- well, he
that he needs to tell us
going to go in like
or is he -- he really
just wasn't specific.
SCOTT GORDON: I wasn't concerned at all with his lack of specifics. I mean,
that's just the nature of a campaign speech. I was just really impressed. What
impresses me the most and I think brings him close to the Iowa people is his
background, from Arkansas, a rural state, agricultural. And I think he will be a
friend of the farmer when he gets to the White House.
BILL CLINTON: If you will vote for Al Gore and Bill Clinton and if you
will give us the support we need in the Congress, we will join these other
countries, we will control health care costs and provide a basic package of
health care to all Americans. Every serious doctor you talk to says we spent
�enough money on health care, we're spending it on the wrong thing. It is
scandalous how much we're wasting and how many people don't have the health care
we need.
BRENDA MEYER: He says he wants a basic health plan. Who's going to implement
that? Is the u.s. government going to control it, you know, and say this and
this person can have this and this, or is it still going to stay with the
private insurance agents, and they're going to implement it and control it?
FRED HUEBSCH: We've all talked about the fact he didn't get into specifics,
but I thought he did a very dynamic job of presenting his ideas and it was very
-- he got a lot of crowd enthusiasm and a lot of crowd reaction, and it was very
well done as a speech, I thought.
MS. BRACKETT: I don't think any of you voted for the Democratic candidate in
the last election. So how much will this campaign appearance tonight have an
effect when you vote in November?
BRENDA MEYER: I'll give him a chance and listen, but right now, yes, I'm
still swayed towards Bush.
WOMAN: I'm still on that teeter totter and I'm waiting to see what Bush and
Quayle have got to come up with, but they're going to have to come up with
something and these men are standing for change and I think we definitely need a
change in this country somehow, somewhere, because the last four years have not
been good.
BILL
CLINTON:
Give us a chance --
MS. BRACKETT: So the Clinton/ Gore message of change did resonate with some
of the voters here. The candidate could claim a few new supporters, while others
were sticking resolutely to their Republic~n roots. Still, the Clinton advance
team could consider the fairgrounds stop a success. But it would have been
better with the shots of the corn.
�National Public Radio, August 9, 1992
August
9, 1992, Sunday
LENGTH: 1196 words
HEADLINE: POLITICAL SYMBOLISM AND DECIPHERING TRUTH
BODY:
Liane Hansen, host:
Marshall Blonsky studies the signs of our times. He is a semiotician. He has a
new book out called "American Mythologies," which is published by Oxford
University Press. He joins us from New York. Good morning.
Marshall Blonsky (Author): Good morning.
Hansen: Presidential candidates, first of all, are standard bearers of their
party. What are the symbols that each is carrying? Can we start with the
Republicans first? What have you seen?
Blonsky: What I've seen is a kind of scramble for symbolism with a president
very clearly on the, shall we say, moral defensive. Take one example, Bosnia.
The president's the guy with his finger on the buttons and he isn't doing
anything, and he can say what he wants: the difficulty of, you know,
Beirutization is that, that, that, that, that, but the imagine that's being
created is of a, shall we say, laissez-faire president. This is the amusing
thing. It is George Bush that manipulated into prominence the phrase 'new world
order,' and it's therefore George Bush around whom that phrase hangs as it were
like an albatross.
Hansen: The word new also comes up in Governor Clinton's rhetoric. He used
the word new when he described the new covenant when we're talking about
domestic policy. Is that a sign as well?
Blonsky: I--it certainly is. Both 'new' and 'covenant'--'covenant', of
course--listen to it--is not only social contract but Mosaic, shall we say; it
has religious connotation. We have to understand that 'new and improved' is a
cliche from advertising •••
Hansen: Uh-huh.
Blonsky: ••• and these guys--the two Democrats--are, in a certain sense,
manipulating advertising cliche and trying to revivify that cliche. The
American people are not obviously stupid, and I'm just wondering how many homes,
upon hearing 'new and changed,' someone doesn't make a joke--yeah, 'new and
improved Tide' and 'new and improved Marlboro' or whatever is new and improved.
Hansen: What could Governor
really is new, improved?
Clinton
do to convince us that what he stands for
Blonsky: Well, Governor Clinton is more limited, obviously, than the
president, because he doesn't have presidential power. He, for example, doesn't
have the power to follow Margaret Thatcher's suggestion and mobilize
international opinion and governments for a cessation of Serbian action in--in
Bosnia. But what Clinton can do is convince enough people that these two
quote-unquote 'responsible' Democrats of the center are to be trusted with
national office. And he particularly has an opportunity. It looks as if this
president triumphs by negative campaigning. It looks as if he triumphs by
Willie Horton iss--Lee Atwater, Mary Matalin kind of tactics, and I think very,
very, very cleverly the Democrats have headed the Republicans off at the pass by
raising very, very visibly sleaze factor so that no matter what, let's say, the
post-Atwaterians do in Washington, they are at risk of being considered sleazy.
Hansen: There is a cry among the American people for something to be done about
the economy, about our lot in life, and I've detected some images, at least on
the Democratic side. This bus tour--I remember Jimmy Carter got quite a bit of
�mileage for carrying his own garment bag--but the bus tour must playing into
the sense--trying to convince the American people, 'Look, I'm just like you and
I want to improve your life.' Do you think--are you reading that?
Blonsky: I am. I--I'm always astonished that American people quote-unquote
'buy' signs or symbols. The bus was a 40 foot-long bus. The bus was a part of
a caravan of 25 military, as it were, and Secret Service vehicles. They do not
live in the slightest like me or, Liane, like you •••
Hansen: Sure.
Blonsky: ••• or like any of your listeners, and nevertheless, people buy into the
idea of the demotic, the Democratic, the tour bus, not by airplane, not even by
Amtrak.
Hansen: Can we talk about the wives?
Blonsky: Sure.
Hansen: We have seen quite a few signs and symbols here. I mean, if you want to
really reduce it to a sign and a symbol, you--we basically got pearls and a
headband.
Blonsky: Not to mention cookies and the ovens that go with them.
Hansen: Oh, cook--tol--enough about chocolate chip cookies.
Blonsky: Please. You're--you're aware of what's going on with those damned
chocolate chip cookies.
Hansen: There's a recipe contest--Right?--bo--sponsored by Family Circle
magazine, I believe.
Blonsky: Yes. It's astonishing that that's happening, but what's going on is
that the--look, the cookie comes from the same root as cake, and a cookie is a
little cake and--and you bake cakes and you bake cookies, and the oven has
mythologically and indeed since alchemical days been a symbol for--What?--for
pregnancy, for the pregnant woman. So guess what? You know, what this is about
is pregnancy. I--my oven will get as big as your.s. My oven will work as well
as yours. In other words--and this is very, very, very, very relevant--what
these two women are talking about is their maternal privilege and where this
really counts is in the case of Hillary Clinton.
She is of a different
generation. She's a feminist. She's a woman who in the early days before she
got muzzled by the handlers demanded the right to be a--can I put it this
way?--a virile woman, the right to exist outside of the home, outside of--of
pregnancy. And--sadly if you want--in order to elect her husband, she has had
to, in her case, shall we say lie, and declare through symbols, not directly,
that she is a maternal woman, that she is a woman who will give birth to
cookies. It must gall her. The cookies must have to be washed down by the most
expensive French chardonnay for her to accept this.
Hansen: There's something very scary in--in--in what you're--you're saying, but
do you find any cause for optimism here?
Blonsky: Can I be honest?
Hansen: Yeah.
Blonsky: No.
Hansen: Oh.
Blonsky: I--I think the system is--is approaching to--totalitarian or
approaching totalistic, and it's a system with a happy face. Someone said of
the book, 'Do you know what you did?' 'No.' 'You described totalitarianism with
a happy face. You described a system that's everywhere, that's so engaging that
�it's very, very, very, very difficult, even for educated people, to resist
it.' Well--and it is possible to strip one's self of the signs, in a personal
way, but it means an enormous project of thought, of research and finally of
renunciation. How many people do you think, Liane, are capable of that?
Hansen: One of the things your book could do, though, though is perhaps increase
our vigilance.
Blonsky: I would be happy.
Hansen: The book is "American Mythologies," and it's written by Marshall
Blonsky, published by Oxford University Press. Marshal Blonsky joined us from
our New York bureau. Thank you so much.
Blonsky: Liane, thank you.
Hansen: You're listening to Weekend Edition.
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS, PHILOSOPHY
�National Public Radio, August 8, 1992
August
8, 1992, Saturday
LENGTH: 552 words
HEADLINE:
CLINTON-GORE BUS TOUR GARNERING PRAISE
DATELINE: MINNEAPOLIS
BODY:
Neal Conan, host:
Democratic candidate Bill Clinton is in Little Rock today after he and running
mate, Al Gore, finished their second campaign bus trip last night in
Minneapolis. The crowds along the way on this Midwestern tour weren't always as
large as the ones that greeted the candidates on their first caravan right after
the Democratic convention, but many people did gather and wait for hours to hear
Clinton and Gore. Mike Mulcahey of Minnesota Public Radio reports.
Mike Mulcahey reporting:
About 10,000 people waited for more than two hours for Clinton and Gore to
roll into downtown Minneapolis last night. When the buses finally came into
sight, the candidates were greeted like conquering heroes. A1 Gore explained
the delay by saying the pair had stopped to greet crowds so many times along the
way from LaCrosse, Wisconsin, that they lost track of time. Earlier in the day,
the pair had talked about agriculture at a dairy farm near Chippewa Falls,
Wisconsin. To the urban audience in Minneapolis, Clinton stressed jobs,
education and health care. His overall message, as it has been throughout the
campaign, was that the country needs drastic change.
Governor Bill Clinton (Democratic Presidential Candidate): What has hurt
America is that we have been too cynical, we have been too devoid of belief, we
have not been given any vision, we have not been given a plan, we have not been
able to imagine that we can make tomorrow better than today. And I tell you we
can. And if you believe that, fight for it. Stay with us, don't lose your
courage, don't lose your heart, and we will win a great victory in November.
Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you.
Mulcahey: Many of those who came to here Clinton agreed that things have to
change. John Berg, from Luck, Wisconsin, calls himself an independent who voted
for Ronald Reagan. He says the country has lost its sense of caring and he
believes that Clinton can bring it back.
John Berg (Wisconsin Clinton Supporter): The guy comes across as somebody
who really cares. And--and I see that in Gore, too, and that's what we need.
We need caring. We don't need this separation we've got from the top people to
the common people. Bush doesn't seem to really care.
Mulcahey: Others along the way said they think President Bush is a decent man,
but that he's out of touch with their problems. Edward Taylor, who owns a small
business in Minneapolis, says the Democrats' bus tour is exactly the kind of
attention he wants from a president.
Edward Taylor (Minneapolis Clinton Supporter): This is what George Bush hasn't
done and this is what Clinton is done. When you go in the back woods of Iowa
and places like that, this is the bread and butter of this country, and you
don't leave those people out. And they've been left out for many a years. Now
you got someone that says, 'Hey, I want to talk to you and see what's happening.
I can't promise you everything, but I'm concerned about you.'
Mulcahey: There's no word yet whether Clinton and Gore will ride their buses
again, but clearly campaign officials are pleased with the way things went this
time.
For National Public Radio, I'm Mike Mulcahey in Minneapolis.
�CNN Transcripts, August 7, 1992
The man at the top of the Democratic ticket is on the offensive against
Republican attacks he's already sustained, and those he anticipates down the
road. CNN National Political Correspondent Gene Randall reports.
GENE RANDALL, Political Correspondent: The Mississippi River in the background,
an estimated 5,000 people showed up for Bill Clinton and Al Gore Friday
morning in La Crosse, Wisconsin. It was one of the largest crowds of this
three-day campaign bus trip, and under threatening skies Clinton dealt with
what he knows is a looming political threat - a negative George Bush reelection
campaign.
Governor BILL CLINTON, Democratic Presidential Nominee: They're going to do
the same old thing they always do, but let me tell you something. At the end of
the day there'll be some things that none of this negative rhetoric can erase they can't run on their record.
RANDALL: George Bush himself may have given
during a Friday morning news conference.
Clinton
some added incentive
President BUSH: You're going to see some hard-hitting attacks which are going to
fairly define his positions, and go after him and define his record.
I meanand that's gonna be fun.
RANDALL: But
Earlier this
Manager Mary
amount to an
the President also insisted he would stay away from sleaze.
week, Mr. Bush disavowed an attack memo from his Deputy Campaign
Matalin, but on Friday Matalin said again her regrets did not
apology.
MATALIN, Deputy Campaign Manager: And I do regret that it was perceived by
some that I violated the President's oft-repeated dictate to the campaign that
we not get into the sleaze business.
~Y
RANDALL: Was Clinton's latest bus trip a success? His officials cite the
large crowds, of course, but they also talk about the people who waited in the
rain on Friday. In Peaches Corner, Wisconsin, population about 25; in the dairy
farm community of Osseo, farther north. Then there were the hundreds that
greeted the Clinton campaign as it pulled into a La Crosse, Wisconsin, parking
lot well after two o'clock Friday morning.
Eight hours later Bill
Clinton
was making a campaign pledge.
Gov. CLINTON: I'm going to fight. I believe in fighting. If they call you
names and they try to characterize you in a false way, I think you should engage
them.
RANDALL: Ahead lay Minneapolis and the end of this three-day political trek.
With their second bus trip behind them, Bill Clinton and Al Gore this weekend
go their separate ways - Clinton to Little Rock, Gore to Tennessee - before
both men return to the campaign trail next week. We're told the two men will be
campaigning together again within two weeks. Gene Randall, CNN, Chippewa Falls,
Wisconsin.
SHAW: You know, there's one guy who's glad to put the brakes on the latest
Clinton -Gore tour - bus driver Dan Carroll. It seems that Carroll complained
he put in way too many hours behind the wheel this week, violating state
regulations. He threatened not to show up for work today. He did, but was
late, putting the tour about an hour behind schedule.
The preceding text has been professionally transcribed. However, although
the text has been checked against an audio track, in order to meet rigid
distribution and transmission deadlines, it has not yet been proofread against
videotape.
�National Public Radio, August 6, 1992
August
6, 1992, Thursday
LENGTH: 1153 words
HEADLINE: BURLINGTON,IOWA PREPARES FOR
CLINTON
VISIT
BODY:
Noah Adams, host:
This is "All Things Considered".
I'm Noah Adams.
Linda Wertheimer, host:
And I'm Linda Wertheimer.
The Democratic candidates, Bill Clinton and Al Gore, wound their way through
the Midwest today on the second day of a five-state bus tour.
In Davenport,
Iowa, they visited an aluminum recycling plant. Governor Clinton called for
tax breaks that would allow for investment in job training, and he continued his
attack on President Bush's economic record. Yesterday the Democrats' seven-bus
caravan stopped every few hours, 11 times in all, and the candidates got off
their bus to meet waiting crowds. Last night the town of Burlington, Iowa,
had its turn to host the candidates. NPR's Kathy Lohr reports.
Kathy Lohr reporting:
When Bill Clinton decided to stop in this town along the Mississippi River, he
knew he'd have a perfect setting for his message of creating jobs and rebuilding
America. A half-built bridge spans the wide section of river near this
community, where manufacturing and farming have been hit hard in the last 12
years. On the night before the visit, Clinton's staff and local volunteers
are using old barrels to section off part of a concrete parking lot, the site of
the rally.
Unidentified Woman #1: All right, so you'll line it up. How far are you going
to come back? I'd say to that rope at least, to that next rope. Yeah.
Lohr: Democrats in Burlington, Iowa, have had little time to prepare for this
show down by the river. Normally, they get a couple of weeks' notice for this
kind of event. This time they had to set it up in less than a week.
Dan
Carlson is vice chairman of the county's Democratic Party. He's been making
dozens of phone calls to get out the word about the Clinton -Gore visit. And
Carlson says he's also been receiving a lot of calls.
Dan Carlson (Vice Chairman, Iowa Democratic Party): A lot of them--it seems like
they want to call in favors. They've never done anything for--you know, all of
a sudden, they--they know me. (Laughs) You know?
Lohr: Because they want a good seat.
Carlson: Right.
Is that what they •••
That's what they're looking for is a good seat.
Lohr: Carlson's main job isn't to deal directly with the general public. He's
here to make sure that none of the county's elected officials or volunteers get
overlooked. Carlson: The people that I take care of are the--are the regular
party workers, that's what I'm after, the--to make sure that they've got--got
good seating--things like that. These people are the lifeblood of the party. I
know this isn't what they work for, just to be recognized by getting a good
seat, but this is one of the ways that we thank them.
Lohr: Jeff Beland is hustling up a crowd at the Burlington Northern Railroad
shops, where he works. The Democrats printed up some special guest tickets, and
Beland is handing them out. He is the Third District committeeman for the
state's Democratic Party and mayor pro temp of the city.
�Jeff Beland (Burlington Northern Railroad): You want to go see Clinton
tonight? I got some tickets, if--if you hear of anybody who wants to go.
There's some up-front tickets.
Lohr: The majority of people that we stop and talk to say they plan to go the
event. Most are Democrats, strong union members. Not surprisingly, most like
Merv Cleese also say they plan to vote for the Clinton -Gore ticket.
Merv Cleese (Voter): Anything to be better than what we got. At least he's on
the square, and this other guy, all he can say is, 'My lips are sealed.' What
have we got now? Nothing. Right?
Lohr: Cleese is an electrician and part-time farmer. He's been working here for
45 years. Although lots of candidates have filtered through this town--among
them, Jimmy Carter, Walter Mondale and Michael Dukakis--Cleese says he hasn't
seen this much excitement in Burlington since Harry Truman came through here
back in 1948 on his famous whistle-stop tour.
Cleese: Old Truman come through, I remember him.
Lohr: Was that an interesting experience?
come out for that?
His old felt hat •••
Did everybody--the whole com--town
Cleese: Yeah, there was quite a few down here at that time, as I remember.
They
were all over the railroad tracks down there, and cops was running around trying
to get them off the tracks and--it was kind of neat. You remember that for a
long time afterwards. I'm going to take my grandson down there
tomorrow--tonight. Hopefully, he'll remember it.
Lohr: This community of 28,000 is a Democratic stronghold. Voters have gone for
the Democratic candidate in every presidential election since 1932, with one
exception, the 1972 race when Republican Richard Nixon won more support than
Democrat George MCGovern. For Bill Clinton, the town did the job and brought
out the kind of crowd the campaign had hoped for. MOre than 10,000 people
waited and waited and waited hours by the river to hear the candidates.
Unidentified Man: The buses are here!
(Crowd cheering)
Man: The next president and vice president of the United States of America are
right here in Burlington. They should be here within--! won't say--they'll be
here.
Lohr: · Clinton used the setting, this Iowa town surrounded by farmland, where
there's more than 7 percent unemployment, to reiterate much of his stump
speech. He emphasized the Democrats' message, that it's time to turn the
economy around.
Governor Bill Clinton (Democratic Presidential Nominee): My opponent in this
election is quoted in USA Today as saying that the recession's over, the
American people just don't know it yet.
(Laughter from crowd) That's what
they've been telling you all along, 'Things are great. You're just too dumb to
see it.'
Lohr: The candidate didn't miss the opportunity to remind people of Harry
Truman, perhaps knowing that many in Burlington may remember that visit more
than four decades ago.
Clinton: Harry Truman had a sign on his desk that said, 'The buck stops here.'
This crowd in Washington, they wake up every day and try to think of somebody
else to blame. (Applause from crowd) Honestly, they act like they're little
kids. You know, when I used to do that when I was a kid, before it became out
of fashion, my mom would spank me when I behaved the way they do now.
Lohr: Clinton continued to call out to the crowd, 'Give us a chance. It's
time for a change in Washington.' While most voters in Burlington seem willing
to do that, at least one resident, Kathy Hazel, was skeptical.
�National Public Radio, August 6, 1992
Kathy Hazel (Iowa Resident): Well, you know, it comes on like a show. And
I~-you know, all the way through the speech--although I thought it was a good
speech, I wanted to holler, 'Just tell us how.'
Lohr: I'm Kathy Lohr reporting.
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS
GEOGRAPHIC: Iowa
�The Associated Press, August 7, 1992
FOCUS
their Midwestern campaign stops to "stick with us ••• go all the way" to
November, and they say the reception shows Americans are hoping for change from
the Democrats.
"You know America wants to see people who want to serve ••• " the Democratic
presidential nominee said at a riv~rfront rally in La Crosse on Friday. "They're
tired of politicians being distant from them and not listening and not being in
touch ••• " That one drew more than 2,000 people on a showery morning.
Gore called the crowds fantastic.
Crowdsmanship is a standard campaign game. The question is what the turnouts
signal.
Clinton's answer is that the turnouts along his three-day bus tour along the
Mississippi River show that "something's happening in America," and people are
ready for change from 12 years of Republican rule in the White House.
Despite a steady rain as the bus cavalcade cruised northward, there were
small town crowds to be greeted along the way, in places like Beaches Corner,
where about 100 people got soaked waiting, in Whitehall, on a farm machinery lot
in Osseo.
In Chippewa Falls, more than 500 people crowded a dairy farm shed and another
300 or so stood in the rain outside. It let up while Clinton spoke to the
overflow crowd, telling them not to lose their nerve. "Mr. Bush was on TV
saying, 'I'm going to attack, attack, attack' ••• " Clinton said. "They're going
to try to scare you to death."
Crowds don't win elections, voters do. There aren't enough people at rallies
and road stops to tip any state's outcome; that's impossible. And, as the
Democratic running mates tell every crowd, the election is still three months
away.
The crowd numbers aren't huge, certainly not in big city terms. Indeed, these
turnouts are neither as large nor as intense as those of the first Clinton-Gore
bus campaign, just after they were nominated.
But the three-day reprise covered a stretch of rural America, and at one
unplanned stop in Missouri early on the route, the crowd rivaled the posted
population of the hamlet, 391 residents.
They've been patient crowds, too.
There were hundreds of people waiting by the parking lot at the Days Inn when
the Democratic presidential nominee and his running mate finally got to LaCrosse
at 2 a.m. Friday, more than two hours behind schedule. No speech, no rally, just
a round of handshaking. They cheered the tardy ticket anyhow.
"At every town along the way the whole town would show up and we couldn't not
stop," Clinton exaggerated late Thursday night in Prairie du Chien. He said
that's why he was so late for a rally that drew several thousand people to a
downtown intersection.
Later, near midnight, there. were clusters of people waiting outside taverns
in Eastman and Rising Sun, impromptu handshake stops.
The days sometimes had the air of a patriotic holiday, with the flags out.
Along country roads, farmers and their families waited and waved from lawn
chairs.
A chat with the folks in the Clinton-Gore crowds shows that not all of them
are sold on the Democratic ticket; some said they wanted a look first, and
haven't decided. More said they really wanted to get close to a man who might be
president, in small town territory that seldom sees White House-level politics.
FOCUS
�The Associated Press, August 7, 1992
FOCUS
"Oh, it wasn't a long wait for this," said an elderly woman who'd been
standing more than an hour by the roadside in Durant, Iowa. "I've never been
this close to a guy running for president," a white-haired man remarked as he
craned to see Clinton, 20 feet away.
The crowds aren't quite as spontaneous as the Clinton camp advertises. At one
supposedly surprise rally, there were portable toilets. An unscheduled downtown
rally in Manchester, Iowa, got the full advance buildup from local Democratic
organizers.
Radio stations along the way told listeners that if they'd turn out, Clinton
would stop and shake hands. In Durant, Iowa, word of mouth drew townspeople to
the roadside after the local police got word he'd come that way because of a
construction traffic jam on the interstate highway.
\
�1992 The Atlanta Journal and Constitution, August 7, 1992
LENGTH: 512 words
FOCUS
HEADLINE: REPORTER'S NOTEBOOK Buscapade: Summery small-town excitement
BYLINE: By A.L. May STAFF WRITER
KEYWORD: elections; presidents; politics; travel
BODY:
Bowling Green, Mo. - Anyone who grew up in a small town understands why
Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton and Tennessee Sen. Al Gore are drawing large roadside
crowds as they continue a three-day buscapade through the heartland.
Caravans of eight big buses, ominous black Secret Service vehicles and hordes
of patrol cars don't blow through every day - much less a presidential ticket.
It really doesn't matter what party the candidates belong to. People are
curious.
A hundred or so gathered in Durant, Iowa, population 1,583. Late Wednesday
night, the two Democrats drew 200 or so in Muscatine, Iowa, (population 22,881).
Earlier in the day, in Burlington, Iowa, about 10,000 crowded the banks of the
Mississippi to catch a glimpse of the duo.
"It is just an exciting day for this little town," said Joan Unsell of
Bowling Green, a hamlet of 2,200 just south of Hannibal. She kept her mini-cam
glued to Mr. Clinton and Mr. Gore as the pair worked the crowd at the Bowling
Green Fuel Stop.
The last time anything near as exciting happened was when President Jimmy
Carter parked his riverboat at nearby Clarksville. That was 12 years ago.
Iowa claims the highest literacy rate in the country, and the Clinton-Gore
team is mercilessly ridiculing Vice President Dan Quayle's unfortunate
misspelling of "potato," to the delight of crowds.
Iowa Secretary of State Elaine Baxter introduced Mr. Gore to a huge crowd in
Burlington as "a man who will never, never misspell potato."
Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) caused a roar in Cedar Rapids with this joke: "You
know how Dan Quayle sings old MacDonald had a farm? • • • He sings, 'Ee-eye
ee-eye-oh" - a long pause here for effect- "E."
But so far, vice presidential nominee Gore has been silent on the spelling
offensive, and so the questions arises - just how good a speller is he? "He
corrects my spelling more than I correct his," said Marla Romash, the senator's
press secretary.
This doesn't mean that Democrats get passing grades in geography. On
Wednesday, the caravan made an impromptu stop across the Iowa border. "What
river was that?" a reporter asked. "I don't know," said Bruce Lindsay, a top
aide. "I think it was the Mississippi. " It was the Des Moines River.
There is something manic about the two candidates, who wouldn't cease their
unscheduled schmoozing with crowds along the way, arriving two hours late to a
day's final rally in Bettendorf, Iowa. In Muscatine, there was a little tension
in Secret Service ranks when a voter walked up through the heavy security to
hand the candidate a large watermelon. A startled Mr. Clinton simply hoisted it
above his head.
SIGHTS FROM THE BUS: A fellow in his yard hoisting a large beer and a sign
saying, "Clinton, Stop, I'll buy." A bright blue water slide rising from a bean
field near Davenport, a miniature golf course on the grounds of a state prison,
and a guy dressed in a lion's suit waving at the motorcade.
�FOCUS
Hillary Clinton had her sign-waving detractors - "Hillary: It takes a good
woman to have a good man" - and supporters - "Hillary is a babe."
GRAPHIC: Photo: Democrats Bill Clinton and Al Gore visit an aluminum recycling
plant Thursday in Davenport, Iowa. The identity of the man accompanying them
(right) is unknown I Associated Press
�Copyright 1992 Globe Newspaper Company
The Boston Globe
August 7, 1992, Friday, City Edition
SECTION: NATIONAL/FOREIGN; Pg. 10
LENGTH: 362 words
HEADLINE: Clinton sees a race between hope, fear;
Seeks to protect lead as agent of 'change';
CAMPAIGN I 92
BYLINE: By Scot Lehigh, Globe Staff
DATELINE: CEDAR RAPIDS, IOWA
KEYWORD: US POLITIC CAMPAIGN NAME-CLINTON
BODY:
As his campaign bus rolls up the Mississippi River valley, Democratic
nominee Bill Clinton is also striving to build psychological dikes to protect
his lead in the polls against a flash flood of fear in the fall.
Clinton appears keenly aware that in the psychology of the nation, the fall
presidential election may become a contest between forces of hope and fear. In
stop after stop, he asks listeners to vote their hopes and link them to his
candidacy.
·
"This is a race between hope and fear, between new ideas and the same old
approach," Clinton told a crowd in Cedar Rapids. "There are times in all of our
lives when in order to preserve what we hold most dear, we have to have the
courage to change."
But hoping means conquering fear, which is something Clinton tries to do at
almost every campaign stop. Usually he tells the crowd that though times are
tough, they have been tougher before, and that together they can overcome.
In addition, though, Clinton almost invariably warns his supporters that
first the going will get rough, and that they should be prepared to see the
Republicans vilify him and Sen. Al Gore of Tennessee, his running mate, in the
coming months. "The other side is going to tell you every day what a dangerous
decision that is," he said in Cedar Rapids. "Their deal is, 'Boy, things could
get worse.' "
FOCUS
At that point, Clinton applied a little political jujitsu, saying, "They
could get a lot worse for them. I'm not sure they could get any worse for you."
Much of Clinton's message aims at getting listeners to look beyond doomsday
GOP predictions about a Democratic administration to their own aspirations for
the future.
As part of his rhetorical technique, Clinton also appears to push one of the
cardinal rules that guide the scores of self-help books published each year: We
do best at keeping the commitments we make to ourselves.
"When you go home tonight," he pleaded in Bettendorf, "make a quiet promise
to yourself - not for Al Gore and Bill Clinton, but for you and your children that in the next 89 days, you will not lose your courage, you will fight for
change down to the very end down to November 3d."
GRAPHIC: PHOTO, AFP PHOTO / Gov. Bill Clinton and running mate Sen. Al Gore
visit the Nichols Home Shield Co. mill in Davenport, Iowa, yesterday.
�Copyright 1992 Guardian Newspapers Limited
The Guardian
August 7, 1992
SECTION: THE GUARDIAN FOREIGN PAGE; Pg. 6
LENGTH: 960 words
HEADLINE: EYEWITNESS: CLINTON'S ROADSHOW LOOKS FOR THE HEART OF MIDDLE AMERICA
BYLINE: MARTIN WALKER IN STRAWBERRY POINT
BODY:
ON the road again, and looking for America, Bill Clinton thought he had
found it. Almost one o'clock in the morning, and 3,000 people are still waiting
in this warm summer night on the prairie to hear him speak from under a tree in
a hotel car park.
Ninety days to go before presidential election day, and the crowds and the
energy looked and felt like an election from another era. At Burlington, an hour
downstream on the mighty Mississippi, we heard the excitement build on the
local KBUR radio station as the Clinton-Gore bus tour rolled down Highway 61 in
Iowa.
"They're just an hour out of town • • • Just 20 minutes from this giant
crowd • • • they are on the exit ramp • • • They are in sight • • • My, oh my,
we haven't had excitement here like this since the Delta Queen first sailed
around that bend back in 1979," said the radio.
As we came upon the old riverboat landing 15,000 people jammed in there to
see and hear the first presidential candidate to visit since 1948 tell them:
"This is a larger country, we are a bigger people, this is a greater nation than
Bush and Quayle could ever imagine."
In this small-town electioneering we are witnessing the birth of the
post-modern campaign style, a cultivation of nostalgia. For 20 years the
presidential campaign has got under way in September, and gone from airport to
local.TV station to tarmac press conference.
"We want for Bill Clinton and A1 Gore to meet more voters this week than
George Bush has met since he started running for the White house back in 1980,"
said MOrt Engleburg, the Hollywood film producer who has spent weeks scouting
the locations in the Mid-West and planning the road show.
Engleburg's big hit was Smokey and the Bandit, a road movie about
liquor-running along the highways. And the entire Clinton campaign is run by,
with and for people who can't climb on to a bus without humming that old Simon
and Garfunkel number that goes: All gone to look for America.
The political calculation behind the Clinton-Gore cavalcade is that the
Democrats can never again afford to let the Republicans colonise the votes and
the mythology of Middle America. This bus tour is Bill Clinton's appeal to the
heartland the Democrats forgot, the farm votes and the small towns with their
stars and stripes flags fluttering over the front porches and the Little League
baseball diamonds.
Most of the stops are unplanned, a quick plunge into the crowd wherever
people gather. And they gather in such numbers and spontaneity. At Wayland,
Missouri, where the water tower says the population is 391, there must be 500 in
from the outlying farms that grow the world's corn flakes. At the road junction
outside Keokuk, another 500, their cars parked neatly all along the roadside,
and hand-lettered signs that say: "We want Bill."
The Gores and Clintons get out to work the crowd, handshakes and
pleasantries. A woman on crutches inspired Hillary Clinton to say: "Thank you
for making a special effort."
�The Guardian, August 7, 1992
it."
FOCUS
"Yup, had the surgery just yesterday," said Heather Burns. "Wouldn't miss
From the head-high cornfields of Iowa, up into the dairy country of
Wisconsin, we pass endless tableaus.from Norman Rockwe~l, small family farms
with the family gathered and waving at the g~te.
This.used to be loyal Ronald.Reagan country, but the signs here say: "We're
not lazy, we're not tired, we're:just plain Bushed."
Our long convoy of six coaches and secret service vans stitches back and
across the Mississippi river as·we head upstream on Highway 61.
fort~
At t'he Wooden Nickel saloon outside Ford Madison, the sign read: "Free beer
for Al and Bill, clean restr.oom for the ladies." We roll by, waving at the kids
swarming.around the retired old locomotive from the Aitchison, Topeka and Sante
Fe.
(
�Copyright 1992 The Houston Chronicle Publishing Company
The Houston Chronicle
August 7, 1992, Friday, 2 STAR Edition
SECTION: A; Pg. 11
LENGTH: 734 words
HEADLINE: Bush accuses Clinton of being liberal disguised as moderate
BYLINE: WILLIAM E. CLAYTON JR.; Staff
DATELINE: COLORADO SPRINGS, Colo.
KEYWORD: Elections Presidential
BODY:
COLORADO SPRINGS, Colo. -- Saying he has been too soft on
Bill Clinton, President Bush accused his Democratic challenger
Thursday of trying to sound moderate on some issues while still
being a tax-and-spend liberal.
�OFFICB NUMBER: (301) 762-7484
DATE:
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Dublin Core
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Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
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Bus Trips Clips [2]
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-018-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/4f2a003d7f6abdeb997922e293018cd0.pdf
d40f439decfe6ea465cb0ec9ed4e6cda
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidentiat; Records
i'
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
Subseries:
4273
OA/ID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Bus Trips Clips [ 1]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�' Qrhe afolumbus JDispatdt
Sunday
JULY4, 1993
.
Retracing
Clinton's Ohio
bus campaign
A year later,
the glaw is gone
By Roger K. Lowe
Dispatch Washington Bureau
ast July, people \VSited for hours outside the
Pioneer Restaurant in Utica, Ohio, to cateh a
--~~"':':'''t""" of Democra~ presidential candidate Bill
as his unprecedented six-day, 1,000-mile
bus tour crossed Middle America.
The tour drew large and enthusiastic crowds in Utica,
Columbus and Wilmington as it swept through Ohio on its way
to St. Louis, giving his candidacy the boost that sent him to the
presidency.
•
Frequently, to the delight of the crowds, Clinton would
order the buscapade to make unscheduled stops along the route
so he could say a few wo~ds and shake hands.
. But each spontaneous detour to speak and wave threw the
schedule out-of-whack, and the touf fell further and further
behind. Stops scheduled for the evening, such as in Utica, often
started 90 minutes late- or more- but the crowds didn't
seem to mind waiting for a glimpse at a presidential candidate.
"It was a real experience," said Pioneer owner Douglas
McCandless, who met Clinton inside the restaurant. "It was
dynamic."
·
Nearly a year later,· some of those same Clinton
characteristics that delighted Ohioans when he was a touring
candidate infuriate them now that he's
president.
~~~i~!Jit~~~~~ ~~t~~L~
In Columbus last year, people rea
�PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
File photo
ed out to touch Clinton.
L,ynn lschay/Dispatch
Charles Cook of Columbus liked what Clinton said
.a year ago at Nationwide Plaza, and says now that
the president needs more time to follow through.
toq many liberal advisers.
But overall, he said, Clinton needs more time.
"Hr.>'s onlv allowed t.o do AO much. The p~ident can't
�Douglas
McCandless
shows one of the
photos of thencandidate Bill
Clinton that are
for sale in the
Pioneer
Restaurant in
Utica.
~'He started off on the wrong foot
with. tpe gay issue," said Delbert
ShattUck, 69; of Wilmington, who was
part of a huge crowd that saw the bus
tour stop at the courthouse in
coincidentally-named-but-not-so
coincidentally-stopped-at Clinton
County. ''When you stir up trouble, that's
what you're going to get."
Attorney General Lee Fisher,who led
Clinton's campaign in Ohio, said Clinton's
characteristics that made the bus tour so
popular have not fit in so well in
Washington.
The bus trip through Ohio on July
19-20 demonstrated the Arkansas
Democrat's eXcellent ability to
communicate with people, showed his
deep passion and concern, and put him in
touch with a public that didn't lmow him
well, Fisher said.
People complain that as president,
Clinton is still stopping too much, talking
too long, forgetting the schedule and the
importance of reaching the destination of
improving the economy.
"His wealmess is that he stops the bus
constantly, and forgets the ultimate
destination," Fisher said. "Losing focus is
the most serious problem of his first 200
days in office."
The contrast is stark between the
high marks and enthusiasm for Clinton
last summer and the low marks and
disappointment with~ presidency now.
L,ynn lschay/Dispatch
"Most people in the state are
disappointed, but they are not willing to
throw in the towel," Fisher said.
And several Ohioans suggested that people may have held
· such high hopes for Clinton that he could never live up to their
lofty expectations.
"They put too much emphasis on the first 100 days. People
expected everything to be solved in 100 days," McCandless said.
In large measure, the high expectations were generated by.
Clinton. He spoke of hitting the ground running and of a 100day action agenda.
·
With that deadline missed, people are beginning to
understand how big the problems are in Washington and
they're willing to give Clinton more time to deal with the mess.
"He can't do in six months what he wants to do because of
the political process," said Charles Cook of Colwnbus, who saw
Clinton when the bus tour stopped at One Nationwide Plaza.
"He didn't realize what he was getting into."
"I don't lmow if there's a hwnan being in the world who can
solve these problems in four years," said Karen Snider of
BeXley, who also saw Cliriton's Nationwide appearance. ''We've
created our own monster. I applaud him for taking on these
issues, but I don't lmow whether he's going to be successful."
Revisiting the three main Ohio stops oflast July's bus trip,
Th£ Dispatch found that the thrills of 1992 were still fondly
remembered, but that the high hopes for the president from
Hope, Ark., had been soured by months of missteps.
UnCA
Utica (population 1,997) garnered two stops on the campaign
tour, and it nearly exploded with onlookers.
The tour stopped first, at the farm of then-Ohio Democratic
Chairman Gene Branstool in an event that had Middle America
stamped all over it.
Clad in jeans, tennis shoes and open neck shirts, Clinton and
vice presidential candidate AI Gore sat on bales of hay and
talked abov.t Midwestern values of hard work and fair play.
File photo
Clinton spoke to a crowd at Gene·Branstool's
farm near Utica.
Meanwhile, another huge crowd had gathered outside the
Pioneer Restaurant a mile or so down the road, where a stage
had been set up for a later appearance. .
.
McCandless said people started staking out prime sites
along the road early that Sunday morning.
McCandless, who was thrilled tO meet Clinton a year ago,
is worried about some of the president's programs.
"As a small businessman, I'm concerned about the health
care situation," he said. "I hope it doesn't cost jobs down the
road."
He worries that Clinton will pay for the health care
reforms by imposing a tax on employers, which could hurt his
restaurant.
D. Rick Lanthorn, Licking County Democratic chairman,
said the stops helped win votes in a Republican~dominated
county.
"I'd never experienced anything like it, having
a presidential candidate come to my county,"
·Lanthorn said. "It was a real Kodak moment, I'll
tell you that."
CoWMBUS
From Utica, the caravaners moved on to
Colwnbus to spend the night before a morning
rally at One Nationwide Plaza
·
Fran Ryan, Franklin County Democratic
chairman, rode in the late-night Clinton-Gore
caravan between Utica and Columbus, and was
surprised to see the roadsides still filled with
.
people hoJ?ing to see Cliriton. Some people held·
babies aloft as the buses went by.
''They wanted a glimpse of him," Ryan said. "I .
had not seen that since the Kennedy days."
Cook, 24, a computer systems worker, was
impresB!:ld with Clinton's speech at Nationwide.
"At the time, I thought he was going to be a
good president," Cook said, but he said that
Clinton hasn't done as much as he'd promised.
· Cook liked Clinton's pledge to reduce the
deficit, but says now the president is being blocked
by Congress and interest groups, and that
..
mistakes are being blown out of proportion by the news
media.
"His idea is still good, but too many people have their
hands in it," Cook said.
.
Snider, 46, who works in medical marketing, is paying
close attention to the Hillary Clinton-led health care reform.
"The thing that worries me about health care reform is
that they are not using health care professionals to find the
solution," Snider said. "Here they are using lawyers to solve B
health care problem."
WII.MINGI'ON
.
.
Clinton County is a Republican county, but nearly 10,000
people turned out for Clinton's 1 p.m. speech on the
courthouse steps.
"A little town like this is dead, and when somebody like a
presidential candidate comes, they had a big turnout,"
Shattuck said.
Steven L. Holland, 35, had one of the best seats in town,
watching the entire event from a second-story window of his
shop across from the courthouse.
"It was packed; it was one of the biggest things that has
ever happened here," Holland said.
Holland said Clinton is too.liberal for him on some issues,
snl!h as gays in the military, and that the president listens to
~
�cnange me worm;· HOlland said.'"I like him, and 1 don't think ·
people have given him a fair chance."
.Marta Fisher, an Air~o~e ExpreSs employee in
Wilmington, is upset that Clinton hasn't followed through with
campaign promises to do more for single working parents.
Fisher had voted for President Bush because of his
military experience, and she said Clinton's action on gays
proved she was right.
"I think he's really blown it with the gays in the military,"
she said.
Fisher said Bush lost because the zeal for change was too
strong.
:
"People were willing to listen because they wanted
change," she said. "But sometimes people want change so bad
they're willing to throw caution to the wind."
But others aren't writing Clinton off yet.
"Everbody makes mistakes," Shattuck said. "He was
elected president for four years. Let's give him a chance."
•
• Bill and Hillary: incompatible expectations and false
images plague them I SB
One year later, a tractor at Gene Bmnstool's fann still
displays a Clinton/GOre campaign sticker.
l.,ynn lsdlay/Dispatch
Insight editor: Owen DeWolfei461-BB77
Editorial Page: Richard W. Carson/ 461-5072
Projects editor: David Lore I461-5256
EDITORIALS
There were signs last week that top Columbus officials
are ready to play hardball with next year's projected
deficiti2B
FORUM
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
.
George F. Will says Jersey City, N.J., is taking a
refreshing direction under its Republican mayor I 3B
POUTICS
A trio of relatively unknown Republicans is hoping to
unseat Democrats on the Columbus City Council I 48
DISCOVERY
Refractive keratotomy, eye surgery to eliminate the
need for glasses, is somewhat controversial I 6B
�.
the heartland, '92
campa!gn's glow has faded
Electorate 1·
• :laJ,
4-;,....,1.
disappom
·m· politiCS
· ·
Instelld, they question if be's
able to push through real .ckm;aliberal, wtsbes"wecould
health-care reform, or knows judge Ointon on bis agenda,
what be's doing in Haiti.
which I still support, and not on
Jon Given of nearby Flora, a innuenduo or supposed affairs
former Bush voter who recaJis or miSsteps by bis staff."
the thrill of seeing Ointon · Timmermann, a conservaBy Bob Minzesheimer ·
, feels "betrayed. I thought he'd live, says "we're too c~tical of
USA TODAY
come up with a bealth-cai'e our leaders' personal lives. We
1 plan like Canada or Germanv
need leaders, not saints."
VANDAUA, Ill. - In poll- and CUL ~~pending. Instead, his
Oymer, winner of the Lin·
tics, euphoria bas its price. plan will ~~ more because be coin look-a-like contest, who
posed to stop 1D tbls dusty
Campaign magic takes a tOll on won't take on. the doctors."
voted for Perot ''purely in proits practitioners.
·
But for every complaint that test," bas concluded ''tbe coun- ··.:crossroads ,Vhere tbe •.
Two years ago Thursday, Ointon isn't doing enough is an- ttry succeeds in spite of its pres- / . road 1D Centralia mee1s .•..
.. tbe rOad flom Saleni ."'-·· .
Bill Ointon's campaign bus' other that he's going.too far.
lidents, not because of them."
.
didn't J)ba9e ....
tour, two hours behind sched·
Abe Oymer, of Oyroer's 1V
Lincoln is venerated here, if .•..• But
ule, crossed the Kaskaskia Riv· store, fears "Ointon's plan (to only for tourists who stop at the . Mary Saatkamp, a local .
er and pulled into this quiet mandate employer-paid insur- !old .Statehouse, touted as the. · Democrat wbo orga.
farming community to find ance) will wipe out the little ·site of his first slavery protest. . n1zed 8D alJ.day .party '
more than 10,000 people - guy like me. I don't think that
Less obvious is the tact that .. with bBUOOils, bannets
nearly double Vandalia's popu- will work. But I don't know LinColn's priority wasn't slav· : ·and country music tbat •
Jation - wildly cheering.
.what will work. I don't know if ery but moving the capital to · attracted 400 people Ia a
1
. At the old Statehouse, where anyone has the ansWer."
Springfteld, his adopted homeyoung Abe Lincoln began bis
Dale , Timmermann, a Re- town, and passing the General ;;2;;:~: ~ saw t~ae·
political career, Ointon prom- publican accountant, says the Improvements Act of 1839, $15
ised to "be your instrument to probl~m isn't so much Clinton million worth of HI-planned
change this country and make as his supporters' expectations: pork-barrel projects that put
it what it ought to be."
,
"A lot of Ointon voters were the state in debt for 60 years.
Aides and reporters remem- dissatisfied with government
Timmermann, former :'·;AI Gore aud I, we'llflBy, ·:
'ber Vandalia as an emotional Everything he talked about Chamber of .Commerce presi· ···.:'You sbould · bave seea · · .
turning point, one of the first were things that needed to be dent, says Lincoln learned how
signs that swing voters were fixed. But I don't. think they, to ''wheel and deal and com- :,,·;;~=s::.~=~··:.~:
•Jcamp smiles tD remem-' :
not just rejecting President really l()Oked at how be was go- promise while be was here."
•ber it But asked to as9ess ··
Bush, but embracing Ointon.
ing to fix them."
But ''we're not putting out histothe presideD(, sbe sbakes . ·
. Four months later, combines
If there is good news here ry, we want tourists."·
. ·her bead, as if tblnkiQa
fUll of Fayette County voters for Ointon it's that voters care
At Bigelow's antique store
or an old boyfriend who ·.
abandoned Bush. After win· about the issues he likes to talk are Lincoln busts, plates and
ning 54% in 1988, he dropped about Few mention the White- bookends, and a Ointon "col· , promised her tbe world •.
to 35%. Qinton won 48% of the water affair; nearly everyone lectable" - the oak stand usecf · .;;cand broke ber heart · ·
<··'"I•.kept saytng.·~ve:.
county - ahead of Michael wants welfare reform.
to bold bis water glass.
Dukakis' 1988 total, despite
Maurice Taxler, the DemoTbe ·asking price is $500- ; ·.·him a chalice, give him a· _
Ross Perot's added entry .:... cratic county chairman, cites a ; up $400 since Ointon touched ;:. Cbance,' bUt bis Ume Is .
and became the first Democrat smaller deficit and stronger 1 it, but Bigelow says :'it's irrepla·
to win Illinois since 1964. .
economy and complains: "It cable now." A few visitors have
These days, Vandallans still they (Republicans and the me- their photo taken with it Otb·
use words like euphoric and dia) would oniy let the pres!· ers "say they wouldn't pay. five ,;:::ment "Be pol on tbe :. ·
magical to descri.be the muggy dent do his job, he'd get more , cents for it" But the busts of , >! wrong foot with that ·
night Ointon came to to~. done, rather than coming at Lincoln are as popular as ever. >:: gays.tn.tlie-mWtary thing ·.
;}:and ~r --back ·OQ ·
when they held candles and him from all sides for every lit·
'
sang God Bless Ame.rica.
tie thing he did 20 years ago.
_
;:;tbe nght track. •··•· Be
·;.:never denvered tor ·the ·
B~t ask them to.~ the
"Change doesn't happen
• :·'world03
;.~; rm ·.·
pres1dent and you'll find vary- overnight People who didn't
· ' tired' of bel'
· in ~ ·.
ing degrees of ~isapJ)ointment realize that, should have."
,Je\11111
.• pie and tben, once ·
- not just in Ointon, but in all
Vandalia isn't an impatient
. •· they're elected•. tlley're ·
of politics. Change h!lSn't been kind of place. Life changes
• •.:::.:~not tbe sune.~ .•. ·.·•·: .• .•: .... ··: .:
as bold as they hoped for. Oin- slowly, for. better or worse.
· , . S&atkamp, tbe townton seems betrayed by his own . Movies at the Liberty Theater
....Shlp administrator, a~
campaign enthusiasm and the cost $2, kids don't bother to
•. Councn member' and the
expectations he raised.·
·~lock their bikes outside the li·
. owner of the Crol!sroads
"We may have gotten too brary, and ceramic black
, Bar, recently saw a .
carried away with image. "mammies" are sold downthen," says David Bell, editor · town without embarrassment
•.· ... three-dollar. bJU. a "Slick
BJtd publisher of the semiweek·
But there are doubts: Logs.
::.·wmie bW witb asign un- · · ·
ly Leader-Union. "Now we're
..: . der the White House saytag 'For Sale.' I had 1D ·
dealing with substance."
Antiques dealer Barbara Bi·
·•. Jaugb.· Two Years ago. I .
gelow, who hadn't voted since
wouldn"t bave thought
~.'tbat.wu funny at,all.~'
the days of Richard Nixon, supWe may have gotten too carrie<t'away
<::·•·····,". ··•.
........ . ,_. .
ported Clinton, who "was so
ftill or hope and change." Now,
with the image then. Now we're· dealing
she says, "you can't put your
with
the substance.
·
full· trust ~n any presidi:mt"
David Lo~on, the YMCA
director and one of "maybe
two liberal D_emocrats in the
-David Bell, editor aad publisher,
county," adds: "Maybe we got
, Leader-UIJIOD, a semiweekly
swept up too much in the mo. ment ... I expected nirvana"
· Things are better here.
County unemployment Is 6.4%,.
compared with 11.7% in July
1992. The plastics factory, the
· biggest employer after the
,!'SA TOQAY. FRIDAY
.
state prison, is expanding.
•
JULY
15.
1994
. Farm prices are up. But many
here credit business cycles or
local efforts, not- Clinton.
.
-
. ·
1
1:-itl~1t'm~~w~~···:·,.
I
.t
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·
�By Charles Tasnadi. AP
ON CAPITOL HILL: Rep. Kweisi Mfume, center, speaks to reporters Thursday.· He is joined by, from left, Rep. Louis Stokes, Rep.
Maxine Waters, Rep. Cynthia McKinney and Rep. Robert Scott.
Crime bill strategy
angers black caucus
By Leslie Phillips
USA TODAY
Facility
for
boys
•
••
·runs mto oppositiOn
•
By John Ritter
USA TODAY
•
_
. The White House is no long.
er pushing for a controversial
crime-bill provision that deals
with purported racial bias in
death sentencing. riling members of the Congressional Black
caucus and co~plicating final
passage of the $30 billion, priority legislation.
. After weeks of delay, incoming White House chief of staff
Leon Panetta told caucus
chairman Kweisi Mfume, DMd., Wednesday "the president
did not believe there was any.
time left to do any more negotiating," Mfume said Thursday.
, "The truth of the matter is,"
Mfume said, "we did not reach
a compromise.''
At issue is the Racial Justice
Act, which would permit death
row inmates to apPeal their
sentences based on statistical
·evidence of racial bias.
Debate on the provision has
stalled a Senate-House joint
committee appointed to work
out differences betWeen separate versions of the bill. AdvO'
· cates .tried to find more su~
; port, and opponents, especially
; Republicans, fought to keep
; the provision out
.
President Ointon never took
: a position on the measure.
:
"I think he made it clear that
, be didn't want any single issue
, to hold up pui&ge of the crime
· bill," White House press secretary Dee Dee Myers said.
1
Supporters say the measure
· is needed because in certain ju· risdictions, blacks are sen-
CLAYSVILLE, Pa.- Hall of Farner Mel Blount intimidated opponents in 14 NFL seasons, but few proved as
stubborn as those living here.
For five years, neighbors have fought his plans for a·
troubled-boys home, like one he operates in Georgia.
·Amid national angst over juvenile crime, Blount's formula of tough discipline, hard work and Christian values
wins praise as an example of nO'nonsense rehabilitation.
At the same time, he's attacked as authoritarian, insensitive to local issues, contemptuous of-government rules.
"There are very few homes like this available," says
Rep. Austin Murphy, D-Pa.. "It's unfortunate there's resistance and not more cooperation. Could he have had better community relations? Probably."
.
· An ex-employee has accused Blount of shooting a farm
vehicle's tires, violating a state law prohibiting guns at
juvenile facilities.-A judge dismissed the charge, but the
ex-Pittsburgh Steeler is on the offensive. He and his lawyer say they'll file a complaint charging a conspiracy to
defame Blount and his home and drive up his legal costs.
Blount says opposition in mostly white, rural southwest
Pennsylvania is racial. Before he opened his youth home
in 1989, Ku Klux Klan members marched and protested.
"They've tried to destroy us because of jealousy," Blount,
46, says. "There's a tremendous amount of racism."
Robert Clarke, Blount's lawyer, says: "A group of people is anti-black and don't want to see black children in
the school district or blacks as their neighbors."
Blount's critics say he misled the community and re- .
. fused to heed neighbOrs' security concerns. The home, on
a 264-acre farm, has had troubl~ meeting state licensing
requirements- suffering poorly trained'staff, lack of detailed plans for each boy, safety violations, administra-.
tive lapses- and didn't get a full license until December.
Blount says·the public welfare department is bureaucratic and not supportive. "They try to control you. If
they can't control you, they try to destroy you."
Public welfare spokeswoman Mary Ellen Fritz says,
"We've gone out of our way to support him, but he's
needs to show he intends to run a clean facility."
Blount's Georgia home, opened in 1984 and licensed
for 36 boys, ran afoul of regulators in 1992 over charges
of improper discipline and paid a $499 civil penalty.
Mary Jo Kennan, whose farm adjoins Blount's here in
· Washington County, says residents had legitimate worries. "We're not bigots. We're trying to· say, 'OK, if you're
going to do this, abide by the rules and regulations.' "
When Blount sought township approval to bring in older boys, up to age 18, residents felt betrayed. Blount was
turned down, he appealed and won; now the township is
appealing to the state Supreme Court
. Last year, charges of excessive physical punishment
led the Allegheny County juvenile court in Pittsburgh to
order Blount to stay away from boys its judges had sent to
the home. Fed up, Blount sent the boys back and announced plans to make the home private. Later, he decided to accept boys from other counties.
tenced to death at a higher rate
than their numbers in the general J)dllulation.
Opponents argue the provision would electively end the
death penalty.
·
The provision is included in
the House crime bill but is not
in the Senate version.
In two subsequent, non-binding votes, the Ho~ reversed
its favorable position and voted
against the measure.
The crime bills alsO ban 19
semi-automatic assault weap- .
ons, provide for 100,000 more
police officers .on the· street,
and mandate a life sentence after three violent felonies.
But additional support didn't
come and some members of
the Black caucus, believing the
White House expended little effort, resent the treatment
"The White House is going to
treat the Congressional Black
caucus as full partners in legislation," said Rep. Cynthia McKinney, D-Ga. "The White
House better get on the phone
With Mfume."
Mfume said be would en- ,
courage members to block a
procedural vote that leads to a
final vote on the crime bill.
More than half the caucus
supports tbe crime bill because
of the billions of dollars set
aside for prevention programs.
But 22 members agreed
Thursday to block the procedural vote as a symbol of their
solidarity.
''This is not tbe end by any
means," Mfume said. "The
White House understands the
new math.''
our:·
REACHING
Mel Blount plays ball with a teen
named Dan at the home he runs in Claysville, Pa.
Oarke says Blount fired or disciplined the staffers who
meted out the physical punishment The welfare agency
concluded the tire shooting accusation was true after
talking to former employees and other social workers.
But, Clarke says, they all had a beef againSt Blount . .
Some attribute the fuss to not-in-my-backyard opposition common when prisons or halfway hoUses are prO'
posed. Racism plays a part, others say.
In May, three white McGuffey High students. threatened and racially taunted a black ninth-grader from the
youth home. More than 250 students signed a letter denouncing the· incident and the three were suspended.
Superintendent Frank Zito says "white supremacist,
skinhead types tried to show their' muscle." He says
many locals back Blount "Do kids who go through his
program benefit? Definitely. It's much-needed, not just
here, all over."
Blount isn't apologizing for his methods. "I want to
build self-esteem, ~each these boys eye contact, firm
handshakes. It's about learning responsibility."
.
Blount has spent a lot money building cabins, renovating barns and buying equipment and livestock. He wants
to open a Christian school and more youth homes. He
won't risk his reputation- or loss of corporate donations
- so he's trying to force his opponents into court.
Blount's supporters are vexed that it has come to this.
"In those placid hills, Mel is giving those youngsters a second chance," says state Rep. Bill DeWeese.
USA TODAY· FRIDAY, JULY 15. 1994
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IRA WYMAN roB NEWSWEEK
Evening In America: Daytime events are standard, but everything changes at dusk, when the crowds dictate the stopping points
BY JOE KLEIN
e was a farmer, and not given to
acts of frivolity. But there stood
John Bruce on the shoulder of
Highway 61 in Wapello, Iowa,
holding his right hand-which
had just shaken Bill Clinton's-as if he
didn't quite know what to do with it. It was
well past dark, not a practical time for a
farmer to be out on the highway; but about
a hundred of Bruce's neighbors were out
there, too, stunned and giddy, their eyes
glistening in the television lights: the buses
had stopped for them. ''I've only been here
about an hour," John Bruce said, quietly
satisfied that his leap of faith had been
achieved more efficiently than many of his
neighbors'. "I was following them on the
radio, heard when they left Burlington."
But why lose sleep over a politician?
"Well,lwouldn'thavesupportedhimafew
months ago," John Bruce said. "But then I
saw this bus tour took out from the east,
and I figured maybe they'll learn something. This is where politics started off,
H
..,
J
->,.
'
··~
;:;;
.. ,
•
people travelin' the country from
the back of a train. Maybe it's
where they should get back to.
Anyway, I figure that anyone
that would take the time to stop in
the middle of the night and talk to
us, instead of flying around to big cities in
an airplane, can't be all bad."
Somewhere in the Iowa night-that
night, the first of their second bus tourClinton and Gore had, once again, transcended the traditional rites and clich~s of
politics. There had been doubts all day: it
would be impossible to replicate the magic
of their first trip, the post-convention exhilaration, the crowds lining the highway,
filling the town squares along the Ohio
River valley. And it was true, the crowds
this time wouldn't be quite so large or enthusiastic, the candidates wouldn't be
quite so eloquent-but something was happening out there on Highway 61, an emotional connection that mocked and then
demolished the industrial-strength cynicism of the 150 journalists tagging along. It
had as much to do with the people who lined
the roads as it did with the candidates-
often, the farmers delivered Bill
Clinton's message of "change"
more eloquently than he did.
Once again this year-as they
had in New Hampshire, and then
during the Perot fever-people
were registering their very serious concern
about the state of the nation. And, once
again, the depth of feeling was coming as a
surprise to the politicians and the press.
The first bus tour had been Clinton campaign manager David Wilhelm's idea. "I
walked into David's office one day a few
weeks before the convention," says communications director George Stephanapoulos, "and he was running his finger
along the map, out from New York toward
St. Louis." Wilhelm was thinking politics
and imagery. The southern portions of
Ohio and illinois, especially, were pivotal
territories if those crucial states were to be
won. Putting Bill and AI and Tipper and
Hillary on a bus to places where big-time
politicians normally don't go could be
risky-what if they gave a bus tour and
nobody came?-but it had a chance of resonating, too. For once, Democrats-tarred
NEWSWEEK: AUGUST 17,1992
31
�..
by their opponents as the party of perver- new postmodern political form: bus tours mercials) into a rally site: staffers would
sion for a quarter century-would make seem to have their own biorhythms. They produceasoundsystemandastagefromits
their case in the midst of a rolling Norman languish during the days, the candidates belly. Candidates and wives would emerge;
Rockwell tableau, the placid, mythic beau- dragging themselves through standard, the Bill and Alshow would commence.
The speeches last week weren't very
ty of small-town America in midsummer, "modern" media events. At dusk, though, ·
rather than before their usual tired collec- everything changes. People, done with good. Gore would warm up the crowd with
tion of interest groups, in union halls and theirday'swork, appear on the roadsides- chanting and bluster; Clinton would redepressing urban moonscapes.
and they begin to dictate the nature of the tail campaign boilerplate-a quick tour
"We also figured we'd be able to get campaign. Local radio stations announce through his jobs, education and health-care
more, especially local, media coverage," possible gathering places: if enough folks programs, an emotional plea asking them
Wilhelm says. The bus trip costs $100 per show up at this crossroads, or that truck not to succumb to Republican attacks,
not to chicken out. Nothing very moving
journalist per day, far less than plane fare. stop, the cavalcade may stop.
"If they build it, we will come," said Al or edifying; no acknowledgment that
"More important," Wilhelm adds, "at that
point, Perot was still in the race and we Gore, as he sat up front in his bus at dusk "change" will involve sacrifice; indeed, in
were looking for a way to define ourselves. last Thursday, watching with glee as the Iowa, he added some smarmy agripanderWith Bush in the Rose Garden and Perot nightly phenomenon began: a farmer sit- ing about that anachronistic sacred cow,
working the TV studios, why not go out ting atop his combine with a homemade the family farm. The spontaneous, nightand be with the people?"
time rallies had more emotion
than the daylight set pieces, but
The first bus trip seemed to
tap into a primordial public
the real action wasn't in the
·.'·
yearning; it touched the same
speechmaking at all. It was in
vein Ronald Reagan, steeped as
the handshaking. Clinton was
he was in 1930s Hollywood fanrelentless, often stopping to
tasy visions of America, had al, ..
chat and, especially, to listenways worked effortlessly (and
. r ;' .,..
a woman, in tears at a country
1
..,.,.,.,
.
crossroads, over her husband
which George Bush, uncomlosing his job after 27 years; a
fortable with visions, has ignored at his peril). Indeed, since
pro-life obstetrician in HanniVietnam and Watergate ended
bal, Mo., quietly persuasive on
the national age of innocence,
the evils of abortion. The candinostalgia has been the domidate would nod sympathetically, ask questions-ifRoss Perot
nantAmericancultural theme.
The commingling of technology
was the ultimate talk-show
and nostalgia-what is someguest, Clinton may be the great
times called postmodernismAmerican talk-show host, inhas been especially powerful in
terviewingthe folks about their
politics. Reagan taught Repubproblems without ever providlicans the value of scavenging
ing answers.
the past for reassuring images
'Dry years': This is a dangerous game, raising fierce expecthat promised the restoration
IBA WYMAN OR ~fEWii\VEiat
of innocence; Democrats were
tations. In Wapello, John Bruce
never gotachancetounload his
too obsessed with perceived in- The people's message of 'change': At a stop in Hanniba~ Mo.
justice and personal liberagripe. "After a bunch of dry
tion-enervating "modern" yearnings-to sign, GIVE 'EM HELL, BILL: CLINTON-GORE IN years," he said," we finally get some rain, a
understand the narcotic powers of the '92 ... three women sitting at a crossroads great crop-and the prices are just droppostmodern past.
in lawn chairs, waving ... an old fellow ping. You watch the markets, and they fall
Until now: the bus trips allow Clinton to with a sign outside a country tavern: HEY every day." It's safe to surmise that Clinton
evoke a different, but equally valid, vision CLINTON: STOP AND I'LL BUY ••• two kids wouldn't have taken the time to explain
of the American heritage. The virtues ex- waving as they somersaulted on a trampo- the law of supply and demand-and, ultipressed by the rural folks lining the high- line, their mom memorializing the mo- mately, his failure to repeal that law may
ways-hope, desire for change, faith in the ment with a camcorder. "Create your own prove disheartening, further proof that
future-are, at once, old-fashioned and the television program," said Gore, comparing politicians are just a bunch of phonies. For
very qualities Clinton and Gore are hop- the bus tour to other interactive informa- the moment, though, it seemed enough
ing to sell to a more cynical metropolitan tion-age phenomena ranging from "Ameri- that he was out there and listening.
electorate. Subtly, the tours have helped ca's Funniest Home Videos" to the "masThere was another stop after Wapello
transform the Democrats into a party rep- sive parallelism" high-speed computing that night, in Muscatine, where people
resenting the most bedrock of American model. "Create your own rally ... create holding candles lined the highway; and
values: "[The Republicans] will try to scare your own presidency."
then it seemed to grow too late for crowds.
you, to convince [you] that we're two young
The references to "Field of Dreams" The buses pushed on, candidates and stafF
guys with crazy ideas who don't know what were constant and inevitable as the cara- and reporters drifting ofF, only to be awakwe're doing, that we'll make things worse," van made its way through the Iowa corn- ened-past midnight, at the hotel in BetClinton would say at each rally. "Their fields. There was an apparitional quality tendorf-by a monumental throng, thouwhole idea is, it could be worse . . . Our to the long line ofbuses, suddenly material- sands of people waiting in the soft Iowa
izing on a quiet country highway; but then, night. Local volunteers led the way into the
whole idea is, it could be better."
The second trip, three days on the road the apparitions were mutual-crowds ap- rally with Coleman lanterns; it was ghostfrom St. Louis to Minneapolis along the peared out of nowhere. If500 or more gath- ly, ethereal. A young staffer yawned,
Mississippi River, reinforced the images of ered, Clinton's bus would transform itself rubbed her eyes and laughed softly. "Are
the first-and raised the possibility of a (like the magic truck in the Bud Lite com- weinheaven?"sheasked.No,ju8tiowa. •
NEWSWEEK: AUGUST 17, 1992
33
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CIIIIIM ........to • eiwd .. ._,. -.ooo •• • IMII_ftlllllp r~nv ........, 1n Hln•l, Mo. Clinton, ftlllldnia· ~~~ " Claro aiiCI till oMdldltll'
tour to 1111 upper Mlallealppl v.liiJ. · ····-:- ··-,-·-~ .. .-:~~-·-··..
.
Hllllr; lnd npper, •• taklllt their
~loft..
and watch the4el~t~ .,tieinatio. ·. ·: ri~ iap to our 110tcntlal. ll'a not
·
kllllna ofa ~· blled 011 their . · · 11\llll~ In Hlnnlbal. ialt? ...
otbniG orialnL• BIIU. he •ld; hi · . O.reo BYIIII olllh• to II'J liYi111 on
qqaala111. Rla'ht on: i\ wu the
AIDS,IIID IIOIItro~ 1110 environment
WOuld raifler foclla Oll!Wbllm' at. . ~~~~~~~~for I while.''
~nom,.. Cal\ ,.ou l\llranteo ua jobS
and even t'arclan afl'alr'L
home.
.
Oor. wuoftn mort mac:klns. Hll
aolleal?
Pur uamp"' Will\ lbout
•vrc.. he said, told him thl\ Buall
oddiii'O be&t ltYGU 10
YIIIOilaYil?
·
·
and Q~Je..,. "huddled In tile
coll~&e, but there are ao .
· ,
· · In Hannibal, the tOPic wu the
· White llo11•ln a llall otDOII1Iell
tant.L CoiiiM\1
"I would flvor aa Immediate Rnlon economy In &cneral. Clinton took the panle. ~ dOft't know what to clo
•ilhy,'
of lhe Unhld Na&lonallowity
occallon to IIIIWCI'. VIce Pres1dent
'beclllte thtr'YO &01 1\0 Ideal, liD
Council and do wbatevor h 1lkee to
Dan Olaa~le'• erillelem that lle._ tii'ICi \be~ J11t\ pickrna 11p bla do11blt
invntl&lw," Ctintoft llld, "'We may of"eanna 4.morka pt nm down,
baridfula of mud aid thnlwlnalt,"
llaveto ueo mlllwy ron.. I would
•
start wi\h air J)OWII' qaiQIR tile Scrbt. "I'm I\Ot bad·llllllltllllla ~~~~~rica,"
HIIIIOJJ 1howllbat ,.ou can'tJu•s ell
Clinton uld. "I ju1t want to see"'
Clln&oa eontlnued on pap 20A
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�Two found
dead
in
Lund
Russen Jr., son of grocery founder, is sou
PftU,.. 11111 li'riolop ,.,_, l.vnol, It, lo o
1111*1 IIIII lllal lh1y wtftllll IG lllk
ID him, 1141 l.lind'• whtreahDull 111..
nipl Wlllllllelur,
•
l!olh vii'!IM• ~od hetn a~alln dHI~.
Pulice dlwvmd tht lxt4itt efler 1
cellar told lh1111 ID l011k in lilt haute
'nit dead_., iotlcnllfttd •• lllrllan
t..nd u. ot Oraoo"' • rNI 111111
~p~~t.tnd lllotYin Ktlly, ~.a~~~~·
¥'"ft" ,,..,.,
lohnMan, IOWI.
ana 10~''' '"'"'
Pali~~t llid II IPPQrld l~ltlhty had
t.o'n dill lllr ICYGIII llftun llttbft
1-.lradiet Wtft fllland.
Tht Luftdo Wtrt di•a•••••· ttld
menus •lid te~~l'l ca~~PIIenl\ ttldlfato
1!11 thll 1~1 pmteldinll had hecomr
ltl'imiMiiaUI.
114iMtlao\a pola lAid 1eotlrtl1J1
lhal nlht" 1ft tho 1.•1111 l'lomo11 ot>.
<lifted IO ltiiWir quttiiOftl. tll(illdllll
inQUtrltl abaul lhnoll l.und'•
wllt!Nhnolte. ttld 11flrrefi Qlotlliau
to 1 llunoly """'""¥· ·rho llwpr, ,,,.
l'lle.lht", al¥'1 drtlonod In Qfi!M'Itnt.
After a wait, a welcome
Clinton offers vision· Working the crowds
place after place
of a rebuilt America in
Hr
a,,.,
IIJ !11"' '!Mit~
NU.IfWI'tlcr
·•••IIJ lrlol caul•rnl, llill 1.1intllll
111d AI Ulln 1ft4e4 1 -~~~~ lumul•
1UCIIII rDICI lrip ilti'INp lht l.tid•
~•• ·~ hCi~~cuoll.- 11n PrillaY,
ptumlwna 1 IICltty dewoniUwn arrJWU
lhll they wuuhl111ft1P In m.~ 11...,.
lhmi~ reflt•ll in •1"- IIIII ltlldi•
::~~.!11
Mlllftllllll nuli•
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Pll""'"i••
llonum painllll1
vialaft toterwllllill
Am11Utt ... fttflftl tik• llllft'l'tiU t.iUU•
I E.._ ltCirn Clnlcln's
Minnesota epeec!l, PIJ! 18A
('trul
NaiiiiiMII'urri•ll•~~k"tll
r-tihtn It ""'""' UliHIJI!•l141A~i ..
M&hh and lllucatilllllltllllllalbr •U
"' lhl ......... lht '"''~ •nol filldl
'"'' nfiiW lt•4111(1 •t•lhc M"•"MI~
pc, IlK' I lonlliD Pf'•ultnllltl <'liiii-
eJtluaw wh•l• lbn•kt"' R•puhiMran
IN'I&n t.•d 11 duwn lu • """..,. -
Mlicin nr IIICU1111o.INI ln-tmenl
hr hopina ••••• r,,,. "" the
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"I Mlino WIIIIR 11U ~m ...,lllfy th•
raloe lhlllrc dt1won1 III'P'li1UftiiJ '"
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~··~
ft~ On the
7'-·-··~·........... ~ . .
trail
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I'll the VIII .,....,...,.., Uw thtt\luolof
r~•t
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lh'l' pll l!tWt"l 111111 IIIWI'( •••
'olltlnrt~r. ur olli, •• Ml, rornt,..lly
r\tra• ~ t t•II'UIIII tllft II ltrltl ••~II
'I'll• ...v.h·•nt.... tt.u~Thna J•~W•llf~·
hi&llway •htll ,,.. IMI•MIIl'l' ~ewnt
roil IIIII l10oi llollf\1 111M I • L'lll'"'l 1\
.......
wanina I"""" 1111' "'"'' I nllln
U¥1 ~-.-
\"~lr1111UA'd tltl , ... ,
Ill,\
Bush invokes memories of H~ljflr.•
in demanding access to Serb
•.,_N..,•Ntt•""
Wooblllctt...,l).l',
l~nMiclol lluolo, ooo•otllmJ tht "''"'"'
1111 tltcumuea" ~~ lh1 1fttn,mlc ••r
W•orltl Wuo II, t•roola, ftl""lnl hoo
call f111 llllll"'loole 111....... ,,, !ioob lUll
~elrlllom •'""'"'' l!ul 111 alvt "·
l'fi'Wf! t'nlliTf'll 1bln1t l1;tWinJ 'llt
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.,_._.--~~ ... ·: . . ~~ . :..·.. !...;.:...:.:....~~-~·.•'! ,:.
•'linin
�u.7SO/o
Bus tour/ Evoking memories of Hubert Humphrey
r...iWIIM ,_ ,.., '"
Tilt Domlll!ltli< .. nclhl&tfl aMth•"
wiwa lrnti'Jt rrom tiM ftnl 11u1t •nd
IM poopt.\ ourp fbrwan:, t 11n1n~
11111111 u.. way, runnin• m11r AI
lion the 01br. lldllrt C'hnln~
IICifl• tnr ""~' m llrtwetn' 11PI1<'
Clul•, Una!
• llf'lln'lllfttl phulllllll-
' pllat, ll!&ol CIUI lh ~"' wri\Cirn• 10
' llllo1118111•h lh Cf~ phQtrlllfuhinj
lllr.
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oonlll'\ Mlly, jo.,hnl ror thr "'"
-~~~~~. !iorntltllltl !lit) Qulnu,brr
the 1110mllltll M•llil ... ,
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h••d up lht lllf!, run rurlllt:
Wl~lllll
(lintr.n wmk lht orr.Wd
'""'"' tM ""•~• ar ltullert ll•m·
pbrey, ('linUIII m1ahl fltol ht lh<
ohiluwpln!lll ~~~~~l.,.to rol ~>~••••"··
in fllllllllry lr,.,.l, t•u '"" '""
"""' murc tn cammrm than'"'' run·
~•n11br pmidotn1 - neuhtr onrev•r
met I WUitt Wldl wh11m hf' ,t.rtn'l
8)
Ill talk. 4ntlwlk
\he ~n4- c.r 1tw
an~
t•lk and
'"r' 1 '!1n1uu 1., hwc-
Mit with lintMIIII. bu1 rl <rwnn l•IL'k
10 lirt Vil!tn ht 11 •1th thr nuW\1, II•
hu 1111 &rlllf 'IIIRdlftU raw hUnul~
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IG fl•lhln l'!fod!l<'l\, thr!WII~.
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t·r, •Pt••tnlin• - mun• 11't'IOiar1 .,,. li••l•r~ll~w," nr runao•\. lfr IIULI\, l~al
aK<o~ulture, fl't>•idtna li!ODtt~l "' .,.,
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Zero Kid'
Will never
forget '42
'r
(
It
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'
· Abussarvesasabedulropas ·
Damaaalic prvsldaD11&1 norntlee ·
Bit Cllntun (lllboviJ} lfl8ak& cUJng
campaign etop in SbawbQrry Point.
Iowa. part of hi9 bus~ 1'lundaJ .
trom Davenport,
to u .. ...
ave.
.. 11114.
Ill a lllmbr that
ll!llllf-~se111db. 'nul'allll!..
11- was Set. Smola. We
Crosse. Dillion, t1is wK&. tlllary, .·
and rurilg mate AI Qoreand his:
wife, Tipper, 819 iolltlg hm St. .
Louis, Mo., to Minneapolis, Minn.
,
��For Clinton
]
caravan,~
afewbmn~
By Mitchel! L.oein
)
Cl'ica;o Ttt:IUN
CED.IJl R..4.P!OS, Iowa-Under
or bravina a E!'Udnilh: l:hnl, tbe people an: ~
Sta.ndinll alone at the roadside
b)' the tall row'S or com, or ia a
the~ IWI
erowd
or thous&.nd.t
at • park
alonp!de the ahimmeriaa Mwis·
s.ipp1 R.i\'Ct, people who v.-ant to
be in on what ~.)' be a bit of
bistol')' wait (gr Bill Clinton and
AI Oore to pull up in their bus ..
car&Y&I1.
111 ~ i1'' cwiosity to sec what
the Demo~ratic: J'rlllidential
~omioee c&lls "th1s little road
B Buah claim& Clinton would
$150 billion. Paoe 4.
raise~~
• 5 Democratic senators decry
Quayle council. Page 4.
·
· show" as it rolls from St. Louii to
MiAneapotis·St. Paul.
In pan it's wantina to be associ·
ated with what could ~ a phenomenon that sweeps tile Republi·
c:ans (rom the Wnite Hcuse at\cr
12 years.
And in part-a very small
pan-it's , w~ting
DemOCI'Rl1C tiCket.
.w;
pc
re
di
li•
to protest the
f1j
Most are trl.le believers 1uch liS
Charlea L.uster. 51 1 a nl;bt-shift
Japan~ remem~r: bombing of HiroShima
hours Thursday walling ror Ointon to ap~ outsido the Quaker
Oats plant in Cedar Rapids.
"J $Ot off' work at 7:30 this
momtng, so f slc!)t three hours
and c:~.me down," said Luslcr, .o
maintcn11nce worker, who su.id he
Papor ~anterne float on Hlrcanlma•s Motoyaat.t ·people .who died wHen th4i.
River 1hursday to commemorate the 14CJ,OOO atomic bomb on Aug. e, 1945.
worker who ltood 1n the sun for
wnntcd let r:amrm his SUPP\>11 ror
the ArknnsA.S sovcmor. "We need
ll:l!Titthing ~o !l,el the country
moving, and he s lhc only one
who can do it."
O.thers were like Kathie Osborn,
~.' nn
optician li"om Dn\'enpurt,
·-w;.., said 5hc had always votcl.l
J~c·
pLibliean. but wc.s out al\cr mid·
· night as the Dcmocrnts' bus pulled
irno Bettendorf. :ow11.
.
· "We need " 1\CW pn:sidcnt. We
nect.! somethina different,'' Osborn
"I think Clinton's goins to
~nid.
mGke thin~s bette~ (or us. He's
guins U> br1nc more jobs '\nd b¢lI~Uob&,"
Voters like O~born, wbo onc:c
supported J>n:~idcnt U\.lsh 11nd
Ronnld Rcltgl\11, nrc ensy to lind in
the CI'OWd. Tll.::ir prcsMc~ rclkcts
poll rcs1•hs lhlll sht~w th~: inCLtmbcnl lfl\ilins . r~~r behind Ctin·
ton; losing voters who hnvcn't
lhll
considet·cd supponing a Demo~;nn
ror years.
Emia Henning nood on 11 foldins lawn chair outSide J~mcn
Cuslle Lodge in Bettendorf to get
11 ~ner look nt 1h~ nmn h~: IM eonSloe Cltnlon. PA· 4
'
..
I(
u.s. dropped the
ll
Sl
se
, Teens behind the wheel can
drive parents 'round the bend
By Angela Bradbery
.
otound the house) Chat a drlwr'a
· license brlnp. Especially in sum·
mer when, like, boredom looms,. ·
when riCCJ'Ie would' unwind by you
know.
.
.
tuldng Sunc.lay nftC!r110on drive,,
So the ne&otiations besin •.
young pc:oplc ortcn .acquired thctr
ru:ld s!!;Uis on quiet courjtrY. roads Protracted, furious, cndlen, '
or city meuts tllut 'A'c:rtn't the me· Where, when, with whorn can the
chnnicill cquivu!cnl of Dn llttStY teen and car go? Who buys aas;
who paya ror insuran~?
·
mob.
,
W6ffled rmrenta, who kllow tile
SJrc, U!crc ·were nervo.wrack.ins
mom·:~u all l'ight, but uslns a danacrs or the road. Fearless kids,
tu,m s1s.nn~ 11.1 ch:~ngc .Innes WM too· ]f(!Ung to believe in their own
mortQ!ity. Ocncrarions struuJin1
S\1l1 11 eammon mnnl'iuvat.
Todtly, the ~lght or II tCC:IliiiJCr tO nnd an acc:ommodatiQft,
Julie Murphy, 1~ 1 of Chlcaao
with a new liccnsl! drlvlflg ofT Into
can't alter the fact tnat bet birthc:~pn:uw(l~' traffic ia ~nough to
mukc nlmoH il!l)' pm-ent breathe· day is in September•. She'll mlu
r.!~Cflly,
. geuina her license over summer
but she hun 't wasted a .
No! to worry. ~~~Y the klda. They vocation.
n•J( Interested 1n denth·defy!ns moment In !)reparina for D·D.ay.
She has been pleading with her
nc;t~. Thc:y just long for the ntw ·
t~ttrizons (rcnll: not l!an;lna
· See Drl•en, PI• 11 Keith Van Zint, 16, practlcee hit P'
~at
all
thl!t
"'onv years
aao;
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·
........... ..........
r
~~~- ·J-:p::;_
.!
~·If'
........
�I
~·
..
the J992 Campaign
·------------~R-~----~~------------------------------------
Clint
Ne;
MINNI\AI 1t
In hlv ramp•h
ClirUon hiS II
fDr diiJIIIO II
11011111. Now, a
nnao can¥
b)' IIIC fear o
111 retsina•
"'
wound it•
w1
All his oi
. River trom lv.
CllniM haa'
lho rorlltudo
rctlil -Republ
111m and 11111
Goreoftl!flnt
lrdtll lltl~
"'nil• c:oun
200 ~·,.. bo
fllllnl'ln our !
I.'CIIIrqotorh
a rally 1n dq·
,_IIIIGMI 1111 th
IIPPI'r Mllldll'
1'ho a~mn
I hoi!KIIho I)(
throullhCI\It h
mt~~IIAAC
.
k!lcl rlainll o
llackdi'Ol'.
:
But inmak
Fearing fickleness, Clinton Says, 'Stick With Us'
'
,,
.
'
'
the 1'1811 of r~
lelia 1111 trow
bo, 1111d wna
mtsht ontail.
a.
group Will moving CPBI wtl by 'lt'.l'!n nearly I A.M., about
lndaad, CXI
whl!n irs nnnks ran lnlo lllailtt of ·Mr. IWI!nty . hOIItll &flor the DemPCI'IIII I 111111! 11(;11111
S,..·l>l!fiTiol Ntw Ylllll T<m"
Cllnla"'a
entouratt.o.
After
a
bll
of
.
haCI started l~lr bus trip.
wl\t'm he to
CKIPP£WA FALLS, Wis., Au~. 7. ciiQtuacd raclna orr. the Vll;e-J•I'C!at·
Mr. Cttnum kopt .on. Movlna from thai tho poar
Anew favorite thl!mc of S!ll Cllr.ton's When It R"lns, He Poura
denUal eluster GftYe way to rhO top of ptll'iOII to.porson, hllliillll!llch band 'ml!laura oft
speeches 1~ thft! hln uppor.enl, Oeorao
It !111111'~41 all morning tiS the Clln1on 11111 tfckot u Mr. G~ movecl off to that was stretched ou1 lie walkl!d In a lllj& their aw
aullh, Ia a lk!sperau: man doing des·
1
anll <lore l:Kl& tntouraae 1'0lled past the stele, where l'te round .hlmsell .,tlll)',palll Df.JiJbt.miOt!.by.,.fiiiiJI.
iilllr. but. 11'
porate thlnttil.
·
··Ute
tikcs·
end
·pastul't!ls.
-of
eastem
'WI!dgcd
between
A
bUs
ftnd
a
B8ftllll!
of
IISht
of
the
Secii'Of
5erYite'IIJCI'IIt
his attllovccl Will
·"'Tne ·ProsidMt hi& n1d "11\>er atld
Wlsconsln
ttoppinll
hero
11nd
lhl!rc
to
tamC!ras.
•
•
·
aldt.
He
had
alftlaey
touc:hcd
at
k!aiil
1'hc! shill i
D\'cr D&nln,,'l will do an)'lhing to ~old
1
to ll')e anembled by rho road.
H~ tuml!d ro a roporler wllh a !DCik
two or 1~ree h1mdrl!d hands and the J'l"&l ~m• u
on to thla Job.'" Mr. Cllnum told &peal<
In
Bench
CarMt&,
Wis.,
!)opuhulon
of
rofleettcn
·on
hlf
rllet!,
"Did
yo1t
time was I!DIIin~ en to I: IS wltl!n a the M4'pubUrt
rcpot•ters 111 he wu lea11lng a hotDI.ill
2$, ~ ~an hnndtod Mr,. ever lt'e that WOOCiy Allen ·.movll! )'OIInA mAn •tCippecl hln't Wllh I qtiCII- lim DolllO<!I'.
1.11 C:roi!IC!, Wla., this mDI'I'Iin(l. "'rhe~e approximnlely
Clfnt
on
a
portable
!~l~!\111111 ncroaa
whOre
there
are
tl\1!11!
,
alx
IIU)II
.
lion
abOIII JO~ and eaiii!RI!·
lt'irnl and IIIII
nnllonol ·. Rcpub!l~:ans des~ravcly the !'01'11! llr.ll. "Vou'•·c live on radio
The qwrstlon hll somt' buiiDllln lhe tlbl\al Pt'mn
want to hold on to lho WllHe HOUIIC. stotton WHTL, Governor," he said. dl't'•IIC'CI In blaek eomlna clown a
attoet
and
lhey't'l!
rarr)'lngthll
auy
eandldato'a mlnel, and for the nut program bM
Thl!y cannot-lmaRIIIC what their lives
wh111cver you wn:n."
·
on 11 ct·ass, and they're looklnll !Dr a acven mlnutea tho y011th atood l~re
"Our CIJIIIIl
WOIIld be llkl! If they did not have all · "Say
A mon r.~nnlna for Pres!dl!nl rna)' Pltrl<lng 'PB~ Then, just 111 they're as Mr. Clinton threw chunk artor know WhMt ·11
thou• dlnnt:.., 11nd an or that atult !l\e)l·
nut h!lvc the &anso to rome In wt of bat'llin(llnro a apac:e, ,ttwao six miter chunk 111 atump sttee<"h a\ hlr.~.
Clinton SHid t
do, and all thot powtor."
. ·
But 1r Mr. Bush Ia dl!sporo.te, Mr. lha rain, but ht: know~ ~liar than· co 111.1)111' m black .carrylnA a suy .on a . "Did Yml know thai 10meoiw. like ban~& of the 1
Clinton !& hat•dly nngulne; Althollllh (IDfiS up an offe-r like lhnt. Mr. Clinton, trou comto In from· btlhincl and lake you willln all prababill!)' 1\l'lanjle Jobs lha Mibl"iJ'I
he Is on tile sot'! of roll polltl~lana "Gndlnll In e cold :IOI\IItt' wllh the !ht> sp&co. Yt~ij remember that aeono? eljllll llmCII ln a llfl!llme? Tllat'D ~i~~~J~
"Thllt's what this 11 llko far· mo
CICIIQht In, the Demor.rtlllc Pt'OSiCI~n· ' umbrvllft held by an 11llfl! dl!lhiollna
rl"hl,toighu!mes ... Whllt we need 11
kit 111 11 ,.~
part of lhe downpour, anbbeil aornellrnCII, '' Mr. Ooro •••~·
tlnlnomlneo is ever cognizant or how only
a Pt'OAr&m wftere Ylll.lft!l IR!OPk! ll..e 8
tile phone and dc-llve!'l!!l lll!veral mfn•
oph'l!meral iR paJ)Uiattty anclllow hell· UIU
·yoitcl!l~ to tol"""'e, Anyh....u who It n'lok" ltlhlll~.
_,,
SJ'Iteth-tlllll\k;:i.
When
1\e
WBB Chattlna Alter MldnJcbt
• d ~..
~""•
""'aidrnt .
Ia thl! will of the ~lc.
QUI 'if . oOr II mlstiiiQ IO 119 IU nil• nltU'<'illlll lhlll
finished, Senator Al C(tl't'! tool! hia
In ~wry spi!cch on thi& W(!Ok'a bus I urn for a ccuplo or oninllqes more.
Mt', Core fa BCCUatomcd to a nice lrJJe, oncl pfl)f back Ulfl tullflln by publlt nppi'IU
h':p !r'oi'l\ &1. 1.6UII Ul MlftMSlllll, and
n1111n ·s Ml4'llfl, IJcin~t In tim .habit of e11mtna 111\c-k here,lo lll!llf!lldorf, anil riidu 11111111111
In nrArl)! every Rrl!l!lln$ \\'lilt lndlvld· When Uftls Like a Movie
tumina tn re11ularry by 10 P.M. Mr. worllln& for two yeal'll •• a 11011rcmun In wa~hinatu
unl ·votorA, Mt•. Clinton reminds tho
Clinton '' 11 ntl!ht .perllll!l, who enjoys or a le~dle-r ..• We M'd a S«rehtl')'
Cnndidnl¢io, nna ~n!ldldiii!!A' wlv~s', ~lll)'lllA 1111 ~~o•cll plt~l midntf!hl pla)'tnA (CII' AAriC'III(U!'(!, not & J'>t'PBiintt•tu of ·urrri\IIIYC\ "II''
pcllplo WhO ilDVI! t•omL' IIIII Ia &at him
f(lt'll~ c.wn !llol
how fl'l~BIII! n 1111 !fi, 11nd tmpiCitc'.$ ncvtt' )YAik llllll'IC, but rstiiPI' llka un• ~lll'ds nnd talking. &J!tl(!lnl,ly tlllklll~ Agrtrnlcul't' , , • "
An atdl! IIIJ!Ill!d hl1 »huuloot. ''PI~n. l'l'flldi'IU Mflt
'lhl'nt IDIIC!Ip him kcop tho .roll Alillt:, u~ullll)' well•\lrc.u~d phmets, mako
Arl'lvlnl: at·u hutol r.anecr Jumor •
ly
affnlka
avtor
he~
who
want
to
11!1!
M'M
lind Mli)'H
Tho tcme he tlll\l!s fs, lnt't1l11Sinaly, thl!lt orbl" ~YrJ'OUnU<'tl by a c:nnstl!l· CaJtll! lllllt'ttcmdorf, Iowa, after mfd.
IICIC'~I'\1 b11•
hottr~hil\ll• r\IICOPI lor the dolOr•
niJiht WC'dnellda~ Mr. Cllnum and ~ lOCI, (;(l¥l'rn 11r,"
hllon "' las!R'r lil&hll.
TWenty hPnds or soiP14'r, a mklllll'o IIUIIII'II ~~~ ,..,,
Mr. Clinton mlll Mi', Gnre ettrh Mr. <Me bOth dl!llveTI'II [lllmpni•IIP
mi!H!IIIy ll(:tl'l'r~ ROIS f>cr;,t, all
Prcsldcntlnl cnm:ltd:lles osk fur sup· move tn 11 circle ul n! ltll~t 14 or I& llllOOC'h~& Itt a trowd Ill Dl IODII II lllltd '""" 11111CC'd Mr. Clinton wllal
1'111111~ Mr.
pc~rt · Mr. Clinton pruttically heRs for
r~opt~ - tour or li\'a Stertl scrvtro
lhouRRnd IbM hAd 111&111!11 lor ,lhl!nl, ~K~tt or lllliU\I'JIIOIIO llr pta)'t'd.
~~ =~"'
11. Hla blnnClifihma::nll Nnllli.e n lhony t1S:I!nl9, lhl'l!l) nt' four filnllt•tJ, an<S Afll!rward, 116 IS OXI'CCII!d of lhllm,
1111' comllt,luto found thlaan conth'o- tark• I hill llr&'
througn hi& ~t'mnrka; "We need your· JCVI.'n or eight journ~ll••~ - w'ntle both men worke<ltlll!tr wuy aiiJillllhl' ly IVniiO/Inbk- tnqulr)' 111 l'jUIIrtl'r N\Jt
h~lp , , . glvr \19 u rhnnc:a . , , w~ n~Dd
Hl\1nry Clinton 1111<.1 Tlp]ll't' Ci01'e l!dRl'll nr ~he crowd, RllulllnA hsnda . ant' tn thr nmmlnp. "I'Vr 11111 a lDl~ pclllllitHlft.''
·
' Allic'l In M
Yllll , , , ttlrk wllh ItS , , , ~lon'l bC!
mo¥f· in•th~ nlid!il ol ell~htly smallllt' unit tnl"'"ll- Mr, Clol'll llld A e~rll4tlllo llrlnmn,'' hi! 1111ltl.
"I'VIl got a Mnt•k 8," ~nld lhr olht•l' C'Cifnm~IIIM Ill'
'Aymlom~.
.
job, fiiJihnA in n lmndrtd Ill' ~~~ ll11nd1
IHintht'Uned. ''
Wht'n A larmr.r In bib overalls In
Whl"n both Cllntnns 1111" hnth Clnn!R 11n tmt akl~ ol thr. c:rowel, wMC! Mr. man,
. ~n.owJ('djlr '"'
081~, WI!!., grnhbt'IJ Mr. Ctlnlllll'&
\lltork th<l Slim~ crowd, lhr luur differ· Clinton .wurkecltlw o\ht-1".
Mt•.'clintlln JlliUIIC'll tntm~lllrt·thnt •. m1111lllljl~ '"'"
"Mnrll
6
I&
llrlll'r,"
hl'
&Ahi
"'11111
taur.
~nl
t!u~IC'I"'
bum11
11nd
mnnouvtt'
Whenull
b1t111
fl'lll
hundred
nfthnll'
hund IIIII~)' 111\.cl•arll. "WI! wnnl )'1111 10
"t'hnlll!l' ro
win, IIIII," !h~ tllnlllllhil! 11ruhbi!CJ him urmtnd c:~ch othc.r In u cloud nf harcl)' ~lumorln~: for the l!lu'ldld:tles hud 'Sl'lmnn J5'~ An> III'IURII)I IN•tttr Ill•
<1mlrut\Ni 1~onfu~tlil1.
l!ffn n~knowlt'lljlt'd, Mr. (iOre mude alntmt'niH, hullllt')IJII't out o! Bdjufit• thto•'l'ffll'l' 11 ifi
111 1'11111111 nm! &uid; "II )'11\1 ht!lp not!,
ml!nl
lilt!
I'Rally,"
.
ft:r
IIIII (~111111
· At mu• 11mdsld~ &lllil the !ol!ll!r doy, hi& wilY ICI Ill<' frunl li~ll!r, nnd hed. It
"'I' WilL Dllll'l 'llt' lttlnthrwtt~d. Stay
1)1 MIC:~AEL KELI.Y
II·
.
Ill;
IJID(ICIIOIIII
lk!Uendort 1.'
IlNdier Jown
C:lftllldiiiOBSI
thO Cla~lll!l•
-·=-:su
w!th mn lor the
you."
di~1ancr.
..._.... _......
We
n~
Ml', Oor'I!'B
�lie Democrats
fhere They Go Again: Clinton a~d Gore ·Climb Back on _Bus for a 3-Day Trip
Uip, Clil!l!lll tan;dii!IS line 1>ee11
IJ pl..yi.IIJS clown alii! She Iff the ctO'IIIV.h
lhey ellpO!Cted
Ira fad. 111e IJonllo<:rats t.ad l4ell
dfcrts g lllm"lll lite , _ sete-c
1J mm11tloc aod 1111 121e ¢17. a BftiiiP
ul Cllilre dwn :. llula5Uid ~ pillIred au ps statiu•u•n& parid!~~&lat al
a sl>!le llil}l•ay lrt BDIIII~ Green. Mo.
- TW sire .. die c:nl\»11 farad lhe llu$
eGIURJragp w •bill - s llilled as a
•spaa1a......a" !lliJla·"lllen. q11il2 a lol ..
ca!b,•• said Helea halt af Fr_anltl
Mo.... p!l called . , Bnw!& WI!!IB, die
lllll!riff·s,.,!Fe. will> Is die "ice pre«.JdeDt
of doe Women"s Demor:nl
aro&~lld fll:re, 81141 plllen!d ~a
bulldl llf ~ aad ~~~ lllem
.........
CIIy 11f rlle-11\v...-
~ MIC!IAEL KEll.Y
Sfa"'llm.l .......... 'Yeft:T•ll'f'"'·
BliR.UNGT~ ....... Aug.!>11g lllei•
~her,
an
"':oee..
Ha.,._
am c--. ..,
ll Glln-- are taioitog il mo doe road apiDL
IN& Prsldelllial lidu!l bti ever 1JU1
..-~~er aaJI}OOa bltt> 1be palital
" • sboor af klr. Ciilr!DD aiUI Mr.
~:«e-. which IS .., lllUIPany supp~~rtift
!hat il SIIDI!tillleS n.lll!lllliles all all
Rlll!l:vi.,. att- - Ab&ullftEIJ
a;..
IIIII. Posiliftly. MT. Gore·· - lOS ~
..... l1!imlles&ly ai......,.._.,...S ....
cumpli~DNI'i tl!!e cn¥r.
And l'ew ~ al polidcal lbmtB
llave ft'eT kad ...m illilial 5llllllCI5S n
tdi!i NT. Cldkoa IUIII lb. GaR 111 11Rir
ltJlllll!t, wl>ell IIIey liiUid dleer'lQa
.•ot..
c:-m.amll~pn!IIS.....,.....
sb-4ay 1b11S lrip II'DIIlld.alllauallla $:..
LAJuls.
In S<<irdl af ..._ Gf.dle 1111111e, MI.
CtiMnll, Mr. ~ tbelr Wiftl\. lilt
Gores" llldl5l dauglrler. • Gr •""suoD
-~ •illl 150 jounlaliols oaumeo1
11> l!oei.r bllses and 1he lli&flwaJ's af dR
Middle West luday 111 a ll'lfte.d,. ~
111m waU ra!ce tiE 1!11~ h1lm 5l.
l..auis
!be first
bi:s l:lalldtmg Ill 111e- avll_ wnr ill ....,
farmft YIJI!OS.., republir at -.a
111111 ·~·... SIIJI&"e&tirl& dull lie
was, irulllll Ul<lqlllare r~ acU=.
IIIIQ'iqga ..-:i<1a.l sit1Uil<ln U!at dM7
lmplil:idy IIIDIP8ted 111 the HalocaiiSL
in me small I"""" city .. Riilll'rillal
where Oem..;s .,.,.. up. al>d ....nee
tall 111e ;hop> and ratau:ranU in..,....
n)lloil m.. ..nru·s pen 111me. lbe Ar·
kaf!sa~s o,.,..,., ill\lolord the ...,...., ef
Mark T-in in a 50rt ur llll!'mry-pcltli~o )ab bt Mr. B..m ..Jotarit Twain said petrilloC apillillns lillll at4 ideas
na....r did iiDJIItling IIJ llre-ak a dWD Dr
~ a 11amur
t; .. said. ·~
what - .._ ill 'Uo"ubillgt9<!: prtl'iflrd
-1.··
idss.··
Candidates
On Television
Presld..,.w ....
111t
mpo~t;r.....-..
laavr !dledal'lcd tliPJ;f- lrie'>iSalll
::::·d~IWR~SI~ill:lb~~~J~~~msmd
I:UIIY> and MillllesoGI.
ap~araftsiJIClllltli•da,-s:
--,
Ma,...- Bill Mou was am~a~BIIIe """"
..... - ~ wt... ptloe~ ... '""
late- attem01111. MT.
Cli~
l
"'TIIieir wboll! idea IS WI il c:uuld ~
,........_•• Jlr. ClinUm uid.. ·"()gr •1>111.idea ;s lhat it Clllllld be bdt<"T:·
.,-eeti.q
bint. askd WliDot lbe papdatiaQ .. die
...............
'"Wboll.- l>undJ
bi~ - : · Mr.
llolGss. said. (OCiilcially. il Is :l!JI.)
It W3S .,....,. lila! llem""rark Gfli·
c:iall& ...... lbl! Will' llad 'ltiOI1IN """'tll5ilag radio IIIIIIDIII--IIIS aru'J Idephon~! GelWQ~ 10 hl'lqt IIIII diP
.-.uwU l'ar ........-raa days Mo.-.. !Ills
I
•
I
�A14 L
-rne. N£w voRK TlMf'..s
The 1992 Campaign.#
NAnoNAL FRIDAY,
AuGusr 7. '"2
"1 have been_ blamed for everythinA. except that SC:OI'ing system used in the 0/ympit: I;JGxinA. competition...
PIIUIDIIa-...
v-
Democrat's Road Tour:
_·selling the Ticket Retail
By MICHAEL III:EU.Y
. , ..... "lllt"R.e- 'A41'1111K
CEDAR RAPID$. IIM.a,. ,.,._ 4i Thisis-llll""'iiY P~alnomi
.es ifwe ""'PJ10SI!CI tD o:ampai&CI.
n.. &enrral elecrlon wacl"llei\Oftn
~ R"PIIl>llil:aD 8fld dll" Demo<rattc
nmdidatesls sup,pOsedlot..amauer
rt1 ldlat tbr people in 111e busiiiHS call
llibolesale polidcs: bl&-salr.. bi!lhiY
llrllrt11.n!d I!VI'nts suip!ed to befitted
111Pa11y lara a thema•icsdll!me..,..ed
die _,..,•• lfll!vislllll audl·
-·rd
eao:e.
R-i! palllks, v."here tbe c:aodi<late
~ WI ilt k:5&<-TD11ed appear~ 10
mm rile publi" ;,. <loser
da-Ol!IISta!IU!s a"d by mo.-e tandllln!
dtaace,. is g,PIJOS"d 1G end «<lh ll>e
euly flri""'<Y romftls rtl lcrwa allll
~Hamp!llire.
Jallothe Cauaii')'SI*
Bur ill a yrar wtJere dicllb af pulilin art! ....,..mg "on IIIClre clearf)'
....-....g abau usual, aJIIIIIw!r lias beerl
quiedy •cnr:>!Jed by lhe De._,...tic
lif:lletofGcw. BaD Climoaandi:Semlu.w
AlGGIIe. Theyha-...: ~11!hil
polliJir$ ill lhl> wllaleule ...,...,, lll!d
!ill f...- il has prm!W'd $1Jttessful.
Ill 211"1r rtrst bus trip alter die
ID llollinlll!sal.a, IIIey t11ill CII¥I!F five
mare. Similar triPs a,.., Ulldrr ditial~
slon. !iCIIar. eacb day Ius fGII..-.11111!
511rae patten.
In ,..., m~~~mlna,s,. tbe Clllldldales.
nettiH:r or wlMml 5111111! m~~r:b befare
m~n..n-n.
liii!II.IJer
dlf'lllll&h
. , _ mefimp,••ta ...,ldllbey ralle
c~mens at cp.esriuna trom - r s or
vartnus Sll'ipeS. In the •flemllllll
!Mre j,. ll"rserally a rally or •-n.e...tb.,.are t'OI1tine, 110diff-·
really f10111 dw appe.raftees or Mi·
dud 5. Dut:altis or Dan Qllll~1l' a.~else.
The cliffe..,..a. comes iD ~
11teso rGU.Iioe slOps. ......,. Mr. Clim(;IJ
and Mr. Gure dD 11at Ull:i! a It"! 10 1lle
. - stop llul llaard lllaJ lt&:Jm~
form rtl -55 JT;onsil. tile bus_ "Dey
llttn olrive sloWly aToll& lbatlt reads.
lllraugll plaus .. ~ Presidenlial
candida!~ .llanll)' ............
In e~ery lcWQ. aad !lllmetlmes jll!l
add $JI(Its :Obul tile ....,d, peq>le
Slarul and wave :ond dteer (SOIDl' i!M
l.bumlts-6Mtl sisns. w Clliftl n'I'IJIFe
<'mpllatil:: signs; ar diS:!ppnM!I. but
they ....., • ..,.,. fto'al so far).
a1
lol'b..,~r dw~e an. more dlaa a
DrnlocratiC' numinafln& ""'""""'"""- lllllldred people ....~ ill the • - auodidares and drir wil<es pla~.
,..., eat... ra&e comes 10 a ;guru.a,..led allrout:J> eigb\ Witt'S; 111 •lie · l!<illdill&hilll. alld Mr. OinUJal.and Mr.
norre111 ~lay trip fi'UD .Mi5SIIUri Gore 1D OUI and 'IIOrll tile lif!es_ &«<1iln& ...,t ,.,..m;.,g and smifin& 3lld
,~---------'"'~~<in& to peoplr ...n.. walle<l lllliJT5
fer•hrm io lilte's five aDd 10 d~. and
Cancldates
who tii«<Jlly cllasedthe alllmtS
in lbri.- c!esin fllr IJ.,cll-.s or •'CW'dsor
1 On Television
aw..,aphs. ·
l'hl' P..,..idrmial.-amp,.ipen
lleaCfl Oulu• TCIIKII
lu.~ sr-.Jed tbeSf' lt>levisilm
WMa lhl!: ~rat& lnft'lecl aDd
ilppr-&r.ll!ll:l!S ;,.
da,s:
""'111m.
c:a.rr~ipM
Vlce.........,.Qua,te
IOIU.T'S P.M .• C-SpBII, III)EGI
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··cas
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I
[
l
~-
(Cballllel :~.;a
from 6 A.M. WedMSIIay
Ia I .1\..M. lnday, lhe ...WI stopped
WW!n IIQIIIS by lfa> sille of cl2 .,..d.
,.,._ OIIMoal. wtmse ftlllltO 5CI!:IIIS ... be
lea- No Jbud ll!QVUJIE'l IDIISI
-......;w
Ita..... ..,
eslilllllle.
Ulllclll!4 3.116 praple.
•
II Mr. OlnUoll bqlls up flis ltiiiRIII
paa--. ~ will. by Elle!:tioll bay,
ph)ol;ieal-i •1111 Sleal'ly ....
""""Y votcn; - lt&.Mol- •s made..,.
tl~ ,..,,.... of viWII)' I« Jolla F.
K2miOdy 4wrr :ail:tla~ M. NID8 iln
lll&IL
l'lltrr are • - ealftllariolls a1 .mk
J.,R. lbalh well uade........S t~~id!ia die
c - campaip. On - IIPR! die
camp&ip does ..... -~-~ • . •
""'*
Smator AI GilCe and Gov. Bill Clintaa speaking wpta a WO<'kft' at N"achals'Hcme. Sbidd. an aJuminwn. si6lg ~y ia Davenport. lDWJI.
---------~
..,!lis
CN.didale's ability ca doamll ....,._
wllo Gllllt!S -..1111illrall&f:
"JJPPIf- ·
Ntly llultomless emlllll;iasnl fer 121Rliqla Vlllei'S. Jn New Baa1ps111n1!. dll!y
say• ...--pnma.-y (llllliq ·~
!hal v.. cllnlao 111e ar 111
...,.._. uJ 1t1osr .mo ac111aW, him.
Ia add~ 8lld mate impanaM.
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paSSiaJ 'fisil Wifb adJ ~
nUillll it drtilles a !Jmeli'l rar 11111 Ill
pnlllllftilln to llle ftDmller' ol ~
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._-.e .......,__lnllaif!.l:
( h - lbrllledlll
la lilts ....... ,.'llalllle Oiinl., ...,
Ulllr iii"JJto isDJI ftlall politta .u. all
llul wJdesalr. ""''q'pld in llR llriF&
and pkaoiq Plllda# or nuu"\.
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n.e
.
·------------·-----·
----·-
�w•• c:,w y•-•'-• aJtu .1. 4.:!\.irrctau)' ,s.l'r,.aw; tne un1-cec =-ca1iss 1&
ha undisputed leader of the world •• They simply don't understand the
~a~tna~s of the United St~te$ of America,• he said, dra~ing applause.
;,~.:.\..\ ..
-.w
W' ·.·c.'ca,l.rz.ar:
Qo Wednesday in Hannibal- Mo.~ Mr. Clinton took another spinJ this
· ) incorporating the Democrats' theme of change.
!'~r • .Bl.tsh said eve1•y time
11
mmri•::a~' he s&~id.
l'm n.:~t
111
r•atest
~ountry
ot~ntial
I say
w~:-~ clt'ln de• better,
bad-m·~uthing Ameri•:a.
I'm bad-mouthing
I think this is tha
in the world. I Just want us to live up to our
for a change.'
In Dalton, Mr. Bush used the Damocr·ats' theme ¥Jord in his &tta•:~~ on
r. Cl·inton's plan to raise $150 billion in new taxes, which the
ov&rnor contends would fall mostly on the weal~hy.
""rhey call that chE~nge,' the president said. "I 91.1ess it makes sense
ecausa if the other side get5 in power, change is ~11 you'll have
eft in your pocket.'
M~. Bush
"·.':ln•:;~ther
this wemk labeled Mr. Clintonrs health care reform proposal
cra:zy idea.' Tl"le plan •::all s fo-r a "play or pay' system in
hich businessez mu$t pay for the health insurance of employees or
ut money into a gove~nm~nt-managed health-insurance fund for the
n:i.nsured.
A nationalized OY sc:u:ializad plan ••
a better health-care system than ona that's run
ith the efficiency of the D~partm~nt of Motor Vehicles and tha
ompassion of the KGB.'
M;·. Su5h's des~ription~
11
m~ricans de~erve
. Hannibal, Mr. Clinton 'fired bac•'·
h~
When I say we ought to amulate
competition and Jo1n the ranks of the rest of the world and
rovide a baGic system of
afford~ble
11
health care to all American$,
say .that's like trying to turn it o~e~ to tha government. It'll
the compassion of the KaB ~nd the competence of the House post
f f :i.e e.
~ny
~ve
Mery Acklie, a farmer who came out to see Mr. Clinton along the
n kohoka, Mo., 5aid
uThese
:klie.
sh~
~cad
wa$ tired of the arguing.
things have got nothing to do with this election,• said Mrs.
~~~hetr:.•ric: doesm't get Y•:)U anything. W!i! need action.•
=-~IJ'I"ight:
:c~ssi~n
Copyl"ight
1'9'92 Tl1e Dallas; Morning News Company
Number: DAL12?9046
--------------------------------~~------------------------------------------
�Staff writers David Jackson in Dallas and Arnold Hamilton with the
:linton bua c&ravan contYibutsd to this report.
·~~yright;
~cession
Copyright 1992 The Dallas Morning News Company
Number; OAL127g27S
�allas Morning News - 19g2
e,i~dl
ine:
-- Long Print
Clinton: Cour£ nomine~s would back Roe vs. Wade
But he
question of restrictions open
leave~
August '3, 1992
Se~tion;
Edition:
Word Count: 1697
1A
Susan
NEWS
HOME riNAL
~eanay
Washington Bureau of The Dallas Morning News
CHIPPEWA r-ALLS• Wis.
e:,~:t =
HIPPEWA rALLS, Wis. --Bill Clinton says that as president, he would
equire that his Supreme Court no~inaes support the Roe vs. Wade
bortion ruling but would not ask whether they would back
estri~tions under that dgcision.
Damoc1•a·tic presidel"'tial nominee se.ys his selections would have
d 11 an expa1"1si va, br •:•ad view of ·hhe Bill of Rights, that they
elieve in the right to privacy, they believe that the right to
rivacy includ•s a woman's right to choose.'
ut he is leavin9 open the po5eibility that ~is nominees to the high
ourt could f~vor some abortion restrictions, such as the parentalotification clause up~eld recently in a Pennsylvania case.
~~~e
hr;:~l
�•
.•. ···-···"· .. _ •• _ ............. 1111"' w••••v ttl• -'"'~'•" WC\1:11 ·Gry:Lng
:o make news wit~ two campaign trips. As Republicans continued
:arping about a Bu$h ca~paign badly adrift, the president ended the
,~ek dealing with national security is$ues -- Iraq and Yugoslavia-lhich the GOP consider$ his strong suit. The fall campaign against Mr.
C::t inton, M1~. Bush VC•Wed, WOI..tld be nard-hittil1g but c:lean. "Now, what
/..... ._going to do is ,join t~e fray and gc• aftaY him and define his
•:trd,' he said.
~ the road againa Bill Clinton, teaming up anew with running mate Al
iore, launched euscapade II in the Midwest. The small-town, hand-
ihaking formula was th& same as on last month's bus trip, but the
andidat& also displayed his poli~y of letting no Rapublic:an attack
:o unanswered. So he coun~erpunched fyom home against Bush attacks on
ealth care and from the road ~ca1nst broadsides ovar taxes and trust.
~urvey by the Times Mirror Center for the People & the Press found
hat Bill Clinton was benefiting from the fastest voter shift in
olling history, bouncing him to leads of 20-plus percentage points.
'
nd a G~llup Poll found President Bush's Job-approval rating at 29
ercent --only the fourth time in polling history that a pre~ident
~• dipped below 30 percent. Mr. Bush, however, could take heart from
ne important statistic; Recent polling shows that Mr. Clinton's
upport is nowher~ near as deep as it is broad. Given a reason,
nalysts concluded, the folk$ now in the Clinton camp could ba nudged
nto the Bush camp very quickly.
OUNO BITE
Which campaign had to spend thc•usand" of taxpayer
inves·t igatol"s to fend off 11 bimbc erupt ions' '?'
ush-Quayle campaign new5 release ''This is not how I want to run the
~~paign.•
--President Bush ''Look, I want the elec:tion to be about
Ameri~an people, and I c~n't afford to be preoccupied by that
crt of ni~kel-and-dime stuff.' --Bill Clinton
c.::~
11
laYs •:•n private
Nt:ITEBOOt<
In the h1stC:•I"iee.l r&tvimior'lism r.:c•mmon to presidential campaigns,
epublicans have been known to embrace past Democratic heroes-r~nklin Roc~evalt~ Harry S. T~uman --as their own. Democrats have
alked approvingly of Republican icon Abraham Lincoln. Prasident Bush
s going back e~en furthar: To ChristopheY Columbus. Likening himself
o the pioneering 15th-r.:entury navigator, Mr. Bush Joked to the
ni:;hts of Cr.:tlumbus last wmm!.o 11 1'he gl.lY was faced with questions at
ome about whether his global efforts w~re wcrth a darn.• Mr. Bush
id nt"..te one differenceD "Columbus also had t.o worry all the time
bout a lack of wind. I don't have th&t prgblam with Congress.•
P AHEAD
:<rH~ay-Thursday: Republicans hc•ld their platform hearings ir1 Houston
!>1''•:~'1"1! na:..:t week's Rep1.1blicciln National Conventit:tn.
M·:.nday: Bill
and Al Gore 2p~ear on CBS' This Morning.
lre reports, The Hotline
Li~ton
~pyright:
• •;.E!ss ion
SOURCES= Staff and
·copyright 1g92 The Dallas Mornin; News Company
NL\mber: DAL 12809'!:Ji
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
�-
"he Dallas Morning New~. "I'm not going to sit there and interview
l&ople based on what they think might or might not be a significant,
·easonable restriction on the right to choose.•
Mr. Clinton's. comments, illuminat~ng his views on one of the most
i!Ssues in Amer i..:an pr:•l it i•:s, camet as his bus •:al"avan motored
· ~ugh the rain in Wisconsin between L~Crosse and Chippewa Falls. He
lade a strong commitment to building the Superconducting Super
:ollider and the V-22 Osprey.
1)-.,.~isive
And the Arkansas governor said that.he expects to contest Pres~dent
in his adopted home e;tate of Texas. "I st.tre am -- right now,' he
faid.
ILI!Sh
Mr. Clinton has campaigned as a supporter of abortion rights. The
'annsylvania law, parts of which recently were upheld by the court,
squires a 24-hour waiting period and parental notification for
1inors' abortions. Abortion rights supporters decried the decision as
~~tamcunt to dismantling Roe vs. Wade by allowing states to chip
.W~i'Y at i't.
Aidss say sama of Mr. Clinton's abortion views have ••evolved' during
is yaars in public offi~~. Ths governor has said he disagread with
ha ruling in the Pennsylvania case.
But ha seid in the 50-minute interview that he wouldn't ask
rospective Supreme Court nominees about ••every ~revision of the law'
- on abortion or any other subJect.
n·~~OLI knc•w,
~~ Reegan
· 'enti~l
the Republ ic:ans did tc••:. much of that, • he said, accusing
and Sush administr~tions of extensive screening of
nominees' specific vi•ws.
The currant debate over ~bortion ~estrictions and the Supreme Court
s br~ader than the Pennsylvania case, he said. He pointed to what
s~ms to be a 5-4 maJority on the current court favoring the Roe vs.
ade standard keeping abortion legal.
""rhis is nc:'t about
restrL:til;:~ns in ·the Pennsylvania law,• he said.
"
what President Sush wants people to think it's about. This is
baut whether that minority opinion should become the maJority
p ::l n i c:•n • '
h~t's
~~·
Clinto~nsoundad con~identti5Mbe neared the end of.a three- day
... nl!~a:~.gn
sw1 g Trom 8 't .... ou1s •-•
1nnmapo1Is. uressea 1n s. pla 1a
hirt, casual ~la~ks and black alligator boots, he discussed
olitics and policy while his bus-- outfitted in VIP-style with
~·u,ches, ~ kitchen and conference table -·- rc•lled through the western
i&consin countryside. Bracing for showdown
The governor
s~id
he is braced for a general election showdown as
ruising as Mr. Sush's battle with Michael Dukakis in 19BB -- »or
Ol"Sfih'
••z mean, he's very competitive, he hates to lose and he's good at
ompetitionr' Mr. Clinton said of the president.
·• Bush, he said,
.....,. vowed.
"tc:~ok
Dt.tkakis apa.Y"t,.' That will not happen to him,
"I am not an al ian (frc•m .:•utel"
me into C•ne,' Mr. Clinton
~t of it in this election, and
ifs. You have to lea~n to t£ke
a:l.!1t
spGace) no mattar now much they try t•::c
1Vcnid. 11 I've already been th~ou;h iii
I've been through a lot in my public
criticism seriously without takinQ it
�............. ,., . . , .......... ""'"'=j•
u::ull'u
•w•.a.•l'=~"'
,.,r.
IJUKaKlS 1n
l~t:U::f
Ja·e) the Massachusett!i Q•:•vernor' s membel'"ship in the Amen" i.::an Civil
.iberties Union. Mr. Clinton $aid he does not belong to the ACLU.
Ha also st.1ggested that suc.h t~Jctice would no longer work. 11 1 think
:he American people • • • really have become much more skeptical of
-·,~t type of election,' Mr.· Clinton said.
I
"They're much more worried about their lives and their future thah
Jhat can be said about som~body else's past or opinion. Anyway, that'
~ my gamble.'
~eferring
to Republican ridicule of his recent weight gain and taste
food, Ml". Cl inh:m s:aid, "I believe my fitness will be well~stablished in this campaign.' Bond with Texas
'oy
.jt.lnk
Texas, Mr. Clinton signaled his interest in competing in a
that once was widely considered a gimme for Mr. Bush. Democrats
,ow say that Ross Perot's aborted candidacy has somewhat leveled the
il<~:~ying field fj:.r the fall.
R~gardin9
~t~te
fYh•". Clinton said he had "no way of knowing what the L.tl t imate impact
•f Perot is in that state -- whether it will be more advantageous to
IL.I!::.Il c•r to me.'
TeY.as is a lc:•t like Ad~an$~S, P he added. 11 1 Just think I ought
o campaign and ask the people of Texas to support me.
"F.~.:ast
"I think I've got a lot more in common with most people in Texas in
erms of how I view the wol"ld and what I advocate than this
~ministration doe$,' he s~id wh~l& waving out the bus window to
~,mring crowds gathere~ ~long the roadside.
Further, Mr. Clinton argued that his defense and energy policies al"e
attar for TeMas th~n Mr. Bush's.
The governor backs far deeper dQfense cuts than Mr. Bush and wants
o decrease funding for the Star Wars anti-missile
progl"am. But
he
ndorsed the V-22 tilt-rotor aiYcraft -- which would be built in part
y eal~ Helicopter Te~tron of Fort Worth -- daspite a recent cramh in
ir~inia that killed sev~n.
Ur1l ess sc:,meb•:::•dy who 1 s an expert in thl! are.:\ tells me that the
tYategic argument or the potential commercial applications of it are
11
ot what we had once thought, then I intend to maintain my present
omition,' he said.
On enel"gy imsu~$, the governor said he favoYs stl"onger conservation
nd efficiency standards and exp•ndad dril1i~g for natural gas in
stablished fields.
Hm said he oppo~as opening the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge or
ther environmentally sensitive areas to drilling. The Bush
dministration favors drilling in parts of the refuge.
Hliil is ".:•pen' 0::1n an oil import fee. "It mea\ns I haven't decided,' he
sdcJ. "I hav~n't r\Jled it out but •
I'm not prepared to endc•rse
·'yet. I've got to figure oiJt what the effe~t would be on American
~nsumers and whether there would b9 an unf&ir impac:t on various
egions of th~ country.' Support for collider
Mr. Clinton expressed his strongest support yet for the collider, at
tima of mounting congressional criticism of the giant particle
ccelerator. Backers say it will answer fundamantel questions about
�":rt's important to me,' Mr. Clinton said. ''Unless someone can
Jersuade me that I am dead wrong about the underlying merits of it, I
intend to continue to support it.•
. a fellow
Sanate
Democrat, Sen. Dale Bumpers, has led the charge in
against the $9.25 billion ma~hine, and Tennessee Sen. Al
~w~e, Mr. Clinton's running mate, has opposed it as well.
Arkan~a~
·~
M~.
Clinton would not make a specific annual funding commitment to
;he project but said it should be viewed as a matter of
u.s.
: c•mpet it :1. veness.
The United St~tes doesn't »develop as many new things as quickly as
:•ther CO\.\I"''tr· itas, as c:•ther folks do. So I am pr-epared to take soma
iKks to invest in high-tech ~reas that can produce high-wage Jobs
'cq• the futLire.
Wli! wcm't be ,.·ight every single time. Etut I think that's
it takes to stay comp~titive and stay on the cutting edge of
"H•:::.w~ver,
1h~t
HlliiH'g:Lng
technology.'
Looking ba~k on the primarie$- Mr. Clinton said has he no plans to
·elease further documentation on his us~ of a Vietnam-era draft
leterment, an issue that had embroiled his campaign in controversy.
le h~d promised earlier thi~ year to rs~uest documentation from all
•omsible ~ources and make the files public t~ show that he did
10::rbh ing wr,:.ng.
don't bli!l ieve that we gc•t any docl.\ments from any government
·C•U.Y'r:a different fro:.~m -·-· that is, inco:msistent fYom -- what has
·~eady been talked about in the newsp~pers,• he said.
11
:;:
Looking ahead to the fall, Mr. Clinton said he expects the Rev.
Jackson to have a role in his campaign, even though Mr. Jackson
aid recently that the governor has made no overtures for his
.s~1stance and that the two have not talked extensively since their
ow in mid-JunG over ~ontr-ove~s1al comments by rap artist Sister
·e~se
•0\.!.l ,j aha
T!\'\61
tWQ
havmn' t spcrken
"bec:a~.l!:ie
of the tMru!St crf events,'
Ml".
1 ·i. 11 t c•n sa i d •
11
J: have always a.Gsumed he wo1.1ld be involved in the fall campaign,
ir1tc•n 515\id. "I thin~c he C4ln play a
ajor role in our victory. He can discuss the ~onsequences of this
l~ction for millions of Americans in a way that no one else can. I
ope hm will be involved in the campaign.'
nd I hops he will be,' Mr·. Cl
e11::1 t ion a
HOTOCS)u 1. Oamocratic presidential candidate Bill Clinton shakes
aMds ~rid~y with farmers in Chippewa ~alls, Wis. The campaign stop
~• part of his Midwemt bus to~r with running mate Al 6ore;
Associated Press). 2. Bill Clint=n answers news media questions ~t
campaign r~lly Thursday in Cadar Rapids, Iowa. The candidate says
\iS braced for an election ~howdown as bruising as President Bush's
~ttle with Michael Oukakis in 1988; CAssociat~d Press)p <This photo
an in the Bulldog edition on pags 14A). 3. Bill Clinton holds~
~wn meeting with employees cf an aluminum recycling plant Thursday
, Davenport, !owa. The Arkansa gove~nor was on a three-day campaign
~'ng from St. ~ouis to Minneapolis; CAssociated Press); CThis photo
an in the Bulldog adition on page 15A) D PHOTO LOCATIONa 1. Disk 4~
�Dallas Morning News - 1992
-- Long Print
--------------------------------------------------------------------------ine:
Clinton's 'impromptu• stops
to go as scheduled
"~dl
~pp•ar
Crowds along bus
tour
don't seem to mind long waits
Section:
NEWS
Edition=
HOME tiNAL
W•='rd Count: 636
o~::·:t e:
19A
Arnold Hamilton Steff Writer of The Dallas Morning News
Oc:d; eli ne:
MENOMINEE, Wis.
Tl!!•:ilt D
MENOMINEE, Wis. --Amazing things, these national political campaigns.
th~
middle of Wisconsin corn country, on a miserable, soggy
Wffi~kday, hundreds of p~ople ~uddenly show up at an interstate highway
r~wt ~top -- not for tMe, uh, usual reasons, but for a visit with the
Democratic pYesidential ticket.
~mnominee w~sn't on the three-day Bill Clinton-Al acre buscapada
itinerary last week, 'but then ~gain, neither were Beach'6 Corner or
B~ldwin or 05seo.
Out in
··-··.,
~~Y
are what's known in the campaign le~i~on as an ''impromptu stop'
and •=•n this trip, at least, they were rep let~;~ with impromptu
.~ ....
:l.mprc•mptu riseJ"s,
::l'··::•wds,
i\\l"'ld
imprc•mptu sound systems, impromptu pla.r.:aY'ds
b1.1ttc:IUh
And whether they were as spontaneous as billed -- in most cases,
weren't, having been arranged by local Democr•tic officials -had one practi~al effect: Mr. Clinton and Mr. Gore were lata to
~lmost every scheduled event between East St. Louis and Minneapolis.
~h~y
~h~y
S::r.;unet imes, two, three hou1~e. t.:rl" mor-e late. It got so bad at c•n• point
;hat a bus driver quit. in prote$t over the long hours (he later
"E!(~c,nsidel"'edJ. It kept a dc~vmtown Minneapolis crowd estimated at 15,
)00 cooling its heels for more than three hours. It
·n.i.l'ldrllld Sl.lpporters in LaC-ross .. ,
~c· se11 th•ir political he-roes.
C!1n the trip, it was
nickname.
~~li")'··m
Wis .. ,
~s.iting
l~ft several
'-'ntil about 2•30 a.m.
as E:lvis Time-·- in honor of Mr·. Clinton's
:~mpaign
~ut it didn't seem to matter to m~ny folks along the way.
It
:ertainly didn't dampen the enthusiasm of the ~andidates who proved
~hB~ they ~an load a bus or pl~ne ~lower than Just about anyonm.
any time people are con~erned enou;h about changing this
intry to stay out in huge numbers with such a high level enthusiasm
2n1~ in the morning, that tells you something about how determined
~~isten,
~-
~re to change this country,' Mr. Gore said lata rriday
boarding a plane in Minneapol~s for a trip home to Tennessee.
~muricans
1efore
Clir1t.::.n .jumped in~ "They r&M\lly want tr.:1 believe again. That's.
I get out of t~t~. And the p~ople coming to us and telling us
;hsir life stories, showing ue thEir child~en and askin ~s to~
~l'l'•
~~t
�Evan before the Clinton plana departed the Twin Cities for Little
Reck, spokeswoman Dee Dee Myer$ was circulating the news about Bill ~
Alrs Excellent Adventur& III --a post-Republican convention bus tour
that opens in Detroit, snake$ across Oh1o and culminates in Buffalo.
,·
~ere
were many place9 along the route where folks spontaneously
to salute the candid~tes. This is, after all• Democratic
cauntry. But it isn't often that this area wins mu~h attention from
n~tional candidates.
~.opped
Indeed, in Chippewa ralls, Wis., one older gentleman hanging around
p1·ess filing center nc..~ed that "·chis is history' -- the closest
h~ h~d been to someone seeking the presidency since Dwight D.
·l;he
Eisenhower visited the area in 1952.
At Osseo, Wis., a farming town of about 1 1 500, several hundred
pillopla gathmred at an implement deal~r, Vold's Inc., for an impromptu
~hanc~ to shake hands with and cheer the Cl1ntons and the Gores.
Mabel Gunderson, a retired school teacher from
she had ~aited for more than
far a glimpse of her candidates.
s~id
t~o
ne~rby Strum, Wis.,
hours in threatening weather ·
A5 Mr. Clinton got closer, shaking hands with many swarming around
his bus, a steady rain began.
Asked whether sha would stand in such weather fer Just anyone, Mrs.
Gunderson q1.1ipped,
~
?Yright;
~ession
11
Not for Bush, that's for sure.'
Copyright 1992 The Dallas Morning Nmws Company
Numbera DAL1279337
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
�l
IDJiorl~111\1lltl ·
THIJR&DAV, AUGUIT 8. 1881
(1)
W \
8 • 8 T A PI
--·~--~---------.--~------------------------------~----------~------~-----
'ebster' Camah&n Gear Up
,
, ....•• Ill
;
Women May Have Set Missouri Record
..., .i o: llllll1oem IIIU
Ill. ,,,rnGrn,, Otnll'll WIJ.
...,. I~ loriDI!lll~ _..
atlor, 111 favor Ill 1 llllllo
~oer,l>l'~ lllc:kon In fill
n b'"'' to r.e elnltd
l!y .lo M11111111
l'ul-..cn l'lllllat c-tiiCII*ftl
!I'& ICI unprtctiiDIOd ID Ill
'"lllllft on MINollrlllliiGQ.aw..,
ltil fill•
an
.,, now aae111 poiNd
*:u:<t~~etiltrt .,....._
In Tllllltlllfl prl!lllrla,arare tlocuon aNt PIPif ornellllt 111 llapp.!l,.
Ill II IWD'da)' llpiWI\G,
qllld: to lab1l bll De»
m1- Ll.oov. ~o~t~eam ..
tllat a rMGtd nul'ftllll' nr womea WOII
't4llll• nal' '1Dan4-tpencl
nomllllllG!Is 111 lflll!a~'"· CGftll'lllo
Ilona! ana tlaiiWld~ ram - IDIIIt
ol 1411!1 outllnt &fttreiiCllld male
o, C:11raahan - IIIIIDH
~al11n1 Web.tlr I
~tii,U ~" - II 1111ty pro.
I h:
111•1 •:unror,
u part Of a
to savt 1a11111er a
erat·,~: rront readt to
ReN llllcana t11 mute In
,rltl•~:
HI
unJiQ'IICilcltnll!d 11\lmlltr Into olltcl.
IIICU!IIIIellll.
Qeri Rothl'llan•Sarol
a
SeMII o.tnt1/tlttlt
Allfl, tGr th• 111'1\ time, ~~b Xan.
l~r.y lnllll.
Pelllott'lllll:
1.01111 hav. wome11 at
~omll\eet
lor lbelr all·
' t1u11 clalrn lle 1101 1
h 1\:lildl)''ll»imlrJ"Cio
1011 I~1111 tKCIIIIId llle
111 11.1 Webt•.ev ami bll
llllltller,
or
Ill,
.4 Dlhl!r GOP lelclm II·
iefoh•~" to Qonlllan't Ill"
Ill ·1~t.~ 11Ait OIIIIIDCrllllt
diiiii!IIIIJ attra(lt rar
••I'RIIfV
...l·eers
li.cted
~~~t~
Charges
:Against Four
rill~'s Beating
Mtl't'lmlctt
a.BS - lttdlfll ti'IU
" liUI llfltri llmpt
1~r l"llell ;!l\clll Wbo
d on ;111011 Dll Cllai'Sfl
II Cll' II\Oillrltl ROll~
'" :o>.l I~ rt011111111 C.
)tin.~.
·
1 ld.n.:le4 liP 1111 Til"'
11101 14114nlllla)'olllllld
t!IU Powtll, Tllllllll\f
~·rc DI'IIIM •lllr III-
II a~th ~ar IIIDeetlaa. .
1Jcl;l~11
Klftllllllilf tDl•
.lle!~lldanl, • · 81Aeq
ii'JU. ·wliiii•IIIIIIIG Prt•
•lultua~ll IIY illt oM·
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D""OGI'It 1111 Cllrtton gtttln; 1 hug WlldnoldiY frO"' " mlln named l'lth - l!aat II. l.oull Mayor GGrllon Buill.
·
., l.llllll:llll 111114 llld
Clinton, Gore Campaign In E. St. Louis
iWII!.~IItl.
'o;l·d
~DI
raeiotl:l~
Alll!&t lliallllfl
mOIIY&ted, 1l•
:ltlllli!Jtlll are lllbllt ud
o 11•:1,11 INitiUIIIon, l~al
lh~11111
ciiDraet, "'d we
•tltilll' alltBIIIOII."lllrlrG
Democratic Team Says Air Strikes !2,000 Hear Of Promises To Create
May Be Needed Against Serbians i Jobs, Fight Crime, Improve Schools
I
lyftorMIIolle
• d. URCIIi5 U.N. to alleck 111!1• I ly Ploy N~,_,_
01 lluo Paai-DitDalollllll!
1111 otmlltiiiiDinla.. ... l'ap 10A Otlllti'Oet·..._-11111 .
Air r.rtkee apllltl rjffDian ·!Greet s liiUSH Al'',1 11'iflll ~le ttlll'd
Bill C'llniDII IOtpft a ~~~ t&mJIIII&n
•aa IIIII &bll"lon, ........ 1'&1* 17A ..Uitd "On llle Roac lo Cntll8t Alllttl•
ma~ bt n - r y 1~ 11op "lbt aiiiUeh•
I!~ ulflct,. .. .....,dlou
ta'' WedllctGif, llld llt rii!IIIOP •u
tllf or ciYIIlaas" In a 4lllnli!jjl'lltt4
place much In now or rnanp: l!loat
'YIIa•lft'lia, 0e!MCTIIIIC pl'tfldltlllll !llh~:; ttoo lilt st••sMot or C!Yillalll.
St. Loula.
\mUIIlD Upped lbrte ftOIIIInH 1111 Cllnto~ laid IV!NIItiU?• ...." buii!d.
-~wt'
·may
bavr
le
~~~
mlllli!t)l
1
C!lntOII, lht Dernot1111lc pmlder~o
Outlf\8
a
campalp
110p
al
Eut
St.
aran.ot jury lletrlns•
•nb• 11ner tb• Ytr41~ L~IJ Senior Mlsh Sehaol Wltb tunnlnl loru," Clla!o" 11111~. "I WDIIId t:.taln
nllllllnM, ~romlllt4 1bo ~.ooa 1110.
a o~ll•!~l1' 1\lllll ttlal R1 ""''' At oore. Cll~ton wu ulled oy a wlrh tlr oower api~IIIU JIII'M.Iatr¥ pie •no 111rllt4 11111 10 "" blrnlllat 11e
~
11\al lla~onal )111108 man WIIDI be wt~~~ld 40 ebGul to rn!QI't' tfte ~•sre r:onlillloaa or bu· WOtlld help litem 111111 trlmt,llll'l 10111
maniW . , 11111ory ha> skown 111 , ••, •nd lmprovt KIIOGIL
Htl'l!<
ln. Ttl tl$11 llltllrlrtln thai pari oltlle lllorl~.
··· -···· ~ollan In danlap,
C:lllllllll Nlltllled bll call !or an 1~U Cti~'l Dll"lll lht 1111111 ~•ler11\1nl•
"'ttr JOb Is IO ~rHII DPII0111inll,,
Wlell.
'mllflln.ey &~on or 11\e l.l.N. Srcufl· tlo" or ~14Qole ~tid )1111 ~11 iY a~d wa1oh ~n~ your loa !Ita .. ,,.lllat oppor1unl•
IV
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b~ continued. "II )'OY wanr illlfl•
• . II Buill· d111011IIC14
Tilt dHih tull Is mo~fttln& ar;,adiiJ neu herr, tou fta¥t 10 mou '~'
'I ~lc,.Jitao. laird llllllll- .,lib lh Unhed $latta' SuPI>"i.
ttt Cl.INTON, ""'•• 4 slreeiiMit &114 lmpnr.,. fltlue&IIOA.''
!ltt ""DICT, Paatll ''nuda 10 ar.ttlltr do.r~a whato .. r 11
I rl,lih IIIIa I lllllelft ID
llol~~
II 1M tlll)lt Ill aU
1 11'Ml al unr-ble
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ar. OKs
'll~fare'
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IOCllt "on maklnt • lila lllvntmentln
jotd ... bl proviCIJIIIftttntl~~tt Ill llle
prlvare Itt lOr."
c:tlnton &ftd
ftll "'""'"' 111811, St11.
AI Oorq or Tenftlllltt!, wor. 011 ~~~
111"11 clay of lftelr IHOlld 1M taut
lhtaualt mi4·Atnertea, Tbly alto
110ppcd In KaMIIlaJ, Mel., liD IDt trip
111a1 .,114 Frlt:IY nlptlft Mlnuapolti.
Tilt eandiCaltllllt~r lllan! tlt•n two
bllllt"l In 1111 O'lllllllllUIII ol IWI $1.
LilliS Ienior Hllft SChool, iltOI Slate
BlrH~
WedllO!IIIaf IIIOrlllft&,
Tiley 1111 a~ 1110011. In l~elr ••1r11o
IMY41, Aftd &JIIWerftl q•I!IIIIOIII ft11111
Mtl"'lohpC
Astronauts
Abandon
��. . : sb Lacking
~ln Credibility,
~.Clinton Says
;··Democrat On The Stump In Iown
pom;IIH ,lllmllfWt hnlm
., .. CIIDAR RAPIDS, laq - Gov. lllll CllfttOII or llr~OMU
, 'tolltN PrtaiGtftl G~l!rsr Du•h a (AMI~Ait witR "no
:credibility."
,On BbWJtOIJr lballlloppod I~ l;o4ar RAPIGt Th~rNlay.tno
bem~l'lllle prelidtnllal numin.., 111id 11\r Am<rlcan pea•
' pit weren't aotn&l• ~~~"'' lllh1lt H\IU!It o~Sertlone 111111 o
' Domlll!rutic vl~l~fll would I!!lid 10 hl~rr tn••• und "\UIInt
IPOndlna. ·
"II ean't illkk; t~r 1\m~rlron PMPie t~~n't b'lirve A&•IY
w1111 tl\18 kind or rrcol'd," Clinton Mid. "Th•ir. ""' noins
lad~ II,"
.
Ml! retort c~mr wit~i~ un nour or ll~n·~ ~D'.'~ch In
eoJol'IICO, ift w~lth the pr.. ldrnl chftTRtd thnl Cllntlln
IAV011 '11\tl&riH: IIIX lllfl't'll.~flft Alll~lic.'M hi~lUf}'."
Clinton •I'C'~• at a ml44ay rally ~~ tlf•~rttl ~~~~~on~
~le In IM pc~r•tnalal allllt Quaker 0111~ co.
'"'''l! Ill., dllrr~not brtwrrn mr and Ill• ll••h ~~·
minlstrullan Is 11\ry I'IIBIIY llfllflit! In lli~kit·uown 1'\'0MM·
tu;• Clinton .. ld. "1
thnt ~"" hQYI' to pvl RO~~rn.
m•ntiM DYIInlltiB and BRri~UIMt ~ft~ l&hllr oo the iDMe
side a~d ... da whot It takte to compete In tM gio~al
l>•li•••
llCOIIOftl~."
Htlluntfll Buth, W!lo o~ WfdftHda~ t>tlbr~ lh< lo:nlshr..
ol Columllllt eomPAr~ atlll9t1f to ChtitiOphrr Ca\umb~•·
Cli~IDn lllld Columbus had GIIII'IIYtrtO Mlltrlco, ~Ut an.•r
thrn ynn In the Whhe M~>~~tt, B••h "hasn't roun4!11 ~ti,"
llutft MIG Clinton's III&M call far U ~0 btillon lo :r~th
laltt, but Clinlun aiGct MilO lot prntoent hl!nilflf nod
11111~0 1 tllyer tax increast lruthan \wo ~nl'l ;a~. 1~ ~
While Mausr rr!!.,..tt, lht 1UO lft(l'flllf dOOrovfd b~ llu•h
oomclo fit., billion over fiv• ~·· .....
CllftiOn aides ..:lma" the oliN Of hi! nllln ntiP•.1 bill;un
over 1111~11 1911r yun oftd lltthap<S ~ \ Tbillion, tr ootenu•d
10 nve ~ears.
Cllnlan wl~ 11 a Da•enport, town, nl~min~m ~lnnt thll!
IQYetllllleot ~ndlnawaono up !B6ttr un~er St:ih tn&n
ulllltf Prllldtftt LyMM B. J~hnson. !luoh "all8 :~t wom
record on
aovcr~mrnt spendin~
in<re4•<> :1 ar,r
Otrt\QOtatie l)rttlelontlel nndlllato IIIII Cllntan fleldillg qu1111ona Tllunalley et 1 mHIIng will'!
employees 1111111 atuml11u'" recyonna piA!nlln Davenport, •-•·
pr.,id~~t"
Mwnllllftyiftl CIIDIOJI and Garr
llo~ and lnv~~lmtnt ~• ""M~ 10 1114'tllllilhlal.
, "What YPY &ec b•rt is nn nomple or ftow !lie enltlronm•nt ond til• ..,onomy •n<l o ~ommUmoniiO lralniq aQCI
fdctOI<On tun It" IOJt'tkrr to prcwldo 809d JoiiiiiNI plllllto
mblllty." ~~ s3\C. ·w~at 1 1nink ,.. nl!e'd It a
11
•mertro tr.at w111 atntra tt mort or lfteee Jobs • , . mare or
tno.se k•ndt or ptnnl.l."
·
AtonK th~ corn!ltiOP and tnlt!'llatt nt~~ways betfrrt~~~
oavonpar: nnd
Rnplds, C11ntaa ana his rvnnlng
•nmn
c.,.,
malt. Stn. AI tiore of Tenn•.lliiH, ilaW ~onr of lbt IPillltlnt·
HP"'Ii~ :lint naa llr.td ~~ wltft ~a!lllmad& 118M alona
th• r~olt In Mluoc:l nnd IDutnet•l~rn t11•a. DaYfflpon
pollrt, Slatt hi~"'*Y patrol end lft:ret "rvh:t hao Cecldet
l~> ~l'fP tn~ ro~te N t~t rno1orcode !~ret.
ijijf
Clinton Talks Farm Issues On Bus Tour In Iowa
ly Chrt.tlnellt"OIIOn
Oflllt~tiiOICI! ~~,,
NATIONAL, Iowa- '1/lth lh' t~na Qr ~n~~n~,. In T~t nir
and rhe 4•81111 moan brl&ht o•~• ~~· lo•rsround~. Dtmo•
;rauc PmtGtalial t•ndlc!Atr IIIII tilntun prom,!K'd form·
ers Thur~<lar lb~l nt wuuld not IP! IMm puii<i .. 'or ••I by
the dlploma•.s or bu~at'l ~~•1111'1'11.
Tbc Ar•alll8s IIOYl.'m~r doli,·•·•~ m~~h ot M1 ~DW
t~ump Sl'f~b lo lilt crow~ - mo!lly r.~rn1 !6mlll••- bul
hit hard on rerm lttuH.
CH~IDn
)al!Od thol n• hAG lt!t hl• ow~ l;om::, r~r:n In
llrllaiiiU bfeuu!ll! lllt wurk "'""'"" 1\Qr~.
Ptomislna"t8Slluroau~m~yanll motolor )'llur mono~."
CllntGn q\Q ht would not let 8!\fitul!ore poll~~· u :un ~Y
the State Dejlslrtmrnl an4 lht orne~ of Msnas~men\ on~
IIUGIIOI,
Me tallr4 lot lht dPvtlupmt~t or Nl\t,~o', ft '"": mq4r
11 um L'llrn, ror w~tcn Pr~slatnl 01'6!af B~~n Ms b!uckr4
lunCin&o He 'laid &I &overnor o( Arkanw; no r.i>d ~IUI'ltd
!o·~·•mrrrll iQan prOIIfQnu lor lirtt•tll!lo fttrm~l'l an~
IPrmtl't ..,~~ warttta:. noancllhttr IIPtl'itiOfttl,
Tho pr .. l~•nl QC th• NaUonat Fll'lftt" Unloct, Ltton~
$wono;<~n, tndorsed Clinton nnd Stn. "' Oorr Ql Tvnnew~"
lbr ptHidrnl on4 ••Jet pri'Bl~tftl lfltl' CllntM addrtatd
1nr l'rowd. Swtn!IOft Mid It tlllllhr ftr~~l !lm• tnallllrlibl'nll
!nt m arwp naa ~ndoi\OI'U t:nn~ldll:tt r~r tht top j~o• in th~
\\'hilt lh)u••·
Cltnlo~ Dn~ :lore pulltd into thrl~ir •llorUy blttr ~p.m.
~~~ ~~~"~ GbY Df a lnrH-4aY llilftP lkroup l~t
nltor
Mtewt"et.
llnl' "omrrw~lly of 511'1111bffrY P~lnt. IOWIIo R
on iG"M Hl&h"'AY 13, tht ('ndhle:n dr"' hun•
dl'll<l!l Gl Pt~~it Who 11ooc! I~ <lnp atonatht Jltltwalk• In
rrQnt or tht Frwn~lln Hotel.
Clinton tolld rhar ~' had crrn lola hit am•al "'"' "tnt
biUI!!II ~fntln !Mf t~ll'n sintf tht Slt'llwborry lrll." Clin•
In
r~•
crour~dl
lon wa& r~fmlnA to B~tunt !llrawbo>r~ that dan'l"" !r11nt d
!11~ ~:
Oft
lhf tWttp
!ht~Uifl
DDvenpon planr, •nri wllb local lilt bomt 1111e wu !en. Tam Hnr\in o/towa. wno tntrt>
nl.•lstonc,, on r'llllllplt ortbe Ilia~ ar CGCIIMIIB• cltind lilt eandi4tl" at nc~ IIOp, At the Nlcht>it•Mam ..
Clinton t:nlitC rnr
~0\l~rnmrnt
lhr rr.trllnC't t.:.
Ut~
t111114 et~mlnum priK'NinB ptanttn
Dll•·•nP~~rl.
09rr alld
Clt1110D !ptftl morr tbltn an ~our enewonna ;~tllic>m.
Swln1 To Cllrtlon
AmerttDft ~01•"' obiltod t~oir allt8111nc"' ~niiRitl(all~
afttr lilt DtiNICrallt NatlOIIII Convention, !UYlnS Clinton A
b-. ~wnco 111111 ftal Ytt 10 tYI!Iide, acrOfdtnc to pultt
ttleaMd Thunaay, Clinton nu a t01191!11~nt lead or
mftt~
than 10 pc!lnl4 OYtr ~~~~~~~ In Ill lftl'ft Pl)61o(0ftYt~UOft ~oUt
~~ tllt Tims Mlmr Cfntfr tor illf PIIOPif anGtnt Pro!N.
CM:IIInf S,r'IP!tDn a/141! F'l/ll•b'.$/11/rA ~If{ N/llr/0~1·
f<l/10 r/1/S llDf1.
Bush A Bit Off On Geogrnph~·
OI<LAIIOMA CIT'V (A'Pl -
Vtte Pmld~nl Daft
Quaylf ralllol lll!filin.. and l'l'ftlclent O•or~ &ullll
h.. !ailed seoan~ph~.
.
Campal&ftltll In C<IIOtlldll i~ti~. ('uto, llooh ro•
!rrrod to ~itOPIIII!Pfnl, BtU Cllnllln. Ill "lhf jll\\'tlkiT
til ~ •trltl14 IIIII~ . IU<111cd •om•w~trr brt~·Hn
Ttw ana Dktaaorr.a."
Tbr 11.14 Rlvtr IR4 a '''" endbars arc the qnl~
1111111 bel,.een Oki.UOIIIA and TtiW. whrre 11\jlh
11•111 fgr 2$ ytal'l an~ IIIIi malnlllllll r"t4fft~Y·
suppol'le,. at llle sovtrnor or MUM~~~. whid I!
IDC!alod IOmt'l'fttrt ilfiWI'fn I.IIUIIIaftl 1114 14-1'1
and tUI or Oltlaltoma. wm ~uitk to maltt nay or tht
pitt. "Tba man who promlllfll bt •o~lcl bof "mrri•
ct'l fducttlon pr!!'tldent cl'"'*n'l k~.,.. 1111 tfOar&·
~~y." 111!~ am MtDonntli. ulr~tor or Cllnton'l Okla·
n~ma r~mllltan·
Luwn,
•AI\,~r4"•••• m•d• D" rJO:•I..•••Ir: illlewCIIW>" ~~'~••;•
pi•,
Aw9utt 1 t 'till' 111of"1<1 .t.~.~~~~st ~ i :tt~
lhli ilhf•l!l14' h,r ll'wt .WOW.t;~f'9n. !tWbiOC'f IQ t''Gdlt ID'
II 0" tiJCfll tnm',...ll¥1, 'IQV*III r•can.r I bill flol:h
Mt"""'"
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"'"•om-
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Nt IH~ l).l:,~'tlt!"'~"~ '·~~·('~I_,"" ,·~-to~•
gHtof'CC)I'IONI•I'II.I,,Ilf'll!···~:6el,'r\Ut~"9lt''f01'1.traJ
M'IIIDG
•we~ Pl.i'!:fWUI •r•IW•d •flilll.rfl Dy tfMti
Dli' .,
"992 dwe ~ .. .as ..,.,..,. on va"'~ OC'r'lll.,
tOll !111111"9 tlllf'l"f'"l \l~r Aeco-..-, ""'" N t::l~llltO 1(11
N~,,.,..,
u-"'"-
•llhi'\IIIIN·M~~ .....-.rM!VfUiwl'lrti.M"M'I~qll··'i,.
..
""-""l~""'""~._.d.l ,IA/il:feNUOIS nt
!A ~~~ A'l ~~~ N¥1., Ml!llfO II 14 ... •
MD "'CIO<Io .,... l X I I I " ' " " " -
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�.. ,
''THURSDAY, Au~iust 6, 1992 .
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Cl
~oday
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Ar(!alhti!ho
NaUon
,World
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Ctntocrauc ~dldilll Bill Cilnton graelll crowaa
in Harmlbal, Mo •• as he ami runr.lng mall Al
1
Clinton says Bush cari't
...
WQOIUMII ... The rlghla
lbllllllllllolnll dell!lllan ~:~mpa
HIIIYI 1 Wll c:llmn
IIMIIIIgallan, •IIIII u.a. o111o1111
u;e.••••a•
' S
ort~
Qore llalelectto' Burii"'IIGn, ~- 'nle camDIIIl"
IWI~ Conlilli.lCii IDc!ay. (AP Photo)
fool Iowans on economy
1!\;lU.lNO'l"'N, lc'4ta (AP) -
'
Tickfl·n~tca DIU Ctlnu:~~~ anJ Al
o~r~ ;amraigft•d by bus Alon~ lhr
Miulllilppi Rlvar 011 Wtd!IU.Uf.
.
u.s.
~ lc.>~'htn.:d
1111111 '"
Wllil WU 'l'lliOfliV[J, 1M ll)'lfii
urs;na
1na1
Cnst.Game'
Pmlatnl lludl
"'*"
iS t.yina 11:1 1e1;
ll\11 lilt •~onomy iS lint
the
i>YIIhey'rc "100 d11111b 10 1_, h."
Th11 line cam' from Oi~tOn •lt.r
Oo!e, h!arunnlr'S. m;1e, w•rmed up~
riverfr.lr.\ ~·~""~ of lhllt;.o;:wls by
' •'
uylntiMt Buar, and Vi" l'rvalden1
Dan O~oyle lul\'e 11t1 new i.!fu •'"'
alltflcy clo is 111ath oo"''" ~"c 11'1 his
~cubit holr.~lul;
of "'uti
1 ~~~
soJn
lilrowin&l!."
l~ld fil~lih Wai q~ourd ..
"~ylq \he '""'""u~or\ i~. over ~)1.'1~ th~
Amcrl~a" peG~I• don',! ~""'" il )'el.
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udan aafO~RFofllladc.
l'b.c Sc!ml SerYille CSCIJiiU
-suqrisinall' albli~
''lMOfkroi&JII ill liil!e
RDd:.~ -QI:IIt llllid. '"IIIey
- cs llli:alltcs. n., bils rhcR
JR atrociuu IIDCI :il's lib nm-
sines IDOk up~-- Alllk
bodJpards arria:lllud«<d
lliqiua~.''
cadios.
40SCDlllds after~ ow.
oMih pmpiraliou soalc:it111hal
T41irls and llair,lllcy IOIIIIded
_,._.~._
TIKi..- nnrc. pmlctenniMd
by Seem~ weutfii'OIII.
Gu11k11 Valkr DriwciD Tu~ Um:.eatiD lah
Sua:!, soldlllo SpnJIZ Hill
[)riq, tbm back 10 diebold.
••Hey. ~ IIR pCIU taliu&
usm alluntbofflillJ?'"IIic
lutansl5 .,_....ailed out
~tlicy~ liP• steep
irK:!iiJ., .,Qrfli" rill: fim quart«
..Uk.
Wilb lkltrnlfclof poli;;~C" llDOII'Uilli. 1I'CIIide InK"' a rew
Ci<IS tiki to -it troT die lamiD
p;r;s_ Srailiq drM:r.< rolled
lbeir cars wiado...s all<l
. lfC'Cle4 rt:e caaofiidato:s.
''Hi, Dill. Hi AJ:'
'"Good lao:k. ~
-God llbo ~!~
Oililofl and ~ smiled
douo"
Aldennan chats
with candidates
.,_..._..,.....r,..
QIJIW-CIT~
INS
----
.
!lca:ts aad loat.cd ar 11u: _,.
·
ThRIC miles :lllld 29 .llliDdtG.
tkdri..., i1110tllellllld lilt. TV
- l l l l d I"IJIBilyuri...S.pmpilc wai~ IDBkhuids..
"lbc ruOllqmatcs hadn't
lOll"• gp lbe pllftmml. &It llle
cacn:isc did
lllcu up.
=:::~-==~~~~~~~~~-== --=~- -:"::=. ~=;,.c:c~:...~-- -~
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diiCf Cllllc .....ae -.aid
mis<sed.
-RCMDilll: bdps me .st11 Oil
1111 e-...,::: beiiUid in an IJIII.imisaic r....,e ormind. •• Oia!OII
lla< wet. (lfc hs jeao:d 5ioa
p~a~:n
IQ'l'C
coll'qJ:.l
Afta- abc VOli:S are CCII~
;., Nu~r.ltis bape is milo:
a dlfli:n:rli ll:illdoffronr-,.....
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AI Garit and Bill Cllldon bring IllS~ ID ~-~~~~~~~ famlles It a 10wn ...nlng at lhe Nil:tiGfs-Home!Neld plant fn Da...,art.
Clinton seeks down-home aura during visit
C<IIIISaaed froa Pllp I.\
ClilllOIII.CIJ:IIPlilo lsac is a mmlC!f!' lsc ma~·
lab! 10ft Wllite HoUR.
-TJJae is 110 !ubsliturc- fior a penanal
mi! 10 die Quld-Cilios. if ;md wtlcnlle"s
r:lCICkd, IH:ril ru.o.th.is .,w:.e. He"s ben!
llcrcaadllc:llaa-filrit. Thal ..;11 ~in
llu mind.- said Sm. P:or Dda~hery.
Ointoa 101111:1 a ~c aura for
me awa~-an. >lOpping of1e11 aJoog rile 10111"'
lo 18~ ,.;ell -.._1"!1 arid malo: llis pil.dL
One of l!is li•.,·minurt Wl:ieflo:d'a~fed .
:sl~ TbuJ5da~· atlcmccJI\ OD llJc- .,._-a~· TO C~
il!ar Rapidi •as in DulrUII. 1-a. v.11cre
Clialml and Ga« sizncd auiQglallft> and
sllook lland$..
Oiaton said blo a.ad Gore an olf.r n:gular folks in lbcQuad-Citiesaad tb<-coufll!1·
bo~
f.:w lllc rw~~~e.
-w.: rbiak .o\mo.'ri.:a is b11i11 from dlc
@roimd up-1101 from t!Killp..,._.n.-
1M lhn..'<4a~
-em \lie Road.
Da~enport
•
TifJJI!r <ri)OifCD ~ .V/aBd·F•·.: and Ed
Ji~lli omrrilluted' lD Ibis
repJ<J_-
woman, son draw attention to health care
~Ed~
Qli.OO..OTY TIM[S
ro CbaJiillt
.-\mc,ica- !Oul'" is scho!dulo:d 10 coo wdn in
Minf1o!liPOIU..SI.. Palll.
"'*
aad it piO¥ided rllrm. an
IJI!IIIIdunily IIJ ~people sncl
.c
------
Mmlmo: Msoroif ncar!.· didn't mal,. il
I idle f01 !hi: Oiaton-Gcwc 'io...·o ma:tio~
011
Tllc DaW:IIpor1 ...-umoo rushed inta ;'\;"Jdlals-ffumcslrirld shcrtl\- llcfon: th<' '"'" Demo-crats fillisl!ed a l<lllr ~ til< pbnl and btp11
spo:ali11glo a groat= of i11"ito:d .P""Is.
Bur .," arrival. w 31d ll<'r I !·)-ear..;ld
soa, Billy. I!Wie an iaddillle imprcssjor.
""' plea ro.- baler bcaltlt eare and marc
11 IJQ\all"' r~ ...... PJ1JBBOU. rartiwb.Jfl' ro•· pc<>pk lile bet SoOl1 - who is n>rnlally and pb•sic.aly bandio:appcd - ""P!ctl Climon. .....,
li~ICned soonb.:rh·.
Shc rose io ,;po:al u Oinl"" w.as
:to~riag q~ioos ~bol.ll
haldt c-are. a , ..b.
~
wr hits close t•> b"mc for ~r ··:.1~· ram·
ol~ bas sp<"o~l mt>re lin.., li~i~ thc palirics ol4
i li\Ulalll:e and M.:do~re .Jad Medu:aid lll3n
cari 118 f.;,r our <:bild. •· sll<' 11Jid Clin!.On.
Slle mid of diffo<lllltc'S in )!!t'Hi01g Bill:-· llo<lp.
aJid thal bcu.-r. ~impko hc:Jlth 01~ is n«dc>d.
-p~jfe
is
qooli1~·
edu.auion. ht.'2ll.b .-an.-.
~--- sl>f: said :os bn- SOJa sat in a ,. lk>ddl;rir
toc•idr It«. "'It"s not jol5l ani;..,bonioo.- .-\ftft'
1.,. on<:otin(!. Oin._ ~liP fD Bill~·. Sl.'l'llding scme 'im..- ,.i!b loim. Oa nis ..,·fl.:dctoair. a
sirn re.;,d: ..(linlan 6 em m•
,..foar s.'-e ~vd acd
side.~
n- er..rouraJ!.<!d "'"
bc:lic•cs tli.J! Ctin!Oft
- !\.1~ \lacolf saia sl!e
.-....Ja lldp ~~ bcun- bcruth Cll{t' lw blor sea -
and lid< liltr- h;m
··1 feel (;uloa11'3.1C to ~ all oppor1.1111it!' !{'I
""' il fac" on soon~ ..r t11o:se
t!UI Bill ''
l.:lllhcg about:· slot' said. -rb,-.., ar.. prop!.:
;s;,,.,..
v.·fla """"" hoelp. -
Q-C man adds signatures
to memorabilia collection
8l' S....
Miller
QUA[)-(JJY Tli'JIES
------------------Gene !-lcGrw.-y has pr.oai-
cally made a ca~eer out or l!lmina
politiciaou• sig~~MIIO:S -- a .ad he
aor it api11 Tbunday.
The 79-y~::~~~ Bc!IIC'n.darf"
man llRII romtcr Swlr COIIIIl)
Civil Service comm~ is a
miOJIB culkl:ton.. CS~~C
'Wll5
'*...
cially aom~ fam ol.,alitical .,....
ap!M:malia.
He .lias r•"')111iJa& from
p;.,,
JIOisemakcr.;. lrllldloft 10 book:~..
ribl:oem t.o c:ann - allfmm pllitital campaigns.. Alld ~~~~ mc..-a.
bilia AllltS in au from an 1800
fD
nC'I'o-spapcr duaill~ funeal plans
for Gtorgc W:asbi.llgiOCI It> a bo'
full cf Sluff from Nelson RK.krfeller's 1%8 PJUidemiaJ bid.
So. 001 surprisiDI&ly. .1M: didn.·r
wanr 10 min an opponunit~· 10
add 10 lhs C'Oilec:tio.a tllis
v.irb a t'iJit·fiiOIII 8i11 Clinmn a11d
AI Gore.
,.....,1;
Tho< Kli~ Cft.....ml Eln-trit
diYJia IIYJIIIIICr finqi!cd tilt 13D·
di.dafes· John Haiii.'IXI<• wirll 1M
help of Da~-e1tpol\ Polico: Chid
S.c--.: Lynn, •o-bo :aslo<d Clin1011
aaJ Go.., ro allf.Oinopb a "'"'" for
1111 old frirnd.
Til.: !look. "'J.:rhn Kenn...,;!~: A
Political Prolik." fUll slgncd
by JI'K ia 1960. Siner 11!e11. :11
lo.-:tSII JO mm-c paiili.:i2ns - induding til""" prnid.."llls - ba~e
~~ lbcir n:rom.:s ia !he C'O\'e<.
~Ge~~e.
Ga.!
Bf.e>s
\"oil.
P.-..tt:· ..,.. -"'- Jad:;on·s ICM9
insc:ril'tioJL
BubaR Busfl •role 1L:sl
WishL-s·· ··~n shoe ant~
•"" t=l in 1987. ""' llwbaad
•isoxd t1roc book;,. 1978.
AI GGK. Ointon's ru~
mac~. sip!td tiK
ftw the - ond time TI!ursda,·. H.: rSi!lh'li if in 1981. and bolh limn.
his .siprurc:s (dl ~ to bis f.l-
"""*
tba's.
·
Dl:spitc bis ob•·i0115 r..,..-e of
pJiilics.. MeG~., lib:s 10 dll~
pla.~·llis pcnoc!al affrliarions.
.
~a
ppm ra· lie a Drmocr:al.
...
bur ,..bra it romeo co tlac
col!cctiora. thctc arr n<> llaidl<
barml.- lie said. ~\"011 sp.UI ir-if
~-o,. start Jltllins iruo parties..- :
1\.kGm:Yy :laJIS l>e bqlln Cllll:
ln.--tins mcmorabilia rill: ,-ear bcl!lraduakd from laigtl sciiGol •!!Ca
llis fat'- pve him some buiiOM
from lhr WiiJiam MrlC.iJIICy#
,._.iUiaPI kmU"'JS ~110 R~
·-'llll bis callerno" ~ u fir
tra~~Tkd to lti.u..-ic ~ ,.irb 6is
wire. Mar:y. and tbrir ~
OO.ldmt. Mar; and Pat.
'" ~~~~ 62 ruB doai ....." tria-..
spin:cl sioa: ht lqsn.. MeG~
•-v's cal!.oaion lila• b«ooae • ·
Ia~ and vahablr llr;ot be lias dooured ...- of il &o ~YCIIIPOrtS
I'Uinam lloiiiKUm.
'Jha.:: dat-s. his caUr:ttina missimts...., r.... allll w bcl•.:en. ·
~This will prollahir be lbe
~US< I 0011'1-- chbe limn duwn ~a)· looa=r ... k :aid:
.a..
�...
..
t'
)end
~I
.Jbrhll
lnrt. \.r:d praco · .
Pftl:llcllla.
aa,'''· ·..·.
ottnlldnl ..
nhtwwOuld
llllni1.~Y peo. ·
GIIIL
· ·
·
wh~m Ita:.
uf'l:~.e
ld tt:11tha ·.
t fc!n·d of' the ·
Drtn.~ CAme. .
i\etJNolt :.
.(
r- rilak.es
.. .
•,... tilllya.:.':,',.
lilllt~l·
It
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Study:·. 9% of doctors have ·
·sexual ·contact with patients.
INDEX',·:,,
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IICI\l&l oOnliCII Willi '.~re;. --'~ lft¥cl., 42 JIIIWII1 bad
· !bur 1111111,
!IMtON,Kwn!il)llooncwetud!', •;bo.,m::1~'f:.'::''i.t:"
llndlnp . dodoiD ~ -IIICIJB· ;,. .. ;·.
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.In
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·maps course :ft;W sUccess
�we
.. ·:E~en:Jate, .. take: politics-:
:to ·heart:: like corn :on eob: .·
. ··~ ~~ -~~~ ~icldt.to ra'wn~ H~n,~·!Hn~~-~tt ror Bl:t ·
C11ntOn and AI acne; 011, well. How often doetJ 11 pollmtlaf preai.
dl!llto(thc T.I.S.A. QUilt lo spend the lllaht?
. ,
, · :To pt to.tkc: !!Oint. Ouad.C:itiqna lnvtla soCC! polltt:al llllly,' ·
·.Ju•tllkc lhll)' love- butt4!1'li)'pork chcpa anq crum Olltl'lc 1:0b;even ·.. ·
. 1(-they·lia~ ,to stay~~ 1\ lol\o. long ti~eaner bedtime, Some;· ,· ·
(more yaW!II) Oid last ~rl)bt. . · . ..
.
·
· .
.
· .
were
.. . ..·. . Tho faithful
alrr:adr .ai· Jumer'a in a'etreu •.
' dori'whi" twl-nialrt'e ilelm wuatill slllnlni like an FOR. Demo. ·
·llr'l!l'i dn:am. Fol"d like £1milr:and Maria111111 Ha"' or k01:k · · · .
l~and "i'e lll!a4Jna-lll'inn\ct Wllillna 'at 6: I3. Ewryone had a·n ear.
· 10 hC'Brtlte clunk-cl~nkodlinlr. O( tho Cllnto~ baa llniOIIftle. ,
.,. Rlla/lyCRifllliiiB ov.:r tho wooden briO~ to Jim Jymllf"l'l*tlc .
·
. · -~ Woul~ thalli btl* c:moeome? .. · '
·.. · · , .. · ·
· · Ofc:rdlirte the candidatcB Wlll't!n"l on ~lme. ;)cmlll!l'llllan: ·
,isldy on II~. But 1011 or people wailed, and walred, arid wahtil. ·
· •,, Earlltt. then: war no wa)' 10 act • parldna apot at J~o~mer'lllllleu
t ~~~ bad a late..nmo.oon jllm~SCaR. 'Tha faltllrw wbo lllycd-on·
:tiO!IIped ovllf lllwnaand liP tl'lc hill~ !'rom· pa~na kllalltartl),
Conni~ Runae orDavenport wu p,hlluated (rom tho lona brice,
. '' . On lbe a(o!lmCnlioned or Quaci.Cillrem alwaye prizlns I .
·'aood poll!~ 111ly, tl\at planned Clinton-Oon: hootetlllnn)' at ·
. · :J~mefa I'Miind~d o'tlle Whisllllof!OJ) days ~fH&JTy Truman and ..
· .· tlla tnlsllina crowd that Jolin Kcnnady orew ~o the quad.CUiea.
I·
·cnnton,
bei~ i~~e b~stop kind, .W been Gimina
'fOlks. Thai 1 wbat.Hal'l')' Truman had In mln.:t,.
w~====~ back in '1948~ Clinton's vltil' W.. a bh like Trv·
1
· mart'll'lllt on a ell ill~ momlna w~ he
~llCCted mOM people INOII.Id N111~~~: ullll!pln
.lied. ClintO!I tli.J)I:Ctrd that moat ~1, w~uld.,
be 111 tl\cir PJ'1. l'ftdy to go to bed by 'he llm~
lla'all'l~ed ~tniaJ!t. ·
·
,
. Hamo- wllo w.u'aup~ lo ''*to
J~~avii.TIIomu DGWil)l-. wu lllllftl'led lo nnd
clear
Astronauta .
linag, ··
•p·rep·a.re to· re~l In satellite .
~Piil 'CANAVERAL, Pia.
~etrhlre OUIIIde
PtOpar!IIJI '.ID
(AP} - "'Iantis'·. atlronatna lodly, if necetauy, In an attemsn
cllllll!d a anqln a aord lillkilll a · .to unl!l'*' lilt lctlllr and uv• . .
sal~llite.co lhC lhuttle 'Nednliedt~y . thti"iiiC!me; ',Thiy bteathccl pUN
and Sll(Ciy · Nt!ed the JCitnlllle • . Ol)lltll 10 JIIIJ'It ·lllelr blood of ..
e:an. into the CIII'SO bay, a"'"llll nil filiOn, lllllli~h can c:awc the .
t11c need for an ·. CmCIJIIIICY ~ jlalnful 1:011dltion lriiOWn 10 divers
· ·
·· . . U the. benda.
.
·
·
'The. hal r-c"n me&ol ball ,II lei · ·· The 111tellito bad l!llWll abov.
ncall)'~nlo.ils clockin1 riiiJ 011 tho ·A.IIantll (or 241toun, ¥vet ,atna
f'DII!'-tllll}' IG~¥trr In tile ·llbullle hitlhet thin UO l'ciCt on the lather
COIJO hay 111\d wauecun:cr. .
- lllr, lhort ot the 12111-mile ·
,: ''The DNam 'tarn· baa noth. . tai)IJI. It had SOtiCII· Nuek 7'0
1111 :.m ~. Y011 1111 ·the .llt\op,~' l'eei abova the lllunle \Vadllftda)'
. Mialofl Cant~ told llli!-111~ · e-~ort~eJ4mmedmd.
nauta. . .. , • . . .. : ~;~~~;, .
PliaJit dr~ors, hopins IO'I'nte
it tliolc •Ill hour ror.)lff!'UtrO- the .llmllllld Una wilhOut a rlllcy
naul!l to linatrll' m!ln. tilt •tal· . IPICIWIIIk, hqd the mw pop the
IIIII rrorit ?50.'het. RMJ~il)Ui'lna: ; cluldr an a motm IIIII pidet lhc
, · t!rat 1l111rr; Alllftlie: llllveteii•.Rionf tether at the· l!tld ot a fOUMICII')'
tllan hal~y·amuncl tho;.Wor~G.·: tower in lilt llhuttle's C11J11 bay.
Two o( the .ut~autr bad llelm.:·· ,Tha,letllerncvermCMd,
IIIIICI!WIIk. ·.
4,000 eorly rtso111n RQCit Island, and 3,000 11
tile Davansiofl Rock bland Lines dcpr:l ~a)'
back In •4s; I was ~here, )'liWIIIIII. partiC\rlirly
·
ob&crvlna Da'ICnpo.!n owl~ecf8.J. Palmet
, ~~~~~on the ua;n•s o~vation ~!form w!li~c: HarT)! pvc llle
Reo11blre~~na lieU. r ti!lled !raa pe~pery apeecilat ;>Jaht mlftlllc:&
.
sllort. In hla·memoin, Tt\lman wrote: ''I nc_ver really belitvrd l
Census Bureau plans
had~ chanee untU I&Bw thAt bunch or;ltOJIIf! 111 Roc:k._lsland and ·
IJa•ariacm ..,.ho 101. up 111 C'Brly to Me me. Thot llV., me my lll'llt
.
decision
on figure• . ·
hope.~· Lari;r that Clly. I wu 11'111~ "a"vincid !hac Harry wuuld reo
WASHINCTON lAP, - The
.!urn to the While Haute.lllilcd·aJona with Horryta the n.•
Cot~1111 Burea11 bowed. to JIOiilillll
1i11nal ~ini mate~ AI DcAII!!', Iowa, and wrocc,lhac blur:-bJbhecl
~ura Wednnday and ·da!Q)CG
· ·.nr.rmer~tollllna more lllall 100,000 (An obvloll.$ tltiiJilllfOTI~:~n)
uruil Saplembcr a dclrialan .on· ··
had ~hCIIred 11~0 Mi~llrlan.,
. ··
· · ~no li'll~rcd L'ellhll. numbers ·
Will& pblicit:lll ramlvar like ihe one on on /lu•
. toaward brllians orrcdaral Clollllll
l11mn night .In 1960 for Jolm Flts&erllld Ken.
· to atate and local aovammenta.
·
"edY•. IIIlhowcd apin how P-JII we can JO over
Ccnsut Dircc:tor Barbam Pry.
poliilclana. It wu l\j(h o Jam for Krnne(Jy that
.ant daclded to allow lima ror pub.
Davenport Moyer Pon Pc:trut(elli waa elbowed
lie 'comment a ncr hOIIriiiJ (rom I
uldt bY. the Mllltituiles, di&Bppointe.:t that lie
CIOU!! or ao aovernan ancl otbir ·
1:10uldlll incroduce th4: ~:~rndidacc. The ti'Ollwd at
omr:lais worried lila! tile decialon
!keoi!IIRn4 Mllin wll! realiltically lllr:nat
WOIIId. cxwl' chair . conllituenll ·
1110
! 0,000,' Someone COok up tile wnt or "Shan- ·
· , ~~ IIOiti»neme~t nme ., a '
nl11' l'ln:ad," sinJins. ''Mammy's t1tUc vot~ra
Gom!lllttcc
or Cr:nsus ll11ruu
. like Kennady, Kennedy, mommfallllle "'"''"
·
like KC!tlle<l~ beat," I Will in tbe ttowd, lryini
npena "wu In the III'OCCllll ot the ·
tO cover tko thing with 1\rt NAvman, lho 11\011 B~COml)tlahad re•
rinBIIII'C!)QIBiillll orth;ir ..,.artio
JIOP'Itr on tho lllilf. 0\'er al!'chmt ''SIIort:1in' llrclnl" babble, II was
mcr," lll')'anl'iold.'Shc dechnrrd to
cou~ 10 ncar what Ken11er,ly had 111 uy. but we dlrJ C'41Ch hls pre~~~ what clle commluec planned
to m:ommend. · .
· ·
dlcuon Ihat 11ic: ~:lectlo" dc~iRlj)ll wo;>11ld ~~~ m4d~ ''h~tl'llln ill!:
llnn!and"and lhar the ool\tasr •.,ilh Ni~o" wu a cnlltftt bclwaen
.
FDA can't vouch
"the comfonoble ~~~~ the 1:01\C!:Tflcli."
I
.
lh~
lool,ln~r
or
. Nixon WBM ill Qllad..Citlq.,
PIIU:mn
1960. Th~ ~'11'"'111 wert hnmvnw_. and the adOf•IIB ll~publlcana
lmww irt ~oma11~· Ni~l'ln'• l'non:~. bmrlw ttltl'lhow I !'OUt, Wll5
PrUJilll'lld byth~ chu(ond s.:,.,cd '" lliUtle etfr(IU!Ili, 412-14·16 In
th~ lllackil4wk' IILltcl wher~: thl! door lo lh~: moma hud b~~~~
painwd, '''rllu Nl~11n Suitll."
II ~ta~d rhat wo~. l'llmcmbct$ r~'li1cu mQI\~a~r Ear! R.
~.ckurm;m, unl'lluiilnot Watur1111tc: bustiii.'S/1 and h.: r~:liJ.!ru.:d.
·
'!l~n. tlrey t'Uint~'d tllo entranoo a dlf'rcrvnl L~llnr und 1:0\ltf~ liP
l
he WOMb "NiXOII,"
.
Jaal.PQ!r
.
.
•.
..
.
IA.'t mllliw-
·.
'
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-
for milk's aafety
WASHiNOTON . (AP) . ;_,
Govetnmanl iii&PftiO., ~ 'not
lett 10 ICC lr RIQII or ihe dNp
I1$CII (or I:OWI wind 1111 in milk
10ld to cons11mtin, 111111 the ,..01111
1nc1 Dftl8 1\dminl"racion l!llnnot
vouch for thrr urew or tho milk
auppl~l wnareuional lnvC~JIIpo
tort sa d WadnesUa)l.
.Whi re rt:JIOI'Ia fivan to a c;:onireulonal panel chd 1101 NY &"!"
lllll\' lion: sheloln c:al'fll ~naaftt
mille, K•p. TC!d Weill, O.N.Y.,
Mill ant lll'OI'hll hall been
made afnec. lhc tuuc nl'lll
•rwc
.two,f~l~~lll ~antiiit"~~~~~····
""urq the: Pllbllc thai milk J1 ..•
·llafc," ulol Wctu. 'eh~alnnun of lilt
lloUAC CJovcmmuru OtiCtllllonl·
• •
ft ... ' • .. •
•ubellmmillmt
on
. humn11
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'
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__ ----
.
"Ghe us a cllan_ce to llrlag Alnerfcal
badk.'" .
.
·--------~~~&
-_ .--_----
. . tJIId.H&atyt:llalan llaslll9111e_!~f~~ -..~~~~~-II.!~-~~-
·uunofs· recruits welfare moms for extra duties
: • Pmgmm provideS money·
- for new foster parents
.................
Savil:li:a. or DCFS.
lla:l1lililra
wd._S2CIO
t111111121cn ia AIJOIIJJ ..aaiq daD. aa
JDDUlldr
sut.idJ in llddw-
· Falllir
brpD
a~~a
eo
.1111t
die --a=IIIIOIIdlly faisaC~ua ~or
snsalOO. Ed M~:Muus arr~c DO'S said.
-..._
. ir beeomes -~he: added.
'"W1Io are - lrrioiiD IIIJIPOR licR-1 'The
fosw dtild or rile »DC farnil,? I jiSI sec dUJ
a killS 8 eaa Gfwunll$ IJr d (QCRlllcd ud
primaril.r 1br dol: foour
~
sai4 Willlhi$
-I_NDEX .. -- ·
Dead man
wins the race
L-'KIS. K:uo. (.-'PJ - 'lo.xns
,.....,;IUIL..t .-'l•·ino L -T~~ C.,_
nbu &If _"',;.,'" b) Ill.: N::omy
Coulln C'o~~~~misskln c•-.en
hl=•·adcl>J.
.
t.,..
�FACSTMTI rB·COyER SHBBT
OFFICE NUMBER: (301) 762-7484
DA1E:
'7//J/13
FROM:~.D.
FAX NUMBER: (301) 762·5368
~SO}) {3ot;]J13/!?t_G
. TO:
CM..7dL W;L-1<.1 G'
ORGANIZATION: /"#'£... c,v1-f'~ koVJ'"t£
~~ER: ~ ¥~6 ~J-3~
NUMBER OF PAGES TO FOLLOW: ~
v
(f_..qt /8"6 t' I 5 MIU.kO)
1
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·.·.--at~ba&k.aall go_ld· ·
..
.SpOrts tD
.
. .
·~
-A. .riCaa &pJtnts_to _victory
._._'-t'~~.
. · .Ia a· record
effort
·
.
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Sports I 0
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welcomes... .
·Clinton·· caravan ~ ·.
-Q~c·
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"
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• QJM):ort ~5
.
. Bin ciiotoa•s cam~ ro.. fbC JJRSi- .
m.o
the. Quad-CWe& ...·
· Wedacsday. and hlllldn:di and~ ..
of backas tuD!Cd out to shOw their suPdeac:y" mlb:d
... port.
.·..
. .
. . TbC neMomdic~ ~.
·. and·hiiruumDB mate. U.S.. Sell. ·AI OcR ·:
· •- or ~TePaalei:. a.nYe.t m. IICIU:ndorf
· ... shitfy after micbiisbl .. Accompailied by ·
· -· · U.S. Sen. -Tom Haddo. D-lowa, tbey •
··qde ror aboul 40 mmJJb:S ~ a C'loWd .
. ·~CS~imafid"ld·I,JOO t0 2.000 pcapJc. . . ..
Diiri~ tlat: tauy m•
,J~s
. · ·.•
pukiaa • or .
Ca5de LOctF. OiDtoa said ·he ·
. :..
· ·:
·
~ illlodledtfllla
· .·c
·.
~IIQI!JdaS-
.
. -bu!d•fak·.
.
.
.. . . . .
..
�Baltimore Sun - 1992
-- Lon; Print
Series:
CAMPAIGN •92
Headline:
Even at 2 a.m. in Wisconsin, Clinton dl"aws crowd
Date1
August B,
1992
Pageu
4A
Author•
S&ction: NEWS
Edition: F'INAL
WC•l" d Count I 864
Jules WitcoveY
St ."l f f Wr it sr
Datel ineu
MINNEAPOLIS
Text:
MINNEAPOLIS -- The rai.n drizzled eteadily on Allard Peck's
dairy fal"m in Chippewa ralls, Wis., and on Bill Clinton and Al Gore
ye$terday ~fternoon, but nobody seemed to mind. Several hundred
hearty voters and their children stood in the open and applauded as
the two Damocrats paused in their travaling road show to preach
theil" mes$age of change.
On a day of u~friendly skies that kept crowds down somewh$t
but didn't seem to dampen their enthusiasm or that of the
candidates, the Democratic team rolled through rural Wisconsin for
a windup in Min~eapolis. A rally there that drew an estimated
15,000 people concluded threa marathon days up the Mississippi
Valleyr starting early in the morning and finishing up th~ first
two nights in the wee hours.
Each day the campaign by bus fell far behind schedule as a
Yesult •:rf Yepeated ''spontanec•us" stops at highway cros&roads and
truck stops where a hundred or more citizens showed up. While the
st•:rps wel"e not fc•rmally scheduled, word~~s pu_~ __ c:tut _to_---=l'--'o=--cc:=-ca=-l=---_______--'--------'
�then passed the word to local radio and television statibns.
Tha highway crowds were fairly impressive, but the real
aye-opener (or closer, considering the hour) was the arrival of the
motorcade at the Days Inn in LaCrosse, Wis., after 2 a.m.
yesterday. Parents held their sleepy kids aloft to see the
candidates, shake their outstretched hands or e~changa hi~h~fivas.
··
Because of the late hour ending a day that began 19 hours
a~rlier, the two DemocratG did not give speeches, but as they
walked along the rope line, Mr. Gore lad the crowd in his
now-familiar e~changm with the crowd about President Bush and Vice
Ptesident Dciln Cluayhu 11 What time is it?" "It's time for them to
go! 11 Weary Yeporter'.!i, longing for bed, gave theil"' Vlitrsion; "It's
time for US to go! 11
Neither Mr. Clinton nor Mr. Gore said ~uch over the three days
that they ned not said on their first bus tour after the Democratic
National Convention in New York last month, but the crowds didn't
r:aeem tr.:• care.
"Our opponents are going to say Clinton and Gore are Just
rookies," Mr. Clinton told a crowd of several thousand at a park on
the banks of the Mississippi in the LaCYosse area yesterday
morning. "Let's vote our hopes and not our fears."
Americans, he said, "have never been a.f\"aid to change" when
things have gc•ne bad, and as a c:ountt"y 11 We are fc:n,.ever young."
The youth of the traveling pair -- Mr. Clinton will be 46
later this month and Mr. aora is 44 -- appears to be a major
ingredient in the enthusiasm of the very la~ge crowds the two have
4ttracted for a time, between the two party conventions, that is
traditionally low key in a campaign yaar. Comparisons with John
Kennedy often ar• heard from older individuals in the crowds,
tnough Mr. Clinton did n•::.t make the comparison himself over this
latest trip.
Such pYesidential camp~ign events were commonplace in the days
b~fore television but usually not until after Labor Day, wh~n
campaigning intensified and voter interest along with i t . The most
notable exception was the primary campaign of s·an. Robart F'.
Kennedy in the 5pring of 1958, when ·voters not only showed up on
highways to watch his motorcade go by but actually lined them from
one town to another, wildly cheering.
The crowds greeting Mr. Clinton and Mr. Gore have demonstrated
a more controlled enthusiasm, but comments often have been heard
that this was a chance to see in the flseh, and to lat the young
kida see, a man who might be president.
At a stop on the highway called Beaches Corner north of
LaCrosse, more than a hundred people stood in the rain for an hour
or more at midday yesterday to catch a glimpse of the pair. Carol
Rindahl and her husband, Mervin, holding umbrellas over their
grandchildren, 11 Just came to see the new candidate" who, sne said,
might Just g&t elected.
Mr. GoYe on this trip pointed to the crowds, and the late
hours when the~ have waited for the motorcade, as evidence that
"something is happening 11 in the countii'Yr and that voteYs are
regaining lost .hope in the politi~~l proce$S after years of apathy
and disillusionment.
Campaign crowd~ are always undependable yardsticks of an
election's outcome. They more often measure curiosity or intensity
of feeling, even for a c~ndidate who might turn out to be a
landslide loser, as in the case of Republican Sen. Barry Goldwater
against President Lyndon 9. Johnson in 1~64.
Sut at this early stage of the general election campaign, the
Democreti~ team appears to have raason to draw encouragement from
the impres~ive turnouts at all hours along the many highways and
byways of these bus tours through small-town Middle America.
r.
�1:apt ion:
Sill Clinton
Iowa,
talk~
with a 4-H member in rarmsburg,
'REUTERS
<Copyrigl"lt 19'92
Baltimore Sun - 1992
Headline;
The Baltimore Sun Company)
-- Long Print
Bus tour by Clinton, Gore recalls trek by RrK in '68
ON POLITIC.S
Date:
August 10, 1992
Autho'l'"l
Dateline:
Text a
LACROSSE,
Democratic
Section: NEWS
Edition:
F'INAL
Word C:ount ,. 753
Jack Germond • Jules Witcove'l'"
LACROSSE, Wis.
Wis. -- The impressive crowds that turned out 1or
~andidates Bill Clinton and Al Gore on tMaiY second bus
tour through small-town America bring inevitable compa'l'"isons with
the past. And whenever the talk among political Junkies turns to
famous presidential campaign days, one 5tands out in the si~e and
intensity of the crowds that flocked to see the candidate.
It was Robert r. Kennedy's bus motorcade across northern
Indiana in early 1968, when he launched his insurgency for the
Democrati~ nomination. Mr. Kennedy had Just gotten into th• r~cs
and President Lyndon B. Johnson had just gotten out, beaten in the
p~imeries in New HampsMi~& and Wisconsin by Sen •. Eugene J. McCarthy
cf Minnesota, running against u.s. involvement in the Vietnam war.
Frnm fort Wayne in the east in tha morning through Gary in the
·~est
and into Chicago after midnight, tha·crowds were incredible.
Not only did they Jam the downtown street corners where Mr. Kennedy
sp~keJ they lined the highways between towns, stretching for miles
~long som• part~ of the route. As dusk turned to dark, young
parents appeared along the highways with their small kids drassed
in paJamas to wave at the passing motorcade. The entourage slowed
to greet them, and to assure their safety in the crush.
�-·- -·
---··-
assassination of John r. Kennedy. Americans young, middle-aged and
old looked to the brother of the fallen hero somehow to bring back
those days and the spirit of a new generation taking over that had
been shattered by the volley ~·f shots in Dallas less than five
yeaTs before.
Young enthusi~sts ran for long distances alongside the buses
'in the hope of catching a glimpse of Mr. Kannady. In days when
members of the nsws madi~ were not regarded ~s the general enemy,
average folks waved and cheered the press buses as the motorcade
ran three, four, five hours late on the relatively short
-~
trans-Indiana trip.
The specta~le was all the more remarkable because it occurred
not in the heat of a general-election campaign but in an early
party primary, at a time many voters tfaditionally do not pay much
attention to politics at any level. In addition to tha yearnings
for Camelot revi~ited, however, disillusionment with the war and
with LBJ stirred passions among the most committed.
The Clinton-Gore bus tours have not approached that memorable
scene across the Hoosier state of neaTly a quarter of a century
ago. But they may come as close to it as American presidential
politics has 9een, as~ecially for this ~arly stage of the
geneYal-election campaign.
Part of the lure may be the novelty of a cam~aign that has
been going to small-town Main Street in this age of Jet traval from
one "maJor media market" to another, with candidates seen
principally as flat images on living room screens. Janet Winkleman,
a farm wife at a highway intersection outside Wayland, Mo., said
she was there "be~ause he (Clinton) is going to be the ne~t
president 11 and seeing him in person was special. That is an old
sentiment that ha9n't been heard much of late in this ara of
television.
This is s~pposed to be a time of galloping voter a~athy and
disenchantment with all politics and politicians, but the si~e and
enthusiasm of the crowds that have been meeting Mr. Clinton and Mr.
Gore belie that view. Mr. Gore optimistically took to asking
audiences whether their presence and willingness to wait hours for
the chronir.:11lly late motoYr.:ada --which made 11 Spontaneous" stops
when highway crowds gathered -- meant they had hope again that
change for the better was ~O$Sible. They always cheered their
affirmation.
More than anythin; else, though, it may be the image of two
young m~n and their young wive$ with a great deal of enthusiasm
themselves talking endlessly of change and a new start by a new
generation. One thing is certain. MY. Clinton and Mr. Gore have
built up a head of steam surprising for what usually are the summer
doldrum~. And they have no intention of letting up, evan during the
ap~~oa~ning Republican National Convention.
<Copyright 1'992
A~e8~~10h
Number:
BSUN169G98
The
B~ltimorm
Sun Companyl
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
�allas Morning News - 1992
-- Long
~rint
---------------------------------------------------------------------------Democrats back on roadp Bush talks to Catholics
August
s,
1'392
11A
uthor:
Section'
Editiona
NEWS
HOME FINAL
W.::•rd Count: 724
Susan feeney, Gv Robert Hillman
Washington Bureau of The Dallas Morning News
ndax Terms1
ELECTIONS 1992
liit:•\t;
ill Clinton and Al Gore, the Democrat$' presidential duo, hit the
pan road Wedne~day, heading for the uppar Midwest and trying to
ecapture the magic of their triumphant bus tour of two waaks ago.
~~~New
York, President Bush sought to sell himself Wednesday ~san
for "the changes thi\t i\re monally right for Acnerica.'
'~~king to the Knights of Columbus, a Catholic fratarnal society, Mr~
9ush assured his audience that he had gotten the message -- and it
e~lly wasn't new.
::~-·~,t
"Change is really the natural condition of o:•ur land,' ha •aid. "This
;n~t something new.'
~nd
ha said, "If you're looking to restore America's moral fiber,
buy synthetic when you can get real cotton?'
1y
Th~ Democratic
,e~e the other
ticket began its three-day, five-state buscapade
one left off, in St. Louis.
troubled Ea•t St. Louis, Ill., the Arkansas governor
a largely black audience that half-filled a high school
;r.H'lasium th.mt 11 We can de• !:lett mY' on .jobs, on educ:at ion, on .:rime
:.r!;'i;rol.
In
economic~lly
~ld
"Y•:::tu've g•::•t to c•rganize and ·f.::u=ws and work and change, and we have
) do these things together,' Mr. Clinton said.
-lel•
1
al uc• uyged urged a tc:•u.ghan!iid U.s. stand
what
w~s
11
to stop the slaughter'
Yugoslavia.
·-~~er, he told about 3,000 people at a downtown rally in Hannibal,
:•. ,. that the Republicans are "screaming all over the cOL\ntr-y' that
'l~ngs will gsl'\:: I.VC•Yse if he wins.
~~ said Mr. Bush is wadded to the belief that with tax breaks for
,e rich, trickls-do~n economics will work "and avayything will be
.lr1: ky-dC:•I" y. ,
�.
Sn.ce'iWIIIIdlslr............
.
......,.IL~Jr,-..-
.,._K..,..,-
Clinton's run snags a.fan
u.s:
• candidate finds
track to one voter
• Other nations ,
better retiremen1i
--~--~-----------
WASHINGTON (A!' 1
A-nco Idi- has 10 I
.. e.rt.-
QI.UOO.OIY liMES
·EDITORIALS
~lllld IUpZ!des
WelCome, Bill and AI
Wekomo;,
Bill OU!iDn md
Al Ck:re. w~·~ glad )'ou
bmqllt JOUI" '"On the Ro11L To Cha!l&'= Americau tour 1o che
Quad-Cilia.. We're a ~..r: in the politiad ~ in
both Wi!IOis IJid Iowa, and we deserve your allenlion..
Your: ri5it gives aU of us - Dl:t~ Revublil:am and
~dml5- a fint-Jumd OJ'!)OrlUniry to listen 10 )'OM~
.5!tF-
•
But r.Ie;ue, lisaea "' o•lf messav. roo.
w~ lla....: co~~Ce~m about th~ ecoQOftl)', educ:atiGa, 11tc
cn~menr. We'n: wocrief;l about our cououy's mle in a po5tCcld Wu world. We're worried about lhe wudd our childl'rn
will inheJi!.
·
As l'lJU.I"C able durift8 }'UIIf' brief visit, talk with us.. Hau
our COila:rD5., and tell us your solutions..
And•. come bad( apia
or
or
The momh!y dedine is only part or Rock Island"s ~
UOry. ~ crim~t is diiM'n 9 pen:mr fill' the 1int seven
monlbi llle
compan:d with lhe same lime rrame a \lftT
year
.
As Chief Stott says. 1he work isn't ova-...You're not
but Ibis type of dcrmue is
emlDUillp!J. WIJeo people ai"C seeing l..binfl5 ~ngon. tbey're
allinl the police - .~
So, criminals. stay out'
JOill.l In ;see ao ommpl l.iJan&oe.
~Clo_____ _
ror
pullp adV«:~ti!Ja· JICII5im
iordOOII&riOil that -.hi a,uidle
~ ro "1JJe b' the llat pm;>.
tOld tbe Sc:marc an Tlle!Cii
. kl'K ~and~
wilh -IJO"I:rt)'. 5 DQI ...mJ
dmlial .:amdidale ia Nooallbe:r.
Whir~ dlt.it Do-.1 Gil abcrti«.,.
to:IIIOO!I~ Ho:2llb
~? F..dllultiilm~ HllmaD rip!!?
Foztign poiicy?
fi,.Jiy, I &mad ti>e euliJbtal·
_lllftlt I ~1, in ~WuJer•,
n.e
IIIDuld look
.ro. ...... !9 Iii.
du: Jl'il'llk scaor,~ ;aio.
cliairman of'l!!e Cilium'
Pcmsian Pol:icy.
Tcsti{yi~J& ~roce 1111:
...tll:ummitll:lr: co lallbr. ~,
.Sllbsic!i:s
pal5iom CCI
World mapzi~.
ror
On 1J11B1: 40 o( !111• A"llust
smiii!lc Bill
Oio!no;. deck(! 0111 i• >'WI:al·
shitr.la}'!Wd iiiUIJpwp)ii:IK'
i~ ~here"• a
•
S&L clean:
might cost:
$135 bJIIi(~
!iptsar.dCXlttG!I ~ ud a
pair of A5ics l~aliiii!PiiiiC&
foakliJie
tlleyt11mcd
0\'er
lOOJI(IO
miles Gil tile •
odomcrer.
1IUpltllt CllJ>o
Criminals. ge~ OQt II)Wft.
Rodt JslaDd has pur oui thr m~ lbat it doesn't -.n1
:your kimliiRlUlld. and rhc mc:ssaae i) bei~ heard.
. EVI:f)' llOmiiiUIIity bu il5 share of citimt crime f'Vtters.
But the ~rime busters in Rod Isla-nd saw !heir dl'ons JIIIIJ off
iiJ a big -Y last month. There wu a 3 7 Jl&!rerol deaase in
major crimes, ~ 10tbr sam£ montb last year. ·
-we mutt be doins 50IDCthing right.- &a)'S Pulice cruer
Antbnnr Scott, whose department aHJJpiles the Slatislics..
The police and the citizens an: doing a lot things ......
ADd tbat ctron t:r055CS lhe geovapbic and ethnic boundarir!l
_lbal ezist in atny oomiDJUlicy. For example:
• When resident~ of Arseo;tl Ccurrs hold lbeir Frida)·
ni,gbt "5it-mns. ~ they are joined by friends rrom lh.rollghout
1hecity.
• Community Cllrins Conference bad porclllilhts Dickcr-il13 Tuesday durio,g the eighth annual National Nipt Out. ·
8 NeQ!bho.rfwod Watcb Programs are Dour~
or
c:an
VOl as
Rl_puts the bite on crime
qo.
IIIJeolhird crp~-;
du8 ill otflcw illldutri;
Clqii!Lt u UlUI:b Q
Forweeb. rt'lt-.s.:wDIIIJ.
--=------------------
didata:
RiU {linton;, a name!". I am a
- · - 'Jbat stnlc it.
Footi!h, you !iay? Ml7bc. b.n
I f"1&'1R most Amt.ril:aas ~OM-
issue ~ IIIIJWliY, !!D it mipt
11..-en rmtumd .ift R~~n...,.'s
Wodd. Dnid!."S.IR jop llct-=a
lboles wflcn lu:"s &llarinleolfTIIat's a 'litdc 100 S1J11111e for lilt)
serious rumu:.r 10 consider.
as. wdJ be IUIJDift3 filii S10IIJS
IIIC,
I newer mrt a rumn:r I didn't
Wr: nocd a Iader wllo •·ill
lik£. Well, elnMJM. Guy Han
was a ru11111:1, He told mi:tllu in
I \Ill~ 1 inu:m....edllira 1
Ia•~
up llis wcJJ.--m mDrriQS
sltlk'5 aDd gi~~ it aD k"s IJO!
on= dle-jJUJIIn:s.. S..'RI~
-.sa~ignmc:rd re-
0111:' wtm wanlslo ~
J>Oder 2t a IIIOVIS.JIOIIXr ill nurtJt..
rm Iowa. and~~~ was ")'i111 for
lhc Dl:moc:ratio:: JIR'SideotiaJ
DmDioonion. It
r;;am..
IDian ~ lloo113 Ri:eand
die MoDkey Busillai IJoa!inl!
In lhe aruck. Ointoo said
t!Yt si~~~r lie became tile froat-
-OlE
":as
rumllef. bisrulllli"'
otwiad-k:d to ;obollt two ·miles, twicx: "
..-.d. He said, ~~r. llw
should l11:sumtcd im No~.
be's ~iao:d to rua as mucb
,.. time permits.
lt"s pn:ciscly wltat ,.-e ll«d: A
Pmiid..'lll ,.,-fro .,.;11 pick top lhl'
e•n:arsio11. N- he~
wi!Des lu: had Cllllcn:d a
IQ.Irilometft faad nu:c dat
..-.rd<end.
A5 govcmor of Arltanas.
Oi.- Jan fiwe dars a-".
thrl:\" mile~ 011 wecldl,.. and
lonJij:l' 011 W«kncb.. 11nd po;tf:d
47'111im~te IDKt~ He rAJGl
up lhr 1QX1ft when.
pa.:~-
IC_.Dot.u
QPci-C19
r_,_,_._._...,
.........,
il •
uan..,..._
l!llthR4Jc.}
------·· ----·-··-~-~----J
lli=nsdf
anol~ Cllbr<'.
----------~---~-----------------~
1.~::----·--·----------------·
l
BRIEFLY
Plan is desig'ned
TRENTON. NJ. (AF
tii!.W to ~rore lloll!lll3i 1
o..,r a sr:oren-)'CIIr period •
sioa plait paJtil:ipao.a.
�.l·n Bush or Quayle
act Oeorp 1\tsh. We ~ lloJina
10 aet blm the nm pan' of Octo-
: .Quad-City ReP\Ibliean leaden
are IWOt'lciq hllrd to btlna Jlre$1..
. dent fl11ab or· V lee Pn:Jident ~n
Qui)'lc co t.lte ·Quad.Cilics llli1
1'111.. . . .
'
are
..
"If we
not ROin& to -IJIII
Oco~~t Buah in, -~ wilt
Dan
act
Qllaylc," Reek bla11d CountY Rc.
publican Ccntl'll <:ommiiiC\1
music
o.d.·. place
:hl!~eseburger; ·
v1:~s· organ tunes
In ~:<>wn tlu: other nl!lhl Willi
1.. 1111'.:1 ~ina a amoothle a(
or. My Shoulder.'' The
11 h~o~t•.l song whon he phayad
Hiulnvay 9~. WIU toadc:d '·
m Wt'! have llvt:: music," says
:id~ Ii.~e It, though we are
:a L: :ll,e maintenantl! ·mlln
~ ll•;t~ '~""'In a red tlripc:d
1n.J fi com.Wtcnt o1'81lni&t.
h~
what this hustle·
IY•·IIP Julp-and•l'\ln bit or
.ay t•·::lcadingthe way. It ia
:10· lia~t rood plamln Amcr.
i····· .•,,_.usic.
ber. We put In our n~~~ual with
Oc11e Rcltneke, Ill~ B~le
lllhtoia camP1llft chairman.
•
. Silo abo hu · made contact
with Oanaseo, Ill., native. Anne:
.HaUIIIWI)'o who It ~lc'a dlreotor of -~ltedlllina, in bopa of
scllcdulilll a Q\la)'le viail,
.
·' 11'111111
M~~e MacKay,· Qua:fle't ua•
Chalrmllri Beu Me..:rsman said
tant prua aceretary, aaid Tuetda~
T1.1csday~
·
,
·
, "Rut I think Wll are going to lhDt planned appearunm hawc:
n« bcell actleduled beYond die
Republican National C'onvet\tiol!
A~~~o 11·201n M0111ton. •
Me uid tile ume h ·11'1111 for
~dent Buah. But he dl4 ·~ a
wiait to lhc Qlllld.Citiea is
aatrona pouiblllly.
•
Qua"•
"r Wlluld my LIJcra la -~ l)telty
1ood .:hance of 111M C()mi~ t!lerc
bec&Uao Mr. Quayle tlkca the
Mldwut," he uld. "He'• from
the Midwest and feels moat wmfOitable in lht Mldwe&t.''
secret service
·Staff Is ·hopping.
zippers Ita lips
from
Caadlllltll
Past 1A
.
·lhi!llc he'a probably acing to be lhe lltlll pres!denl
ott he Unhcd St11tes, ao I filet proud 1'11 meet him
. hC!'C."
. .
.
.
· Other J ~~·mer's worlcc~ aJiiO ·;c;.; hustlinaand ·
.bllalli111 ei'O\Irtd Tuer.dny, II waa11 hopping place.
. ·!l!ecurivc cher Daniel Connon an :I his
in my lt~llllic~. Dnll ltb i,l'lk It will be wane
kitdum Iliff Of 44 peQ)'!e Wt!I'C! l!tllinl!'llAdy ror
, the bil meal - w!wr t!IOY call Fresh Salmon Well·
Wlldneiday." · ·
·
·
·
Jeff Fenlau, the lodse manapr, 111id !he
IPIStOn and Tornadtlca Adinlral.
·
·
Clhtton/Cion:
t:ampaip
tet.m
haa
been
an nay
·
Conno~ wau lillie narYOus; t~ ....'
grouP lo work with.
·
·
· .
. ·"Thcr1:'s been a.!ot'Of.Cillghemenl &lid hype.
"We haven't heard any clllborlle demands."
· 11111 whole week llcre. We waniiO mnlnl sure it wilt
Still, the hottlltaiThaii bc:vn work Ina !ana
be spcctacularand rpc~ialiTi uvery \lilly,"
.
.
hours to prepare for the VIP&.
Arturo Caluda '"'ill ~!can the hallways !oaclin,
"It's not every day )'OU IID\Ie a prnidenllal .
. ID Ill~ bedrooms or Cllftl\)1\ and vice prcsidvntlai
;andidate 111)'1118 in )'Otlr llotel.'' Panzou uid. .
c:anaidate AI Gore.
Jim Rll, !lie hOtel's pt~eral. manaacr, realized
.l-Ie waa t:hecking 1111 the ha!lwa}"& lisJlt b1tlbs · aomethinf. durin4 all Ule commollon.
Tuead4)1 lltld piekinG uf) every !r.ollek ortint.
"You n: looktnl at the polaibility thai Clinton
''I'm ncrvol,lt i>ccauaa th!' it tht firsdime I
II 90 d&)'S IWa)' rrom tho While Houso. 11"1 all
·
have mer mnyo11~ sc'. imJXlriD~t. i'I•C 101 t~ullerfli~s · l)reuy uoit l ns."
.,
. .
.
Dukakis was the last nomlnea··to:visit
wui
Jctr Feilmu baa noticed 10m~~w
thlnl about Seetet Scrva asenta
d11ri~ the pelt few days.
"Tftt)' do a lol ollooklna and
not a lot of lalkllll." 111ld Fl:nzau,
the lodJC manger of Jtimcr'J
Cutta LDcltle In BettendOrf, wllerc
the CllnloiitCorc JrouP will 11ay
toniaJII. ·
·
SOme or th! 11pn1s a1Ti11ed
Sunday in the Quad.Cilles, more
came Monday aftd Tuetdl!l and
oven more are eapected today.
Jim Ri~. the hotcl'a BCneral
manq&!r, said he 811etaeJ aboul
1110 Sccrcn ~ice agent~ are In
th~ Quad..Cil iel to loOII al'ler the
urety of Bill Clinton, AI Gore
and their lllm Illes.
ThOY hive all tile details
mapped out - where Clinton
and Ciore will drpart from !heir
bliaes, the prec:lso tuulc 1hoy
~~oill
walk when lhe)' enter the hot~l
end the l!lrvator tllcy will take.
, There is11'1 mud! 1~ (orpl
about.
The apnlt e~en aall:lld cite hot~!
manastmenl lO ~ turc all the
dlllld twit' and branches wore cut
o11t or till: tn:a eo not hi na wouhl
of' other rran;hise fast
villa ihi.lowa Quad-Cil·
10 the Q\fAd·Citics bCfore the ai:il· Buah
ay· a.r1:1 Artaild·FY•
cI'll! elect. on,
·
lei lhil fall beoiiiK the plftlP•· .o'1 with rnu~it, llutsu llir
QUACl-ClTV !1Me5 .
A
ctwck
or
newspaper
nics
denllal
race
tt· cloSer this rCllr.
, "'" ::1: the only one around
ratl u""l*ledlr.
~lldi~Dtca tllat in I'I:CIInt IIISiory,
the ~·•anaaer. A n:cc!nl ncwsMichael
Dukaki&
wu
1ho
lim
rr:ora Democtaric thlln Rcp•Jb. ·
tol~ pf a r~at·foodery In
.•
, a r•iit.nl&t, and a vi&lior told . , . DMidcntia1 nominee 10 m:.ke an· llcan presiclcnllal nominees hava
aOliiClir&r.cc In t!tc Quad-Citiot.
visited tile Qulld-Citics.
1 Di.ti~land band wc:cllcnda
John Gianult~ chairman or.
It wu li cold, drinly Novemmlcl'~,. in St. Louis.
ber day fn l ~88, shol11y· bcrorc the Rock Island ~0\IIIIY <Antral
,, 1'111 rdce's in Aledo it not a
Oem~Xrullc
Commiltt:e, n:membthe e\octfon. The Oeme~:r•Jtic ;rs rullias held
:llll•t!· Irs hurc to 1111r, if at ·
(or DI!I!IOCI'Itlie
pmider.un: l'lomin~:e pum!lllll ur. pn:aidcnllal nomineca
1 ort ·l~nly ¢tnain nliJit$ of
Waller
on overf'low crowd AI t:1c ob:~n·
Monda!~ In 1984, Jimm)' Canc:r
doncd Rc.:k laland Millwork• Co.
1'1\CIIline," !111~1 Swc. "Wo
in 19'6 end -the mast M~>moru
'!! 1h<•'ll art lowvr prl~ Bul
Hv e.~naido~cd tile visit crucial · blc one - ror John F. K'cnncdy ·
1111960.
~aiiiC he nccllcu wtna hi ~Oil
KennedfS visit toiiPOd thctm
allcl Rock Island eount!&:t'lo hct~
~II. hcuid. 'II Wlla Camelot.'' ·
carry
lowm
and·
lllintlis
in
th•·
1in L1e mll6ic that some
Chmr!ottc Mohr, a Republic:an ·
c:lctlion,_ the Quo:J.Cit,v Times , ..
1 pl•wing. DAn Sims and his
party 3~1lvlst Jrom Eldrldat. lllid
Vo•·•, Iii., for the cxi'ICriencc 11 poned llUhc tim~-.
&he 15 not su~ why retenl Republ
iltlt tic IDilt to Rcr.ublic:nn lican l)rcsid~nlial 110mi11m l!awc
IC W'IA, Bridget L.c\ling or
00Qfle
811111,
wllo
W'ds a fn:quent
!101 Yililcd . tha Quad.Cirirt
n a fli.leC like Ihie."
vlsltol here befol'\l til~ low~ c:llli• ~hor: ly h~roru tho acnc1111 elec·
·h~: 1-o~upl~yt ond ;ha!'s
cu.~
in
FL'bruu~
l9~~.
nu~h
lion.
~ ... r •l £a:~ I-lia Own" am!
n~c ~hg i& fairly confidcnl thai
1· appjltonliy m.::.t!~ no other visi~~
X.
mur. M Alcdn. Sill! hal
~ li·:•. ::o have dinnc·r and lla:IIIIL!, ." Ia )Itt El\·u.
in, .uounclao 61.'1: th~l :·Jcfll•
whodl !akr:; the ~lab dlrr.ctl)' rrom
1li ·~,r d~'lkrt on ''m11\k
Br ili11 Jaooll•
lh~ Cll51cr and m~k.:a a ribbon Of
IDC!! ~lh 10 1'1!14~.
OUAO·CITV TIMES
~h~llllutllin~m.
•lie:' ho11r un 11 nishtlike
·
N~w p;-~'Mcs 111 the mill al·
In
his
JO.mlrtii1V
~our
or
til~
fu·r '' •mull 111WI'IIik\'
low till: IlK cf alme~&t 11n~ kind or
1$0,000-equarc•IOol
Nlchol:~
l•lomeshlelc! 111ant Thu~U~y. llill liiYminum ICfliD, c:~en al~minum
~ tl•-: al,lr or 1ne ruturc for
Clinton will 9l!tl the l~tt:al in 31~· lhll now ~nllo lnnt.lntt•.
1n M::v~ llur11~n ~nil fric1
Tile t'lltlnl reutli.'!i tho !\'tdrocarminum milli·mill tec~noll'ltlY ~n!l
•n~~~ :n ~ h11hly Cllntf'Ciitive
t\lln5 in lh~ tlllint ond oft In lh~
In cnvironmlintnl controls,
Tht Democrelie pi'C!lidentiul
us l'wl.
candidA!;, hia runntn11 mute, th~lr telllr'lliclit
that Qlh~rwi&e wotllll w. ''!ll!!ll:ilimliiilliill~:lj~~~~~ij~
I'
t!
wive~
and a small JI'DUI' or ;om- cap~~ It l'~d bllcil 1"10 lh~: a:yatum,
yir.1;1:''tr~ 1111,.. und !h~nto
Ill!"~ omo:ialsand me.tll1 will tour
Cltllint~
in
hal(
1h11
1111;11~
that
i1
I
;.-;;;:~am;ai.'iiiiiiiiiiiiil
C"''·''·'n rn .. ,;~ "'~hi. thin"~
tho plant nl 9:Sih ..... Tl<llllo41ay,
11dd•'lllo m~ll ulumlnum.
11
··~.:-.h &:urnuliul'l,.HnUta:
After tho IOUI, C'timnn will
The illunr·~ ~Y•Iem• al!lll ~
::uthh.nal N~nlcr 111111
~o.lv~r u"uhle M~lul and tubrlcat•
t~&lk with compwn~ "'"'k~n ~nd
rlt ·t w ~u''' hmlt: or tmuth.
Ina (lil tltlL! wu111r fmn1 liM:
ll'ollftllpl'l.
IIIUJiid\ will luke ~<lUI •lrcWr
Tii.: l)uvcnp;ll't mill link• ~ pro\!l..~,,~!t \n reduce Wdti&C'.
I
Plant they will tour is high tech
. "I j,,,,W W~<H 11\<lle Clll•
IH~I,, !Hi! ~fJU I.',H1'l ftHt~
;t
rrv•:·-1 MloWl." llu
·~ ''"·:! "'' i\:itth~r-liv,ht
ind·,,,,., Ill., l11nn,, dwrtoy
\'I" it~~
liJl:
"'i'llil ;,. jll~l
110n1inuou! · cul~r. "''"~h cn::uv•
DIU!nlliLoM ~l"b
11lurninum, nnd 11
Yn
fr,>rtt Kffill
,,;lin~ mill.
T!~t,• ~IIIII[IUIIY ~mpl~y• r14:11rl~
n(J "._,,,,1~.
ru~~nt~ll h~
·r~um•!~rn
"'""'
tlltiun 1.c11:11l
~71.
********************
"*
WJ:h~IIC'CI"'I
"'ite
• ~~ ......._._-_-_---__~~.: •_ _ _ _ __
'
•
I
ML\LH lli::M,,
.r
,.
.'',
.,.
·..
'
�Casino
memos
controve
Campaign
.-oils our way
(~linton-Gore
iJ i:iia i •.-.,.- ·
QU .. ().,:rv
\
The Clinton-Gore ·
campaign buses will
pass through
several O·C area
bus tour will sweep
~I'MI~GFIH.Il
~J"••I.( '111~' l,'lliii~ln"
l'u•"'oJUI 1IW ,, m•·n111 1
h·~~l"l' li11 a
iv Shenett~a jll,rtl.,.
C~J,,Dot;ITT
TIME5
in Burlington, lowft.
His eu~t rou:e throu~ th<: OunKil·
Quad-City DcmC1Crata a!'t' pOii'Ctl ror
Uill Clinlon'avish 10 the Quftd·Ci1i"" ,..,.
nir,lu aM Thul'llday.
·
ios ~as not lice~ di•e.lomflloy ste•rity
foi'CI!I. T~e bug tour •.,it! lrnvelthroug~
W3pell~ ~n~ Mu!IC:ltiM ~Ions the way,
but is not <!>~ted lo stop,
Tile latest ~lan~ call for on infconn~l
Vohmi!1'118Tod IUIII'O"el'l&~lhcft!d 41
1h1~ :Kou Countt Dl!mo;rallc: om~ in
0h'•IUPQr1 laic Tuffil4)' lo Pill nnish.ing
ltlll~h~ on pl•ll5 for a rally toni&lll in l~e
~M1i111 lot at Jumer's Cuallc L.Oil&e in
!!!lly out~idc the hotel.
optimistic thn~
Ocvni~crs
Clinton, Ilona wilh ~Ice p~idcnllal
cof town."
"I nm aw!'uli:• ~la.ltr••)· cJ."idl:\1111 cl<•
lhL' !lo!COiliJth<•U'"'"'IIIIIiL"i ;If tl!eir '()II
Th~ KumJ ... t..• Cltiln!ll-' .•\m~riL'I'lirl'l
l~>llr," low-.1 ~•m. l'ar iJt:luht:ry, Dl'>a•tnJl(ln. ·'""1.
..
",\ 1111 of J'l<."l"l~ an: lalkin& ~*' 1h1~
Vi5il. Thtto\ d lr~menllDIJI lm0\1111 or in·
mir.~m
plant i11
Pn•~nport
"Tile phone! h1vel:l~~n rintlna 11fT the
hooks," Jolin Dooley. a D~v;nllQn Dtn1•
cmatlc Ol'lilnim, !18td. "Th~rc'a been iols
art
;f cnlhualiltm."
!o,..;M in I~C cumm11ni1y. Tllr ~ltll i~ llw
,.,h,~l~ f11r a blg~r tm:IIBP to IM ftl•
''ll'a,clllnl incr:Biiin~tiY more
and HI up n pr.lilium 31'1!11.
cm1didate "' 001\l and the Democ:rotic
3\l~e 1umou1 h•·r~ h•!ll~tu. "'"" th<fl•'• a
lor a( poor I~ h~n.' frw,, ,IU\'cn.on' 51.'\'lhn\~
arrive and ilep~~n.
TM viait will lnelu•l• n <nu~ Thul'llllny
momin& attne Nlchol>•l'lnn•v!illicld olu.
Cli~1on 111111 lrteD;'~ ..
address the ~"'"'d. Hocol <>IOikeT'I·plun 10
\llo;k off Blarge S~;tion oithe Jl~rkin~. 1111
Bet•:·~d~;~rf.
<l(flltlc p;!r\y, "Thcr•• ·, luc- ,.f ,...,,• .,~~~~
bU~Ca
lt~;IIC.'' ~id
TOm f:nalcmnn or Ibe l'll:m-
..
!OtLtJ'I.~~M.lV
,,
II o.m.' l;~~toMClore loft 10111
....."!ill ~Otot. 1'-d"' lat1 Sl
LOUII. ln .. llfl(l Harr.-. lila.
11 p.m.: Rlatly otana 1119 lf'<ttfl'lml rn
Mfii!Oft,IGWB.
.
8 p.m.• l - ret Qwlci.C~re• .,,
u.S.&I.
10:30 p.m.• Sdwt<lulll<t I~ ~mv•
Ill lunwr's Cl\l.llt lodllol. S!<Uell t;rllr;
0moe ana U\"'0 RIW!e llnilll. IWU•"
fl11r,
t;UtWJ&I
"""'Ill"""' pl.1m m ~lVI I M.
M<'""'
Blv~ .. O;wunpon ~h'IIIIIIUPI "'"" '"""
rnDOI"'I ill lhU Diflnl
II:SOe.m.: t.eiMP~·C•~>•·•·
1:15 II·"'·' SIOI)<n Ceclor A•t••J•.
- · · Cl<nton 111'0 ('tOrt WIIIIIRd I""
Qw..., Oat• ~t • .,d~ their llitiiJf~~
w<A 111110 Ino WM••~~<• s..,., ~:,.,,
Ill.
Ctay~or• ("cltlnh 4 u
Fltlr lA F~tf~. lrll't'll. tf11''1 BO
G: li o.m.;
l,,c:~.,,. ~~~
W•!'.
Flldar
M•'••~
lind M:nnt!apalq;. ~~
INSIDE
lng tor lht orrlvoltoniSM ol the Dtmoc:railc pretlllet\tlul condldoca
ond Ilia wife, 111 wall a• vtco pr..Wontlol c:andlaete AI Clare Dnll
lilt wife, Tllll)llf'.
Visit sends chills through the staff at Jumer• s
o,,,,o.c:tt~ ltM!~
-··...
~------··· ~-·-··
. _ , __
'fholhtrusht nfltill <.1intnn
l:(lmi!IJ, to the Q... cJ.C.:IIic:;; lodl)'
i" l\l;ir;l'n~ Cl"..eh: ~H~o:t!l' lltsn'-
IK'h all
"I
i~
llnllh.
w•nclhinK~
l;<il -· lhQI •.h., ch111:11lr11• lntlliL"
;u~· 1'1 hi~ r•'·Uf\,, ~he klu¥o.. ~i:t:c
1• M real
i1;·r,lllf'l 8uatoa
p.:rt\:•1 rur hirn,
n~uvoull. ·•
1\S 1"• <:.<!NUli¥0 h""""k-.•t•:r
'"''' ·~ tumtu <I"""" h•li1r• h••
of Jumcr·, <'nstle Lu<IK~ in
lll:uandntf, 'ihc want• to"'~~~
SIIIO
hl' ._.,r.,:,: lillAtY. h&fn iu fur
1h" ui~hl, """ rr...h IIOWill'!o Ur\:
unc.i
tho IH"'tll:rlllic TITC'Ii<lonpul
~ondidlll< ,,nj<>~< bi~ ~~a~ ~II lito
Iii~~··
:the """I h•lu!llll ul' ~·~ry Ill'•
,»fl11h~
'ubh: •n
hi~
IDr)JL'
~ultt.•.
Shf \:'"'r.!f\ II.,~ 1llilnll\~t \Whnl
"'lu.: '" cuiun ~~~ W'-'Uf' fnr ~h'' '~"".
---------------··- ·-..--.-..
1Ul~l
w;,,., ~h'• Wi.llll4,1 tn 1~11 hull
\\'h-:-•\
th~·y
nh.'&.•l,
"I Wlil\lillhiH
l'utiL•al L'L•
~.·ih.•U Hun tH.' th\'u.l\•tl !o ntnu.• h)
th-.· (),a!ltl-( '111'-111,"' ·~hL• '4UI~I. "I
·-K'I.U'~'
l'i•, ... tUrll
lu
I.. R. l o\
S.n. lll'nlll J~•·'"
~1.11'""· rl~'~' 1u .tr.tnt"' nl~h.·r h,'ilhla!'''"'· "'\\\·
'"'1\'Clh.'d. 1n "''"l,lc.' lA h·
1~1'<' o\1' •ell\ •I~ l1h111~
:.'i1''1 u~ ,,~,·t1 u• ! he
""'' th~ I'L~'"''' ·•~'111•1111•
Ji.-1oh• ;, "'"L'II~<•I
h<:l)' "111"1""'''' ,,, lh,• t•
InD.~ ,lt,ml. \nl~h'~lcot 11
Ill •'Oftlfll"ml,l.' Ill ,,~,
i'UDI¥
lflld' ami"'·
iluional ri•••ll•••l. ll•
a"''
ellnsiClll."
'l'hr M:Nllllf """ h•
~"'""' lril) 1111: n..:1n"
h,• Ui!hUi ~ichar~ I
1 n~
t r:t.·~ in F.;tll Mt)ltnc
1-11
.Ju hkc U1<k
"Th,1"11 d!C
111111~. I
I
II• 1• 11 h~l')' <annM Ill'
•~>Ciall, hm~ lk1ne a •
u~ Ill
IIIC Quull.( 'ic~ t)u
Ja«lllol. wll>• kol lilt
, •'f'"''nun!tr
:~:'"\',\~~:::!~ ~~S'h'.:"'.::'
w.r-,n•nr
rhat vmul• ho.ln
,,.U51 "'
t 'htlo!Utpl
"II'• ;11"1"' t'11f IM'IL'
h:.•l '"''"Ill~ l!lal "'"
111
;n~ t~t:._r, '" N "'"'"
K"~" :1, '"" IU~i\l ''""'
'"'· ..,,., 1h~
t·,,·n ""' ,,,
•h;,,·, "iUlf '¥,~."· .
. ).
•· secrvt Setvlce agents
keep CliJiet, aten: 2A
• Du~q~kll wae t111 1ns1
nomltlet to vllllt~ 'JA
• Candlelala& wiU toLJr
state•Of•tha-art pcane: 'I~
• I.DCal Republlcnns will
tr, to bflng In Bu11n or
Qllayle: 2A
11 CNncon·s IOGAI"Il ilvle
win !I over ref)Oftl!r: HA
• Wetcoma, AI nnd Bill·
M
~~~m~ 1\hn·,l,. l}iju~-c
lDI!IN "'Ill lhCI Jr~ Cll
an•l ;1n~n Jllcl..il \1:,· ~ ,,
hl
tn
CGr'$01.
'rNCI I& !he IOOITI wllert BID and Hllll~ Clln~n Wlllapand tnelf nlgN
Ill !.hi Q~lld.C:IIItl. Jim RIA, tile PI*BI ""'1'11411 ol lull'ltr' a
CluUia L.Ddge In hltCIIIGorf, and hla a.taH llll'lt llaan lwsy 11repor-
I \•mntc
<~llin11 un• l'n·~Hii
iaiDioll ... i~tnC IIUI.'k "I
I~V.>Itin' tu Ll•al" u; ""' n
li "dt~li~c~ h• ~•en•Jh<'
from
lh~ OuMd•C'Uy l>awn~
9:atlam.: rou<Notrwn.lllllll<:·
StotMi 111 C:hl~ 4l ,,,utr.
Pa.<l
~ll.linu;.
l>;uo:d
""' ('~icaaa-are~ m~111
TI!IWICI<17
Pf'lJlne oucmen anft
S•"l·~ und .\u>tin. Whl
"""'~ lhn'l! N••~da ~~'
i ~ani•'" th11t .. ani tn "'
· ~1lhon ~umrlv' tn ('hicu
In til• ~1omu ;, ~list '
tulll>yi•t• lhmk ll!on.u•
Will VIIIC nn i~'il!h11111LII
,J.o;crlh~..l.
linn,"
dart. Bnel .l)tteh .:atM•
lht h~IQI,
p.
1"''1\\'1 anr.l uhunaM)
l)cou.J·( 'Ill<'·
r~~ lllcnrn, wht~h w:l
h• tho 'Ill'"> mrttJiij T111:·
I>SU~<I h~ lh~ ( 'h1ca(llo1 In
towns today.
RccauK" m~~eh of the J~mof'~ !lilA ill~
lat .. mbe: ftlaorvcd ror the roily alll.lt~
buse;, PIIT'IIinc in the attQ will be limlt~d.
Traffic a1110 will be n:3tri(tod when the
1'1•'1'1-:
lo'il'tHi'.t \.'l11llf\h.•\ "''Ill
into the Quad-Cities tonight
h~1 cntour'illl'l· i~ ii:hrdul~d 10 brri•~ in
l!CII~niiC!rf 30001 IO;~(l p.m. af\er • Jl\'1'
IIMf~
li~MIJfl(.~.-~h~-tl•t
lie "'"Jii1• llt'-IIUJtl .
l>c•,•n that lhL' d1hll 111 I
''"'""" '"-~''""'''r .. '"'
f
l,•d·\'tol fur\'H'f.
U\\'1
1\lm~ r'n'""~ 'liU!.'"'t.!!UI.t'ul 1
'~'ill",, lh\'h.' '""" I
~11111l>lrn~ IIIM~~I. h~ :,,,,
K~r•. M. "ll<~h" lli!J
fl'\oV
\II\ I\, ••n~t J~~·l It run
\.,11,111. oliO" h'l-ll"'' IU lh~·
"111141\'\"',dl"'l"
I hrr\· '" "'' ~·"
\toll~' ,t
\\tlllhf
.HH
riH"tf\t\otl Ill h
\U(t,'
!~~~
j
t~,.UIIhh,~. HIUII"\tll\1 '·•
Tha1 llw ( "lu ..•;,,.~ ._........
1l~n·.,
rh•l 11tlltld ,,
.. IIH'\
Ill
~·h.t
n.l·
p!nhahh rh··
"''·' ~uuh\ h,t,1t' lnr
~ 111''"1 Ill It·~·
L'll•l.
ltl 1
II "'
Ih,• \\ h••k pt• 11,·~·~, '' h,• ....
........... .
Criminals, take heed!
Out crowd
.; to stop you
~;~u;....,.
,.. "·I~ ght
lawhr.u~~rs wilh • me~oMDIIi!~ Thor
want to li•~ inu 11111\: city.
"Wo ull IICU\ll<> wa"h <>UI I\ or
In hlo 41 :u )~lh Avo. uri'"•
wuy .• .,.n~ ~il)' nt.'i!4ii I() he nne
un ill WltY·
1•1 a rrolallhurhmtl "'"""Y·
tt~h II'""'"~" tile htrllw uf Jim
l'ipu,.oll•. I l1l'l HI~ Si. The 111:•
hlud ~IYb !IIHC Ct!lellr•lo!l Ni!f•l
onu1her.'""114111 Jirn
~••Mr.
"'h" chilled will• n•IKhi'lltr> ll"tlr·
~n:d
:1\JA~•CtTlli>At!l
tl':o 109 !lad 1011 criminal• l.'OI\tln- blue~! ~luh."
lirJr,•t come 10. tllll blQolll pan~.· ···-Bclullna "'0 nei~h~M~rln•u~
·u~d~~ nl!lhl 011 l/lollk .lllolld'• hlcM:k cluM. lh•~k l'llta~ 1• W\'ll
'
:,,~. i-.~""'·
'irt.''' ~olthhonl hoil a sn01l
ime, lounafna In
W!lllir~u Pftf'tlltllhtva.~
low~
un-t
cirair>,
"'''"tlna
,~
Community
<.'nriu~
lllrunct ~l'l'lrri1oodrtd 1h•
''···
......... . . ..
( ·cm-
Ni V)ll
..
Ira•
•uv''
11\•'<1 ·rm I he 1reiMith.1r·
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l'tn '''" ,t(;nhl tu t:llll lhtl ,..,~n:~
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
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1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
Dublin Core
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Bus Trips Clips [1]
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-017-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/3d7e9e7bd0623b47c962006aaf2c3ec1.pdf
731ac905b3201079c7150bcb57afc3ad
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker ·by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
~
Collection/Record Group:
Clint~n PresidentiJt Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
'
-~:
,
Subseries:
. ...
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Bill Clinton - Personal References
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�N~tions
The United
yestei,
rejected President Saddam H
sein's latest attempt to impose n
limits on U.N. flights into Iraq,
creasing tbe likelihood that Pr
ident Bush will again order a •
itary blow against Iraqi targeh
the final 72 hours of his administ
tioo.
came
BY FRANK JOHNSTON-THE WASHINGTON POST
The Nation Changed,
But Bush -Did Not
By Ann Devroy
Wllllinaton Post Staff Writer
e came to the White House
as the education president,
the environmental
president, the no-new-taxes
president whose foreign policy
resume made him "ready on day
one" to take over the Oval Office.
But when George Herbert
Walker Bush leaves office on
Wednesday, the ultimate verdict
on the nation's 41st president
may be that while he had sterling
political credentials, he made a
politician's prime mistake: He
failed to understand that the
nation that elected him in 1988
had dramatically changed, and
expected him to do likewise.
H
He became, as one of his
closest aides charitably put it last
week, the "right president for the
wrong time."
Presidential scholar Henry
Kenski, in an analysis of Bush's
leadership at the end of his third
· year, wrote: "What happened in
American politics between March
1991 and january 1992 involved
a major shift in the national policy
agenda. The name of the game
was the economy and not foreign
affairs." For Bush to succeed in
his presidency, Kenski concluded,
he would have had to "become
something be is not ••• an agent
of change, not consolidation."
Instead, Bush became a
one-term president, rejected by 62
See BUSH, A28, CoL 4
The sharpening of the crisisthe eve of the second anniverSar
the start of the Persian Gulf Wa
as sources repo~ that
of Bush's chief allies in: the c
paign . against Saddam, Bri
Prime Minist~ john Major,
voiced hesitations Friday about
ing ahead immediately with a1
strike that Washington appart
was poised to set in motion ther
Bush's top national security ;
huddled at the White H
Can Qinton Bring
Discipline to Policy?
ByDanBalz
Wuhington Post Staff Writer
·H· e ran a crisp and
aggressive campaign to
win the White House, but
as President-elect Clinton arrives
· iri Washington today for a week
of inaugural festivities, the
question he faces anew is
whether the discipline and focus
of his candidacy can be translated
into fixing the economy and ·
running the country.
Clinton and his
government-in-waiting broke
camp in Little Rock yesterday to
begin their journey north after 73
days of transition that left them
in a paradoxical position: His poll
ratings have risen, but Clinton
TilE INAUGURATION OF WTLT.IAM JF.FFF.nRON CUN'lllN
nonetheless suffered through his
worst week of publicity since
before his nomination last july.
Clinton's transition has
brought some clear
successes-the establishment of
good relations with Congress, the
continuing outreach to average
Americans and a skillfuUy
choreographed economic summit.
But controversies over some
Cabinet appointees' ethics and
the funding of inaugural parties,
questions about bent or broken
campaign promises, mixed signals
on his economic priorities and
tardy decision-making that
demoralized his staff have given
the transition mixed reviews.
James Pfiffner, a professor of
See CLINTON, Al2, CoL 1
FBI Dire£
For Ethi~
Reprimand Says A
By Sharon LaFraniere
Wasbington Post Staff'Writer
An investigation by the J
Department's internal ethics
found that FBI Director Willi
Sessions repeatedly violate<
regulations and made person
of bureau resources, accord
sources familiar with the find.
the inouirv.
·I
�.
••• R
THE WASHINGTON PosT
·---
--.
-·- ..
~
.
Mter Uneasy Transition, Can Clinton Bring Discipline to Policy Needs?l
solid relationship with a Congress that
could make or break impressions of Clingovernment and public policy at George. ton's presidency. His regular stops at
Mason University who has studied past McDonald's and his walk on Georgia Avtransitions, gives Clinton high marks. "At enue in Washiilgton signaled his inten· the public and symbolic level, it's been a tion· to stay in touch with ordinary Americans.
Pfiffner said.
His two-day economic summit, aides said,
But a prominent Democrat from outside
tile capital had a different view. "All sorts of showed off Clinton's mastery of difficult
aJilrm beDs have been going off," he said. "It issues while beginning the process of edul®ks to me like they've violated half a doz- cating the public on the tough choices that
will have to be made quickly by the new
~ of their campaign pledges. They really
administration.
~Ve 'given the impression that they're ap"The best elCimple of how the style of
pfoacbing business as usual. I think they've
campaigning can be translated into govern~t a real challenge now to demonstrate
ing is the economic conference," Stephana~t ·they really can govern with something
poulos said. "That will prove invaluable for
new and different and innovative."
\ Even Clinton acknowledged last week laying the groundwork for his economic
tbat he was at times overwhelmed. Asked program."
Finally, the series of foreign policy crises
b)' ABC's Diane Sawyer in a "Primetime
Live" interview what he wished he had that have erupted since the election, from
lcpown going into the transition, Clinton Iraq to Somalia to Haiti to Bosnia, have givClinton the opportunity to act presidenreplied, "That you have to start becoming en
tial even if he doesn't have the power.
president November 4." Clinton added that
Clinton aides dismiss the recent criticism
he bad told friends, "I felt like the dog that as an inside-the-Beltway preoccupation by a
chased .the pickup truck. I got it; now what press corps that has nothing else to writeam I going to do?"
and some analysts outside the capital agree.
: Communications
director
George "I think what he's done well is he's laid the
Steyh:mopoulos described unexpected good groundwork for taking over without
'bUnps in the road" for the transition team, excess expectations," said Mike McKeon, a
and pleaded with reporters Friday to give Democratic pollster in Illinois.
¢linton time to take office before declaring
That perception is backed up by polls. A
liis presidency in trouble.
new survey conducted by Democrat Celinda
. "' think all of us are going to be relieved Lake and Republican Ed Goeas shows Clinto have the transition end and move on to ton's favorability now at 71 percent, up 7
the inaugural and the administration," he points since the election and 17 points sirice
iaid. "But I say judge the president-elect by August. The poll also found that about three
his performance. Judge him by the plans in five voters believe Clinton is "a different
that he presents to the Congress. Judge him kind of Democrat."
by his actions in office, and judge him by
The Lake-Goeas poll found that 84 perwhat he achieves."
cent of those surveyed approve of Clinton'~
The first Democratic administration in handling of the transition. A Times Mirror
12 years has tried to use the public events poll released last week found that two in
of the transition to avoid what Clinton and three-Americans believe Clinton made good
his aides saw as the missteps of the last. his pledge to appoint a Cabinet as diverse as
.'U!-. ~-·- m ....hinatnn ~aan to build. a_
the country. The Lake-Goeas poll showed
CLINTON, From Al
success:
that 63 percent described the new Cabinet
as fresh and a change from the ~t.
Aides believe the coming week of celebration and symbolism will drown out whatever negative commentary may be swirling
about-just as last summer's Democratic
convention gave the Clinton ticket an enormous boost at a time when the candidate
was being challenged by the media. "The
"Judge the
president-elect by his
performance•••• Judge
him by his actions in
office, and judge him by
what he achieves/'
-George Stephanopoulos
inaugural is a direct form of communication,
just like the convention," said Clinton pollster Stan Greenberg.
·
But there is a job ahead tougher than the
transition-running the country. Aides admit Clinton will be in trouble unless he can
discipline himself to establish a handful of
priorities and a timetable for action-and
then delegate much of the rest.
Clinton faces difficult decisions on the
economy, made more excruciati~g by rising
deficit projections and a Ross Perot constituency of voters that Clinton is determined
to make a part of his own coalition. His
health care reform holds the potential to
become a Vietnam quagmire of fighting
among entrenched interests. Foreign policy
crises, meanwhile, cry out for action even
before Clinton has put in place a team big
enough to handle them all.
..
One Clinton adviser was asked ·recently
to describe the difference between Clinton
as a candidate and Clinton as president- sence of a well-organized team of advisenC :
elect. "The old Clinton is back," he said.
there has been no countervailing force.
By that he meant the reappearance of a
"He has a subtle mind," one aide said. "'t
man who loves to debate and discuss policy, wrestles with complex issues. He underimmerse himself in ev.erything from Cabinet stands complexity. That complexity is often
selection and the structure of his White at odds with concreteness."
Still, there is no doubt who will drive the ·
House staff to the minutiae of his economic
or health care policies. By implication, he major decisions. Clinton has demonstrated ·
also meant a man who is prone to defer during the transition, as he did in the cam- ·
tough decisions until the last moment and to paign, that he is his own top adviser. •He ·
lose his focus in the blur of a thousand de- makes the decisions ••• and he is the car··
rier of the message," one adviser said.
tails.
It was Clinton, aides said, who held out
The scramble to fill out his Cabinet in late
December and subsequent delays in naming for tough ethics rules for his new adminis:his White House team robbed Clinton of tration, even when some advisers urged
some of the momentum he was building ear- him to back off. And it was Clinton who kept·
lier in the transition. At the same time, he demanding that all his appointments, from
and his advisers learned that the foreign cluster groups to White House staff to the
policy problems they could slough off during Cabinet, reflect genuine diversity.
Aides talk about recreating the infamous ·
the campaign could no longer be ignored.
campaign
"war room" atmosphere in the
As a result, Clinton's economic packageWhite
House
to assure a sense of urgency
which many Democrats believe is the key to and order to operations.
And they hope that
his political success-is well behind sched- inside the White House Hillary Clinton and
ule.
Stephanopoulos will help assure Clinton's
Clinton advisers · and other Democrats focus and a smooth meshing of policy and
look on the past month as a squandered op- political goals. But none of this is likely to
portunity. "I won't even try to spiri you," happen overnight.
said one Democrat last week, describing
"It's unfair to judge an administration by
morale inside the transition as "awful."
the standards of a fully functioning camOver the past month, Clinton has either paign," one Democrat said. "That campaign
· broken or backed away from campaign didn't really start coming together until the
promises on Haiti, cutting the deficit, giving summer. "I think it will take two to three
middle-class Americans a tax cut, raising · months at least for this team to get its feet
gasoline taxes, cutting the White House on the ground, before they go out and set
staff by 25 percent and the timing of his their own agenda," said a Democratic opeconomic package and his health care re- erative•.
forms-while offering little to counteract
Governing is a far more cumbersome
the bad news.
process than campaigning, but Clinton set
"This transition and this presidency does high standards for his presidency-espenot appear to have a message," said a Dem- cially the productivity of its early daysocratic friend of the new administration, that he will now be judged on. Some
"and I thought this was the time you were lysts say Clinton can afford to break or back
away from some campaign promises, howsupposed to do that."
During the campaign, aides spent months ever, if he shows progress on the issues
trying to instill aggressiveness in their op- that won him the White House: the econeration iJld discipline in their candidate. But omy, health care and political reform.
"They're going to have to choose their
' since thtf election, CliiltordJai shoWn off
some of. his old tendencies, and in the abSee CLINTON, A13, Coli
ana-
�WASHINGTON PosT
The Next ~e.:t= FBI Director Sessions Is Reprimanded;
Fbcus on Foong Probe Cites Misuse of Agency Resources
'fhe Economy _ _ _· _____ The ethics office also criticized the FBI director for
SESSIONS, Prom AI
CLINTON, From Al2
priorities," Pfiffner said. "I don't
think those [poll) numbers are goiriB to come down if he backs off on
the middle-class tax cut or cutting
tlie White House staff if he focuses
on the big things."
. · J'hat begins Wednesday in Clint~'s inaugural address, with aides
. sh9oting for a speech of about 20
minutes that will lay out the large
themes of the administration.
After that will come a State of
the Union address, perhaps in midFebruary, where Clinton provides
the outlines of his economic package-and the answer to how he will
balance the growing need to cut the
deficit with his promises to stimulate the economy with new investmeats.
'·Aides hope Clinton will then be
judged not on how a few specifics
square with campai~ rhetoric, but
Oil the larger question of whether
his new program is bold and innovative. "It's left for us to defme as
long as it's serious," Greenberg
said. "'t's got to be real, it's got to
be genuine, it's got to be bold. The
specifics are up to us."
Clinton's presidency begins with
great hopes and expectations. After
~g a skillful campaign in which
voters cried out for change, Clinton
now must deliver. His transition has
~ffered some clues to where he is
heading and how he will conduct
hiplself as president. But an equally
large number of questions remain-and they will have to be an. swere<M;oon.
0
allowing private citizens to ride with bini to social tuncjustice Department apParently withheld the report tions in the FBI limousine, sources said. OPR concluded
from Sessions because it contained the names of FBI that Sessions, interesting in making an impression, igstaff members interviewed. Department officials are nored warnings about his actions violated FBI regulaexpected Tuesday to give Sessions a version that does tions while disciplining FBI agents for the same connot name those interviewed, then release it publicly.
duct, sources said.
Sessions, who met with his lawyers yesterday, said,
Barr ordered Sessions to reimburse the FBI for the
"My responses will ~trate that I have acted prOp- cost of the the fence around his home because he and
erly and honorably•••• I am distressed that some in his wife Alice insisted on a wooden privacy fence in_.
Washington have employed political shenanigans in an stead of the security fence recommended by FBI offiattempt to taint my reputation and my leadership of the cials, sources said. The current fence does not enhance
bureau."
the director's security and should not be a bureau exThe FBI director's supporters criticized Barr for rep- pense, the OPR investigation concluded.
rimanding the FBI director on his last day as attorney
OPR also concluded that Sessions blurred the line
general and not giving Sessions the report more quick- between personal and official travel, arranging some
ly. "'t's sort of a Pearl Harbor, a sneak attack," said official functions primarily so he could use the FBI airRep. Don Edwards (b.Calif.), who beads the House ju- craft for personal trips, sources said.
diciary subcommittee on civil and constitutional rights.
Alice Sessions accompanied her husband regularly,
"'t's not the way the highest law enforcement officer in on more than 100 trips by some accounts. While she
truc,~ 8=~t
may diminish visited FBI field offices and hosted. lunches, OPR ques- ·
Sessions's hopes for remaining in his post during the tioned whether her primary purposes for the trips were
personal in nature, sources said.
Clinton administration. Although the former federal .
Throughout the investigation, Sessions's attorneys
judge bas many friends in Congress, some FBI and jus- battled OPR lawyers over procedures; Sessions detice Department officials complaiil that he is better at clined to provide some fmancial information that OPR
cocktail parties than leadership. Only the president can sought,. the sources said.
f&re Sessions.
Barr delivered a copy of his letter and the OPR reIn its 17-year history, OPR has criticized three at. port to the White House Friday, sources said, but Bush torneys general-Edwin, Meese Ill, William French
is expected to leave the issue for President-elect Clin- Smith and Benjamin R. Civiletti-as well as former FBI
· director Clarence M. Kelley.
toOPR, which began its investigation last summer,
OPR found Kelley accepted gifts and home decoratfound that Sessions improperly failed to declare the ing services from subordinates, including a pair of govbenefit of his limousine service to and from work as ernment-made window valances. Kelley resigned after
taxable income. For Cabinet secretaries and others, the four years in the job when President Jimmy Carter, who
use of the limousine is considered a taxable benefit val- made a camPaign issue of Kelley's ethics troubles, was
ued at thousands of dollars, administration officials said. elected.
Sessions obtained a legal opinion that he could be
In Meese's case, President Ronald Reagan defended
exempt from paying the tax if he carried a gun in the the former attorney general in the face of an OPR recar, obstensibly to assist law-enforcement officers to port that found Meese acted unethically in fmancial
protect the public. But OPR found Sessions kept the transactions. Dick Thornburgh, who followed Meese as
gun in a locked briefcase in the locked trunk without attorney general, broke with tradition by providing
ammunition, sources slid. Barr accepted OPR's conclu- Meese's attorneys with an advance copy of the OPR
sion that Sessions's justification for the tax exemption report so he could prepare a response, department ofwas "a sham," sources said.
_. --· -· . . _ .. .fi~ have said.
8
&!r;:;raced,
•..
.
•••••
St!NDAY,)ANtJARY 17,1993
A13
�THt: WASHINGTON PosT
Bush Domestic Policy Agenda Seen
As the Weakest in a Generation
BUSH, From AI
percent of the voters. No other president rose so high
in public esteem and fell so far and so fast.
Kenski, a professor of communications and political
science at the University of Arizona, offered what has
become a consensus view of the Bush years. Bush, he
said, is a president "who does not favor an expansive
domestic agenda, who has a guardian view of the office,
who demonstrates capable managerial skills in foreign
policy and who possesseS a style that prefers an actively
reactive strategy."
That seemed enough in January 1989 when Bush
took office. He and many of his advisers argued that his
view of the job and the public's demands fit nearly perfectly. Robert Teeter, using the politician's language,
not the academic's, described an electorate that had no
appetite for radical change in a nation enjoying peace
and relative prosperity.
Bush said he would build on the successes of the Reagan years and work in areas where people wanted im·
provement: education, the environment, race relations,
the gridlock with Congress. As Bush himself said in his
1988 acceptance speech, it made no sense to "change
horses" while the Republicans were on the brink of
moving the nation out of the Cold War decades and end·
ing the high unemployment and inflation of the Carter
presidency.
·
The Cold War had allowed Republicans to build a political foundation of anti-communism and a strong defense, but by 1992 it was over. The recession, eating
away at the nation's sense of well-being, was not. The
dramatic; 90 percent approval ratings Americans
awarded Bush in the wake of the Persian Gulf War vic·
tory-the highest ever for a modem presidentdisappeared.
Bush struggled to reposition himself to be an activist
on the economy when his was a career of arguing
against government activism on the economy. "I don't
want to do anything dumb," he said, "I don't want to
make the wrong mistakes." .
He struggled to show empathy for average Ameri·
cans: He bought socks at J.C. Penney and stayed off the
golf course near his family's compound at Kennebunk·
port, Maine. "Message: I care," he told New Hampshire
voters. He came home to America after relentless overseas travel. He touted a domestic agenda that virtually
all observers called the weakest in a generation.
In a monograph titled "The Home Front," political
scientists Robert J, Thompson and Carmine Scavo ar·
gue that Bush "has had the most limited domestic agen·
da of any president since Hoover." They gave him a
"gentlemen's C" in areas outside the economy and con·
eluded, "His leadership style in these areas of policy has
been reactive and short-term in its focus. There was no
broader, articulated vision of the kind of America he
would like to leave behind."
The "vision thing," as Bush called it, was always a
problem. The domestic successes he enjoyed, mostly
early in his term, were not so much Bush proposals as
the president putting his stamp on legislation in the
works and working to get it passed. His administration
negotiated and achieved a new Clean Air Act, a major
piece of domestic legislation, but environmentalists later would accuse the White House of hampering or re·
versing its intent in writing regulations to implement
the new law.
·
'
He fought for and signed into law protection for the
rights of the handicapped-legislation neutral observ·
ers called historic in its scope and potential impact. He
took seriously his promise to oppose abortion, and used
regulations and the veto to that end, He signed a major
civil rights law, but only after two years of bitter wran·
gling in which he was portrayed as toadying to conser·
vatives.
Bush did, however, achieve one domestic policy rec·
ord: He used the veto more than any contemporary
president, killing more than three dozen pieces of leg·
islation in his four vears and winninll every time but
l
'l
forces with his pals James A. Baker III and Brent Scowcroft, at the State Department and National Security
Council, and they plotted the U.S. response to the
shocking collapse of communism, the reunification of
Germany, the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the opening for
peace in the Middle East, the coup against then-Soviet
President Mikhail Gorbachev and finally the dissolution
of the Soviet empire-a march of events that had been
unthinkable when Bush took office.
Bush roamed the world-traveling more miles per
month in office than any U.S. president-hobnobbing
with his counterparts on the world stage and reaching
agreements, treaties and understandings that he could . i
not achieve with Congress. One Bush aide called the 1
passion for foreign affairs "taking the route of least re- 1
sistance," because he faced a Democratic ·Congress at
home and had to struggle mightily to get anything done
in Washington. But even before Bush entered the White
House, his interests were in foreign, not domestic, pol·
icy.
And when it no longer mattered if voters believed
that he was interested in domestic policy, he re·
turned-in the final weeks and then days of his presidency-to the world stage. His two valedictory
speeches seeking to shape the final images of his presidency were on the U.S. role in the post-Cold War
world; and his final overseas trip, during his last month
in office, was to Russia to sign what may be his most
important legacy: START II, the third pact to reduce
arms that he has signed while iil office.
The trip began with a stop in Somalia, where he
leaves another milestone: an American military action
for humanitarian, not strategic, interests.
And in his final week, Bush launched an unprecedent·
ed military action to force Iraq's president, Saddam
Hussein, to comply with United Nations resolutions
ending the Persian Gulf War.
His final weekend at Camp David was spent in the
company of his favorite foreign leader, Canada's Brian
Mulroney, monitoring the situation in Iraq. As the final
hours of his term ticked away, another military strike
on Iraq was a real possibility.
·
Even in foreign policy, Bush was accused of being
reactive, too cautious, too unwilling to move in untested
waters. It was said that his administration had clung too
long to Gorbachev; that it had tried for too long to pull
Saddam into the family of nations as a counterweight in
the region to Iran; that it had looked the other way
when Yugoslavia split into a frenzy of ethnic warfare
and the Serbs began a rampage of ethnic cleansing; that
it was too lenient with China.
But Bush's partners in foreign policy reject all that.
Lawrence S. Eagleburger, who took over as secretary.
of state when Baker went to the White House to help
direct Bush's reelection effort, offered a· portrait of
Bush as_ a great diplomat.
"Successful diplomacy is a matter of timing as well as
substance," Eagleburger said in a valedictory speech
last week at the Council on Foreign Relations. "In the
end, history will judge George Bush by the results of his
efforts-by his mastery of timing and substance, par·
ticularly against the many alternative scenarios that
might have come to pass.
.i
"History will note that on his watch occurred Qte
peaceful democratic revolution in Eastern Europe; the
reunification of Germany and the inclusion of Germany
in NATO; the end to regional conflicts, most important·
ly in Central America; the halting and later reversal of
the nuclear arms race; and finally, the peaceful collapse
of a regime which commanded both the most formida·
ble totalitarian apparatus in history and the fate of the
world at its nuclear fingertips. This is a legacy which by
itself would qualify President Bush as one of our na·
tion's great diplomatists."
When historians look at the Bush presidency, one of
the enduring mysteries will be how a man so seeped in
politics-as congressman, Senate candidate, party
chairman, two-term vice president-could fail to see
his oolitical oeril and chanl!e his wavs earlv enough to
�lalel
lTIONAL!
Lful, brand·
-3ltdpay
lo.·finance
ly. when it's
ciUaea, ··n1s 1eaaersmp style m tnese areas ·)l poucy has
been reactive and short-term in its focus. There was no
broader, articulated vision of the kind of America he
would like to leave behind."
The "vision thing," as Bush called it, was always a
problem. The domestic successes he enjoyed, mostly
early in his term, were not so much Bush proposals as
the president putting his stamp on legislation in the
works and working to get it passed. His administration
negotiated and achieved a new Clean Air Act, a major
piece of domestic legislation, but environmentalists later would accuse the White House of hampering or reversing its intent in writing .regulations tCI implement
the new law.
'
He fought for and signed into law protection for the
rights of the handicapped-legislation neutral observers called historic in its scope and potentiai impact. He
took seriously his promise to oppose abortil)n, and used
regulations and the veto to that end~ He si(;ned a major
civil rights law, but only after two years of bitter wrangling in which he was portrayed as toadying to conservatives.
Bush did, however, achieve one domestk policy record: He used the veto more than any contemporary
president, killing more than three dozen pieces of legislation in his four years and winning every time but
one. It became a symbol of the Bush domestic policyas one, more activist, Republican put it: "Alt stop and no
go."
He reached a budget agreement at midterm that was
praised at the time for capping spending and taking a
tentative step toward controlling the deficit by raising
taxes. The Bush team believed it put a straitjacket
around uncontrolled spending,· but what it did in reality
was to highlight the president's violation of his most
memorable 1988 campaign pledge of no new taxes, ever. And it tore apart Republican unity, with the president, in the end, repudiating as the biggest mistake of
his presidency the agreement he had used so much political capital to achieve.
Bush suffered from splits in his own party that embarrassed and enraged him in the last two years of his
term. Although he spent himself in trying to pacify conservatives, who never trusted or loved him as they did
Ronald Reagan, it was a conservative, Patrick J, Buchanan, who challenged Bush in the primaries and further weakened him for the kill by Bill Clinton.
But througho~t all of his term, it was foreign policy
that delighted, engaged and occupied Bush. He joined
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of state when Baker went ·to the White House to help
direct Bush's reelection effort, offered a· portrait of
Bush as. a great diplomat.
"Successful diplomacy is a matter of timing as well as
substance," Eagleburger said in a valedictory speech
last week at the Council on Foreign Relations. "In the
end, history will judge George Bush by the results of his
efforts-by his mastery of timing and substance, par·
ticularly against the many alternative scenarios that
might have come to pass.
"History will note that on his watch occurred the
peaceful democratic revolution in Eastern Europe; the
reunification of Germany and-the inclusion of Germany
in NATO; the end to regional conflicts, most important·
ly:'in Central America; the halting and later reversal of
the nuclear arms race; and finally, the peaceful collapse
of a regime which commanded both the most formidable totalitarian apparatus in history and the fate of the
world at its nuclear fingertips. This is a legacy which by
itself would qualify President Bush as one of our nation's great diplomatists."
When historians look at the Bush presidency, one of
the enduring mysteries will be how a man so seeped in
politics-as congressman, Senate candidate, party
chairman, two-term vice president-could fail to see
his political peril and change his ways early enough to
save himself.
Even his closest aides acknowledge that his final 18
months in office were politically disastrous-a portrait
·of disarray, disagreement, inability to communicate to
the American people.
Bush's closest aides, noting his refusal to move into
what he called his "campaign mode" until1992, saw him
stubbornly reach a personal conclusion: He was Pres·
ident of the United States, the leader of the Free
World. Politics had become somehow the sordid job of
those beneath him. He would do it when he had to, but
not before. The American people wanted a presidential
president, and that was what he would be as long as he
could. He told aides repeatedly that the voters oould
not possibly reject him in favor of a "failed governor of a
small state."
And until the final days of the 1992 campaign, Bush
seemed to believe that, against all evidence. When he
lost, his told associates that sometimes in politics, ev·
erything breaks against you. A political aide, Mary Ma·
talin, said the same thing on Election Day. "Sometimes," she said, ''the wind is at your back and some·
times it is in your face."
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The Designs Behind the.Surprises
By THOMAS L FRIEDMAN
WASHINGTON
ILL CLINTON has just completed maybe the
most successful month of his Presidency, with
victories ranging from trade to gun control to
labor disputes. But just when his Administration seemed to be taking off, the President's deputy chief
of staff and legislative affairs director quit from exhaustion and Mr. Clinton blew up at reporters from Rolling
Stone Magazine for never getting "one damn bit of
credit" from the "knee-jerk liberal press."
Such contradictory scenes have become a fixture of
the Clinton Presidency, which is why pundits trying to
make weekly judgments are constantly shifting between·
proclamations that he has finally "turned the comer"
and denunciations that his White House is in irreparable
"disarray."
.
But both these judgments- he's up, he's downmiss something essential-about the Clinton Presidency.
It is destined to be the White House equivalent of "Mr.
Toad's Wild Ride,'' because that is what his contradictory personality, and these extraordinary times, demand. He may be the most empathetic President in
history, easily brought to tears in public, and he is also an
unusually hot-tempered President, who can easily reduce aides to tears in private. He is Rhodes Scholar and
Razorback, an internationalist with a small-town touch.
B
He is the detail man, the policy pointillist, who nonetheless loves to paint visionary landscapes. And he is the
President who can jawbone with his staff in the Roosevelt Room for hours, seeking consensus on every issue,
while at the same time so dominating his Cabinet that it
often seems as if he is sitting in every chair.
A George Bush can turn a comer. A Bill Clinton will
always be careening up, down, around, and loop the loop,
because this is not a man, and this is not a moment, given
to right angles.
Despite the now weekly Clinton caricature in the
press that seizes on one element of his personality or
agenda and uses it to define him as · a whole, it is
becoming clear that Mr. Clinton's complexities may be
well suited for these times. In recent weeks, what seem
to be contradictory or unrelated strands of his politics
are beginning to weave together into an ideology that the
President himself has yet to fully articulate but Is clearly
groping toward. There is something called "Ciintonism."
It is an ideology that attempts to bridge such seemingly unconnected events as crime in the streets and the
North American Free Trade Agreement. That is, it tries
to make sense of a world growing increasingly large,
distant and sterile in economic terms, while people
desperately seek to counter that sterility and distance by
building a sense of community and family closer to
·home.
"If you listen to what Clinton has been saying,"
remarked the Harvard University political theorist Mi-
Sometimes this Presidency
seems a study in
contradictions. Indeed; ~e
contradictions are studied.
chael Sandel, "it is that Nafta is important in a world
that is no longer organized within national boundaries.
We have to adjust to that world to remain competitive
and create high-wage jobs. But there is one thing Nafta
cannot provide, and that is a sense of belonging. Nafta
has no flag you can salute, no national anthem you can
sing, no real sense of community to which people can
relate."
That makes it all the more·important, if transnational institutions like Nafta are to succeed, that we build
local communities with which people can identify, Mr.
Sandel added. "Otherwise, we will find ourselves without
any form of political community that expresses our
shared identity, and knits us together in the families,
schools and neighborhoods that democracy requires."
That is why Mr. Clinton, in the middle of the Nafta
debate, went to Memphis to give a speech to a black
church about the "great crisis of the spirit gripping
America today." He said it is a crisis that can be
countered only by nurturing the quality of life of communities, by providing jobs that give structure to daily life
and by demanding responsibility from people for their
neighborhoods - all this as the nation integrates with
economic frameworks that are distant and global.
That Mr. Clinton seemed to make great progress on
his agenda in.the past few weeks is as much a credit to
him as a comment on his times. It is as though the
country and Congress, in passing Nafta, in passing the
Brady bill requiring a waiting period to buy handguns
and in applauding Mr. Clinton's decision to stress trade
with Asia and Latin America as much as with Europe,
has resolved that the status quo has finally become
intolerable. There are too many guns on the streets to
continue treating gun control as if it were simply a ,
;question of individual rights. A protectionist economy
simply cannot compete in a global village. America's ·
traditional Eurocentrism simply makes no sense in a
world in which the South China Sea has become the new
economic main street.
Not surprisingly, makin'g this emerging Clintonism
real has required the building of new, cross-cutting
political coalitions by the President, because the old twoparty structures forged during the New Deal can no
Continued on page 3
�v111llU11
\
r lctyDOOK nOlQS
Designs in the Surprises
'·
"
J
r
II
'"
. ·,·
----·-,..
..... ~··1/AJ
· Riding o\it the
.'
p\mdi~'
shifting weeki~ j~dg~e~ts: Clinton in ~e Oval Office..
. ·.
. .
•'
..
.,
Continued from page I
:";
. .
.
~
··i•; in·.
... ~. '· ···-''
''t""·"..., ....
notion of "national security" - not security .......;.,.,
against change, but security for change. Th~-;~;,,.,
longer answer · the· challenges of the new
role of national Government today, he ha~:t.:'.:':':
wqrld. Thus, Mr. Clinton said crime cannot be
argued, Is. to help the nation face the .de,.,,.:.~.;H
dealt with merely by putting more police on
mlin(ls of Nafta and neighborhood by provid~.~
the streets, as conservatives have traditioning personal security, job security and healt)l,.,._.,.,"'
ally argued, and it cannot be dealt with solely· security. Because without them, he says, the::,;.~. G•
by focusing on· poverty or the rights of the
rich will never make the necessary sacrifices-·~-::~
accused, as liberals have Insisted. He argued
for the poor, the poor will never embrac~, .,;;,~,
instead that the best antidote to crime was a
communal responsibility and the middl~z::~-_~:,
class will never make the huge changes., .&'.,~ .
combination of 100,000 new police officers,
gun control and - most Importantly - jobs, . required for the nation to remain comPt ..:- ~·;;.;-;,
which can provide a structure and routine to. · tive~
•"ir~- r I'
While Mr. Clinton has laid out all the partsw n,;,
the lives of families that have .broken down.
One irony of Mr. Clinton's vision stressing
of Clintonism,from National Service to Nafta.::·:::!~
Nafta and neighborhood is that it seems to
to health care, he himself has yet to draw, '""'
leave an unclear role for the nation, and the
them together in a unified ideology and;, c;c. _,.-,
President, in between. Mr. Clinton's recent
theme for his Presidency. This is partly.M,.. ..
because he seems to be still pulling them;. · ·
speeches make it clear he is groping to
redefine those roles. He is basing this redefi~
together. The other reason, say friends, iS:!:-::::
nition on the argument that the combination
that he is afraid to artie•·' ·· te his full diagno- .:o'i•••.;·
of global economic forces, which make some
sis - that the disintegl'ltiing forces at work;,•,.:,;-,,.:,
Americans real winners and others real los- -on the society from above and below threate)l,J,..;,, ..
ers, and violence in the streets, which is . the fabric of the nation - out of fear that it,,;,,~
sealing people into walled communities, are
will depress the country, like Jimmy Carter's:;::-:.·:~
famous "malaise" speech. - ,...,. ; · ·
splitting the country - income from income,
race from race, neighborhood from neighborBut without such a compelling diagnosis · · ··· " ·
. '
.
hood.. . . .
Mr. Clinton is like a doctor who prescribe~: ........
One response was his creation of a Nationone drug for. backaches, another for knee .~~.:.;..
al Service corps, a new all-volunteer youth
joints, another for headaches. Each prescrip-·~ .:~:.
tion alone promises relief from a particuiar~ .. v ....
army stressing community service. The hope
is that It will inspire a senlfe of national
symptom. Yet without a full diagnosis of:.. ..~.;
political community at a time when our sense
where the natiou is· and why it needs to take...........
such medicines, his prescriptions can also~·_:,;_, -u, ·
of national identity Is increasingly blurred
and there is no external enemy to sbarpen It
seem confusing and lack authority, and it iS·•::~ ::
not at all clear the public will swallow them.
Another response has been to argue for a new
{
!
1
. .A.
·..
·,
�--~·
COLUMN ONE
How to
Deal With
Clinton At
• Want to fit in at the new
White House? Be prepared
for late-night calls, master
the details and don't back
him into a comer. Being a
baby boomer helps.
By RONALD BROWNSTEIN
TIMES POLITICAL WRITER
LITTLE ROCK, Ark.-Memo to:
The New Cabinet.
Subject: The New Bo~.
Congratulations on bemg. sel~t
ed to join President-elect Ball Clmton's new Administration. Bet~er
take a minute to study the terram.
You are now working for a ~an
who relaxes with 500-page policy
tomes (interrupted by occasional
detective novels). who thinks
nothing of calling advisers at madnight to bat around an idea, who
sends back 30-page memos to get
the exact source of a statistic on
Page29.
And don't be fooled by his outward affability. Clinton is a man
who has strong likes and dashkes
when it comes to those who serve
him.
In that spirit, based on the experience of friends, aides in Arkansas
and advisers in his presidential
campaign, here are one-short-ofa-dozen rules for understanding
your new boss. Taken together,
they constitute a road map to the
mind of the next President:-a
guide to his style of collectmg
information, weaghmg adv1ce and
making decisions.
Rule No. 1: An important title
doesn't necessarily guarantee influence with Clinton. Like most
politicians, he doesn't like to fire
people. But he's not averse to
shifting work and responsibility
away from someone he decides is
falling short.
"Clinton is a guy," says Samuel
Popkin, a political scientist at ~C
San Diego and former campaagn
adviser, "who makes lots of adjustments to keep real power ~d
energy on top. The real question
With Bill is going to be wh~ he
gives the work, not who he gaves
thP. tit I• ..
·a1 campaign. for
in his presiden!:ct authority over
example, he mov Bob Farmer, a
fund-raising ~~ Emmanuel, an
big name. ~kewi:.
over time, au·
1
unknown.
...dvertising strategy
thority for Fra k Greer to Man~y
shifted from an
er partner m
Grundw~d. a y~un:o had heard ~f
Greer's fum. An w ulos Clinton s
Stephanopo
•
,
George
12 months
ago.
chief spokesman.
lots of infor·
Rule No. 2: sg~ Office. The
mation to th~all out of favor ~th
fastest way to
of his semor
Clinton. says . one is "not to be
campaign adW::ied and said we
prepared. l,f ~:..,d you say we need
ld never just say
need to do X
to do •y ,' heuldw ~ways ask you for
OK. Hew~.
10 reasons. . .
like to read
Some politic~ to hear their
memos: some case like la~yers
aides argue a that sense. Clinton
before~ jury. ~ He'll read alm~st
is ambadextro · ut in front of ham
anything peo~legrpateful for brevi·
(although he s
CUNTON, AT
Pleaseeee
Coatlauecl from Al
ty) and he likes to gather l~ge
groups to hash out contentaous
issues.
His favorite approach, said one
adviser, "is to put people in a room
who wouldn't normally be there
together." For Exhibit A, look at
the eclectic assortment of people
who were in the hall at an economic conference in Little Rock thiS
week.
Whether on paper or in person,
be ready to answer questions-lots
of them. Clinton's style of runmng
meetings often is to steer them. by
asking questions without. llppmg
his own hand. Few questions are
too obscure: While draftmg has
economic plan last summer, he
surprised one of his advisers by
aSking how many jobs each dollar
in new public spendang ts expected
..
toproduce.
.
Another tip: Always cate specaftc
sources for information. He's been
known to stop meetings to ask
people where numbers come from.
Rule No.3: Don't back him into
a comer. This is tricky: Clin~.?~ has
a bad habit of delaying deciSions.
But one sure way to get his back up
is to push him into a decision before
he feels ready. Many in Clinton's
orbit believe that he denied campaign chairman Mickey Kantor's
bid to head the transition largely
because he believed that. he _was
being rushed into the choa~e nght
after the exhausting campBign.
An even more certain path to
exile is to deny him options. Cli~ton
reacts very badly when advtsers
tell him that he has no choice but
to move in a certain direction. He
believes that he should always
have choices and he tends to tune
out subordinates who insist that
their way is the only way.
Rule No. 4: Don't rely too
heavily on precedent to ma~e y~ur
e During the preparation or
~ .presidential debates, Clinton
d his aides discussed at length
:'hether to address President B~h
as "Mr. President" or "Mr. Bush..
At one session, one of hts adv~
ers told Clinton that Democratac
challengers had always ~led th~
incumbent Mr. President m both o
the previous two elections. An~th·
er adviser shot back: "That's nght
and we always lost."
In the debates, Clinton addressed
the President as Mr. Bush.
Rule No. 5: Don't try to hide
weaknesses in your arl':""en~.
Those who hav~ argued With ham
say that you're much better off
leveling with Clinton about the
potential dOwnside in a recom.
mended course of action than denying that risks eXist. "If you
prepare too tidy a box," Said one of
his top camPaign strategists, "he
will untie it. "
Rule No. 8: Always remember
that With Clinton, no idea exists in
isolation from its political conse.
quences. In this, Clinton COuld not
be more different from the last
Democratic President, Jimmy
Carter, a trained engineer who
tried to solve SOCial problems as
though they were mathematiCal
equations.
"~arter _wanted everything very
enganeer-hke; he believed there
~~a 'right' answer," says Popkin.
Clanton 18 not like that; he underStands the difference between a
technical problem and a political
problem very well."
. The danger in this attitude is
that it can produce excessive cau.
tion-and bversensitivity to the
demands of loud interest groups.
Even some advisers worry that in
the appointment process, he has
appeared to give interest groups
too big a voice in deciding the fate
of some candidates-such as economist Larry Summers, who sank as
a potential chairman of the Council
of Economic Advisers after he ran
afoul of enVironmentalists.
Clinton displayed a similar malleability on some difficult issues
during the campaign, among them
raising fuel efficiency standards for
the auto industry. He stood foursquare behind them-until the unions and Democratic politicians in
Michigan objected that higher
standards could cost jobs. Then
Clinton hed&ed.
One route around this i~ctive
caution may be to appeal to his
sense of history: He has read
widely about previous presidents
and he's conscious of how his
decisions "will look not only in
1996 but beyond," says one close
adviser.
)Z
�n her presentation, Mathews
a point echoed by others at
Ithemade
conference: that the govern-
H~
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ment is better off taxing activities
it wants to discourage, such as
pollution, instead of activities it
wants to encourage, such as the
earning of wages.
Other supporters at the conference were Paul O'Neill of Aluminum Co. of America, Drew Lewis of
Union Pacific Corp., and Harold A.
Poling of Ford Motor Co., who
called for a phased-in 25-cent-agallon tax over three to five years.
Clinton's new Cabinet apparently does not include staunch foes of
gas taxes so far. While Bentsen
opposed gasoline taxes early in his
career, he more recently has found
them acceptable in some circumstances. As Treasury secretary, he
won't need to be as worried about
the concerns of his former Texas
constituents. Panetta included a
standby gas tax hike in a 1990
energy bill he sponsored.
Three ranking Clinton aides also
signed on to the gas tax idea last
week when they endorsed the
report of the National Commission
on the Environment, a nonpartisan
environmental group. The aides
were Madeleine M. Kunin, a member of the Clinton transition board,
Douglas M. Costle, who heads the
transition group studying federal
energy operations; and James Gustave Speth, who heads the group
studying federal activities related
to natural resources.
Gas taxes fall disproportionately
on people in rural areas and the
West, who generally must travel
longer distances. But while most
surveys show Americans oppose
higher gas taxes, some have shown
voters will accept even sharply
higher gas taxes for a good cause.
such as the rebuilding of roads and
bridges.
ln uuUJUOn to providing muchneeded sources of revenue to help
fund some of Clinton's ambitious
agenda, a gas tax would solve a
political problem for him as well.
By causing motorists to choose
more fuel-efficient cars, a high gas
tax could relieve the government
of the necessity of forcing auto
makers to build such vehicles
through legislation.
During tast winter's primary
campaign, Clinton denounced former Sen. Paul E. Tsongas' plan for
a 50-cent-a-gallon gas tax. He has
since moderated his criticism but
has continued to insist that a high
tax would be unfair to the middleclass taxpayers he believes are
already shouldering too much of
the tax bill.
At the Tuesday press conference
that closed the economic meeting,
Clinton said, "A lot of good arguments were made for the gas tax
today and for consumption taxes
generally. But I don't think that we
should be doing anything to aggravate the inequalities of the last
decade."
George Stephanopoulos, Clinton's director of communications,
Wednesday pointed to Clinton's
concern about the tax fairness issue
but noted there were several ways
to offset the effect of a gas tax on
middle-income taxpayers. Tax
writers could couple it with a
rollback in Social Security or income taxes to make sure that it
reduced,. or at least did not increase, those taxpayers' bills, he
said.
Stephanopoulos declined to further characterize Clinton's view on
the tax, except to say that the
President-elect "listened hard" to
all that was said at the conference.
If he did, he heard the proposal
over and over again.
Among its advocates were Jessica Tuchman Mathews of the World
Resources Institute, a friend of the
vice president-elect.
. .
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�Rule No. 7: Embrace chaos.
People who revere tidy organlza.
tiona! flow charts and ferociously
defend fiefdoms generally do not
do well around Clinton. One buzz.
Word circulating in Clinton circles
is that his approach in the White
House Will look like business guru
Tom Peters' Vision of "liberation
management"-a loose, decentraJ.
ized manner of operation that one
Clinton intimate described as
"management by Walking around."
Cabinet officers or White House
Staffers who try to control the flow
of information to the President are
in for frustration; he's renowned in
Arkansas for placing direct calls to ·
legislators, department staff mem.
bers, anyone he thinks has a fact
he needs. "If you are uptight about
your box, you are going to be in
trouble, because this guy doesn't
stay in the boxes," says Derek
Shearer, an old friend and adviser
on economic policy.
The same thing, by the way, is
true in 'D'!eetings. Clinton is trained
as a lawyer, but he doesn't have
the classically meticulous lawyer's
mind, the way his wife, Hillary,
does. His style ii more discursive.
"He rambles a little and he will
take you on tangents," says one top
campaign adviser. "But they are
never boring tangents."
Rule No. 8: Stay at your desk,
or at least by the phone. Clinton
has a boundless capacity for work
and he expects those around him to
share his enthusiasm. "It was not
unusual . . . for my phone to ring
at 12 midnight or 1 a.m. or 2 a.m.
and to go from there," says Henry
Oliver, his gubernatorial chief of
staff in Arkansas from 1990
through 1991.
Rule No. 8: Wait until dark.
This is the upside of Rule No. 7.
Clinton isn't much for mornings.
On the other hand, he often convenes meetings that run late, frequently over dinner. He's at his
most receptive then.
"If I was going to make a pitch at
him," says Skip Rutherford, an old
Arkansas friend, "I think noon at
least is your best time."
Rule No. 10: Pay attention to
the grass roots. While hurtling
around the country last year, Clinton gave his private fax number at
the gubernatorial mansion . to
strangers he met at campatgn
events so that they could send him
memos on ideas they shouted into
his ear. Then he would read the
memos, and ask staff members to
read them. Or, in staff meetings on
policy issues, he would sometimes
raise objections based on something a businessman told him on a
factory tour. (After hearing several entrepreneurs complain about
workers' compensation costs, he
briefly asked his economic advisers
if, in their spare time, they could
work up a new federal policy on it.)
Staffers who have not done so in
the past now uniformly agree that
it is wise to look into the ideas
Clinton receives this way.
Rule No. 11: Chemistry counts.
Sorry, there's not much you can
do to study up for this one. In
choosing subordinates, Clinton
looks not only for skills but an
emotional COMection. He shares
the sentiment of Franklin D. Roosevelt, who once Said: "The members of my Cabinet will be members of my family-my official
family."
Vice President-elect AI Gore
rose dramaticiiUly in Clinton's esti-
mation after the two men sat down
for a (late-night) interView last
summer. An aide to one Democrat
recently summoned to Little Rock
for an interView with Clinton about
a potential Cabinet appointment
Said that, while the meeting did
explore certain issues, "it was more
of a sense of trying to figure out if
the chemistry worked."
There's no sure-fire shortcut to a ·
rapport with Clinton-the way,
say, a fondness for touch football
served with John F. Kennedy. But
familiarity with baby boomer culture doesn't hurt. Study the difference in Clinton's body language
between last Friday, when three of
the four appointees he announced
were under 50, and last Thursday,
when he was naming a predominantly gray-SUited economic team
headed by 71-year-old Sen. Uoyd
Bentsen as Treasury secretary.
"People from his own generation
have a leg up," says one baby
boom-era adViser. "We can talk
about Jefferson Airplane and I
don't think Uoyd Bentsen can."
And speaking of chemistry, it's a
good idea to remember Clinton's
answer last week when he was
asked about Hillary's influence on
the selection of his economic team.
"She adVised me on these decisions," he Said, "as she has on
every other decision I've made in
the last 20 years."
�Season to Be Jolly Finds Washington
Quiet, Bleak and Decidedly Un-Merry
By JAMES GERSTENZANG
TIMES STAFF WRITER
W
ASHINGTON -In the White House
Mess. Counsel to the President C.
Boyden Gray, his mien mournful in the best
of times, sits alone at a table, a ghost-like.
silent figure in no apparent hurry to finish
his breakfast and head upstairs to his
comer suite of offices.
Outside. a visitor arriving at 8 a.m. finds
that no more than one in five of the
assigned parking spaces on the heavily
guarded street between the White House
and the Old Executive Office Building is
filled-a telltale sign that the usually
hard-driving. people who staff the White
House have abandoned their habit of
coming to work well before sunup.
In most White House years, this is the
time-the dark winter days between congressional sessions-when a new federal
budget is kneaded into shape. But now, in
the warren of suites assigned to the Office
of Management and Budget. it well could
be the midsummer off- season.
The epidemic of quiet has spread even to
the Capitol. Congress is gone: The old
102nd has finished; the 103rd has not yet
arrived.
And in the White House, ground zero of
American political life, government has
virtually come to a halt. The powerbrokers
of the past are out to lunch today.
A new Administration is taking shape,
not here at the White House but in Little
Rock, Ark., and in the minds of Democrats
busily churning out position papers in think
tanks that Republican policy-makers have
ignored for 12 years.
Pockets of activity exist, of course. ~n the
drab, concentric corridors of the Pf. •gon
and in the State Department, for im :·ce,
there has been no diminution· of actJ•Jty,
thanks to the tenuousness of life in Somalia, Yugoslavia and Russia.
And by all accounts, George Bush is
plugging away as week by week his
presidency nears its end. But don't look
much beyond the Oval Office to find that
kind of actiVity.
(l'he deployment of troops to Somalia, the
possibility that he will yet be able to reach
a new strategic arm8 reduction treaty with
Russian President Boris N. Yeltsin, and a
series of foreign policy and national security speeches he is delivering have kept the
President focused on the day-to-day demands of his job. And a stream of Visitors
seeking farewell Oval Office meetings has
kept him focused on the ceremonial chores.
On a dreary, wet evening last week, he
left the White House to light the ChristmaS
tree on the Ellipse just north of the
Washington Monument. He has distributed
medals and sat in the presidential box at
the annual honors ceremony at the John F.
Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts.
On Wednesday, the one-time Yale University first baseman joked with the world
champion Toronto Blue Jays baseball team,
which was visiting the White House compiex, that he was "a rookie ballplayer who
needs a job."
S
ince last week, he has been the smiling
host at one White House Christmas
party after another-seven of them. all
told, with as many as 600 guests at each.
"There's this notion that he was detached," said one White House official,
scornful of reports that the President had
divorced himself from the job. "I wouldn't
overemphasize that."
Bush's daily schedule is busy enough
that one longtime aide has suggested to old
friends who want to visit the President at
the White House that they wait until his
formal retirement begins. Mindful of a
story an aide to Gerald R. Ford once told of
the former President finding few people
interested in Visiting him once he left
office, the aide is suggesting that would-be
visitors pay some attention to Bush six
months hence.
But the daily business of the ceremonial
presidency and the drone of activity at the
Pentagon and State Department are the
exceptions.
The torpor of the town has even engulfed
tourist Washington.
One recent afternoon, the parking lot at
Arlington Memorial Cemetery was as quiet
as the nearby hillsides. A ~itor counted
one tour bus and nine cars. On the streets
near the Mall, prime turf for visitors to the
Smithsonian Institution's museums,
parking was readily available.
There were no lines to board the elevator
to the top of the Washington Monument.
On a busy day the queue would wrap twice
around the monument's base.
Only the White House continued to
attract tourists-drawn, perhaps, by the
twinkling holiday decorations spread
throughout the State Floor.
In the West Wing. where the Oval Office
sits, the hushed, carpeted corridors are
even quieter than usual. "The ratio of
work-time to schmooze-time has reversed
dramatically," said one senior White House
staff member.
Two members of the hard-driving team
assembled by Chief of Staff James A. Baker
III spent Friday morning playing racquetball and did not arrive in their offices until
lla.m.
.
,
And one senior aide to Vice President '
Dan Quayle acknowledged th'at it was so
quiet in his office on Monday that he
headed home at 2:30 p.m. to rake the oak
leaves that had piled up on his suburban
lawn.
A
ppointments are arranged around job
interviews, which, for some, have not
been going well. Experience in the Bush
campaign, it seems, is not in and of itself
much of a selling point.
"You worked in communications for
those people and you want us to hire you on
the basis of that?'' one slightly incredulous
interviewer asked a job-seeker from the
Wh1te House communications staff. according to the unhappy word filtering
around the West Wing.
Baker himself has been scheduling appointments with would-be ghostwriters to
assist him in preparing his memoirs. His
deputy chief of staff, Robert Zoellick, is the
point man for White House contacts with
the incoming Clinton staff-antJ he continues to wait for them to show up.
nmes staff writers Doyle McManus end John
M. Broder contributed to this ~
\
'.
12./1?
Uos AnQ~l~& (£\m~s
•"' '\
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Elilii84
53-
�HOLY COMMUNION
832
NcLodr /ftiiA Damon'• P•llter, 1591.
rl,U.m IJCCM'Cli"tt Co U&c &:ottiM PIGltcr, 1688.
WINDSOR. (O.Il.)
.. c~ ...
'
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NOTJL-TAil Aymt1 may also be sung to
WILTSHIRE
(No. 602).
&rf'aiZc .Z.Jtw oO&cr ~.
F. Co•.PII'. 1781-1800.
rn&lm.BiaafountainftlledwithBlood, 2 The dying thief rejoiced to aee
J. Drawn from Emmanuel's veins,
That fountain in his day;
Aa4 llinners plunged beneath that ftood
And there have I, as vile as he,
Loee all their guiltJstains.
Washed all m7 ains awa7.
8 Dear dJing Lamb, thy precious Blood
Shall never lose its power,
Till all the ransomed Church of God
Be saved to ain no more.
·•
' E'er alnce b7 faith I saw the stream
Tb71lowlng wounds suppl7,
Redeeming love has been m7 theme,
And shall be till I die.
6 Then In a nobler, sweeter song,
rn sing th7 power to save,
When this poor lisping, stammering tongue
Lies ailent in the srave.
6 Lord, I believe thou hast prepared,
Unworth7 thoqh I be,
For me a blood-bought free reward,
A golden harp for me.
,.
,·,
I7Nion. 7. "l'la strung and tuned for endleae 7ean,
ADd formed by power. divine,
To sound in God the Father's eara
No other name but thine.
,.7
�This material may be protected by copyright law. mtle 17, U.S. Codel
WASH.POST:OS/20/93
The First Father
WJ. .Blythe Died in a Ditch Before His Son Jr6s
Born. He Left Behind a Myslery. And a President.
~
he car passed them fast, not aazy fast
He didn't lmow. No reason be sbould know, ~you
but fast like a stranger who did DOt
think about it. And so, 47 years later, Roscoe Gist
know the local roads with their quick the identity c:l the man in the ditch. For a very long lme,
turns and occasional slick patches of be says nothing at aD.
•It
gravel. Roscoe Gist remembers thinking exactly that, mrut be a stnlfWB", ·
"You know, I 11811rd something.•
:
and noticing a youDg man's face behiDd
While be was squatting down there the dark ~ the
the wheel.
side of the road beside the overturned car, be sa,f, he
Two minutes later be saw the car again. It churned his beard a kind of a gurgle and a splash, but it was so fteble
stomach. The big Buick sedan was upside down on tbe and far away be figured it was a frog. Yet that's;=·
shoulder, its headlights pillowing out into an alfalfa field, the spot fnl:n which the body was recovered. It
ts
its radio blaring corny country music into the black of
bUn still.
'
night
'1 might could've saved his life.•
It was May 17, 1946, an overcast Saturday night oo
Missouri's Highway 60 halfway between Morehouse aDd
Sikeston. Gist and his wife, Bernice, were returning · Life is filled with might could'ves. Roscoe Gist rfgbt
from the movies. Ronald, the newborn, was asleep in the could've followed the sound of the frog, and be mi&Ot've
i dragged WJ. Blythe out of the ditch in time, ~ Bill
backseat
.Clinton might've had a real dad instead of a druBken
Gist surveyed the macabre scene. 'The driver was ~
stepfather who walloped his mother and forced him to
where. The car doors were closed, but the window was
wide open. With dread, Gist inspected the brackish grow up fast and focused. And C6nton might not pve
been so QPIRSSiYely aware c:t the possil»
drainage ditch next to the car; the water couldn't.bave
ty of sudden death at any ate that be
been more than three feet deep, bat au iD;ared man
might DOt bave hurried up aDd become
the youngest governor in America, and
could roll into that muck md drown. In tbe dark, Gist
. president cl the United States at 46.
bunkered down, rolled up a sleeve and raked the cbaDDeJ
Or be might could've anyway.
So
far, tbe story of Tbe Man in the
with his hand, fee6ng uneasily for cold 8esh or wet cloth.
Ditch bas been treited as a minor proNothlng but cattails.
logue to the inspirjng public biograpby c:t
Tbe Man From Rope. What little bas
By now a aowd was gathering, and someone went for
.been publisbed is almost cariciture: Wilthe police. Roscoe took Bernice home to nurse the baby, liam Jefferson Blythe was a handsome
but then be drove back, frankly curious. And so be was traveling salesman from Tesas wbo met
there an hour later when someone in uniform yeDed &, pretty nurse VU'pua Cassid,y iD a ~
... bospbl ia 1942. 'l1leir e,es locted
and dragged the drowned man from the ditch. He was aaoas tbe emeraeocy roam, IDd it was
love at fint llilbt- They married; be 'ftDt
beDy down a fuD 25 yards from his car, far away &c.
olf to war, thea returned bame and perwhere Gist bad searched; a weD-dressed, sandy-haired
ished Cl1 tbe Iqbway a few mantbs later
feDow with no apparent iD,iuries. But what Gist could DOt at aae 28. He was traveling to Hope,
. Ark., from CJicago to briD8 bis pregnant
take his eyes off was the young corpse's band, baDed into wife back aarth to start a new life. Tbe
a fist, clutcbing a clump c:l dry grass and weeds. '1t was baby became president
It's all tbe truth, but it is DOt all the
like be bad tried to puD hisself out c:l the water, bat 'truth.
didn't have the strength. You're ,;Ust kind of stopped, you
Reporters following the Clinton cam.paign ~ the South last year beard
see something like that•
tantalizing rumors c:l a shiftless drifter
It can be bewildering bow quickly time passes, bow Who .resemNed not so much a mythic
you tum around and suddenly you are retired in 0~ ·~ bero but the traveling salesmlii'tf·bawdy humor, a footloose ladies'
ma, and Roaald the baby bas four kids from two mar- man
left a trail cl broken hearts
riages and is living on a houseboat in San Diego, and now aaoss the south-central United States,
and maybe a baby or two. Nothing was
someone is oo the telephone asking about the man in tbe written; it was just talk.
Talk is lmreliable. Sometimes it is true.
ditch and danmed if you don't remember it like idwas
Sometimes it is hooey. Sometimes it is a
_'1·:~.
the day before yesterday.
C
thick embrcideJ v c:t both.
-· -.,.,
"Where'd you get my name from, anyhow?"
•
From the accident report
"But . . . why?"
•
ittold
Fmanr.
:
u;
-
*
i
.
S
..
�This material may be protected by copyright law. (Title 17, U.S. Codal
WASH.POST:OS/20/93
If the BiD cliatoa story is about the
American Dream, DO less 80 is the story
of his father, WJ. Blythe, 1 ra1-poor
· · farmer's son wbo pew up at a time aod
in a place when the American Dream
aearly' strangled iD the dust. It was an era
of unimaginable desperation; if you
weren't careful, ,... aJUid drown in your
own despair. People sometimes did
things not because they made seose but
because nothing else made muc:b sease
either.
Bill Cliaton was surely sbaped by the
cballenging circuJDstmces fl his ,adh.
and by the imprint of a strong-willed
mother. But every parent leaves a mark,
even if the cbild never kDew him. The
president of the United States bas his fa.
ther's genes, a legacy as apparent as bis
oose and as elusive as his nature.
In the middle of the Mojave Desert. iD
a sun-caked valley ringed by soowcapped
mountains, an old woman with an exquisite face comes to the door. You apob. gize for arriving UDaDDOUDCed, explainiq
that you were afraid that if you caDed
ahead sbe would DOt have agreed to see
you. You say you want to talk about private matters that are more than a baitcentury old. You want to ask her about
WJ. Blythe, ber first busbarvl You want
to know if be is the fatber fl ber ODiy saa,
which would mean that her SOD is the balf
brother of the &Xesident ci the United
States. A brother DO oae knows· about,
DOt even the president's motber.
Tbe woman puts down the quilt abe is
sewing, with pretty pink hearts, and asks
J'OU politely if you would miDd repeatjD8
wbat you just said. You do, and sbe smiles
and says, okay, she supposes it can't burt.
DOW.
-
Every family bas its secrets, its old
scandals, seldom-entered rooms with bidden recesses. This is true ci the Blytbes,
an ordinary family that-with the spectacular prominence of one of its members-suddenly becomes a pubJic curia&ity. Who was BiD Clinton's father? Where
did he come from?
The Texas braDc:b of the 81ytbes las
passed dowa a tale of bow the family
moved to Sberman. Tex., from Tippab
County, Miss., iD 1909. They came iD 1
covered ·wagon, it is said, and as tbey
lumbered through Arkansas iD the .......
erinl dusk they became aware far1ive
sbapes iD the distance.
mood, who was Dic:knamed
-
•noc- ud
died at 19 of "'yellow jaundice: thea Pa.
line, then Earnest, then Maureen. tbeD
wJ .• then Cora Lucile, the crippled pt.
thea Vera, and finally Glenn, the'' baby.
Nine dWdren, 18 years from first to last.
by wbicb time mother Lou Birc:bie, at 4
feet 11, weighed 200 pounds.
WJ.• the fourth SOD, was born in 1918,
and he was named eDctly that way-just
two initials-to clistiqujsb him froiD his
father, William jefferson Blythe. WJ. did
DOt of6ciaDy become William Jeffenoo
Blythe 1Dltil years later. when his birth
certificate bad to be re-created after a
lyDcb mob dynamited aDd burned to tbe
puuad tbe Gn,..a County Courtbaase
and aD ita vital recanla. Tbe vipantea
were trying to Oush out a black maa jaled
there 011 c:barJes of raping a white woman. He was mutilated, banged fram a
tree, Ids body bumed.lt was 1930; it was
one of the last lynchinp in America.
"'n later years, oae of the main lyacbers' mothers became a good friend of our
family. That's how things were.•
This is Vera Ramey, oae of two of the
Blythe dWdren stiD a6ve. Tbe other, Pauline, is 83 and her memory fades ill aod
out. But Ramey is 69 and her recallections of her favorite brother. wJ .• remain
as vivid today, sbe says, as they were
when be was impr'isoDiJll her in an iDDer
tube and hurting her, happily squealin8 iD
protest, into the pond.
Ramey does not consider benelf an
emotiooal penon, but sbe CIIIDCJl watdl
BiD Clinton on television without c:hokiDI
up. She sees iD the president the Ullllliltakable imprint of his father: the eyes,
the high forehead, the large but slender
bands, the pleasantly plebeian
Tbe bam is adD tbere, out - hstoa
RG8d off Route 691, mic1waJ bllaew
'Denison and SbenDan. ft is I
. firetrap of bowed gray oaken board
rusted hiqe, leaning precariously. Tla current owners have left it stJmdiol bause
they fear that if they try to tear it chn it
will collapse Oil them. In froat cltlle barn
staDds the farmboaR in wbicb die pn!lideat's father and Ids ei&bt lac6en and
sisters grew up. Outside, two chain OGle
tbeir stuflinl onto the sroaad.
Your first thought is. ,.,. _, 6r
ro:r
ltnUIMistok
In a pink housecoat, Lucille Wav invites you into a smaD liviDg roam cbminated by an enormous color TV. Yee; sbe
says, this is the old Blythe place. .
Jived there since '36. Tbe .._ ca.
mayingly tiny, just three DJeCtinm ile
rooms and a kitcben. Tbere'a DO IIIJIKtn.
no downstairs. The rooms were
.on.
"How they Jived, I do Dill ..... iaid
Waw. "''ve wondered. Lord, r. wooden!d. N"me c:bildren they bad. The walls
were canvas and paper, it aumbled wbeD
you toucbed it. 1'hey didn't have a c:1oaet.
didn't have a cabinet. Didn't have I'UDDiDg
waa. Didn't have electricity.•
Waw says she's heard that one of the
Blythe boys was a cousin of the father of
the president of the Uaited States.
ActuaDy, she is told, be was the father
of tbe president.
-rile president's father lived ,_,.,.abe
says, dubiously.
DOSe. "'
wish I could look without bawling, but I
can't," she says.
No death of a loved one is easy to bear;
for Vera Ramey, a seamstress in Deaisaa, Tex., the death of WJ. was
nearly disabling. Sbe was a YOUIII Woman
when ber brother bad his acddeot, but ·
she recaDs the time as one recaDs a traaedy from wbkh complete recovery is impoasihle.
very,.
iDg into the darlmess. waitiDc for the attack. At dawn, with recl&teDed eyes aod
raw nerves, they studied the shadows to
discover that the lurkiDg Indians were
DOthing but a field of tree stumps.
The Texas Blytbes love that story, because it evideaces how uncertain were
the lives of their forebears. A farmer bad
as many children as be could, and he bad
tbem as quickly as be could because ,ou
oeeded extra hands and you never lmew
bow many children would survive. And ao
Willie Blythe-Bill Clinton's grandfather- married fOUIII. It was 1906. He
was 24 and his bride, Lou Birchie Ayers,
was aU of 13, and tbey started up a family
rilbt away. Clifford was first, then Ray-
-
To uoderstand what happeued to the
BJytbe family, what flattened them, you
need ODiy leaf through the scrapbook of
old photographs kept by Ann Blythe
Grigsby, Earnest's daughter, who still
lives in Denison. 5be bas Blythe family
pictures going back to the tum of the
century.
Tbe oldest are a }oaclian pllery of
weather-beaten faces, grizded meo and
barely women ill baggy c1otbes. lllliliq
pmely beside bams and silos aod livestock and chiJdren. Amoal these is a~
to taken iD Sherman in 1921 01' '22. Fa-
ther WiDie Blythe, dressed ill
I
Stet80D
aad a dark suit and looking lille a lean
country preacher, is proudly boldiDg an
infant. Cora LuciDe, IS the older c:bildreD
lriD at the camera-aD except 3-fear-old
WJ.'; aullen ill 1 priasy.sailar IUiL A Iii.
YOUIII family ~ bopefallf iBID the
m
Indians.
ADd so they pulled tbe bones 1IP abort.
aod the men stood pard, talkiDI rollastJy. braDdishina tbeir weapcay wlile the
women and cbildreD huddled iDside. Ia
this fashion they spent the Dell 10 boar&.
braced awake by their own terror, peer-
en
smaller, back then; ber husband
WJ. was a taD. friendly kid
old Sop-eared bouDd dol. and
a way to catdl IIIII keep ·
hausetdd pet& 1"here were
pasture !aDd, c:ottoa to be
saa.
•
cows to be milked, drickeai to laL IIIII
the two-room White Rock
was 1
sa1Dlter down the road. There
an old
wooden root ceDar to wbicb .c:hildreo
were banjsbed.wbeo a twister • si&bteel; the kids hucldlecl down ~ ill tbe
dark Oil 1D old bed, aelt to theif!MID!I'S
presenes aad tiDDed meats, ~ fadler
outside OD 1 c:bair, leaDiq aglpllt tbe
bouse, balefully scanning the lorizon.
There was a swaybacked old male that
five children could ride at once Tbere
was the old Ct:1fl a.m. wbicb hal a six·
foot hayloft from which the kim would
leap.
I
TbeD there is aDDtber picture. tlkeD
jaat 1 decade later, of Willie IIJdle calil
froat pan:h. Be bas become ID old DaL
Be is uasbaveD, bollow-dleeked, someoae ready to live up tbe &pt. His sallow
face is aeased with pain.
Ill 1930, WiDie Blythe contracted coloo
caucer, and it took five bad yean to kiD
him. These were yean when coantry
banks failed and even bale Americau
farmers lost their homesteads to debt.
~ ~ ~lythe ~ with its ..triarch
shivenng m a bed m the back room,
didn't stand much of a chance.
They tried. Much of the burdeD feD 011
WJ., at 15 the oldest unmarried SOD. WJ.
took a job at Ashburn's dairy down the
road, bringing home milk and butter and
eggs and a meager paycheck that be
handed over to his mother.
WJ.'s bed was in the lMng roam, but
he was barciJy ever in it. "He would go to
�This material may be protected by copyright law. (Title 17, U.S. Codel'-\
~
WASH.POST:OS/20/93
work in the afternoons after acbool at 2
or 2:30, and work tiD 10 o'clock,• Ramey
recalls. "Then he'd sleep tiD 3 a.m., wbeD
*
*
Everyooe libd bim.
Sbe says vowed to tilt about tbis ooly
"' diak that's why be Wl8 IUCb a aaod if !I(JI'PI'1D! else t.'OUiht it ~ ooly to
111J8 Ramey, "He Deftl' IIW I
be would milk our cows, wash them aaJemum,•
aJmiCt what
believes is a b!l'dlle mir
~~tn~~~er.•
perceptim and dear her beloved brottier's
down, carry the milk. the dairy. Four
ADd
here
ia
where
tbe lew BetdiJ
bours of sleep a night was enough for public aa:ouats of WJ, Blythe's life kick name.
him.. After eighth grade, be quit school
As Ramey remembers it, Adele Gash~
ill. He traveled aD over tbe middle 5aatb,
altogether.
tbe daughter d. a Sbetman saJoonlreeper
aeDiDa aback abeorben aDd oil filter& aad
By late 1934, W'lllie BJythe was near aucb to auto deaJenbjps. Ill 1M2. wbi1e wbo . . pregnant, and wJ. lllllried ber.
death. Vera was 11; she recaDs bow a .
stlyed in town a few IIIDidbs. even liv·
briasill a 1POIIIUl frieud to 1 baapital Sbe
. brie8y with tbe llytbes, bat tben left far
•
..&....
emergency room in Shreveport. La., be 1118
wlaiaaa would seize her fatber IDd rattle met VD'ginia Cassidy, a student aurae Dallas. That was 110 seaet • tDirD, liiiC
his body.
with mischievous eyes, geaerous Iiiia md says.
1be aecret, Ramey says. was tbat WJ.
"' would take my aippled sister 1D11 a personality aa outgoing as bis. Tbey
nm out of the house. WJ, and my mother courted, be was drafted, aad tbeJ· mar- was DOt the father.
Sbe says
recalls lyiDI awalre at Di8bt
beld him down. They'd bave to give bim ried just before be left for Europe. Be
morpbjne by mouth and wait for it to take sened ill Nartb Africa aad ltlly .......... • a 13-7elr-dd. lstening to II!F motber and
yaq WJ. talkiDc heatedly. The father d.
effect..
discbarged ill December 1945.
says. ~ anadler member d.
After 15 minutes of this, WJ, would
ID tbe maatbs afterward, liviDc with tbe cbild,
come out of tbe house, smiling, aocl teD Vqinia ill Arkansas, be talked a1ma1t DOt tbe family, a married man wbose ideDtitiy
does DOt wish to disdoae. Sbe say& Lou
tbe girls everything was okay now.
at aD about tbe war. Ann Gripby &euur
"He was always smiling,• says Ramey. bers seoctiD8 her uncle a letter wileD be Bin:bie asked ber 80D to claim paterDity and
"Things tbat would be disturbing to other was ill Italy, asking him to mail ber aame marry tbe girl, to prevent DOt oaJy a scandal.
people would just make him laugb. I think leaves for a scboo1 project abe was work- but a divorCe witbin the f.ami)y. WJ, protesthe feh tbat was one way of keeping tbe iq oo. "'Sony, there are DO leaves aa·dle . ed, but did it, Ramey says.
rest of us bappy.•
be wrote back. "They're d sbot 1 1be baby, a boy, ~ bam ill a bospital in
~ Ramey says, and after tbe mother
ID February 1935, Willie Blythe sue- off:
cumbed. An undertaker came to the
That was about aa close aslllJ'dior be IIIOYed away, WJ. came to her and sail.
"Don't wmy, Puddin', it wasa't mine anybouse to embalm him, and then be was to ever said about wbat be saw ill tbe war.
be taken to the cemete&y. But a storm
When WJ.'s mother bad 1 stroke ill way.• 1be mother and child movoed to Calirolled ill, aDd the roads froze and became eat")y 1946, VD'ginia traveled to Teas to fornia somewbere. and have DOt beeD beard
impassable. And so for more tban a week. beJp aurae ber, creatiq a rea e~voia Gl from in a IDog, )IJDI time.
the story aa Ramey fi"JJM''Dbers it.
=~:: Willie Blythe lay ill tbe JOOdwill widl tbe Blythe family tbat nmiDa That's
But memories are 6ke old wood. They
can rot and crumble away, or tbey can stay
wentsaid,
into"unless
tbat Mama
a1aae
~~
again,• Ramey
or
,. .............
strong and pick up a rich luster' OW!I' time.
WJ
~..
N
mother would .survive, but Virginia the Snmetimes even the strcq oaes wiD deveJ. was waw me. ever.
nurse looked ...... .w~o.n.. at the ....n- of tbe
"' was a daddy's girl And wbeD my
uuuuu ....r
.-q, a network ci spidery aarb that warp
daddy died, 1 think wJ. just kind of took older woman's feet, and gravely warned the tbem ever so sligbtly.
~~~to~and~my~~~·~~kAnd*~
1 guess I was afraid be was going to leave Sbe died the next day.
us like the other brothers did, and be
WJ. mRamey·
Ssted on paymgH· badthe funerallittle ex&-a.. Valley, Calif., is a arzy oasis in the
said. 'Puddin', I will always be there for penses,
recalls. e
a · mooOW"1be 1IOOdi!D ·
you,' and be was. He never caDed me by ey. and it was vitally important to him.
western Mojave Desert.
SlgD
my name. He caUed me 'Puddin'.' •
Both WJ.'s mother and his father had above the door d. the simple stua:o rand!
In the Blythe family, there is aome uo- died young, at 52. The whole family was bouse says '1be CGfelt's.• Adele Gash Cdc:ertainty over just wbat bappened to tbe acutely aware d. this. but ooly WJ. made a feJt looks 6ke aomeme's favored grandma.
farm. By 1936, with Willie dead, it is I Pre d. it He talked about hurrying up and Though 75, sbe seems 15 years JOUD&er,
clear tbat Lou Bin:bie was having trouble starting a family real quid(, because wbo and ber bandiwwk is aD over tbe bouse: a
meeting ber mortgage payments. Ramey kDows bow IDog yoo'U be breathing? He fruit pie moliog oo the kitcbeo table, bandand other family members recaD that abe ; wanted lots ci kids.
some quilts oo the much, elaborate Ouistsomehow disposed of the property to
In May 1946, with Vqinia pregnant and mas stodrings tbat sbe sews b- ber ~
awid foreclosure; tbat aame mooey came staying widl ber f.amjJy in Hope, WJ, se- cbildren. Oa the wall ill a hallway is a
out of it, that it waso't total disaster.
i and a P, with a QUcago auto parts em. photograph d. ber ooly child. llemy Leal,
But iD the Grayson County Court· i pany. The CDJple bad cboaeD a house, and bam in Sbermaa, Ta, mare tban 50 years
bouse, in Deeds Book 387, Pqe 203, be was cfriving bome to get ber wbeD be qo. He is a pieaant-looiDDc man widl a
there is no ambipity about wbat hap- passed Roa:oe Gist on the road, JDDIViD& aa bisb bebead aad a plebeian ooae.
peoed.
. was his custm1, a little too fast.
Is be WJ, Blythe's SJ1lJ1
In January 1934, with tbe farm failiDI
"Yes.•
alaq with Willie Blythe's bealtb, Lou ail
Adele Q6Jt says sbe kDew WJ. from
Willie bad secared a loan fram tbe FederAad tbe stcry aJUid end tbere, e:Eept it tbe time they were both dildrea,. tbllt tbey
al Fum Mortpge Corp., 111 eiDI!I'JIKY Clll't Tbere was another side to WJ, Blythe were aood frieads and tblt abe arried bin
leading cqanizatioo created bJ tbe New tbll was as much a part fi wbat be was aa It 17. He waa 17 too. They led about tbeir
Deal.
were his ictatiating tempaament, bia de- aae. wbicb is why they 'Will to Madill.
But by Juae two yean later tbe aew votm to bis family, bis prodipJus appetite
Sbe waa de&irely DOt......._ sbe says.
widow was two paylllellU clelin«pJeat 111111 for bani work, and his detenuiaat:ion to No tiUib to tbll at al. lliiiiiJ be that lbe
the baok foreclosecl. The laaguqe is In- trall9a!lld the beartbreaking poverty into and WJ, were lleeping tao cla&e CWJPIIiiY
taDy p&ec:ise: • ••• Ulllble to pay said iD- wbicb be was bam. Just 6ke those things, ~· and tbat ber fa1ber wanted tbem to marry to
staiJments and unable to protect lillY •
his other si:le ~ a product ci tbe times in avad scandal. That c:xJUld be true,
81)8.
ty wbicb tbe UDdeniped bas •••• Witb a wbic:b be lived.
But sbe was.oat pregnaat.
few doleo doDars due oa a pnmi88Cxy
~ Ta, in the 1930s was someE1racdy why did tbey marry?
DOte of $3,500, Lou BirclUe lost tbe farm. thing fA a fimtier town, but MadiD, Okla.,
"WeJI, 1wa~m't madly ill love with bim, or
The family moved into an upstairs sc:me 40 miles away, ~ even more so. anytbing like tbat.•
~~~.WStzeetJ,'s
Madill was the place· where Tesas folks
Sbe sits back oo tbe dl, aod says
came a botel cbambermaid.
drove wbeo they had public businew to cbJbts anyone aJUid really uadeJstaod wbo
And at 18, WJ. &esolved two tbiDp ~but didn't want too many questions did"=I~~'!!:" a bome.•
about his life: He would DOt became 1
And 110 il is tbat in the Marsball County
Adele's mother died wbeD sbe was 6
farmer • and he would become a miJiioD. Courthouse in Madill is an old marriage li- year& old. Her father owned a bar and a
aire.
cense, dated December 1935, under a band- domino baD, wbicb he beliew!d was nat a
written ootatioo, "Don't pubtish.• h regis- suitable envirooment to rame a girl. And 110
ters
the marriage of WJ. Blythe to ooe Adele and her JQm&er sister, Faye, spent
By 1938, be was working out mOkla- Vqinia
Adde Gash. Bride and groom are their dWdhood raised by aunts and otber
homa for an auto parts distributor, oa tbe
listed
as
being
18 years old.
relatives.
road aD tbe time. By aD acc:ounta, be ...
Bebind tbe story. another story.
a very persuasive saJesman He c:ame olf
'1llere was a child," says Vera Ramey.
aa forthright and friendly, 1 man withoat
pretmsiaa.
to
*
*
*
trees:
"' never
!m.
room
=a= !:n.
*
m::..-::
*
�A\~
This material may be protected by copyright law. !Title 17, U.S. Code I
WASH.POST:06/20/93
When she and WJ, were 17, an~
Dity arose. WJ, was iD line Cor- a job at the
dairy that woold bave given bim meager living quarters oo the aliJJilBDY grcmds. A
borne! And so they got married. Just like
that
"Young aad dumb is wbat we 1ftft.•
The job and the apa& tulti4 never came
tbrougb, and AcleJe moved iD with tbe
Blytbes in that tiny bouse 00 PrestaD Road.
Adele says sbe liked WJ.-11e was a dean,
pleasant, decent penoo•-and might bave
stayed with him for a big time if they'd jJst
bad some privacy.
She and WJ. shared a bedroom with kaest Blythe and his wife, Ola Maye.
"' don't require a wbole lot. I newr wanted to be rich, but I never Jived with so little,~
Adele Coffelt says. "We were poor, but they
were poorer than we were.•
She says tbe Blytbes treated ber well.
and she 6ked and respected aD of them, but
that sbe felt as tbou8b she was a terrible
burden on a family that muld weather no »
ditional burdens.
After a few IDCiltbs, Adele went to visit
an aunt in Dallas. WJ. was supposed to
axne for her in a few days. Instead. sbe
says, a package arrived in the mail. h was aD
of her clothing.
'1Dat's how it ended, right there.• Adele
Coffelt is smiling. "' stayed in Dallas.. Sbe
got a divorce tbe follawiDg year.
I
Nme c:J wbicb explains the baby.
Coffelt says that after her divon:e, she returned to Sherman several times and would
spend time with WJ.It was oo ooe of these
trips, she says, tbat her SDD was amceiwd.
Sbe stayed in Sherman to give birth.
When she is told tbat !IOIDI!CXle in the fam.
iJy said WJ. was not the father, she is tJnm..
derstruck.
"'t wasn't anybody but WJ.• Pause. "Why
would anyone
say that?"
. oJd wh and for the first . her
She 15
.
t
Y•
tJme
formidable ~ deserts ber.
"'f I am not teDing the truth may God
strike me dead •
The public records support ber version ct
events. Tbe certificate recording her marriage to wJ. is dated December 1935. Tbe
divorce petitioo. 00 file in Dallas, is daled
ooe year later. And Hemy Leoo's birth c.er• ti&cate. oo me in Austill. is dated Ja 11.
1938. It lists WJ, Blythe as the Dtber.
"''m DOt proud fl evea)'lliDa I did iD my
ile.• Adele Cc< _,.. ,_lam DOt aany,
either.•Jn fact, llhe is deeply srate.ful to wJ,
for IMnl her a ~ In 1939, just before
her second IDIIl1iage--a happy ooe to the
~ cbief of Brawley, Calif., that would
last mare than 30 years, until bis deatbsbe was involved in a serious auto accideot
tbat sbattered bel' pelvia. She aJUid Dever
bear childreD apia.
"Peoppe witbaul cbildren: abe IIJ'I, "'re
miserable..
WbeD her baby was a iew mantbs dd, abe
wJ, c:ame to visit her in Califonia. He
was traveling for bis CDIJPIIIIY. He bugged
her, held Leon, "'aDd was as Dice as be ever
was.• He left that night. and it was the last
time she ever saw him.
There is me more thing.
~ J, also married IDJ sister.·
What?
"'t was a flinc thing,• she says. "Didn't
last ~oog.•
In 1940 or '41, Coffelt says she - a cfi&.
tressed pbooe caD out fl the blue from her
. younger sister, Faye. "She was back East
somewhere, and she wanted to know if she
aJuld ame to live with me. Sbe had married
WJ. and it wasn't Pol to wart. •
says,
Why DOt?
"Sbe did oat say aad I did aat ask. I did
oat care to lmow.•
But"Wbeo someone JleeCb help, you give it to
them. You doo't ask questioos.•
Why did tbey get married? Was she pregnant?
"No, 8DIIIe . , . pi was lftiPiiiiL ...
The R'JI80D be married her .... to keep
frcxn bnq to marry I Jirl wbo Wlllftl"
D8llL That's wbat my sister 1lil me.•
(Faye is ill and uaable to sit b an inter-
view.lb <Ia Maye Blytbe Hazelwood, koest's widow, later mnfitiDS that, ,es. sbe
recaDs aclllffhic about WJ, allliDc back to
marry Pa,e. ADd. yes, then! waa~~~~~e tra.
ble with anodler girt wbo was prepat.)
There is a TV in tbe Cdrelts' lYing nDD.
and at tbis moment BiD Clintm's face flashes oo the screen.
"Doeso't mean anything to me that be is
WJ.'s acm: Adele says. "He doesn't look
that much like WJ. But I wisb bim well.
He'D always be welcome in this bcue, you
tell him tbat if you talk to him..
A ligsmile.
"But I didn't vote for him.•
I .
--:.a
tha people
el.4.....1
the
t
are .........,.. moat
DOt by wbat they want, but by wbat they
fear. Perhaps WJ, Blythe-who watched
his father die screaming and his mother loae
the family bome so feared deatb and destitutioo tbat be became a man ct relentless
t
IS ,...
good cheer, with a ferocious appetite for
life-affirming things, sometimes at tbe expense ct good sense and good judgmeut. But
even tboae people wbo ·bad c:auae to cislike
bim - · u
.c.....a • • ·~-''-do
\AAW D0t Will It m WC'UIIICIYCt to
90.
He must bave been a wooderful saJesman
When be met and married Vqinia Casaiely, be took a uew name, .............
..~.. tbe uu· ·
tials with which be grew up. For the first
time in bis life, be became BiD Blythe, the
oaJy name bis oew wife ever knew him by,
and it was as BiD Blythe tbat be was to start
a family. It 1D11J well be that the dumae repr.med •mrfliuc cl1 turDiDa paD. tbat
never bave bad a child widlliml
.
1t's bypocbeticaJ wbat I would have dooe •
about it..
Life is fuD ct nisbt mu~~t...
iiiiiiiiiiiii;
Like many c:l Clintm's relatiYes. Vera ~
invited. to the iDaugural events iD
January. She attended the Ilia pia, and saw
Michael .JacJmoo and Cmck Beny, but she ..
wasa't reaDy enjoying beraelf. AD the wbiJe
she was fighting a bollow feeJiDa sbe couli;.f.
mey was
~ :
DOt quite puzzle out.
Aftenrarct, without teDiq anycme, not
evea her lnasbaad, sbe
got in her
car and.
drove three hours to Hope, Art., to tbe.
Rose Hill Cemetery, where a lootatone ·
marks the grave ct WiDiam Jeffallll Blythe,
bam Feb. '1:1, 1918, cied May 17,19C6.
For four boura. sbe tallied to ber Iii
brother about the family. Mostly, sbe taDr.ec1
about wbat bad become c:l bis baby boy. Just
in cue be didn't know.
Feeling much better, she drove back
bame.
iiiiiiiiiiiii;
Adele Coffelt did DOt discover dill the fa.
tber fl ber SDD was aJao tbe father fl BiD
Clintm uatil a relative seat her a c:ippiDa
from People magaDne, duriDc the presideotial cunpaign, meotiminc tbe aame William
BJytbe. ADd 90, ct CXJUl"8e, her SOil did DOC
find out about bis famous balf brother until
then eitber.
Henry Leon Ritzenthaler-be changed
his name from Blythe when bis mother's
second husband adopted him-is 55. He
lives in Paradise, Calif., with bis wife, Judith.
a bainhesser. He bas two c.biJdren. Tbe for-
mer owner ct a janitorial service, RiUentbaJer was forced to retire aome time ago because fl iD bealth. He bas a beart CXIDditiou.
Late in the aunpaign, be and Judith wrote
to BiB Oiotm, care fl tbe <iovena"s Mansioo in Uttle Rock. RitJentbaler IIJ8 be ia- .
troduced bimself, included a oopy of his birth
cet tifiC2te,
and requested any illforma1Qa .
the govemar mold give tbem about tbe .
Blythe famiiTs bealtb histaly.
1 doo't waat any maaey aut. fl this or .
anythiog,• RbenthaJer said. •AD I would lilrie
WJ, was Jlepaed at list to settle don and ~ to do is meet the man. I would be banored .
tllr.e reap ••"iiy far llmaelf.
- · to get to know bim a Bttle. To find out after
It's a dleary, as aood •IIIJ, bd 1 c:eat. ; 55 years that rve - a bnJiher ei8bt years
ry later.
: younger tban I am, well. tbat's kiDd d nice.'
Not to mention that be is the Dlesideut d
the Uaited States?
For four montbs, BiD Clintm's motber
"'t's very Dice.•
declined repeatedly to discuss ber first &
Ritmrtbaler says be never beard back
band for tbis article.
·. from Clinton or his office, but that he
F"mally. reacbed by telepbone last week doesn't take it peracmlly.
•...
and asked about Bm Blytbe'a other
"'n the busiDess be is in.
sure be .....
said it was aD aews to her. Blythe aever tdd busy and UDder a lot c:l pressure. I waul~(
ber about bis marriage tO Adele Gab. ar biB · just cOnsider it an bonar and a privileae tD
marriage to Faye Gasb. or any other ~ ' get a lime caD or a letter fnllll the •
·
riages or children be may bave bad aklng saying, 'Hey,llmaw you're alive.' •
·
tbe way. Sbe also said WJ.'s family oever
·
tdd her either, evea after bis death.
70 years
said Vqioia Kelley,
"and tbiop unetimes slip my mind. Bat as
far as I can remember, oo aoe ever told
life,.
"''m
me:
old:
What does she think ct it?
There is the briefest « pauses.
"' don't know what to think.. she saiL 1
loved bim very much. He was a waoderful
person to me. For bis own reasms, be did
not mention it to me.•
If be bad, woold it bave bothered her?
"''m ae it would bave bothered me.•
Milbt she DDt have married him? Might she
rm
�• Literary LHe ·
A computer mag is
born; one for old
soldiers is dying.
·Page 29.
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.
THE BOSTON .
. ABOUT THE
.,i
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PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
•·
'!
You say you've already hadjt up to here (or higher)
with trivia about the soon-to-be First Family? Enough
already, you say, about jogging, inhaling, headbands, .
marching bands, Big Macs, .Fleetwood Mac, mysteries,
•
histori~s, sax, sex and socks?
•
Fellow citizens, on this momentous day in the
.· . nation's history, we remind you of the challenge at
•
hand. And so, ask not what the Clintons need to know
about your job resumes. Ask what you need to know
about the Clintons'.
By Joseph P. Kahn and Charles Kenney
GLOBE STAFF
.
-·
.
.
.
• Given name: William Jefferson Blythe IV
• . Hometown: Hope, Ark.
Fun fact: took constitutional law at Yale with
Robert Bork Oater opposed nomination to
US Supreme Court)
Goal at Oxford: to read 100 books per tenn
Fun fact: taught admiralty law at U. of
Arkansas Law School, famous se~t of
maritime studies
�~:
1n
Also Inside ·
PHOTOCOPY
TV and Radio 33-34
· PRESERVATION
GLOBE • WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1993
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Draft number: 311
• Height: 6feet 2lh inches
• Weight: 195 pounds (plus or minus)
Oost)
Money spent on campaign: 43,000
Best man at wedding: Roger Clinton
Car: restored 1966 Mustang convertible,
.'.
aqua
Hobbles: tenor and soprano saxophone, card
..•
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•
•
LIAISON USA, GAMMA LIAISON
The young prez knows when to hold 'em and
when to fold 'em.
Favorite sandwich: peanut butter and
•
banana
Bats, throws: left
Religion: Baptist
Political nickname: Comeback Kid, Slick
•
:
•
•
•
Willie, Elvis; Bubba
SeCret Senlce name: Eagle
Salary fees &honoraria: $43,666 (1991);
$200,000 (1993 projected)
Sports: golf, jogging, volleyball, softball
Average golf round: mid to high 80s
Averap mile time jogging: 8 minutes
Average night's sleep: four hours
·~sest man" he ever met: his Uncle Buddy
Political mentor: Arkansas Sen. J. William
Fulbright
Favorite music: Elvis, Motown, Peter Paul &
Mary, Carole King, Beatles, Aretha
Franklin, Dolly Parton, Ray Charles,
Kenny G., Marilyn Horne
Favorite song: "Summertime"
Favorite hymn: "There's a Mountain"
• Early accomplishment: First chair tenor
saxophone, all-state band 1963; senator,
Boy's Nation 1963; chosen Civitan Junior
•
Businessman by Hot Springs High School
faculty 1963
.
High school bands: Stardusters, Three
Kings, Three Blind Mice
Bogus 11th grade science project: solar hot. dog cooker
• Fun fact: played leading role in school
•
production of "Arsenic and Old Lace"
• High school clubs:calCUius Club, BioChem-Phy, Mu Alpha Theta, Beta, Junior
Classical League
• High school class rank: 4th (of 323)
• Higher education: Georgetown, Oxford, Yale
Law School
College· nl8jor: 1ternational government
studies·
games (especially hearts), crossword
puzzles; Trivial Pursuit, Pictionary
Ute reading: mystery writers Walter
Mosley, Tony Hillerman, Sara Paretsky
Middlebrow: "Let Us Now Praise Fanious
Men," "Prince of Tides," "One Hundred
Years of Solitude"
Heavy lifting: ''Meditations," Marcus
Aurelius; 'War and Peace"; arcane policy
papers
Recent read: ''The Culture of Contentment,"
John Kenneth Galbraith
Cultural passion: U. of Arkansas football
Suits: Norman Hilton, Southwick (off the
rack)
'
Suit size: 46long
Shoe slze:·.13
Clothier: Bauman's of Little Rock
Favorite color: blue
Fashion accessories: baseball caps, Timex
Ironman Triathalon wristwatch
Favorite foods: jalapeno cheeseburgers,
pulled pork barbecue, chicken enchiladas,
sweet potato pie, cinnamon rolls, mango
ice cream, lemon chess pie, cookies
Favorite beverag~: Mountain Valley Sprmg
Water
·
Favorite movies: "High Noon," "Casablanca"
Most admired presidents: Lincoln, Truman,
FDR
Most wishes he'd met: Martin Luther King
Jr.
Greatest political Influences: King, John F.
Kennedy
Place he most wants to visit: Latin America
Most effective speech: corifionting abusive
stepfather, 1960 ("Daddy, you cannot hit
Mother anymore.")
Least effective speech: nominating Michael
From Disney ducks to D.C.: the Cllntons In
Dukakis at Democratic Convention, 1988
("In conclusion ...") ·
Fun fact: earned extra $475 for playing Sax
on Tonight Show, 1988
Fun fact: asked to identify ''William
Jefferson Blythe IV" on "Jeopardy" last
week, one contestant drew a blank, one
guessed "Colin Powell" and a third
answered "Bill Moyers"
HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
Malden name: Hillary Diane Rodham
Hometown: Park Ridge, Ill.
Birthday: Oct. 26, 1947
AitrOioglcal sign: Scorpio
Religion: Methodist
Bats, throws: right
Fun fact: taught to hit" curveball as youngster
Brand of politics: hardball
Early hobbles: piano, Girl Scouts, square
dancing
Early ambition: astronaut
. Early nickname: Sister Frigidaire
Summer Jobs: lifeguard, camp counselor
· Most unusual summer Job: Alaskan fish
cannery
Hi&h school class rank: 15th (estimated)
Early distinction: voted Most Likely To
SuCceed at Maine (Til.) High School
Higher educatlon:Wellesley Coll~ge. Yale
Law School
Early political affiliation: Goldwater Girls
(1964); Nelson Rockefeller, Eugene
McCarthy eampaigns (1968)
Early Political mentor: Marmn Wright
Edelman
College boyfriend: Geoffrey Shields,
Harvard (now Chicago lawyer)
Favorite music: Elvis, Beatles, Rolling
Stones, Supremes, Buffalo Springfield
Married: Oct. 11, 1975
Honeymoon: Acapulco (with parents,
brothers)
+•
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SYGMA PHOTO /IRA NYMAN
Bak~"'andBII·!'e..,t,ocks:.~h''~·aw,~\l~'l.l.t.b~me.,
.It
·U·~
'·I·'"
plo,ll!
I
111.•
r '',
�PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
�ARKANSAS DEMOCRAT-GAZErTE PHOTO, (ABOVE LEFT) GAMMA UAISON PHOTO
Orlando In 1984. In photo above left, Bill Clinton rides a pony In 1950.
Fun tact: first words from husband-ro-be:
"And not only that, we grow the biggest
watennelons in the world"
Former employer: Rose Law Finn (first
woman partner)
Salary, fees and honoraria: $181,919 (1991),
$0 (1993 projected)
Corporate boards: Children's Defense Fund,
. Wal-Mart, TCBY Enterprises, Lafarge
Corp., Children's Television Workshop
Makeover artist: hairdresser Cristophe of
Los Angeles
Favorite clothier: Barbara Jean/Ltd., Little
Rock
Dress size: 8
Favorite color: red, emerald green
Fashion accessory: plastic headband· (given
to TV's Regis Philbin and Kathie Lee
Gifford to "save for Halloween")
Fun tact: wore 4.25-carat diamond '·
(borrowed) to husband's first inaugural
Distinction: twice named to National Law
Journal list of 100 Most Influential
Lawyers in United States.
Political nickname: Lady Macbeth of Little
.Rock, Yuppie Wife from Hell
Ute reading: Tony Hillerman, Dorothy ·
Sayers
Favorite games: Pictionary, Scrabble,
Hungarian rummy
Sports: jogging, bicycle riding
Cultural passions: ballet, theater
Favorite snack food: bran muffins, pizza,
pickles
·
Favorite beverage: occasional glass of wine
Fun fact: served on House committee
investigating Richard Nixon impeachment
Republican payback 1: "If the wife comes
through as being too strong and too
intelligent, it makes the husband look like
a wimp" (Nixon 1992)
Republican payback II: "Hillary Clinton in an
apron is like Michael Dukakis in a tank"
(media strategist Roger Ailes)
Good luck charm: angel's wing lapel pin (gift.
of friend after Gennifer Flowers flap)
I
..
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
•
Favorite food: macaroni and cheese, b'roccoli, •
pizza
Hobbles: classical ballet, reading, card games •
(hearts, pinochle), Girl Scouts
Sports: volleyball, softball, soccer
Fun fact: played on Molar Rollers softball
team, sponsored by hometown dentist
Ability to hit curveball: unlmown
Fashion statement: long curly hair, braces,
Birkenstocks, sloganeering T-shirts
Last Mel Gibson movie seen: "Lethal
Weapon3"
Early achievement: skipped third grade at
Booker Arts Magnet School
Fun fact: wrote to President Reagan in 1985
cijscouraging visit to Nazi gravesite
(Reagan never wrote back)
Recent achievement: elected student
government class rep
School: Sidwell Friends in Washington, D.C.
(projected)
Fun fact: 'With actress Mary Steenburgen's
daughter Lilly, once hijacked golf cart at
Arkansas governor's mansion (no charges
filed)
Diplomatic portfolio: studied Gennan
culture at summer camp in Minnesota
Fun fact: New York's Chelsea Clinton Cafe
(184 8th' Ave.) not
named after her .·
- .
.
·
SOCKS.Cll~HON-
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
:_ , · •
. Type: domestic shorthair ·
Color: black and white
Sex: male
Reproductive status: neutered
Fun fact: cover boy January '93 Cats
magazine.
Uves: nine (projected)
Hobbles: hunting birds and squirrels
Ambition: privacy, fat book contract
•
•
•
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•
•
CHELSEA VICTORIA CLINTON_..
Birthday: Feb. 2:7, 1980
Hometown: Little Rock, Ark.
Astrological sign: Pisces
Religion: Methodist
Named after: Judy Collins recording of Joni
\ Mitchell song "Chelsea Morning" (''Woke
up it was a Chelsea morning and the first .
thing that I saw ...")
Fun fact: could have been christened Clouds
Clinton, after another early CollinsMitchell hit ("I've looked at.clouds from
both sides now ...")
Immediate goal: to get ears pierced
Long-range goals: aStronarl't:ical engineer,
L•·~~}~fKI>,~rff.\o~ .. t,.
A,,,l....
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�PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
______ __ ---------------------·······--·
ll\ 1 li;Su'\ Y, .JANUARY 20, 199::!
~-
_:,_
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29
Dee Dee tells all about,·Clinton's sax appeal
Dee Dee, our all-purpose advice
columnist, may be a world-class
know-it-all but she's never claimed
to know much about saxophones. So
' she wasn't prepared for all the saxrelated questions that have been
cluttering up her mailbox of late.
Much as she loathes the idea, it
seems clear to Dee Dee that saxophones threaten to loom large in the
Clinton administration. Naturally
she felt an obligation to brush up on
her saxpertise so she could respond
to all your questions and set things
straight in her usual fashion. Dee
Dee is deeply grateful, by the way,
that our new president was never
tempted to take up the accordian.
Dear Dee Dee:
I read somewhere that when
President Clinton was governor of
Arkansas he was reputed to have engaged in telephone sax with a woman not his wife. Can this be true?
DISILLUSIONED, Minikin, R.I.
It's true that a private investigator taped then-Gav. Clinton playing
"Tutti Frutti" aver the telephone to a
woman reporter for a Little Rock TV
station. Much was made of this.
musical interlude when it was first
revealed but it t1trned out to be boringly abave board. The reporter was
collecting information for a story
about politicians and their instruments.
Dear Dee Dee:
Why have we not been told that
our new president is bi-saxual?
DISGUSTED, Red Meat, Tx.
We have not been told that President Clinton is bi-saxual because he
isn't. Dee Dee knows for a fact that he
room But_ he luu3 1w plans to rnake 'it
President Clinton
has always been a
strong proponent
of sax education
in schools. Rather
than have young
people pick up
misinformation on
the street, he'd
prefer they pick it
up in the
classroom.
has never tried to play two saxo-
phones at the same time because he
believes that doing so would be an aet
of extreme hubris. However, experts
agree that he shows all the symptoms
of hypersaxuality, ie., a tendency to
exaggerate his ability to play the sax.
Dear Dee Dee:
I understand Presiqent Clinton
will be pushing for more sax education in schools. Will he make it mandatory?
DISCOMFITTED, Lavabo, Tn.
President Clinton luu3 always
been a strong proponent of sax education in schools. He believes ·most
parents don~ know erwugh about it
to teach their children at home, so
rathe1· than have young peaple pick
up misinformatian on the stree~ he'd
prefer they pick it uv in the cla.ss-
·mandatory.
Dear Dee Dee:
Why does President Clinton insist on playing songs like "Heartbreak Hotel," when he could be play~
ing a classical composition?
DISCERNING, Fever Pitch, Md.
Dee Dee reminds ·yau that President Clinton carne of age in the middle of the so-called sClX'U(11, ·revolution,
when the saxaphone was at the height
of its papularity as a jazz instrument
and was beginning to find its way
into rock music. So he is dra·wn to
1nore contemporary pieces.
Dear Dee Dee:
Was the Clinton cat, Sax, named
after the president's instrument-ofchoice?
DISCONNECTED, Self Basting, N.H.
No. Dee Dee understands he was
named after Hillary Clinton's favarite store, Socks Fifth Avenue.
Dear Dee Dee:
A musical friend tells me that if
Bill Clinton had taken the saxophone
seriously he could have been another
Acker Bilk. In your opinion, is this a
fair assessment'!
DISPUTATIOUS, Spoilage, Maine
President Clinton has alway::; taken the saxophone seriously. Frieruh
from his Oxford days r"ecall him engaging in searching teleosaxuat di~
CUSI>'ions that lasted far into the
night. He may have had saxaphone
grecuness within him, but his ambi-tion lay elsewhere and, in the ·W<rrds
of Kermit the Frog, "You've got to put
dawn the d:ucky if you want to play
the saxaphane. "
•
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taient:':1sprea(bbefore <."E!1.11enltuaJly 1'!\rP.-Ml'nitP.:JtOt:~mto·Ute·
h:e.kept leaning forwarcFiri·., ty;
his' seat like 'a kid at· ·a Bulls': game, · :; '
~g WidelY, ~d,IJo~~g·~p:an~ ,. ; ~~nt ·whcr bElltinls··his- ~:{~-·t.:·uJ': . f.c.·~...~
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i~:~e.~t:,'\':TJ#-.is not·
truly.&
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so . .,;:\ine9p:.~~
·rock 'n'- roll. .band..
. 1.Chuck
· '~·
~~#i'in.the:P~~~cai,-geriSe; ~utin the' _· Berry ~d hiS daughter,~lngrtc:i;' tlie - -~:.imw·olilid tl:ie ·c•nl'crPm1A·l~~tnllrl
~serise·1of: qeingl ~~in~~~~e--and :wei- ,
..'¢9~~~~~·-~·!,y·;~:-,: •}:: ;, ;(,;;_~.'i.L?;:
, ::"·:..:~·. , . ;~,; i,: .~,. ::· '·.'·. ,!(•\ :·!-~~~,. . :. · ;.. .:· · · ·
E Street'Bat)d's M&X Weipberg,• Ste-
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PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
'd
.' ·.
1
�•.
I
....;;,AY, JANUARY 20, 1993
IDusic and the masses
Since the evening moved at such a quick
pace, it was easy to ignore Barry
Manilow's schmaltzy patriotic musings,
Macaulay Culkin's classroom-perfect
recitation and Michael Bolton's
inevitable irtbute to himseH.
.
with "Heal the World," acc6mpanied
by a choir of children dressed in the
native outfits of various countries.
Barbra Streisand wowed the crowd
with a heartfelt rendering of "Evergreen." Bill Cosby, in patched denim
blue jeans and flannel shirt, chided
country boys Clinton and Gore about
their fancy get-ups. Cosby then introduced a stellar jazz gathering including Wynton Marsalis, Herbie
Hancock, Ron Carter, Clark Terry,
Wayne Shorter and Thelonius Monk
Jr. - that sizzled during a tribute to
the late Dizzy Gillespie.
Since the evening moved at such
a quick pace, it was easy to ignore
Barry Manilow's schmaltzy patriotic
musings, Macaulay Culkin's classroom-perfect recitation and Michael
Bolton's inevitable tribute to himself.
It was not, however, too quick to sa. vor some of the better moments Arkansas native Barbara Hendricks'
astounding voice, the sleek movements of the Alvin Ailey Dance
Troupe or Aretha Franklin (decked
out in an outfit that would make any
self-respecting animal-rights activist
keel over in a dead faint) fronting a
gospel choir as only she can.
And yes, Fleetwood Mac boogied
once more, for the cause. Mick
Fleetwood, Christine McVie, Lindsey Buckingham, John McVie and
Stevie Nicks sounded none the worst
for wear, and now - finally - the
whole country knows the words to
"Don't Stop." Bill, AI, Tipper and
Hillary even shook it a little on stage
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
during the song. AI Gore, for the record, seems to have found the drumbeat and can clap accordingly.
It had been a long day for Clinton and his VP, who sat through two
noisy and tiring programs at the
Kennedy Center earlier yesterday
afternoon: a "Salute to Children"
and a "Salute to Youth," which
boasted yet more celebrities. The
programs, tailor-made for teenagers with talent. recommended by .
Chelsea, featured "Fresh Prince of
Bel-Air" star Will Smith, the red-hot/
Boyz II Men, Vanessa Williams, the L
Joffrey Ballet and a thought-provok-' 1
ing performance by the LA Youth 2
Ensemble Theater.
But the grown-ups simply suffered through the afternoon with
their offspring while they waited to
don gowns and suspenders for the
Capitol Centre soiree.
"I'm a little hoarse tonight,"
Streisand quipped at one point during the evening. "But thank God the
president-elect has made it fashionable." Suddenly, it was OK to poke
fun at the man in the Oval Office, it
was fun to watch him snap his fingers and wiggle his rump a little on- .
stage, it was even possible to stomach little Macaulay for a short period
of time. Bill Clinton's last night as a
plain ol' citizen (OK, a plain ol' citizen who happened to he a governor)
was a real rouser, one he will probably need to remember once he begins his new job and starts to feel a
different kind of heat.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Bill Clinton - Personal References
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-016-2014
7431955
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/d09d4cf69dd0fc21c9d55ae9555f4eef.pdf
3d67823e059dc99a75b472342c0d7b8f
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Speechwriting
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Carter Wilkie
ti
b
.·~,
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4273
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Archives Project- Best Clinton Quotes [5]
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PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
r
�,·
TEDDY ROOSEVELT
Americanism:
"Americanism is a
q~estion
of principle, of purpose, of
Idealism, or Character; it is not a matter of birthplace or
creed or line of descent."
Speech, Washington, DC, 1909.
"There is no room irt this country for hyphenated
Americanism ••••
The one absolutely certain way of bringing
this nation to ruin, of preventing all possibility of its
continuing to be
a
nation at all, would be to permit it to
become a tangle of squabbling nationalities."
Speech before
the Knights of Columbus, New York,
12, 1915 .
....
0
N~, ~ctober
••
"Americanism means the virtues of courage, honor, justice,
truth, sincerity, and hardihood--the virtues that made
America.
The things that will destroy America are
prosperity-at-any-price, peace-at-any-price, safety-first
instead of duty-first, the love of soft living and the getrich-quick theory of life."
Letter to S. Stanwood Menken,
January 10, 1917.
"The first requisite of a good citizen in this Republic of
ours is that he shall be able and willing to pull his
�.'
TEDDY· ROOSEVELT
Americanism:
"Americanism is a question of principle, of purpose., of
Idealism, or Character; it is not a matter of birthplace or
creed or line of descent."
Speech, Washington, DC, 1909.
"There is no room iti this country for hyphenated
Americanism •.•.
The one absolutely certain way of bringing
this nation to ruin, of preventing all possibility of its
continuing to be
a
nation at all, would be to permit it to
become a tangle of squabbling nationalities."
Speech before
the Knights of Columbus, New York, NY, October 12, 1915.
·~·
.
..
"Americanism means the virtues of courage, honor, justice,
truth, sincerity, and hardihood--the virtues that made
America.
The things that will destroy America are
prosperity-at-any-price, peace-at-any-price, safety-first
instead of duty-first, the love of soft living and the getrich-quick theory of life."
Letter to S. Stanwood Menken,
January 10, 1917.
"The first requisite of a good citizen in this Republic of
ours is that he shall be able and willing to pull his
�-·
/
..
weight."
Speech in New York, NY, November 11, 1902.
Constitution:
"The Constitution was made for the people and not the people
for the Constitution."
Comment to Representative
Ja~es
E.
Watson, 1902.
Government:
"The object of goVernment is the welfare of the people.
The
material progress and prosperity of a nation are desirable
chiefly so far as they lead to the moral and material
welfare of all good citizens."
From The New Nationalism,
1910.
"In a republic like ours the governing class is composed of
the strong men who take the trouble to do the work of
government; and if you are too timid or too fastidious or
too careless to do your part in this work then you forfeit
your right to be considered one of the governing and you
become one of the governed instead--one of the driven cattle
of the political arena."
Address at the Harvard Union,
February 23, 1907.
"We stand equally against government by a plutocracy and
government by a mob.
There
is something to be said for
�.. ·government by a great aristocracy which has furnished
leaders to the nation in peace and war for generations; even
a democrat like myself must admit this.
But there is
absolutely nothing to be said for government by a
plutocracy, for government by men very powerful in certain
lines and gifted with 'the money touch,' but with ideals
which in their essence are merely .those of so many
pawnbrokers."
Letter to Sir Edward
Grey~
November 15, 1913.
"The government is us; we are the government, you and I."
Speech in Asheville, NC,
Decemb~r
5, 1905.
Law:
"No man is above the law and no man is below it; nor do we
ask any man's permission when we require him to obey it."
Message tq_CQngress, December 1904.
Politics:
"The most practical kind of politics is the politics of
decency."
Remarks to Harvard and Yale undergraduates at
Sagamore Hill, NY, June 1901.
"The most successful politician is he who says what
everybody is thinking most often and in the loudest voice."
�..
.
-
_..-
,.
Presidency:
"I am of course in a perfect whirl of work and have every
kind of worry and trouble--but that's what I am here for and
down at bottom I enjoy it after all."
Letter to Kermit
Roosevelt, December 4, 1902.
"Of course political life in a position such as this is one
long strain on the temper, one long experiment of checking
one's own impulses with an iron hand and learning to
subordinate one's own des.ires to what some hundreds of
associates can be forced or cajoled or led into desiring."
Letter to Maria K. Storer, December 8, 1902.
"For the very reason I believe in being a strong President
and making the most of the office and using it without
regard to .the little, snarling men who yell about executive
·,
usurpation, I also believe that it is not a good thing that
any man should hold it too long."
Letter toW. W. Sewell,
June 2 5 , 19 0 8 •
"Yes, Haven, most of us enjoy preaching, and I've got such a
bully pulpit!"
Reply to George Haven Putnam, who had
accused Roosevelt of preaching as President. Sometime during
his first term as President.
Congress:
�..
"Congress does from a third to a half of
wh~t
I think is the
minimum that it ought to do, and I am profoundly grateful
that I get as much."
Comment to Leonard Wood, December
1904.
Foreign Relations:
"We have become a great nation, forced by the fact of its
greatness into relations with the other nations of the
earth, and we must behave as beseems a people with such
responsibilities.
Toward all other nations, large and
small, our attitude must be one of cordial and sincere
friendship.
We must show not only in our words, but in our
deeds, that we are earnestly desirous of securing their good
will by acting toward them in a spirit of just and generous
recognition·~£
all their rights.
But justice and generosity
in a nation, as in an individual, count most when shown not
by the weak but by the strong.
While ever careful to
refrain from wronging others, we must be no less insistent
that we are not wronged ourselves.
We wish peace, but we
wish the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness.
We
wish it because we think it is right and not because we are
afraid.
No weak nation that acts manfully and justly should
ever have cause to fear us, and no strong power should ever
be able to single us out as a subject for insolent
aggression." Inaugural Address, March 4, 1905.
~
�"Chronic wrongdoing, ... or an impotence which .results in a
general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in
America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by
some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the
adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may
force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant
cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an
int~rnational
police· power." Annual Message to Congress,
December 6, 1905.
The quotation is referred to as the
Roosevelt Corollary.
"There is a homely adage which runs, 'Speak softly and carry
a big stick; you will-go far.'
If the American nation will
speak softly and yet build and keep at a pitch of the
highest training a thoroughly efficient navy, the Monroe
Doctrine will go far."
Annual Message to Congress, December
1905.
"A man must first care for his own household before he can
be of use to the state.
But no matter how well he cares for
his household, he is not a good citizen unless he also takes
thought of the state.
In the same way, a great nation must
think of its own internal affairs; and yet it cannot
substantiate its claim to be a great nation unless it also
thinks of its position in the world at large."
From
"Nationalism and International Relations," Social Justice
�and Popular Rule, p. 108 (1926).
War:
"A just war is in the long run far better for a man's soul
than the most prosperous peace."
Congress, December
Annual Message to
1906~
"Wars are, of course, as a rule to be avoided; but they are
far better than certain kinds of peace."
From Thomas Hart
Benton, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1899), reprinted 1972.
"Peace is generally good in itself, but it is never the
highest good unless it comes as the handmaid of
righteousness; and i t becomes a very evil thing if it serves
merely as a mask for cowardice and sloth, or as an
instrument.tG further the ends of despotism or anarchy."
Speech accepting the Nobel Peace Prize, Christiana, Norway,
1910.
Civil Rights:
"It was my good fortune at Santiago to serve beside colored
troops.
A man who is good enough to shed his blood for the
country is good enough to be given a square deal afterward.
More than that no man is entitled to, and less than that no
man shall have."
Speech in Springfield, MA, July 4, 1903.
�.
~~·
Human. Rights:
"My positi6n as regards the monied interests can be put in a
few words.
In every civilized society property rights must
be carefully s~feguarded; ordinarily and in the great
majority of cases, human rights and property rights are
fundamentally and in the long run, identical; but when it
clearly appears that there is a real conflict between them,
'
'
human rights must have the upper hand; for property belongs
to man and not man to property.i•
Address at the Sorbonne,
Paris, April 23, 1910.
Environment:
"To waste, to destroy, our natural resources, to skin and
exhaust the-land instead of using it so as to increase its
usefulness, will result in undermining in the days of our
children the very prosperity which we ought by right to hand
down to them amplified and developed."
Annual Message to
Congress, December 3, 1907.
"The nation behaves well if it treats the natural resources
as assets which it must turn over to the next generation
increased, and not impaired, in value."
Speech before the
Colorado Live Stock Association, Denver, CO, August 29,
1910.
�··-
Trusts:
"The
capt~ins
of industry ... have on the whole done great
good to our people.
Without them the material development
of which we are so justly proud could never have taken
place ...
~
evils ...•
Yet it is also true that there are real and great
There is a widespread conviction that the great
corporations known as trusts are in certain of their
features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.
This ... is based upon sincere conviction that combination
and conviction should be, not prohibited, but supervised and
within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this
conviction is right."
Annual Message to Congress, December
1907.
Press:
.......
"The men with the muckrakes are often indispensable to the
well being of society; but only if they know when to stop
raking the muck, and to look upward to the celestial crown
above them, to the crown of worthy endeavor." Speech given
upon laying the cornerstone of a new House of
Representatives office building, April 14, 1906.
"In our country, I am inclined to think that almost, if not
quite, the most important profession is that of the
�newspaper man."
Speech in Milwaukee, WI, September 7, 1910.
Censorship:
"To announce that there must be no criticism of the
President, or that we are to stand by the President, right
or wrong, is not only unpatriotic .and servile, but is
morally treasonable to the American public." Letter toM ..
Poindexter, May 22, 1918.
Fighting for Rights:
"No man who is not willing to bear arms and to fight for his
rights can give a good reason why he should be entitled to
the privilege of living in a free community."
From Thomas
Hart Benton, p. 37 (1899, reprinted 1972) .
....
.•
..
"Aggressive fighting for the right is the noblest sport the
world affords."
Strenuous Life:
"I wish to preach, not the doctrine of ignoble ease, but the
doctrine of the strenuous life."
Speech in Chicago, IL,
April 10, 1899.
"Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious
�triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take
rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor
suffer much, because they live in the gray twilight that
knows not victory nor defeat."
Speech in Chicago, IL, April
10, 1899.
"Death is always and under all circumstances a tragedy, for
if it is not, then it means that life itself has become
one."
Letter to Cecil Spring-Rice, March 12, 1900.
"If we seek merely swollen, slothful ease and ignoble peace,
if we shrink from the hard contests where men must win at
the hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold
dear, then bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by, and
will win for themselves the domination of the world."
The Strenuous Life:
~.
•'
From
Essays and Addresses, 1900.
..
"In life, as in a football game, the principle to follow is:
Hit the line hard."
Strenuous Life:
From "The American Boy" in The
Essays and Addresses, 1900.
"We are face to face with our destiny and we must meet it
with a high and resolute courage.
For us is the life of
action, of strenuous performance of duty; let us live in the
harness, striving mightily; let us rather run the risk of
wearing out than rusting out."
Address at the opening of
the New York gubernatorial campaign, October 15, 1898.
�Rough Riders:
"I would rather have led that charge and earned my colonelcy
than served three years in the United States Senate.
It
makes me feel as though I could now leave something to my
children which will serve as an apology for my having
existed."
Bull Moose:
"I am as strong as a bull moose and you can use me to the
limit."
Letter to Mark Hanna, June 27, 1900.
Armageddon:
"We stand .at ··Armageddon and we battle for the Lord."
Speech
at Progressive Party Convention, June 17, 1912.
Wit:
"A man who has never gone to school may steal from a freight
car; but if he has a university education, he may steal the
whole railroad."
Footnote is to Bill Adler, Presidential
Wit (NY: Trident) 1966; p. 94, in DeG .
___________________________________
....._
----
--
�TAFT
Constitution:
"Constitutions are checks upon the hasty action of the
majority.
They are the self-imposed restraints of a. whole
people upon a majority of them to.secure sober action and a
respect for the rights of the minority, and of the
individual in his relation to other individuals."
Veto of
the Arizona Enabling Act, August 22, 1911.
Government
"We are all imperfect.
government."
We cannot expect perfect
Address to the Chamber of Commerce, Washington
DC, May 8, 1909.
"We have passed beyond the times of ... the laissez-faire
school which believes that the government ought to do
nothing but run a police force."
Speech in Milwaukee, WI,
September 17, 1909.
"The administration of justice lies at the foundation of
Government."
"A popular government is not a government of a majority, by
a majority for a majority of the people.
It is a government
�of the whole people, by a majority of the people under such
rules and checks as will secure a wise, just and beneficent
government for all the people."
Veto of the Arizona
Enabling Act, August 22, 1911.
Politics:
"I am a man of peace, and I don't want to fight.
a rat in a corner will fight."
Hyattsvill~,
But ... ~ven
Campaign speech in
MD, May 1912.
Presidency:
"Don't sit up nights thinking about making me President for
that will never come and I have no ambition in that
direction.
great
Any party which would nominate me would make a
mis~ak~."
Remarks, 1903.
"The President can exercise no power which cannot be fairly
and reasonably traced to some specific grant of power ... in
the Federal Constitution or in an act of Congress passed in
pursuance thereof.
There is no undefined residuum of power
which he can exercise because it seems to him to be in the
public interest."
From Our Chief Magistrate and His Powers,
(1916), 139-140.
"Anyone who has taken the oath I have just taken [oath of
�office of the President] must feel a heavy weight of
responsibility.
If not, he has no conception of the powers
or duties of the office."
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1909.
"Well, now I'm in the White Housej I'm not going to be
pushed around any more."
To his wife on Inauguration Day,
March 4, 1909.
"I have come to the conclusion that the major part of the
President is to increase the gate receipts of expositions
and fairs and bring tourists into the town."
Personal
remarks to Archie Butt, a military aide.
"I'll be damned if I am not getting tired of this.
It seems
to be the profession of a President simply to hear other
people talk."
aide.
-·
Personal remarks to Archie Butt, a military
...
"The intoxication of power rapidly sobers off in the
knowledge of its restrictions and under the prompt reminder
of an ever-present and not always considerate press, as well
as the kindly suggestions that not infrequently come from
[Congress]."
Speech at the Lotus Club, New York, NY,
November 6, 1912.
Congress:
�"There is a well-known aphorism that. men are different, but
all husbands are alike.
The same idea may be paraphrased
with respect to Congressmen.
Congressmen are different, but
when in opposition to an administration they are very much
alike in their attitude and in their speeches."
From The
President and His Powers, 1916.
Foreign Relations:
"The battlefield as a place of settlement of disputes is
gradually yielding to arbitral courts of
justice.~
..
The
spirit of justice governs our relations with other
countries, and therefore we are specially qualified to set a
pace for the rest of the world."
November 1911.
Presidents
Speak.
Civil Rights:
-· · ··
"Next to the right of liberty, the right of property is the
most important individual right guaranteed by the
Constitution and the one which, united with that of personal
liberty, has contributed more to the growth of civilization
than any other institution established by the human race."
From Popular Government:
Its Essence, Its Permanence, and
Its Perils, 1913.
"The negroes are now Americans.
Their ancestors came here
�years ago against their will, and this is their only country
and their only flag.
They have shown themselves anxious to
live for it and to die for it.
Encountering the race
feeling against them, subjected at times to cruel injustice
growing out of it, they may well have our profound sympathy
and aid in the struggle they are making.
with the sacred duty of making
as we can."
th~ir
We are charged
path as smooth and easy
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1909.
Environment:
"As a people, we have the problem of making our forests
outlast this generation, our iron outlast this century, and
our coal the next; not merely as a matter of convenience or
comfort, but as a matter of stern national necessity."
Progress:
- · ··
"Substantial progress toward better things can rarely be
taken without developing new evils requiring new remedies."
From The President and His Powers, 1916.
Trade:
"I am bound to say that I think the Payne tariff bill is the
best tariff bill that the Republican party ever passed ....
If the country desires free trade, and the country desires a
�revenue tariff and wishes the manufacturers all over the
country to go out of business, and to have cheaper prices at
the expense of the sacrifice of many of our manufacturing
interests, then it ought to say so and ought to put the
Democratic party in power."
Speech at Winona MN, September
1909.
"The diplomacy of the present administration has sought to
respond to modern ideas of commercial intercourse.
This
policy has been characterized as substituting dollars for
bullets.
It is one that appeals alike to idealistic
humanitarian sentiments, to the dictates of sound policy and
str~tegy,
and to legitimate commercial aims."
Dollar
Diplomacy Speech, Washington, DC, December 3, 1912.
Press:
~
..•.
"Don't worry over what the newspapers say.
should anyone else?
I don't.
Why
I told the truth to the newspaper
correspondents--but when you tell the truth to them they are
at sea."
Letter to Marion DeVries, August 12, 1909.
Religion/History:
"I am a unitarian.
I believe in God.
I do not believe in
the divinity of Christ, and there are many other of the
postulates of the orthodox creed to which I cannot
�subscribe.
I am not however a scoffer at religion but on
the contrary recognize, in the fullest manner, the elevating
influence that it has had and always will have in the
history of mankind."
Letter to his brother, Henry, January
1899.
Wit:
When asked by a writer in 1908 how he had started so young,
Taft responded, "Like every well-trained Ohio man, I always
had my plate the iight side up when offices were falling."
While he was campaigning, someone threw a cabbage at Taft,
and it rolled to a stop at his feet.
Taft commented, "I see
that one of.my adversaries has lost his head."
......
WILSON
Americanism:
"Some people call me an idealist.
know I am an American.
in the world."
Well, that is the way I
America is the only idealist nation
Address at Sioux Falls, SO, September 18,
1 91 9.
"The great voice of America does not come from the seats of
�learning, but in a murmur from the hills and the woods and
the farms and the factories and the mills, rolling on and
gaining volume until it comes to us the voice from the homes
of the common men."
Address to Princeton alumni in
Pittsburgh, PA, April 17, 1910 ..
Constitution:
"Th~
Constitution was not made to fit us like a
straitjacket.
In its elasticity lies its chief greatness."
Speech in New York, NY, November 19, 1904 .
..
"The Constitution of the United States is not a mere
lawyers' document; it is a vehicle of life, and its spirit
is always the spirit of the age."
Speech in New York NY,
November 19, 1904.
First Amendment:
"I have always been among those who believed that the
greatest freedom of speech was the greatest safety, because
if a man is a fool, the best thing to do is to encourage him
to advertise the fact by speaking.
It cannot be so easily
discovered if you allow him to remain silent and look wise,
but if you let him speak, the secret is out and the world
knows that he is a fool.
So it is by the exposure of folly
that it is defeated; not by the seclusion of folly, and in
�this free air of free speech men get into that sort of
communication with one another which constitutes the basis
of all common achievement."
Address at the Institute of
France, Paris, May 10, 1919.
Government:
"Government is merely an attempt to express the conscience
of everybody, the average conscience of the nation, in the
rules that everybody is commanded to obey.
is."
That is all it
Speech in Washington, DC, January 29, 1915.
"The firm basis of government is justice, not pity."
"With the great Government went many deep secret things
which we too long delayed to look into and scrutinize with
candid, fea.rless eyes.
The great Government we loved has
too often been made use of for private and selfish purposes,
and those who used it had forgotten the people ...• "
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1913.
Liberty:
"Liberty has never come from the government.
Liberty has
always come from the subjects of the government.
The
history of liberty is the history of resistance.
The
history of liberty is a history of the limitation of
�governmental power, not the increase of it."
Speech in New
York, NY, September 9, 1912.
Law:
"The only thing that has ever distinguished America among
the nations is that she has shown that all men are entitled
to the benefits of the law."
Address, New York, NY,
December 14, 1906.
Politics:
"The cure for bad politics is the same as the cure for
tuberculosis.
It is living in the open."
Speech in
Minneapolis, MN, September 18, 1912.
"Conservatism is the policy of make no change and consult
your grandmother when in doubt."
"A conservative is a man who just sits and thinks, mostly
sits."
"Now, I have long enjoyed the friendship and companionship
of Republicans, because I am by instinct a teacher, and I
would like to teach them something."
"I have sometimes heard men say politics must have nothing
�to do with business, and I have often wished that business
had nothing to do with politics."
Presidency:
"If you think too much about being reelected, it is very
difficult to be worth reelecting."
Remarks, October 25,
1913.
"The presidential office is not a rosewater affair.
an office in which a man must
p~t
This is
on his war paint."
Foreign Relations:
"I had rather have everybody on my side than be armed to the
teeth."
" ... We
Speech in Columbus, OH, September 4, 1919.
are-p~ovincials
no longer.
The tragic events of the
thirty months of vital turmoil through which we have just
passed have made us citizens of the world.
turning back.
There can be no
Our own fortunes as a nation are involved
whether we would have it so or not ...• "
Second Inaugural
Address, March 5, 1917.
"These, therefore, are the things we shall stand for,
whether in war or in peace:
"That all nations are equally interested in the peace
of the world and in the political stability of free peoples,
�and equally responsible for their maintenance; that the
essential principle of peace is the actual
~quality
of
nations in all matters of right or privilege; that peace
cannot securely or justly rest upon an armed balance of
power; that governments derive all their just powers from
the consent of the governed and that no other powers should
be supported by the common thought, purpose or power of the
family of nations; that the seas should be equally free and
safe for the use of all peoples, under rules set up by
common agreement and consent, and that, so far as
practicable, they should be accessible to all upon equal
terms; that national armaments shall be limited to the
necessities of national order and domestic safety; that the
community of interest and of power upon which peace must
henceforth depend imposes upon each nation the duty of
seeing to it that all influences proceeding from its own
citizens meaRt to encourage or assist revolution in other
states should be sternly and effectually suppressed and
prevented •••• "
Second Inaugural Address, March 5, 1917.
"There is such a thing as a man being too proud to fight.
There is such a thing as a nation being so right that it
does not need to convince others by force that it is right."
Address to Foreign-Born Citizens, May 10, 1915.
"The United States must be neutral in fact as well as in
name ....
We must be impartial in thought as well as in
�action."
Message to the Senate, August 19, 1914.
"We have stood apart, studiously neutral."
Message to
Congress, December 7, 1915.
War:
"It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people
into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars,
~eeming
civilization itself
to be in the balance."
Declaration of war against Germany, speaking to a joint
session of Congress, April 2, 1917.
"The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a
war against mankind.
It is a war against all nations .•••
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because
we know that .. in such a Government, following such methods,
we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its
organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know
not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the
democratic Governments of the world •.•.
We are glad ••. to
fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the
liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included ....
The world must be made safe for democracy.
Its peace must
be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty.
We have no selfish
dominion.
end~
to serve.
We desire no conquest, no
We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material
�compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make.
We
are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind."
Declaration of war before Congress, April 2, 1917.
"There is a price which is too great to pay for peace, and
that price can be put in one word.
of self-respect."
One cannot pay the price
Speech in Des Moines, IA, February 1,
1 9 16 •
"It must be .a peace
~ithout
victory ....
Victory would mean
peace forced upon the loser, a victor's terms imposed upon
the vanquished.
It would be accepted in humiliation, under
duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and would leave a
sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which terms of
peace would.rest, not permanently, but only as upon
quicksand.
Only a peace between equals can last."
Address
to the SeqatQ, January 22, 1917.
"The Americans who went to Europe to die are a unique breed.
Never before have men crossed the seas to a foreign land to
fight for a cause which they did not pretend was peculiarly
their own, which they knew was the cause of humanity and
mankind.
These Americans gave the greatest of all gifts,
the gift of life and the gift of spirit."
"I can predict with absolute certainty that within another
generation there will be another world war if the nations of
�the world do not concert the method by which to prevent it."
Speech in Omaha, NE, September 8, 1919.
Education:
"The use of university is to make young gentlemen as unlike
their fathers as possible."
1914.
Progress:
"There has been srimething crude and heartless and unfeeling
in our haste to succeed and be great.
Our thought has been
'Let everyman look out for himself, let every generation
look out for itself,' while we reared giant machinery which
made it impossible that any but those who stood at the
levers of control should have a chance to look out for
themselves-~'··"
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1913.
Trusts:
"a great incubus on the productive part of American brains."
417 in DeG.
Footnote is to Link, Wilson, Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, vol. 1, p. 1. Link only includes
the partial quote as well. LC does not have this edition.
Poverty:
�"Hunger does not breed reform; it breeds madness, and all
the ugly distempers that make an ordered life impossible."
Address to Congress, November 11, 1918.
Censorship:
"I can imagine no greater disservice to the country than to
establish a system of censorship that would deny to the
people of a free republic like our own their indisputable
right to criticise their own public officials.
exercising the great
powe~s
While
of the office I hold, I would
regret in a crisis like the one through which we are now
passing to lose the benefit of patriotic and intelligent
criticism."
Letter to Arthur Brisbane, April 25, 1917.
Religion:
......
"My life would not be worth living if it were not for the
driving power of religion, for faith, pure and simple.
I
have seen all my life the arguments against it without ever
having been moved by them.
Never for a moment have I had
one doubt about my religious beliefs."
Judgment:
"One cool judgment is worth a thousand hasty counsels.
thing to be supplied is light, not heat."
Address in
The
�Pittsburgh, PA, January 29, 1916.
Ideas:
"It is not men that. interest or disturb me primarily; it is
ideas.
Ideas live; men die."
Wit:
"The best way in which to silence any friend of yours whom
you know to be a fool is to induce him to hire a hall.
Nothing chills pretense like exposure."
Remarks to the
Motion Picture Board of Trade, New York, January 27, 1916.
"For beauty. I am no.t a star /There are others more handsome
by far/But my face I don't mind it/For I am behind it/It's
the people-il'!: front that I jar." 409, in DeG.
Speaking to a group of periodical publishers:
"I used to be
afraid that they would not publish what I offered them, but
now I am afraid they will."
"All the extraordinary men I have ever known were chiefly
extraordinary in their own estimatiori."
HARDING
�Government:
"The success of our popular government rests wholly upon the
correct interpretation of the deliberate, intelligent,
dependable popular will of America."
1921.
"Our most dangerous tendency is to expect too much of
gov~rnment,
and at the same time do for it too little."
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1921.
Politics:
"We're in the Big
ball."
Leag~e
now, boys.
We're going to play
Said, according to legend, to political friends just
after his election in 1920 .
.•.
.
..
Presidency:
"It's hell!
No other word can describe it."
To Senator
Frank Brandegee, 1921.
"I knew the job would be too much for me."
Told to Nicholas
Murray Butler, February 1923.
"Frankly, being President is rather an unattractive business
unless one relishes the exercise of power.
That is a thing
�which has never greatly appealed to me."
Letter to a
friend, 1921.
"My God, this is a hell of a job.
enemies.
I have no trouble with my
I can take care of them, all right.
friends ....
But my damn
They're the ones that keep me walking the
floors nights."
Told to William Allen White, Washington,
DC, January, 1923.
Foreign Relations:
"A world supergovernment is contrary to everything we
cherish and can have no sanction by our Republic.
not selfishness, it is sanctity.
security.
This is
It is not aloofness, it is
It is not suspicion of others, it is patriotic
adherence to the things which made tis what we are."
Inaugural .Address, March 4, 1921.
War:
"It's a lie from beginning to end that we are in the war for
democracy's sake."
January 21, 1919.
"Human hate demands no such toll; ambition and greed must be
denied it.
If misunderstanding must take the blame, then
let us banish it."
of Armament.
Washington Conference on the Limitation
November 13, 1921.
�"There must be, there shall be the commandirig voice of a
conscious civilization against armed warfare."
Speech given
at the Unkriown Solider's Burial, November 12, 1921.
"One hundred million, frankly, want less of armament and
none of war!"
Speech in Washington, DC, November 13, 1921.
"We must strive for normalcy to reach
~tability."
Inaugural
Address, March 4, 1921.
Civil Rights:
"Let the black man vote when he is fit to vote, prohibit the
white man voting when he is unfit to vote."
Speech in
Birmingham, AL, August 1921.
"I believe the Negro citizens should be guaranteed the
enjoyment of all their rights, that they have earned the
full measure of citizenship bestowed, that their sacrifices
in blood on the battlefields of the Republic have entitled
them to all of freedom and opportunity, all of sympathy and
aid that the American spirit of fairness and justice
demands."
Speech, 1920.
"I want to see the time come when black men will regard
themselves as full participants in the benefits and duties
�of American citizenship ....
We cannot go on, as we have
gone on for more than half a century, with one great section
of our population, numbering as many people as the entire
population of some significant countries of Europe, set off
from real contribution to solving national issues, because
of a division on race lines."
Speech at the University of
Alabama, in Birmingham, October 26, 1921.
Taxes:
"I don't know what to do or
matter.
whe~e
to turn in this taxation
Somewhere there must be a book that tells all about
it, where I could go to straighten it out in my mind.
But I
don't know where the book is, and maybe I couldn't read it
if I found it!"
History:
...... .
"Standing in this presence, mindful of the solemnity of this
occasion, feeling the emotions which no one may know until
he senses the great weight of responsibility for himself, I
must utter my belief in the divine inspiration of the
founding fathers."
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1921.
Harding is credited with originating the phrase "founding
fathers."
Ask Not ... :
�"In the great fulfillment we must have a citizenship less
concerned about what the government can do for it and more
anxious ab6ut what it can do for the nation."
Speech at the
Republican National Convention, Chicago, IL, June 7, 1916.
Honesty:
"Honesty will cure ten thousand ills of today.
Honesty of
leadership will spare us the popular misconceptions which
are ever menacing to demQcracy.
Honesty in statecraft will
point the way to impregnable heights.
Honesty among nations
will dissolve their differences, so that new and lasting
friendships may be bound by the ties of fraternity and
mutual trust.
Hone$ty in politics will reveal unerring
public opinion, and honesty in public service everywhere
will
diminis~
public waste and extravagance.
Honesty of
manhood and womanhood will abolish the sources of discontent
which threaten the world's civilization, and will bring us
to conviction regarding the fundamentals of the social
fabric, without which fundamentals there can be no human
progress." Address, May 17, 1923.
Religion:
"It is my conviction that the fundamental trouble with the
people of the United States is that they have gotten too far
�away from Almighty God."
1920.
COOLIDGE
Constitution:
"Th~
Constitution is the sole source and guaranty of
national freedom."
Accepting Republican nomination,
Washington, DC, August 4, 1924.
"To live under the American Constitution is the greatest
political privilege that was ever accorded to the human
race."
Remarks, 1924.
"The more
.~-study
it [the Constitution] the more I have come
to admire it, realizing that no other document devised by
the hand of man ever brought so much progress and happiness
to humanity."
Autobiography, 1929.
Government:
"This country would not be a land of opportunity, America
would not be America, if the people were shackled with
government monopolies." Accepting Republican nomination,
August 14, 1924.
�"The government of the United States is a device for
maintaining in perpetuity the rights of the people, with the
ultimate extinction of all privileged classes."
Philadelphia, PA,
S~ptember
Address, in
25, 1924.
"It is necessary to have party organization if we are to
have effective and efficient government.
The only
difference between a mob and a trained army is organization,
and the only difference between a disorganized country and
one that has the advantage of a wise and sound government is
fundamentally a question of organization."
Address, 1924.
Law:
"One with the law is a majority."
Speech accepting
nomination-as Republican vice presidential candidate, July
27, 1920.
"The observance of the law is the greatest solvent of public
ills."
Speech accepting nomination as Republican vice
presidential candidate, July 27, 1920.
Politics:
"I very soon learned that making fun of people in a public
way was not a good method to secure friends, or likely to
�lead to much advancement, and I have scrupulously avoided
it."
Autobiography, 1929.
"It is better not to press a candidacy too much, but to let
it develop on its own merits without artificial stimulation.
If the people want a man they will nominate him, if they do
not want him he had best let the nomination go to another."
Autobiography, 1929.
Presidency:
"Perhaps one of the most important accomplishments of my
administration has been minding my own business."
News
conference, March 1, 1929.
"We draw our Presidents from the people.
thing for .them to return to the people.
I wish to be one of·them again."
"Do the day's work.
It is a wholesome
I came from them.
Autobiography, 1929.
If it be to protect the rights of the
weak, whoever objects, do it.
If it be to help a powerful
corporation better to serve the people, whatever the
opposition, do that.
Expect to be called a stand-patter,
but don't be a stand-patter.
Expect to be called a
demagogue, but don't be a demagogue.
as revolutionary as science.
Don't hesitate to be
Don't hesitate to be as
reactionary as the multiplication table.
Don't expect to
�build up
th~
weak by pulling down the strong.
Don't hurry
to legislate.
Give administration a chance to catch up with
legislation."
January 1914.
"I suppose I am the most powerful man in the world, but
great power doesn't mean much except great expectations."
Letter to his father, January 1, 1926.
"I
~as
convinced in my own mind that I was not qualified to
fill the exalted office of President."
Autobiography, 1929.
"When he went, the power and the glory of the Presidency
went with him."
Speaking of his son's death during the 1924
campaign, in The Autobiography of Calvin Coolidge (New York:
Cosmopolitan Book Corp., 1929), 190.
Congress:
-···
"The President has tended to become the champion of the
people because he is held solely responsible for his acts
while in the Congress where responsibility is divided it has
developed that there is much greater danger of arbitrary
action."
Autobiography, 1929.
Foreign Relations:
"Russia presents notable difficulties ....
We have relieved
�their pitiable destitution with an enormous charity ....
Our
government does not propose, however, to enter into
relations with another regime which refuses to recognize the
sanctity of international obligations."
Congress, December 6, 1923.
Annual Message to
The charity to which Coolidge
refers is the United States' willingness to overlook war
debts in order to reinstate diplomatic relations.
War:
"What the end of the four years of carnage [World War I]
meant those who remember it will never forget and those who
do not can never be told."
Autobiography, 1929.
"There isn't any short cut to peace.
to any other salvation.
There is no short cut
I think we are advised it has to be
worked out-with fear and trembling."
Press conference,
November 25, 1927.
Defense:
"Being a nation relying not on force, but on fair dealing
and good will, to maintain peace with others, we have
provided a modern military force in a form adapted solely to
defense."
1927.
"No nation ever had an army large enough to guarantee it
�against attadk in time of peace, or insure it victory in
time of war."
1925.
Education:
"My education began with a set of blocks which had on them
the Roman numerals and the letters of the alphabet.
not yet finished."
It is
Autobiography, 1929.
Economy:
"The chief business of the American people is business."
Speech to the American Society of Newspaper Editors, January
1' 1925.
"We want wealth, but there are many other things we want
very much
.mo~e.
Among them are peace, honor, charity, and
idealism."
"When a great many people are unable to find work,
unemployment results."
"Inflation is repudiation."
Speech, 1922.
Labor:
"There is no right to stiike against the public safety by
�.
.
anybody, anywhere, any time."
Telegram to Samuel Gompers
concerning the Boston police strike, September 14, 1919.
"Work is hdnorable; it is entitled to an honorable
recompense."
1926.
Taxation:
"Th~
collection of any taxes which are not absolutely
required ... [for] ... the public welfare is only a species of
legalized larceny."
1925.
"The power to tax is the power to destroy ....
A government
which lays taxes on the people not required by urgent public
necessity and sound public policy is not a protector of
liberty, but an instrument of tyranny."
.. .
Speech, 1924 .
..
"We can not [sic] finance the country, we can not improve
social conditions, through any system of injustice, even if
we attempt to inflict it upon the rich.
the most harm will be the poor ...•
Those who suffer
The wise and correct
course to follow in taxation and all other economic
legislation is not to destroy those who have already secured
success but to create conditions under which every one will
have a better chance to be successful."
March 4, 1925.
Inaugural Address,
�Spending:
"Nothing is easier than spending the public money.
not appear to belong to anybody.
It does
The temptation is
overwhelming to bestow it on somebody."
Persistence:
"Nothing in the world can take the place of persistence.
Talent will not; nothing is more common than unsuccessful
men with talent.
Genius will not; unrewarded genius is
almost a proverb.
educated derelicts.
omnipotent.
Education will not; the world is full of
Persistence
~nd
determination are
The slogan 'press on' has solved and always
will solve the problems of the human race."
Quotation
appeared on the cover of the program of his memorial service
in 1933.
. ...
Inaction/Laissez Faire:
"Four-fifths of all our troubles in this life would
disappear if we would only sit down and keep still."
Silence:
"If you don't say anything, you won't be called on to repeat
it."
�"You lose."
Coolidge said this to the hostess who said to
him, "You must talk to me, Mr. President.
I made a bet
today that I could get more than two words out of you."
Retirement:
"I do not choose to run for President in 1928."
Ann6uncement, August 2, 1927.
He did not explain why.
HOOVER
Americanism:
"My country owes me no debt.
boy and
gi~l,.
a chance ....
It gave me, as it gives every
In no other land could a boy
from a country village, without inheritance or influential
friends, look forward with unbounded hope.
has taught me what America means.
My whole life
I am indebted to my
country beyond any human power to repay."
Letter to Senator
George H. Moses upon learning of his nomination for
President, June 14, 1928.
"In England, in Germany, in France, in Italy, in Russia, in
China, in India, in Latin America, and in Australia alike,
the great mass of people viewed the progress and the liberty
�of America as an ideal.
inspiration.
And to me every homecoming was an
I found again a greater kindness, a greater
neighborliness, a greater sense of individual
responsibility, a lesser poverty, a greater comfort and
security of our people, a wider spread of education, a wider
diffusion of the finer arts and appreciation of
them~
a
greater freedom of spirit, a wider opportunity for our
children, and higher hopes of the future, than in any other
courttry in the world."
From The Challenge to Liberty, 1934.
"The resourcefulness of Americawhen challenged has never
failed."
Radio address, February 12, 1931.
Constitution:
"It was the spirit of liberty which made our American
civilization..
That spirit made the Constitution.
If that
spirit is gone the Constitution is gone, even though its
words remain."
Address in Portland, OR, February 12, 1936.
"You have more rights than are spelled out in the Bill of
Rights in our Constitution.
They have been expanded over
the years by law, and by common consent we have interpreted
them to include the right of choice.
To retain your
inheritance of these rights, you will need not only to know
what they are, but to be alert to protest any infraction of
them."
Speech at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, PA, June
�27, 1961.
Government:
"To preserve internal order and.freedom from encroachment is
the first purpose of Government."
Message to Congress,
December 3, 1929.
"Trtie Liberalism is found not in striving to spread
bureaucracy but in striving to set bounds to it."
"From the apparent success of governments in war in dealing
with great emergencies there has grown up among our people
the idea that the Government is a separate entity, endowed
with all power, all
money~
and all resources; that it can be
called upon at any hour to settle any difficulty.
As a
result, there is constant pressure in the face of every
problem for the increase of functions of the central
government.
Steadily, despite our efforts to free ourselves
from these influences, the Government is being loaded with
responsibilities and becoming centralized beyond the ability
of men to administer."
Address to the Gridiron Club,
Washington, DC, December 13, 1930.
Liberty:
"True American Liberalism is not a system of frozen
�procedures; its very nature is progressive, for its own
processes stimulate growth.
From the very stimulus which
freedom gives to man we have created great problems rising
from our expansion over a continent, from a forty times
multiplied population, from the.development of a huge
industry and commerce from defensive war.
And growth and
changing scenes necessitate growth in the methods of
protection to liberty."
From Hoover's The Challenge to
Liberty (New York, 1934).
"The spark of liberty in the mind and spirit of man cannot
be long extinguished; it will break into flames that will
destroy every coercion which seeks to limit it."
From The
Challenge to Liberty (New York, 1934)
Presidency:
.......
"A few hair shirts are part of the mental wardrobe of every
man.
The President differs only from other men in that he
has a more extensive wardrobe."
Speech in Washington, DC,
December 14, 1929.
"The Presidency is more than executive responsibility.
It
is the inspiring symbol of all that is highest in America's
purposes and ideals ....
every home.
The office touches the happiness of
It deals with the peace of nations.
No man
could think of it except in terms of solemn consecration."
�Message to the Republican National Convention, June 14,
1928.
Foreign Relations:
"I think I may say that I have witnessed as much of the
horror and suffering of war as any other American.
I have derived a deep passion for peace.
From it
Certainly we want
no military establishment for the purpose of domination of
other nations."
Message to the U.S. Senate, July 7, 1930.
"Surely mankind is mature enough in our lifetime to find a
way to permanent peace."
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1929.
"Our foreign policy has one primary object, and that is
peace."
Speech in
.. .
•
~alo
Alto, California, August 11, 1928 .
..
"There is a price which no nation can afford to pay for
peace."
Address to the Daughters of the American Revolution
Congress, April 14, 1930.
War:
"War is a losing business, a
financi~l
and an economic degeneration ....
loss, a loss of life
It has but few
compensations and of them we must make the most.
Its
greatest compensation lies in the possibility that we may
�instill into our people unselfishness."
Address to the U.S.
Senate, June 19, 1917.
"Older men declare war.
die.
But it is youth that must fight and
And it is youth who must inherit the tribulation, the
sorrow, and the triumphs that are the aftermath of war."
Speech at the Republican National Convention, Chicago, IL,
June 27, 1944.
"No man came from that furnace [World War I] a swashbuckling militarist."
Remarks in Washington, DC, on
Armistice Day, November 11, 1929.
Cold War:
"If the Communist states like their slave_ideology, we
should engage in no loss of American lives to free them from
it.
Communism is a force of evil.
It contains within
itself the germs which will in time destroy it."
From
Addresses Upon the American Road, 1948-1950.
Defense:
"I am for adequate preparedness as a guaranty that no
foreign soldier shall ever step upon the soil of our
country."
Address on Armistice Day, Washington, DC,
November 11, 1929.
�Race:
"It is now over 60 years since the Negro was released from
slavery and given the status of a citizen in our country
whose wealth and general prosperity his labor has helped
create.
The progress of the race .within this period has
surpassed the most sanguine hopes of the most ardent
advocates.
No group of people in history ever started from
a more complete economic and cultural destitution."
Radio
address on the 50th Anniversary of the founding of the
Tuskegee Institute, April 14, 1931.
"The 70 years since the Emancipation Proclamation of the
Negro race have witnessed an astounding progress in their
development in every field of business, agriculture, and the
professions~··
I heartily congratulate the colored people
upon this record and I wish for them steady advance in their
future well-being and happiness."
Message Commemorating the
Anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, January 2,
1933.
Education:
"The spirit of democracy can survive only through universal
education."
Address in Washington, DC, February 25, 1926.
�Economy:
"Let me remind you that credit is the lifeblood of business,
the lifeblood of prices and jobs."
Address in Des Moines,
IA, October 4, 1932.
"The course of unbalanced budgets .is the road to ruin."
Speech, 1932.
"All the evidences indicate that the worst effects of the
crash upon unemployment will have passed during the next
sixty days."
March 1930.
"No country can squander itself into prosperity on the ruins
of its taxpayers."
Speech accepting the nomination of the
Republican National Convention, Washington, DC, August 11,
1932.
Progress:
"Humanity has a long road to perfection, but we of America
can make sure progress if we will preserve our
individualism, if we will preserve and stimulate the
initiative of our people, if we will build up our insistence
and safeguards to equality of opportunity, if we will
glorify service as a part of our national character.
Progress will march if we hold an abiding faith in the
�intelligence, the initiative, the character, the courage,
and the divine touch in the individual.
We can safeguard
these ends if we give each individual that opportunity for
which the spirit of America stands.
We can make a social
system as perfect as our generation merits and one that will
be received in gratitude by our children."
.From American
Individualism (New York, 1922).
"Confidence that there will be peace is the first necessity
of human progress."
Radio address, September 18, 1929.
Trade:
"Whether you like it or not, [protectionism] has been so
embedded in.our economic life and structure that its removal
has never failed and never will fail to bring disaster.
I
can conceive·a Nation builded without it, but we have been
built with it.
Whole towns, communities, and forms of
agriculture with their homes, schools, and churches have
been built up under this system of protection.
The grass
will grow in streets of a hundred cities, a thousand towns;
the weeds will overrun the fields of millions of farms if
that protection. be taken away."
NY, October 31, 1932.
Poverty:
Campaign speech, New York,
�"We in America today are nearer to the final triumph over
poverty than ever before in the history of any land.
poorhouse is vanishing from among us ....
The
We shall soon with
the help of God be in sight of the day when poverty will be
banished from this nation."
Speech accepting the nomination
of the Republican National Convention.
Individualism:
For myself, let me say at the very outset that my faith in
the essent~al truth, strength, ~nd vitality of the
developing creed by which we have hitherto lived in this
country of ours has been confirmed and deepened by the
searching experiences of seven years of service in the
backwash and miseries of war.
Seven years of contending
with economic degeneration, with social disintegration, with
incessant .political dislocation, with all of its seething
and ferment of individual and class conflict, could but
impress me with the primary motivation of social forces, and
the necessity for broader thought upon their great issue to
humanity.
And from it all I emerge a great individualist--
an unashamed individualist."
From American Individualism
(New York, 1922).
"Our individualism differs from all other (sic) because it
embraces these great ideals:
that while we build our
society upon the attainment of the individual, we shall
�safeguard to every individual an equality of opportunity to
take that position in the community to which his
intelligence, character, ability, and ambition entitle him;
that we keep the social solution free from frozen strata of
classes; that we shall stimulate efforts of each individual
to achievement; that through an enlarging sense of
responsibility and understanding we shall assist him to this
attainment; while he in turn must stand up to the emery
wheel of competition."
From American Individualism (New
York, 1922).
"Rugged individualism is indeed a distinguishing and
enduring quality ever found in Americans.
It gives
lifeblood to such basic principles as freedom of speech,
conscience, press, and equality before the law, regardless
of race or religion.
It contributes to the saving of our
souls and .aharacter 'from the deadening pressure of
conformity and false ideals.'"
From American Individualism.
(New York, 1922).
New Deal:
"To enter upon a series of deep changes now, to embark upon
this inchoate new deal which has been propounded in this
campaign would not only undermine and destroy our American
system but it will delay for months and years the
possibility of recovery."
Campaign speech, New York, NY,
____________________________________________________
......
�October 31, 1932.
Materialism:
"In the race after the false gods of materialism men and
groups have forgotten their country."
Speech accepting the
nomination of the Republican National Convention,
Washington, DC, August 11, 1932.
Religion:
"I cannot conceive of a wholesome social order or a sound
economic system that does not have its roots in religious
faith."
Remarks at Kings Mountain, NC, October 7, 1930.
Childhood:
.....
"We approach all problems of childhood with affection.
Theirs is the province of joy and good humor.
They are the
most wholesome part of the race, the sweetest, for they are
fresher from the hands of God.
Whimsical, ingenious,
mischievous, they make for us a life of apprehension as to
what their opinion may be of us; a life of defense against
their terrifying energy; we put them to bed with a sense of
relief and a lingering of devotion."
Remarks to the
Conference on Child Health and Protection, November 19,
1930.
�Wit:
"All [Presidents] went fishing; they all have, even though
they haven't fished before.
That's because the American
people have respect for privacy only on two occasions, one
of them when a man is praying and,the other when he is
fishing.
And the President can't pray all the time."
Television interview, November 6, 1955.
FOR
Americanism:
"The overwhelming majority of Americans are possessed of .two
great
qualit~es--a
proportion."
sense of humor and a sense of
Speech in Savannah, GA, November 18, 1945.
Constitution:
"Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is
possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in
emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form."
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1933.
"Once the Constitution was ratified it presented the
�outline of a form of government.
To become a workable
instrument of government its words needed men in every
succeeding generation to administer it, as great as the men
who wrote it.
"And the greatest of them have been the men who have
sought to make the Constitution workable in the face of the
new problems and conditions that have faced the American
nation from year to year."
Radio address, September 17,
1938.
"The Constitution of the United States was a layman's
document, not a lawyer's contract.
too often."
That cannot be stressed
Address on the 150th Anniversary of the
Constitution, Washington, DC, September 17, 1937.
First Amendment:
·~.
.
..
"The constant free flow of communication among us--enabling
the free interchange of ideas--forms the very blood stream
of our nation.
It keeps the mind and the body of our
democracy eternally vital, eternally young."
Radio address,
October 24, 1940.
Government:
"Government includes the art of formulating a policy, and
using the political technique to attain so much of that
�policy as will receive general support; persuading, leading,
sacrificing~
teaching always, because the greatest duty of a
statesman is to educate."
Address at the Commonwealth Club,
San Francisco, CA, September 23, 1932.
"The task of government is that of application and
encouragement.
A wLse government .seeks to provide the
opportunity through which the best of individual achievement
can be obtained, while at the same time it seeks to remove
such obstruction, such unfairness as springs from selfish
human motives."
Address in San Diego, CA, October 2, 1935.
"It is the duty of the President to propose and it is the
privilege of the Congress to dispose."
Press conference,
July 23, 1937.
"You sometimes find something good in the lunatic fringe.
In fact, we have got as part of our social and economic
government today a whole lot of things that in my boyhood
were considered lunatic fringe, and yet they are now part of
everyday life."
Press conference, May 30, 1944.
Liberty:
"We look forward to a world founded upon four essential
human freedoms.
"The first is freedom of speech and expression--
�everywhere in the world.
"The second is freedom of every person to worship God
in his own way--everywhere in the world.
"The third is freedom from want--which, translated into
world terms, means economic understandings which will secure
to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its
inhabitants--everywhere in the world.
''The fourth is freedom from fear--which, translated.
into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments
to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no
nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical
aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world."
Annual Message to Congress, January 6, 1941.
Democracy:
"We Americans of today--all of us--are characters in this
living book of democracy.
But we are also its author.
It
falls upon us now to say whether the chapters that are to
come will tell a story of retreat or a story of continued
advance."
Address in Cleveland, OH, November 2, 1940.
"There are ... two distinct dangers to democracy.
There
is the peril from those who seek the fulfillment of fine
ideals at a pace that is too fast for the machinery of the
modern body politic to function--people who by insistence on
too great speed foster an oligarchic form of government such
�as communism, or naziism, or fascism.
"The other group, which presents an equal danger, is
composed of that small minority which complains that the
democratic processes are inefficient as well as being too
slow, people who would have the whole of government put into
the hands of a little group of those who have proved their
efficiency in lines of specialized science or specialized
private business, but who do not see the picture as a whole.
They equally, and in most cases unconsciously too, are in
effect advocating the oligarchic form of government-communism, or naziism, or fascism."
Radio address, October
26, 1939.
"Too many of those who prate about saving democracy are
really only interested in saving things as they were.
Democracy should concern itself also with things as they
ought to
be~··
"I am not talking mere idealism; I am expressing
realistic necessity."
Radio address from Hyde Park, NY,
November 4, 1938.
"Democracy is not a static thing.
march.
It is an everlasting
When our children grow up, they will still have
problems to overcome.
It is for us, however, manfully to
set ourselves to the task of preparation for them, so that
to some degree the difficulties they must overcome may weigh
upon them less heavily."
Address in Los Angeles, CA,
�October 1, 1935.
Politics:
"A radical is a man with both feet firmly planted--in the
air.
A conservative is a man with two perfectly good legs
who, however, has never learned to walk forward.
A
reactionary is a somnambulist walking backwards.
A liberal
is
a
man who uses his legs and his hands at the behest of
his head." Radio address, October 26, 1939.
"Liberals ... are those who, unlike the radicals who want to
tear up everything by the roots and plant new and untried
seeds, desire to use the existing plants of civilization, to
select the best of them, to water them and make them grow-not only for the present use of mankind, but also for the
use of generations to come.
That is why I call myself a
liberal, and that is why ... an overwhelming majority of
younger men and women throughout the United States are on
the liberal side of things."
Letter to the Young Democratic
Clubs of America, August 8, 1939.
Presidency:
"The Presidency is not merely an administrative office.
That's the least of it.
efficient or inefficient.
It is more than an engineering job,
It is pre-eminently a place of
�moral leadership."
1932.
"The country needs and, unless I mistake its temper, the
country demands bold persistent experimentation.
common sense to take a method and try it:
admit it frankly and try another.
something."
It is
If it fails,
But above all, try
Campaign speech in Atlanta, GA, May 22, 1932.
Judiciary:
"Life tenure of judges, assured by the Constitution,
was designed to place the courts beyond temptations or
influences which might impair their judgments:
intended to create a static judiciary.
it was not
A constant and
systematic addition of younger blood will vitalize the
courts and better equip them to recognize and apply the
essential .concepts of justice in the light of the needs and
.
.
the facts of an ever-changing world.
"It is obvious, therefore, from both reason and
experience, that some provision must be adopted, which will
operate automatically to supplement the work of older judges
and accelerate the work of the court."
Message to Congress
recommending the reorganization of the judicial branch of
government, February 5, 1937.
"The Court in addition to the proper use of its
judicial functions has improperly set itself up as a third
�House of the Congress--a super-legislature, as one of the
justices has called it--reading into the Constitution words
and implications which are not there, and which were never
intended to be there.
"We have, therefore, reached the point as a Nation
where we must take action to save the Constitution from the
Court and the Court from itself.
We must find a way to take
an appeal from the Supreme Court to the Constitution itself.
We want a Supreme Court which will do justice under the
Constitution--not over it.
In our Courts we want a
government of laws and not of men."
Fireside Chat, March 9,
1937.
Foreign Relations:
"We must be the great arsenal of democracy.
an
emergenay·~s
serious as war itself.
For us this is
We must apply
ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same
sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and
sacrifice as we would show were we at war."
Fireside Chat,
December 29, 1940.
"We, too, born to freedom, and believing in freedom,
are willing to fight to maintain freedom.
"We, and all others who believe as deeply as we do,
would rather die on our feet than live on our knees."
Address in Cambridge, MA, June 19, 1941.
�"~odayj
in this year of war, 1945, we have learned
lessons--at a fearful cost--and we shall profit by them.
"We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace;
that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of
other nations far away.
We have learned that we must live
as men, not as ostriches, nor as dogs in the manger.
"We have learned to be citizens of the world, members
of the human community.
"We have learned the simple truth, as Emerson said,
that 'The only way to have a friend is to be one.'"
Fourth
Inaugural Address, January 1945.
"A quarter of a century ago we helped to save our freedom, ·
but we failed to organize the kind of world in which future
generations could live in freedom.
Opportunity knocks
again.
T:QerQ. is no guarantee that it will knock a third
time."
Address to the Foreign Policy Association, New York,
NY, October 21, 1944.
"The power which this nation has attained--the moral, the
political, the economic, and the military power--has brought
to us the responsibility, and with it the opportunity, for
leadership in the community of nations.
In our own best
interest, and in the name of peace and humanity, this nation
cannot, must not, and will not shirk that responsibility."
Address to the Foreign Policy Association, New York, NY,
�October 21, 1944.
"I wish someone would tell me about the Russians.
.know a good Russian from a bad Russian.
Frenchman from a bad Frenchman.
from a bad Italian.
I don't
I can tell a good
I can tell a good Italian
I know a good Greek when I see one.
But I don't understand the Russians.
I just don't know what
makes them tick."
War:
"Do we really have to assume that nations can find no better
methods of realizing their destinies than those which were
used by the Huns and Vandals fifteen hundred years ago?"
Pan-American Day address, April 14, 1939.
"We
a~e·not
isolationists except in so far as we seek
to isolate ourselves completely from war.
Yet we must
remember that so long as war exists on earth there will be
some danger that even the nation which most ardently desires
peace may be drawn into war.
"I have seen war.
I have seen war on land and sea.
have seen blood running from the wounded.
coughing out their gassed lungs.
the mud.
I have seen men
I have seen the dead in
I have seen cities destroyed.
I have seen two
hundred limping, exhausted men come out of line--the
survivors of a regiment of one thousand that went forward
I
�forty-eight hours before.
I have seen children starving.
have seen the agony of mothers and wives.
I
I hate war.
"I have passed unnumbered hours, I shall pass
unnumbered hours, thinking and planning how war may be kept
from this nation.
"I wish I could keep war from all nations; but that is
beyond my power.
I can at least make certain that no act of
the United States helps to produce or to promote war.
I. can
at least make clear that the conscience of America revolts
against war and that any Nation which provokes war forfeits
the sympathy of the people of the United States."
Address
at Chautauqua, NY, August 14, 1936.
"One peaceful nation after another
ha~
met disaster
because each refused to look the Nazi danger squarely in the
eye until it actually had them by the throat.
"The .United States will not make that fatal mistake."
Fireside Chat, September 11, 1941.
"We have wished to avoid shooting, but the shooting has
started.
And history has recorded who fired the first shot.
In the long run, however, all that will matter is who fired
the last shot."
On German attack on the USS Kearny, October
27, 1941.
"Yesterday, December 7, 1941--a date which will live in
infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and
�deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire
of Japan." ·Message to Congress asking for declaration of
war between the
u.s.
and Japan, December 8, 1941.
"On the morning of December 11 the government of
Germany, pursuing its course of world conquest, declared war
against the United States.
The long known and the long
expected has thus taken place.
"The forces endeavoring to enslave the entire world now
are moving toward this hemisphere."
Message to Congress,
December??, 1941.
"We are going to win the war and we are going to win the
peace that follows.
And in the difficult hours of this day-
-and through dark days that may be yet to come--we will know
that the vast majority of the members of the human race are
with us • . All of them are praying for us.
For, in
representing our cause, we represent theirs as well--our
hope and their hope for liberty under God."
Radio address,
December 11, 1941.
"Against naked force the only possible defense is naked
force.
The aggressor makes the rules for such a war; the
defenders have no alternative but matching destruction with
more destruction, slaughter with greater slaughter."
Message to the National Convention of Young Democrats,
Louisville KY, August 21, 1941.
�"We are fighting, as our fathers have fought, to uphold the
doctrine that all men are equal in the sight of God.
Those
on the other side are striving to destroy this deep belief
and to create a world in their own image--a world of tyranny
and cruelty and serfdom."
State of the Union Address,
January 6, 1942.
Defense:
"And while I am talking to you mothers and fathers I give
you one more assurance .•..
"Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign
wars.
"They are going into training to form a force so strong
that, by its very existence, it will keep the threat of war
far away
f~om
our shores.
"The purpose of our defense is defense."
Campaign
address, Boston, MA, October 30, 1940.
Civil Rights:
"One of the great achievements of the American
commonwealth has been the fact that race groups which were
divided abroad are united here.
Enmities and antagonisms
were forgotten; former opponents met here as friends.
Groups which had fought each other overseas here work
�together; their children intermarry; they have all made
contributions to democracy and peace.
11
Because of the very greatness of this achievement we
must be constantly vigilant against the attacks of
intolerance and injustice.
We must scrupulously guard the
civil rights and civil liberties of all citizens,
their background.
w~atever
We must remember that any oppression, any
injustice, any
hatred~
is a wedge designed to attack our.
civilization.
If reason is to prevail against intolerance,
we must always be on guard. 11
Letter to the American
Committee for the Protection of the Foreign-Born, New York
NY, January 9, 1940.
11
Religious intolerance, social intolerance and
political intolerance have no place in our American life ....
11
Today, in this war, our fine boys are fighting
magnificently all over the world and among those boys are
the Murphys and the Kellys, the Smiths and the Joneses, the
Cohens, the Carusos, the Kowalskis, the Schultzes, the
Olsens, the Swobodas, and--right in with all the rest of
them--the Cabots and the Lowells.
11
All of these and others like them are the life-blood
of America.
They are the hope of the world ...
address, Boston, MA, November 4, 1944.
Education:
Campaign
�"The school is the last expenditure upon which America
should be willing to economize."
Campaign
~ddress,
Kansas
City, MO, October 13, 1936.
Environment:
"Government itself cannot close its eyes to the pollution of
waters, to the erosion of soil, to the slashing of forests,
any more than it can close its eyes to the need for slum
clearance and schools and bridges."
Address in New York,
NY, July 11, 1936.
Economy:
"Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.
This
is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and
courageously,.
It can be accomplished in part by direct
recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we
would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time,
through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed
projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural
resources."
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1933.
"Such an addition to the net debt of the United States need
not give concern to any citizen, for it will return to the
people of the United States many times over in increased
buying power."
Fireside Chat, April 14, 1938.
�"You cannot borrow your way out of debt:
your way into a sounder future."
b~t
you can invest
Address in Atlanta, GA,
November 29, 1935.
Progress:
"America needs a government of constant progress along
liberal lines.
America requires that this progress be sane
and that this progress be honest.
government with a soul."
America calls for
Address in Oklahoma City, OK, July
9, 1938.
Trusts:
"But I know, and you know, and every independent business
man who has·kad to struggle against the competition of
monopolies knows, that this concentration of economic power
in all-embracing corporations does not represent private
enterprise as we Americans cherish it and propose to foster
it.
On the contrary, it represents private enterprise which
has become a kind of private government, a power unto
itself--a regimentation of other people's money and other
people's lives."
1936.
Trade:
Campaign address, Chicago, IL, October 14,
�"If we would build constructively for peace, we must build
upon economic foundations which are sound; and sound
economics requires liberalized trade.
·America stands ready
to go forward with other nations in this great movement."
Letter to the National Foreign Trade Council, Houston, TX,
November 19, 1935.
Taxation:
"Taxes ••• are the dues that we pay for the privileges of
membership in an organized society.
"As society becomes more civilized, government-national, State and local government--is called on to assume
more obligations to its citizens.
The privileges of
membership in a civilized society have vastly increased in
modern times..
But I am afraid we have many who still do not
recognize their advantages and want to avoid paying their
dues."
Campaign address in Worcester, MA, October 21, 1936.
Poverty:
"I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, illnourished."
Second Inaugural Address, January 20, 1937.
"Continued dependence upon relief induces a spiritual and
moral disintegration fundamentally destructive to the
�national fibre.
To dole out relief in this way is to
administer a narcotic, a subtle destroyer of the human
spirit."
Annual Message to Congress, January 4, 1935.
History:
"If you have been in Washington recently, you will have seen
beneath one of the symbolical figures which guard the
entrance to our great new Archives Building this quotation
from Shakespeare's Tempest--'What is past is prologue.'
Times change but man's basic problems remain the same.
He
must seek a new approach to their solution when the old
approaches fail him."
Address in Little Rock, AK, June 10,
1936.
New Deal:
.......
"I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the
American people.
Let us all here assembled constitute
ourselves prophets of a new order of competence and of
courage.
This is more than a political campaign; it is a
call to arms.
Give me your help, not to win votes alone,
but to win in this crusade to restore America to its own
people."
Speech accepting the nomination of the Democratic
National Convention, Chicago, IL, July 2, 1932.
Rendezvous with Destiny:
�"There is a mysterious cycle in human
generations much is given.
expected.
events~
To some
Of other generations much is
This generation of Americans has a rendezvous
with destiny."
Speech accepting renomination of the
Democratic Party, Philadelphia, PA, June 27, 1936.
Values:
"The money changers have fled from their high seats in
the temple of our civilization.
temple to the ancient truths.
We may now restore that
The measure of the
restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social
values more noble than mere monetary profit.
"Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it
lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative
effort.
must be
The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer
fo~g0tten
in the mad chase of evanescent profits.
These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach
us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to
minister to ourselves and to our fellow men."
Inaugural
Address, March 4, 1933.
Ideas:
"We all know that books burn--yet we have the greater
knowledge that books cannot be killed by fire.
but books never die.
People die,
No man and no force can abolish
�memory.
No man and no force can put thought in a
concentration camp forever."
Letter to the American
Booksellers Association, April 23, 1942.
Fear:
"First of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only
thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning,
unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert
retreat into advance •... "
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1933.
Arts:
"There can be no vitality in the works gathered in a museum
unless there exists the right of spontaneous life in the
society in which the arts are nourished."
Address at the
dedication-of the Museum of Modern Art, New Building, New
York, NY, May 10, 1939.
Wit:
"These Republican leaders have not been content with attacks
on me, or my wife, or on my sons.
No, not content with
that, they now include my little dog, Fala.
Well, of
course, I don't resent attacks, and my family doesn't resent
attacks, but Fala does resent them."
Teamsters' Union, September 23, 1944.
Address to the
�"You undergraduates who see me for the first time have
read your newspapers and heard on the air that I am, at the
very least, an ogre--a consorter with Communists, a
destroyer of the rich, a breaker of our ancient traditions.
Some of you think of me perhaps as the inventor of the
economic royalist, of the wicked utilities, of the money
changers of the Temple.
You have heard for six years that I
was about to plunge the Nation into war; that you and your
little brothers would be sent to the bloody fields of battle
in Europe; that I was driving the Nation into bankruptcy;
and that I breakfasted every morning on a dish of 'grilled
millionaire.'
Actually I am an exceedingly mild mannered person--a
practitioner of peace, both domestic and foreign, a believer
in the capitalistic system, and for my breakfast a devotee
of
scrambled·~ggs."
Address at the University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill, December 5, 1938.
TRUMAN
Americanism:
"America was not built on fear.
America was built on
courage, on imagination and an unbeatable determination to
do the job at hand."
Special message to Congress, January
�8, 1947.
Constitution:
"A constitution that is not adaptable--that prevents the
government from acting for the general welfare of the
people--will not long survive ....
constitution.
Ours is not such a
We have discovered, over the years, that it
offers the means for correcting present evils without
throwing away past gains •...
The wisdom of our form of
government is that no men, no matter how good they
be, may be entrusted with absolute power."
~ppear
to
Constitution Day
address, September 17, 1951.
Government:
"Every segmeR-t of our population and every individual has a
right to expect from our government a fair deal."
State of
the Union Address, January 5, 1949.
"You know, they have lobbies down there--the power trust,
and they have the real estate lobby, and they have the China
lobby, and they have the oil lobbies, and they have lobbies
for this, that, and the other thing.
And the only lobby
that the people have is the man who sits in the White House.
He represents 150 million people who can't afford a lobby.
And when you have a man in that place who looks after your
�'
interests, then you are safe.
terrible fix."
If you don't, you are in a
Remarks at Sandpoint, Idaho, October 1,
1952.
Politics:
"The word 'liberal' has been abused and mistreated just as
the Russians have mistreated the word 'democracy.'"
Letter
to J. David Stern, June 16, 1952.
"I wonder how far Moses would have gone if he'd taken a poll
in Egypt?
What would Jesus Christ have preached if he'd
taken a poll in Israel?
Where would the Reformation have
gone if Martin Luther had taken a poll?
public opinion of the moment that counts.
It isn't polls or
It is right and
wrong and leadership--men with fortitude, honesty and a
belief in .t.hQ. right that makes epochs in the history of the
world."
Handwritten notes.
"It is a pity that some people have a contemptuous idea of
politics because politics under our system is government and
a man who is not interested in politics is not doing his
patriotic duty toward maintaining the Constitution of the
United States."
"We don't play halfway politics in Missouri.
When we start
out with a man, if he is any good at all, we always stay
.
�with him to the end.
Sometimes people quit me but I never
quit people when I start to back them up."
Referring to his
involvement with the Pendergast machine in a 1949 letter.
"Herbert Hoover once ran on the slogan,
garage.'
'Two cars in every
Apparently the Republican candidate this year is
running on the slogan,
'Two families in every garage.'"
Speech at Chicago Stadium, October 1948.
"Republicans in Washington have a habit of becoming
curiously deaf to the voice of the people ....
But they have
no trouble at all hearing what Wall Street is saying."
Speech in Denver, CO, September 20, 1948.
Presidency:
"Boys, if .yoa ever pray, pray for me now.
I don't know
whether you fellows ever had a load of hay fall on you, but
when they told me yesterday what had happened, I felt like
the moon, the stars, and all the planets had fallen on me."
Said to reporters on his first full day in office.
"The President must make his own decisions.
the buck up or down.
He cannot pass
Therefore, he must keep in close touch
with the men who run the government at his direction.
A
layer of Presidential aides has been placed between the
President and his appointed officials.
Mostly, these aides
�get in one another's way.
They tend to insulate the
President. ·The President needs breathing space.
smaller the staff around him, the better.
what he needs.
The
Information is
When he has the right information, he is in
a position to make the right decisions--and he, and only he,
must make them."
York:
"Th~
From Harry S. Truman, Mr. Citizen {New
Bernard Geis Associates, 1960).
President of the United States represents 154,000,000
people.
Most of them have no lobby and no special
representation.
people."
The President must represent all of these
From Mr. President.
"Today the responsibility of the President is greater than
ever.
The President has to know what goes on all around the
world ....
Because today we are, whether we like it or not,
the most po.werful nation in the world."
From Mr. President.
"No man can sit here at this desk without feeling he is out
of touch with the people unless he has come up from the
grass roots or the precincts as a political worker."
From
Mr. President.
"Your dad will never be reckoned amortg the great.
But you
can be sure he did his level best and gave all he had to his
country.
There is an epitaph in Boothill Cemetery in
Tombstone, Arizona, which reads,
'Here lies Jack Williams;
�he done his damndest.'
What more can a person do?"
Note to
his daughter Margaret just before leaving office.
Congress:
"This 80th do-nothing Republican Congress did its best to
cut the ground from under the farmer."
Remarks during 1948
campaign, Fort Worth, TX, September 27, 1948.
Judiciary:
"Whenever you put a man on the Supreme Court, he ceases to
be your friend, you can be sure of that."
Lecture at
Columbia University, April 28, 1959.
Foreign Relations:
•••
0
••
"Peace is the goal of my life.
I'd rather have lasting
peace in the world than be President.
I wish for peace, I
work for peace, and I pray for peace continually."
Speech
in Philadelphia, October 6, 1948.
"When Kansas and Colorado have a quarrel over the water in
the Arkansas River they don't call out the National Guard in
each state and go to war over it.
They bring a suit in the
Supreme Court of the United States and abide by the
decision. There isn't a reason in the world why we cannot do
�that internationally."
Speech in Kansas City, Missouri,
April 1945.
''No nation on this globe should be more internationally
minded than America because it was built by all nations."
Speech in Chicago, IL, March 17, 1945.
"The action of some of our American Zionists will eventually
prejudice everyone against what they are trying to get
done ....
I regret this situation very much because my
sympathy has always been on their side."
Letter, concerning
Israel, to Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Ambassador to the United
Nations.
"I believe that it must be the policy of the United
States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted
subjugation-my armed minorities or by outside pressures.
I
believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their
own destinies in their own way.
I believe that our help
should be primarily through economic and financial aid which
is essential to economic stability and orderly political
processes ....
"If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the
peace of the world--and we shall surely endanger the welfare
of this nation."
Speech to Congress on the New Foreign
Policy (the Truman Doctrine), particularly regarding Greece
and Turkey, March 12, 1947.
�"We must decide whether or not we will
compl~te
the job of
helping the free nations of Europe to recover from the
devastation of the war ....
If Europe fails to recover, the
peoples of these countries might be driven to despair--the
philosophy which contends that their basic wants cari be met
only by the surrender of their basic rights to totalitarian
control.
Such a turn of events would constitute a
shattering blow to peace and stability in the world .... "
Message to Congress asking for $17 million for the Marshall
Plan, December 19; 1947.
"It is altogether appropriate that nations so deeply
conscious of their common interests should join in
expressing their determination to preserve their present
peaceful situation and to protect it in the future ....
are like
a-g~oup
We
of householders living in the same
locality, who decide to express their community of interests
by entering into a formal association for their mutual selfprotection ...•
"There are those who claim that this treaty is an
aggressive act on the part of the nations which ring the
North Atlantic.
That is absolutely untrue.
The pact will
be a positive, not a negative, influence for peace ....
us, war is not inevitable.
For
We do not believe that there are
blind tides of history which sweep men one way or another."
Remarks upon signing the North Atlantic Treaty, April 4,
�1949.
War:
"To return to the rule of force in international affairs
would have far-reaching effects.
The United States will
continue to uphold the rule of law."
Remarks at the
beginning of the Korean War, June 27, 1950.
"I have always been opposed to the thought of fighting a
'preventative war.'
There is nothing more foolish than to
think that war can be stopped by war.
anything by war except peace."
You don't 'prevent'
From Memoirs of Harry S
Truman, 1952.
"As President of the United States, I had the fateful
responsib~1ity
of deciding whether or not to use the atom
bomb for the first time.
had to make.
It was the hardest decision I ever
But the President cannot duck hard problems--
he cannot pass the buck.
I made the decision after
discussions with the ablest men in our Government, and after
long and prayerful consideration, I decided that the bomb
should be used in order to end the war quickly and save
countless lives--Japanese as well as American.
But I
resolved then and there to do everything I could to see that
this awesome discovery was turned into a force for peace and
the advancement of mankind.
Since then, it has been my
�constant aim to prevent its use for war and to hasten its
use for peace."
Speech, October 14, 1948.
"I know that Japan is a terribly cruel nation in warfare but
I can't bring myself to believe that, because they are
cruel, we should ourselves act in the same manner.
For
myself, I certainly regret the necessity of wiping out whole
populations because of the 'pigheadedness' of the leaders of
a nation and, for your information, I am not going to do it
unless it becomes absolutely necessary.
My object is to
save as many American lives as possible but I also have a
humane feeling for the women and children in Japan."
From
Truman's letters and memoranda of 1945.
"The guns were silenced.
The war was over.
I was thinking
of President Roosevelt, who had not lived to see this
day ..•.
!-reached for the telephone and called Mrs.
Roosevelt.
I told her that in this hour of triumph I wished
that it had been President Roosevelt, and not I, who had
given the message to our people."
From Memoirs of Harry S
Truman.
"I have ordered the United States air and sea forces to give
the Korean government troops cover and support.
The attack
upon Korea makes it plain beyond all doubt that Communism
has passed beyond the use of subversion to conquer
independent nations and will now use armed invasion and war.
�It has defied the orders of the Security Council of the
United Nations issued to preserve international peace and
security."
Statement on Korea, June 27, 1950.
"With deep regret I have concluded that General of the Army
Douglas MacArthur is unable to give his wholehearted support
to the policies of the U.S. government and of the U.N. in
matters pertaining to his official duties.
In view of tne
specific responsibilities imposed upon me by the
Constitution [and] the added responsibility which has been
entrusted tome by the U.N., I have decided that I must make
a change of command in the Far East."
Announcement, April
11,1951.
Cold War:
"As t,he .. free world grows stronger, more united, more
attractive to men on both sides of the Iron Curtain--and as
the Soviet Union's hopes for easy expansion are blocked-then there will have to come a time of change in the Soviet
world.
Nobody can say for sure when that is going to be, or
exactly how it will come about, whether by revolution, or
trouble in the satellite states, or by a change inside the
Kremlin.
"Whether the Communist rulers shift their policies of
their own free will--or whether the change comes about in
some other way--! have not a doubt in the world that a
- - -
---~~~~~-
-~---
�change will occur."
Farewell Address, January 15, 1953.
"I suppose that history will remember my term in office as
the years when the 'cold war' began to overshadow our lives.
I have had hardly a day in office that has not been
dominated by this all-embracing struggle--this conflict
between those who love freedom
an~
those who would lead the
world back into slavery and darkness.
And always in the
background there has been the atomic bomb.
But when history
says that my term of office saw the beginning of the cold
war, it will also say that in those eight years we have set
the course that can win it.
We have succeeded in carving
out a new set of policies to attain peace--positive
politics, policies of world leadership, policies that
express faith in other free people.
We have averted World
War III up to now, and we may already have succeeded in
establish~ng.~onditions
which can keep that war from
happening as far ahead as man can see."
Farewell Address,
January 15, 1953.
"I'm tired of babying the Soviets."
"I can't agree that because Russia violates treaties we
should follow her example and do the same thing."
"The Russians had the idea that after 1946 we would explode
and then the Russians would have had the world to
�themselves.
We have managed to keep that from happening."
Civil Rights:
"We can no longer afford the luxury of a leisurely attack
upon prejudice and discrimination.
There is much that state
and local governments can do in providing positive
safeguards for civil rights.
But we cannot any longer await
the growth of a will to action in the slowest state or the
most backward community.
Our national government must show
the way."
National Association for the
Addres~
to
th~
Advancement of Colored People, June 29, 1947.
"We can't be leaders of the free world and draw a color line
on opportunity."
Television interview with Edward R.
Murrow, February 2, 1958 .
. .•. .
..
"I think every child in the nation, regardless of race,
creed or color, should have the right to a proper education.
And when he has finished that education, he ought to have
the right in industry to fair treatment in employment.
If
he is able and willing to do the job, he ought to be given a
chance to do that job, no matter what his color is."
Education:
"I think what we need more than anything else in the
�educational field is the proper training of teachers.
I
don't think it makes any difference about vocational
training, school buildings or anything else if we get the
proper psychological training among our teachers.
Next to a
mother the teacher has more influence on a child than any
other person in the dountry and what I am after is a proper
approach to the teacher program."
"Th6se who truly desire to see the fullest expression of our
democracy can never rest until the opportunity for an
education, at all levels, has been given to all qualified
Americans, regardless of race, creed, color, national
origin, sex or economic status."
Letter to the Chairman of
the American Veterans Committee, September 4, 1946.
Economy:
'
...... .
"We have abandoned the 'trickle-down' concept of national
prosperity ....
The American people have decided that
poverty is just as wasteful as preventable disease."
State
of the Union Address, 1949.
Environment:
"We cannot afford to conserve in a haphazard or a
piecemeal manner ....
If we waste our minerals by careless
mining and processing, we shall not be able to build the
�. .
machinery to till the land.
If we waste the forests by
careless lumbering, we shall lack housing atid construction
materials for factory farm and mine.
If we waste the water
through failure to build hydroelectric plants, we shall burn
our reserves of coal and oil needlessly.
If we waste our
soil through erosion and failure to replenish our fields, we
shall destroy the sources of our people's food.
" ... The battle for conservation cannot be limited to
the winning of new conquests ..••
There are always plenty of
hogs who are trying to get our natural resources for their
own personal benefit .•••
For conservation of the human
spirit, we need places ... where we may be more keenly aware
of our Creator's infinitely varied, infinitely beautiful,
and infinitely bountiful handiwork."
Address at the
dedication of Everglades National Park, December 6, 1947.
Energy:
....•.
"Atomic energy may in the future supplement the power that
now comes from oil, coal and water.
We must harness this
great energy of nature unlocked by man for the benefit and
not the destruction of man.
Today it helps protect us,
tomorrow it will also serve us."
Statement, August 6, 1945.
Labor:
"If you think I'm going to sit here and let you tie up the
�country, you're crazy as hell.
I am going to protect the
public and we are going to run these railroads and you can
put that in your pipe and smoke it!"
Said to the leaders of
two labor .unions threatening a railroad strike, May 18,
1946.
"Unless the railroads are manned by returning strikers, I
shall immediately undertake to run them by the Army of the
United States ....
and management.
This is no longer a dispute between labor
It has now become a strike against the
Government of the United States itself •••.
I request
temporary legislation to take care of this immediate crisis.
I request permanent legislation leading to the formulation
of a long-range labor policy designed to prevent the
recurrence of such crises and generally to reduce the
stoppages of work in all industries for the future ..••
Strikes
aga~nst
the Government must stop ....
As part of
this temporary emergency legislation I request the Congress
immediately to authorize the President to draft into the
armed forces of the United States all workers who are on
strike against their Government."
Plan submitted to
Congress for action on the railroad strike, May 25, 1946.
Taxation:
"It has always been my opinion that those who profit most
from the government expenditures should pay most for the
-----~~~~~~-~-~~~------------
�support of the government."
Health Care:
"National health insurance is the most effective single way
to meet the nation's health needs ...•
Until it is a part of
our national fabric we shall be wasting our most precious
national resource. and shall be perpetuating unnecessary
misery and human suffering."
Message to Congress on the
Federal He~lth Program, May 19, 1947.
Press:
"The American free press, through the stress of the most
horrible of all wars, withstood subservience and open attack
and operated under a voluntary code of censorship ....
Ours,
then, is t,h.e ..plain duty • . . to make a free press the true
torch of world peace."
Message for National Newspaper Week,
September 27, 1945.
History:
"There is nothing new in the world except the history you do
not know."
"When I was young, I read the Bible through many times.
I
read Plutarch's Lives of the great Romans and, before that,
�a four-volume set entitled Great Men and Famous Women and
Abbott's Makers of History.
Gibbon's Roman Empire.
Later on I carne across and read
In fact, I read everything I could
get my hands on about the men who made history.
The simple
conclusion I reached was that the lazy men caused all the
trouble and those who worked had the job of rectifying their
mistakes."
Letter to Orville L. Freeman, February 7, 1958.
New Deal:
"The rugged individualists among the Republican
speakers have talked a great deal about the cost of the New
Deal.
I have never heard one of them ever speak
derogatorily of the cost of the World War ..•.
"I do not understand a mind which sees a gracious
benefice in spending money to slay and maim human beings .in
almost
un~ma~inable
amounts and deprecates the expenditure
of a smaller sum to patch up the ills of erring mankind."
Senate campaign speech given in Jackson County, Missouri, on
October 12, 1934.
McCarthy ism:
"McCarthyisrn ... the meaning of the word is the
corruption of truth, the abandonment of our historical
devotion to fair play.
process' of law.
It is the abandonment of 'due
It is the use of the big lie and the
�unfounded accusation against any citizen in the name of
Americanism and security.
It is the rise to power of the
demagogue who lives on untruth; it is the spread of fear and
the destruction of faith in every level of society.
"My friends, this is not a partisan matter.
This
horrible cancer is eating at the vitals of America and it
can destroy the great edifice of freedom."
Radio and
television address from Kansas City, Missouri, November 17,
1953.
"I have said many a time that I think the Un-American
Activities Committee in the House of Representatives was the
most un-American thing in America."
Lecture at Columbia
University, April 29, 1959.
Corruption:
-..•.
"Three things corrupt a man:
Power, money and women.
I
never had but one woman in my life, and she's right at home.
I never wanted power, and I never had any money, so I don't
miss it."
Interview with the Washington Evening Star, May
3, 1959.
Women Voters:
"I will tell you that two percent more women vote than the
men, and if we don't look out--if we don't look out!--we
�will probably have a feminine government some day.
I don't
think the country would be any worse off, do you?"
Remarks
at the Women's National Democratic Club Dinner, November 8,
1949.
Music:
The Missouri Waltz is "a ragtime song and if you let me say
what I think, I don't give a damn about it, but I can't say
it out loud because it's the song of Missouri.
It's as bad
as 'The Star Spangled Banner' as far as music is concerned."
Television interview with Edward R. Murrow, February 2,
1958.
Wit:
"And if yoatll just go to the polls and vote, I won't be
troubled by the housing shortage--! can stay in the White
House."
Campaign remarks, Grand Junction, CO, September 21,
1948.
Retirement:
"I shall not be a candidate for re-election.
I have served
my country long and, I think, efficiently and honestly.
shall not accept a renomination.
I
I do not feel that it is
my duty to spend another four years in the White House."
�Address at the Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner, March 29, 1952.
EISENHOWER
·I'll just confuse 'em.
Americanism:
"Whatever America hopes to bring to pass in this world must
fir~t
come to pass in the heart of
America~"
Inaugural
Address, January 20, 1953.
Declaration of Independence:
"Fellow Americans, we venerate more widely than any
other document, except only the Bible, the American
Declaration of Independence.
"That-Declaration was more than a call to national
action.
"It is a voice of conscience establishing clear,
enduring values applicable to the lives of all men.
"It stands enshrined today as a charter of human
liberty and dignity.
Until these things belong to every
living person their pursuit is an unfinished business to
occupy our children and generations to follow them.
"In this spirit we stand firmly in defense of freedom.
"In this spirit we cooperate with our friends, and
negotiate with those who oppose us."
Radio and television
�address, September 10, 1959.
Government:
"In the councils of government, we must guard against the
acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or
unsought, by the military-industrial complex.
The potential
for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will
persist."
Farewell Address, January 17, 1961.
Liberty:
"Americans, indeed, all free men, remember that in the final
choice a soldier's pack is not so heavy a burden as a
prisoner's chains."
Inaugural Address, January 20, 1953.
"Vigilance-al\d sacrifice are the price of liberty."
Address, April 16, 1953.
Presidency:
January 21, 1953:
"My first day at the president's desk.
Plenty of worries and difficult problems.
But such has been
my portion for a long time--the result is that this just
seems (today) like a continuation of all I've been doing
since July '41--even before that!"
Desk Diary.
Notes in Eisenhower's
�"Any man who finds himself in a position of authority where
he has a very great influence in the efforts of people to
work toward a peaceful world, toward international
relationships that will eliminate or minimize the chances of
war, all that sort of thing, of course it is a fascinating
business.
It is a kind of thing that would engage the
interest, intense interest, of any man alive."
Press
conference, May 31, 1955.
Foreign Relations:
"The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the practice
and fulfillment of our whole faith among ourselves and in
our dealings with others.
This signifies more than the
stilling of guns, easing the sorrow of war.
escape frqm.death, it is a way of life.
.
.
More than
More than a haven
for the wary, it is a hope for the brave."
Inaugural
Address, January 20, 1953.
"If we are to preserve freedom here--it must likewise thrive
in other important areas of the earth.
For the welfare of
ourselves and others, we must, therefore, help the rest of
the free world achieve its legitimate aspirations.
For our
mutual benefit, we must join in building for greater future
prosperity, for more human liberty and for lasting peace."
Address to the American Society of Newspaper Editors, April
�21, 1956.
War:
"I hate war as only a soldier who has lived it can, only as
one who has seen its brutality, its futility, its
stupidity."
Speech before the Canadian Club, Ottawa,
Ontario, January 10, 1946.
"Possibly my hatred of war blinds me so that I cannot
comprehend the arguments that its advocates adduce.
But, in
my opinion, there is no such thing as a preventative war ....
War begets the conditions that beget further war."
Address,
1950.
"I like to believe that people in the long run are going to
do more to-promote peace than our governments.
Indeed, I
think that people want peace so much that one of these days
governments had better get out of their way and let them
have it."
Television talk with British Prime Minister
Macmillan, August 31, 1959.
"War in our time has become an anachronism.
Whatever the
case in the past, war in the future can serve no useful
purpose.
A war which became general, as any limited action
might, could result in the virtual destruction of mankind."
Address at the Annual Dinner of the American Society of
�"Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every
rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from
those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are
not clothed."
Address to the American Society of Newspaper
Editors, April 16, 1953.
"Already we have come to the point where safety cannot
assumed by arms alone.
b~
But I repeat that their usefulness
becomes concentrated more and more in their characteristics
as deterrents than in instruments with which to obtain
victory over opponents as in 1945.
In this regard, today we
are further separated from the end of World War II than the
beginning of the century was separated from the beginning of
the sixteenth century."
Letter to Richard L. Simon, April
4, 1956.
...... .
.
Civil Rights:
"I do not see how any American can justify--legally, or
logically, or morally--a discrimination in the expenditure
of those [federal] funds as among our citizens.
If there is
any benefit to be derived from them, I think it means all
share, regardless of such inconsequential factors as race
an/religion."
Comment to Alice Dunningham, Associated
Negro Press, April 1953.
�.
.'
government--must avoid the impulse to live only for today,
plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious
resources of tomorrow.
We cannot mortgage the material
assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of
their political and spiritual heritage.
We want democracy
to survive for all generations to come, not to become the
insolvent phantom of tomorrow."
Farewell Address, January
17,1961.
Humility:
"Humility must always be the portion of any man who receives
acclaim earned in blood of his followers and sacrifices of
his friends."
Guildhall Address, given in London upon
receiving war-related honors from the British Government,
July 12, 1945 .
....
.
..
Principles:
"None of us is so strong that he is spared the painful
embarrassment of looking back upon his moments of weakness;
none is so wise that he cannot recall times when his own
ignorance bordered upon the stupid, even moronic.
Nevertheless, high standards must be upheld."
Letter,
September 4, 1951.
"A people that values its privileges above its principles
�...
..
2
If there are any questions about this request, please call
Henry Gwiazda, Chief of the Publications Branch (202-724-~P~7
0087). If you feel this request should be directed to
someone else at the White House, please let me know to whom
the request should be made and I will be happy to re-direct
this request.
Thanks for your assistance. I think that you will
appreciate the end result of this project. Our experience
suggests that the booklet would be a popular item.
Sincerely,
CHARLES W. BENDER
Deputy Assistant Archivist
for Public Programs
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
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1993-1995
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
Description
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
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Archives Project - Best Clinton Quotes [5]
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 1
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.,j·
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
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004. memo
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03/3111993
P6/b(6)
.,
.~.
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
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FOLDER TITLE:
Archives Project- Best Clinton Quotes [4]
2008-0699-F
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�.'
t.~ .
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'.
.\
80\IERNOR BL1. QJNTON
&1 STAlE a= 1HE STAlE ADOFESS
UT1lE ROQ(, IEI<MSAS
JANUARY 15. 1991
I dedicate this term to a partnership with all of you for a betta' Arkansas. I hiY8 lu'ned over the
last few years that governors do very little all by themselves. A taw years ago in school, Chelsea was asked
what her father did for a living, and she answered, "He makes speeches, drinks cottae, and talks on the
telephone." 1can't do much more than that alone, but together there 18 very little we cannot accomplish.
I want to make a special dedication of this lnaugLI'al Day to the men and women of our state who
are serving in the Pwsian Gulf.
Today 1owe you and them my best. The 1980& were a tough decade for us. We auffared tiYough
economic hardships. We didn't It very well. We were more nnl, more industrial, and less well educated
than those who did well in that .-oubled decade. While we can take real pride in the progress we've made
in education and in job growth, we must also face the sobw reality that the problems of the 1980s will only
deepen in the 1990s If met with Inaction.
Money and jobs will become even more mobile. They will follow skilled workws. What we earn will
be determined by what we can learn.
That means that more than at any other time In the 154 years of Arkansas' history, our future Is In
our own hands. The 1990s can be a decade of destiny for us, but only Hwe give our best. Our best is not
being cautious even in these troubled and uncertain times. Our best will not permit us to deny our problems
or our prospects.
Our best requires us to accept simple yet profound truths. The first 18 that when we are as healthy
and well-educated as the rest of America, our incomes and opportunities will rile to and beyond the national
average. If our people can compete, no one can stop us. On the other hand, H we decide that we cannot
become as healthy and well educated as the rest of America, we will never have the opportunities we long
for, and no one can help us.
Finally, whether we like it or not, our best requires us to admit that we are a community and we must
go forward into the future together or we will all be limited In what we achieve. On this January 15, Martin
Luther King's birthday, It 18 especially appropriate that we remembw: we must go forward together.
What are the elements of the new future we hope to make?
.... _
Frst, we must Increase our Investment in our people and their promise in ordw to have opportunity.
I will propose to the legislature an Education Trust Fund: Investments to help adults who need literacy
Instruction and access to more and bettw .-aining programs; young people who aren't going to college who
need apprenticeship opportunities; high school students who take the right courses, make good grades,
stay off drugs, but need help to go to college; poor children who need pr•school programs to get off to
a good start; and teachers who have earned a raise.
Second, I will support a large increase In our state's Investment In tanh are to cover almost all
our pregnant women and children up to age one who do not have health lns&.rance; to cover more young
children; and to provide more altwnatives to rvslng homes for our older people In a program called Elder
Choices program.
�'f
We also need to restore the medically needy program for people who work for a living but barely
get by and who have no health insurance. We should provide no tills health insurance coverage to those
who can't afford more expensive coverage.
We must reach out Into the rural areas of our state to preserve and strengthen the tagile health care
system and to Increase access to health care for people who don't want to leave their roots In rural
Arkansas, but are taTifled that one day they or their children will be sick and there wiU be no doctor, no
hospital, no ambulance, no plane. We can do better, and we must.
Third, I will propose that we increase our investments in transportation, economic dwalopment.and
for small and minority businesses and farmers.
Fourth, we should move aggressively to protect our erwi'onmanL We must enact sweeping solid
waste reform. This program rests on three cores: recycling, waste reduction, and regional SQiutions to the
problems. I want Arkansas to deal with the solid waste problem so that we can be among the leaders In
finding reasonable solutions that our people can afford and our environmental ethics demand.
Fifth, I recommend a new role tar gcMmrnent. We recognize that the government must take our
money in taxes to do those things which only government can do or which government can do better. But
taxes should be raised only for investment in the future. not for present consumption. Thafs what the
Education Trust Fund will do.
Our citizens are also entitled to more choices h'l how they use government services. Thafs why we
need to broaden school choice and start the Elder Choice initiative.
The taxpayers are entitled to believe that the people they help are going to behave responsibly.
That's why we need to stiffen our law denying driver's licenses to those who drop out of school for no good
reason and to get tougher on child support enforcement.
Government must treat taxcayers more like customers. I hope you will support quality management
initiatives to change state government i'om a top-down, bureaucracy-laden system to one which mirrors the
restructuring going on In the private sector.
We need to support restructuring In our schools. putting more power over day-to-day education Into
the hands of the teachers and principals, and to redefine the mission of the Department of Education to do
more to help the schools meet the National Education Goals, not to regulate them to death.
Those of us who are elected must set high standards and be a good example, and I will support
legislation to make us more accountable for fMfiY red cent of tax dollars we spend.
Is money necessary to achieve all this? You bet It Is, and I will ask the legislature to raise il But
is money alone sufficient to achieve our goals? No, it Is not. In this last campaign I had hundreds and
hundreds of small meetings with people. In all these encounters, there were four things I said that always
got a very warm response. I want to tell you what they were because they demonstrate why money Is not
enough.
FIRST, we ought not to help only the children of poor people who want to go to college. It costs
three times the percentage of a working family's Income to send a child to college today than It did a
generation ago. I think "we ought to give a tuition scholarship to fNflfY child tom a middkHncome family
who makes a B average, takes the college prep curriculum and stays off drugs.
SECOND, we have the third highest rate of teen pregnancy In America. It contributes to Infant
2
�~
. I
~I-'
I
mortality, low birth weight and damaged futures. Most of these births are to poor teen mothers. Still, 40
percent of all the money you pay In taxes for welfare would not have to be paid H the fathers who owe and
can pay some ·child support did it. rm tired of people thinking they can father children and run off and leave
the mothers to raise them and the government to pay for them. We need to crack down on child support
enforcement as soon as the baby Is born.
THIRD, the prison budget Is eating us alive. America now Imprisons a higher percentage of its
population than any other country on earth. o,.third of the people in our prisons are first time nonviolent
offenders. Most of them are young, Ignorant with a drug and alcohol problem. They should be put In
military boot camps or be put in community work programs where they can work and pay back what they
owe.
FOURTH, Arkansas Is the only state In the country where you need an engineering degree to get
a car license, and If you11 reelect me, n1 change it. Government exists to serve you, not the other way
around.
What's the message here? What were all of these thousands of people saying to their Governor?
"If we give you another term, we want you to do something for working people who are working
longer hours for less. They need help, too."
"If we give you another term and you take my tax money to help somebody else,
hold them responsible for their own actions and make them toe the line."
we want you to
"If we give you another term, we want you to start treating the tax payers like customers and change
government in the 1990s the way business has been changing for the last ten years. Make it less
bureaucratic. Put more choice in it. Make It more flexible. Treat us like we've got good sense. And operate
at our convenience, not yours."
Those were the messages. More than money Is needed, but without these other changes, then all
the money in the world will not be enough to do what we need to do.
There will be those who say, "Governor, this sounds good, but we can't do these programs now.
We may be heading into a recession. Thirty-five states already have bills they can't pay. Arkansas Is one
' of only fifteen that doesn't have to raise taxes or cut spending just to balance the books. We have all this
uncertainty and difficulty. What if our people are engulfed in war? We cannot do it."
For those people who honestly and in good conscience raise that point, I respond that nothing that
happens in the Persian Gulf can undermine our responsibility to build this new future here at home. The
hard reality is that if we do not build It, we will be punished. H we do, we will be rewarded. Nothing could
more clear1y fulfill our responsibility to Arkansas or to the nation's long-term security than to recognize that
the people who are our allies in the Persian Gulf are our competitors for tomorrow's opportunities. They will
be competing with us on January 16, 17, 18, 19 and 20. They will be educating their children. They will be
preparing for tomorrow's economy. And they will be eating us alive even as we defend their interests in the
Gulf unless we decide to develop our people and their ability to win the battle for the future.
My fellow Arkansans, I say in closing that no person has ever been more grateful for the opportunity
to serve as Governor and none has ever been more blessed with tiends and family who stood with him In
times that were good and times that were dark. This Is a precious, sacred opportunity. I urge you to
remember this: the finest tribute we could make to the men and women of Arkansas In the Persian Gulf is
to give them a better Arkansas to come home to.
3
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�Compiled by Bruce Reed and staff, Summer 1992
BIL~
CLINTON'S GREATEST HITS, 1990-92
Selected Lines from ~or Speeches
APPLAUSE LINES
I refuse to stand by and let our children become part of the first generation of Americans
to do worse than their parents. I don't want my child or your children to grow up in a country
·
that's coming apart instead of coming together.
(Announcement, 10/91)
For 12 years, the Republicans have talked about choices without really believing in them.
The President says he wants private school choice even it bankrupts the public schools, and yet
he's more than willing to make it a crime for a woman to exercise her right to choose.
(Announcement, 10/91)
We don't need another president who doesn't know what he wants to do for America.
... The American people already know what we're against. Let's show them what we're for.
(Announcement, 10/91)
In the Clinton Administration, the students and parents and teachers of this country will
get a real Education President.
(Announcement, 10/91)
For 12 long years, Republicans have tried to make it harder for middle-class people to
go to college. In a Clinton Administration, everybody will be able to afford a college education
if they'll give something back to their country in return.
(Announcement, 10/91)
We can cover every American with the money we're now spending if we take on the
insurance companies, the drug companies, and the health care bureaucracies. I pledge to the
American people that in the first year of a Clinton Administration, I will present to. the Urlited ...
States Congt'tsS ·and the people a plan to provide affordable health care for all Americans.
··
·:
(Announcement, 10/91)
. We're· not here to save the Democratic Party. We're here to save the United States'of-'
America..
(DLC, 5/91)
el~t
~s
l~t President of the 20th. ce~tur}r. but the fust. · vi'·. ·'·
What. we need to
in 1992 not the
President .of' the 21st century.
·(Georgetown, 12/91)
1
·
�PUTfiNG PEOPLE FIRST
I believe we need a radical new approach to economics that will give new hope to our
people and breathe new life into the American Dream. A new national strategy that will reward ~
work, expand opportunity, and put people first, with more public and private investment, the
world's best-educated workforce, and competitive strategies in health care, energy, and trade.
(Exeter, 2/91)
In the new American economy, everyone will have to change, and everyone will get
something in return. Workers will gain new prosperity and independence, including health care
and training, but unions will have to give up non-productive work rules and rigid job
classifications and be open to change. Managers will reap more profits but will have to manage
for the long run, and not treat themselves better than their workers are treated. Corporations
will reach new heights in productivity and profitability, but CEOs will have to put the long-term
interests of their workers, their customers, and their companies first.
(Georgetown, 11/91)
We can't move forward without investing more money in our future, but we can invest /
all the money in the world and if people won't do right, the money won't do what it's supposed
~~
.
.
(DLC, 5/91)
.
We waste more people in our country than any of our major competitors. More of them
die in birth; more of them die in their first year; more of them are born with low-birthweight
with avoidable mental and physical problems; more of them drop out of school; more of them
have drug and alcohol abuse problems; more of them wind up in prisori; more of them will go
into the adult work force not being able ~ read in higher percentages than any of our major
competitors.
·
(DLC, 3/90)
.
REWARDING WORK AND FAMILY
,.
It isn't enough just ~ talk about family values. We need to value families.
· (Multiple)
There is an idea abroad in the land that if you"abandon your children the government will ~
raise them .... But I'll let you in. on ~ little secret: governments don't raise children; people do~ . . .
It is time they were ~~ to assuine their. respOnsibilities and forced to do it if they refuse. ·
.
(DLC,· 5/91)
.
2
�Family values won't feed a hungry child. But it's hard to raise any child without them.
We need both.
(DLC, 5/91)
,/
We must go beyond the competing ideas of the old political establishment: beyond every ~
man for himself on the one hand and the right to something for nothing on the other.
We'll say to people on welfare: We'll provide the training and education and health care
you need, but if you can work, you've got to go to work, because you can no longer stay on
welfare forever.
We'll say to the hard-working middle class and those who aspire to it: We'll guarantee
you access to a college education, but if you get that help, you've got to give something back
to your country.
And we'll challenge all of us in public service: We have a solemn responsibility to honor
the values and promote the interests of the people who elected us, and if we don't, we don't
belong in government anymore.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
Welfare should be a second chance, not a way of life. In a Clinton Administration,
we're going to put an.end to welfare as we know it. I want to erase the stigma of welfare for
good by restoring a simple, dignified principle: no one who can work can stay on welfare
forever.
·
(New Covenant, 10/91)
A REVOLUTION IN GOVERNMENT
Every vote for Jerry Brown recognized that we do need to make changes in the influence
of forces at play in Washington, and ordinary people should have more say and special interests
less. Every vote for Paul Tsongas was a vote for change . . . a vote that recognizes that there
are serious economic problems we face that require a serious response.
(New York Victory speech, 4/92)
Government, which should have been setting an example, was even worse. Congress
raised its pay and guarded its perks while most Americans were working harder for. less money.
Two Republican Presidents elected on a pro~se of fiscal responsibility advanced budget policies
that more than tripled the national debt. Congress went along with that, too. Taxes were
lowered on· the wealthiest people whose incomes rose, and raised on middle class people whose
incomes fell. And through it all, millions of decent, ordinary peopl~ who worked ~d~ ·played:. .
by the rules, arid took responsibility for therr own actions were. faliing behind~ living· a life of
struggle without reward o~ security.
·
·
(New Covenant, 10/91)
3
�Congress should live by the laws it applies to other workplaces. No ·more midnight pay
raises .. Congressional pay shouldn't go up while the pay of working Americans is going down.
Let's clamp down on campaign spending and open the airwaves to encourage ·real political
debate instead of paid political assassination. No more bounced checks. No more bad restaurant
debts. No more fixed tickets. Service in Congress is privilege enough.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
For too many Americans, for too long, it's seemed that Congress and the White House
have been more interested in looking out for themselves and for their friends, but not for the
country and not for the people who make it great.
(Georgetown, 11/91)
Too many Washington insiders of both parties think the only way to provide more
services is to spend more on programs already on the books in education, housing, and health
care. But if we reinvent government to deliver new services in different ways, eliminate
unnecessary layers of management, and offer people more choices, we really can give taxpayers
more services with fewer bureaucrats for the same or less money. That's what we're trying to
do in Arkansas --balancing the budget every year, improving services, and treating taxpayers
like our customers and our bosses, because they are.
(Georgetown, 11/91)
THE REAGAN-BUSH ERA
For 12 years, the Republicans have been telling us that America's problems are not their
problem. . .. Every one of us has tried to be one of those thousand points of light. But I can tell
you, my friends, when there is no national vision, no national leadership, no national direction,
a thousand points of light leaves a lot of darkness.
(Announcement, 10/91)
The Reagan-Bush years have exalted private gain over public obligations, special interests
over the common good, wealth and fame over work and family.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
For 12 years of this Reagan-Bush era, the Republicans have let S&L crooks and selfserving CEOs t:rj to build an economy out of paper and perks instead of people and products.
It's the Republican way: every man for himself and get it while you can. They stacked the·
odds in favor of their friends at the. top, and told everybody else to wait for whatever trickled
down. And every step of the way, the Republicans forgot about .the very people they had
promised to help -- the very people who elected them in the first place - the forgotten middle
class Americans who still live by .American values and whose ho~, hearts, and hands still carry·.
the American Dream. · .
.
.· ·· ·
. ·· · ·
·
(Qeorgetown, 11~91)
4
�NO MORE SOMETHING FOR NOTHING
What George Bush has never understood is that you can't lead America if you don't
challenge Americans. He has pandered to us and divided us. I will do better than that. I will
challenge you-- all of you-- to be Americans again. I will challenge each and every one of us
to take personal responsibility for this country's future.
(Exeter, 2/92)
v'
Today we need to forge a New Covenant that will repair the damaged bond between the
people and their government and restore our basic values -- the notion that our country has a
responsibility to help people get ahead. A New Covenant to take government back from the
powerful interests and the bureaucracy, and give this country back to ordinary people.
Make no mistake -- this New Covenant means change -- change in our party, change in
our national leadership, and change in our country. Far away from Washington, in your
hometowns and mine, people have lost faith in the ability of government to change their lives .
for the better. Out there, you can hear the quiet, troubled voice of the forgotten middle class,
lamenting that government no longer looks out for their interests or honors their values - like
individual responsibility, hard work, family, community. They. think their government takes
more from them than it gives back, and looks the other way when special interests only take
from this country and give nothing back. And they're right.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
/
V ·
There will never be a government program for every problem. I can promise to do a
hundred different things for you as President. But none of them will make any difference unless
we all do more as citizens. It's been 30 years since a Democrat ran for President and asked
something of all the American people. I intend to challenge you to do more and to do better.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
When people assume responsibility and shoulder the common load, they acquire a dignity
they never knew before. When people go to work, they rediscover a pride that was lost. When
fathers pay their child support, they restore a connection they and their children need. When
students work harder, they find out they all can learn and do as well as anyone else on Earth.
When corporate managers put their workers and their long-tenn profits ahead of their own
paychecks, their companies do well, and so do they. When the privilege of serving is enough
of a perk for people in Congress, and the President finally assumes responsibility for America's
problems, we'll not only stop doing wrong, we'll begin to do what is right to move America
forward.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
5
�Til£ REAGAN-BUSH ECONOMIC RECORD
Our country is not prepared to lead the world we have made.
(DLC, 3/90)
We are losing America's leadership in the world just as we are losing the American
Dream right here at home. Middle-class people are spending more time on the job, less time
with their children, and bringing home less money to pay more for health care and housing and
education. The poverty rates are up, the streets are meaner and even more children are growing
up in broken families.
(Announcement, 10/91)
The Japanese Prime Minister said we've lost the work ethic, and he told our President
that he has sympathy for America. Sympathy? For America? Those words angered me. Those
Japanese politicians never met the working men and women I've seen every day. If they had,
they would know that our workers have not failed us. Our leaders have.
(Exeter, 2/92)
The current administration has compiled the worst economic record in 50 years. George
Bush's Presidency has produced slower economic growth, slower job growth, and slower income
growth than any administration since the Great Depression -- and the biggest deficits and highest
middle-class tax burden of any administration in history.
·(Exeter, 2/92)
I don't believe in unilateral disarmament .on the economic battlefield any more than I
believe in unilateral disarmament in national defense.
(Shipbuilders, 5/92)
THE FORGOTIEN MIDDLE CLASS
Too many of the people who used to vote for us, the very burdened middle class we're
talking about, have not trusted us in national elections to defend our national interests abroad,
to put their values into our social policy at home, or to take their tax money and spend it with
discipline.
·
(DLC, 5/91)
. I want the American people to know that a Clinton Administration will defend our
national interests abroad, put our finest values into our social policy at home and spend our tax
dollars with discipline. We'll put government back on the side of the working-class families of
America who often think-most of the, help goes to the top of the ladder, some of it goes to the
bottom, and no one stands up for them.~
·
(Announcement, 10/91)
6
�ASKING THE WEALTHY TO PAY THEIR SHARE
I'm not out to soak the rich. I wouldn't mind being rich myself. But I do believe those
people should pay their fair share of taxes. For 12 years, while middle-class income went
down, the Republicans raised taxes on middle-class people. And while the incomes of our
wealthiest citizens went up, their taxes were lowered. That's wrong and the middle class needs
a break.
(Announcement, 10/91)
Let's not forget who the most irresponsible people of all were in the 1980s. They were
not the people on the bottom or in the middle. They were the people at the top of the totem
pole. It was the people who enjoy the most fruits of our society that sold out the S&Ls, that
nearly bankrupted the country with mergers and acquisitions when they should have been
investing that money to create jobs and produce new products and services.
(Announcement, 10/91)
And while rich people's income went up, charitable giving by the wealthiest people in
our society went down. Why? Because our leaders created an ethic of take it while you can
and to heck with everybody else.
(Announcement, 10/91)
It's simply not enough to obey the letter of the law and make as much money as you can.
It's wrong for executives to do what so many did in the '80s. The biggest companies raised
their pay by four times the percentage their workers' pay went up and three times the percentage
their profits went up. It's wrong to drive a company into the gro~nd and have the chief
executive bail out with a golden parachute to a cushy life.
(Multiple)
As President, I'm going to do everything I can to make it easier for your company to
compete in the world, with a better trained workforce, cooperation between labor and
management, fair and strong trade policies, and incentives to invest in America's economic
growth. But I want the jetsetters and the feather bedders of corporate America to know that if
you sell your companies and your workers and your country down the river, you '11 get called
on the carpet. :
(New Covenant, 10/91)
I'm tired of people with trust funds telling people on food stamps how to live.
(Rainbow Coalition, 6/92)
7
�REAL ANSWERS FOR REAL PEOPLE
I've got one opponent who says he'll do whatever it takes to hold onto the White House,
and another opponent who says he'll spend whatever it takes to get the White House. Winning
this election is not what's at stake here. What's at stake is winning the fight for America's
future.
(Calif. victory, 6/92)
People once looked to our President and Congress to bring us together, solve problems,
and make progress. Now, in the face of massive challenges, our government stands discredited,
our people disillusioned. There's a hole in our politics where a sense of common purpose used
to be.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
The United States of America needs at least one political party that's not afraid to tell the
people the truth and address the real needs of real human beings. We need one political party
that doesn't want to be the hunter or the hunted on these 30-second negative ads.
(DLC, 5/91)
People don't care about the rhetoric of "left". and "right" and "liberal" and "conservative"
and who's up and who's down and how we are positioned. They are real people, they have real
problems and they ~ crying desperately for someone who believes the purpose of government
is to solve their problems and make progress, instead of posturing along and waiting for the riext
election.
(DLC, 5/91)
The change we seek isn't liberal or conservative. It's different and it's both. The small
towns and ·main streets of America aren't like the corridors and backrooms of Washington.
Right here, people don't much care about the labels of left or right or liberal or conservative and all the other words that have made our politics a substitute for action.
(Announcement, 10/91)
RESTORING CO:MMIJNITY
For 12 years, the Republicans have tried to divide us, race against race. They want us
to be angry at each other so we won~t be mad at them .... We are all wise to this. tactic. And
I'm going to tell you one thing: I unders~d this tactic and I will not let them get away with
it in 1992.
(Announcement, 10/91)
.,
. That is what's special about America. We want to be .pari· of a nation· that's ca~g
together, .not coming a~. We wani to be part of a community where· people iook ou.t for each
other, not just for themselves. We want to be part of a nation that brings out the best" in us, not
8
�the worst. And we believe that the only limit to what we can do is what our leaders are willing
to ask of us and what we are willing to expect of ourselves.
·
(New Covenant, 10/91)
There's no them in this country. There's only us. We want our government back. We
want our country back.
(Rainbow Coalition, 1192)
All of us pay for the division and failure in America. We pay for it in the crime rates
that are going up everywhere. We pay for it when our tax dollars go to build jails instead of
to educate children. We pay for it when our health care bills explode because we have the most
violent nation in the world. We pay for it when our economy goes downhill, because there are
too many adults who are too illiterate to work in a global economy. We pay for it when there
are too many places where people could be working instead of going on welfare. We pay for
it over and over again. If you live in a country where people don't count, you pay for it. Oh
yes, you pay.
(Binningham, 5/92)
Can we live in a country where too many black people know that violence too often has
a black face becauSe it is their children· who are shot, their schools which are savaged, their
neighborhoods which are war zones, and they believe no one will make their streets safe simply
because they are black?
·
(Newspaper Publishers, 5/92)
PERSONAL STORIES
For me, the American Dream is not a slogan. It has been a way of life. I was born in
1946, as America was entering the greatest economic boom the world has ever seen. I grew up
in a state where almost half the people lived below the povertY line. My mother was widowed
three months before I was born. I was raised by my grandparents until I was four. My
grandmother was a nurse. My grandfather had a grade-school education and ran a small grocery
store. We didn't have much money. But growing up, I and my generation always knew that if
we worked hard and played by the rules, we'd be rewarded -and I have been, beyond my
wildest dreams.
(Multiple)
.
When I was a little boy, I was raised by. my grandparents with a lot of help from my
great-grandparents. My great-grandparents· lived out in the country in a 3-room shack built up
off the ground on posts. The best room on the place was the stqrm ~J.Iar, which· was a hole iii
the ground where I used to spend the ~night 'with a coal-oil ~tern· arid snakes. ·They got ·
"government commodities"- ~t's what we called them back then- help from the government.
They did a heck of a job with what they had. ·.
l·
(
9
,,
'
~
·~
,~
·'
,.
�My granddaddy ran a country store in a black neighborhood in a little town called Hope,
Arkansas. There were no food stamps~ so when his black customers who worked hard for a
living came in with no money, he gave them food anyway. Just made a note of it. He knew
that he was part of a community.
They believed in family values. They believed in personal responsibility. But they also
believed that the government had an obligation to help people who were doing the best they
could. We made it.
(DLC, 5/91)
I've got a picture in my office of my great-grandfather holding my hand when I was five
years old, and in his overalls he lookS like a figure out of American Gothic. I love to look at
that picture because it roots me. It gives meaning and organization and .richness to my life.
And when I look at it, I think about the grade school Hillary and I visited in south central
LA a few years ago -- 6th graders about my daughter's age. When I asked these children what
they were most worried about, they said their number one fear was being shot going to and from
school. Their number two fear was that by the time they were 13, they'd have to join a gang
and start using crack or they were going to get beat up.
And I asked these children whether they thought they should turn in their parents if they
were addicted to drugs if they knew their parents would not be put in jail. for the first time, but
would be given the opportunity for treatment. And all but two of those kids raised their hands.
Now, it's a long way from a kid who can remember holding his great-grandfather's hand to a
child who will never have a picture of a grandparent in the house and thinks that he or she ought
to turn their parents in because they can't fulfill the most basic responsibilities.
(DLC, 3/90; Announcement, 10/91)
[They were most worried then about being forced to join gangs when they got in the 8th
grade. Those kids now are in the 9th grade. I've often wondered in the last few days after what
happened here, how many of them wound up in gangs, and whether they looted and whether
they're all still alive. They're all our children.]
(East L.A., 5/92)
STORIES FROM THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
This country is in. trouble: As I've travelled around this country, I've seen too muc~ pain
on people's·faces, too much fear in people's.eyes.. We've got to. do better. . .
(Georgetown, 11/91). .
·
10
�.·
This month, I visited with a couple from New Hampshire named David and Rita Springs.
He's a chemical engineer by training; she's studying to be a lab technician. They told me that
a month before his pension was vested, the people who ran his company fired him to cut their
payrolls. Then they turned around and sold the company, and bailed out with a golden
parachute while David Springs and his family got the shaft.
Last week, at a bowling alley in Manchester, I met a fireman who was working two jobs
and his wife who was working 50 hours a week in a mill. They told me they were worried that
even though both of them were working like this and their son was a straight A student, they
still wouldn't be able to afford to send him to college because of the rising cos~ of college
education and because they were too well-off to get government help.
At a breakfast in a cafe in New Hampshire, I met a young· man whose 12-year-old child
had had open-heart surgery, and now no one will hire him because they can't afford his health
insurance.
The families I met are from New Hampshire, but they could be from anywhere in
America. They're the backbone of the country, the ones who do the work and pay the taxes and
send their children off to war. They're a lot like people I've seen in Arkansas for years, living
with the real consequences of our national neglect. These are the real victims of the Reagan
Revolution, the Bush Succession, and this awful national recession .
.<G~rgetown, 11191) ·
I'm tired of looking into the eyes of school children who know their parents sit down to
dinner with them every night and feel like failures because they cannot work and support their
families. And it's not their fault.
(Chicago, 11191)
For the last seven months, I've traveled back and forth across this Country, listening to
the thousands of people I've met: Unemployed workers who've lost not only their jobs but their
pensions, their health care, and even their homes. Laid-off defense workers who now make
their living driving cabs. · Elderly couples whose refrigerators are bare because so much of their
monthly Social Security check has to gQ for prescription drugs. Middle-class families
everywhere who've taken second jobs to make ends meet. The determination and quiet courage
of these brave Americans has kept me going through the toughest moments of this campaign.
Every day, their struggles and their stories have reminded me what this election is really all
about.·
(Wharton, 4/92)
Emily Thibault is .a high school· senior whose father is out of wor~ He couldn't find a·
job here and finally had to move a thousand miles away. Emily fought b~ck tears. as she told · ·
me that her father would haye to miss her senior year.
(Exeter, 2/91)
11
..
�Earlier this year, I visited Thomas Jefferson High in Brooklyn. One month later two
students, to whom I spoke, were shot to death while walking in the hall.
·
(Multiple)
I'll never forget a man, a recent immigrant to this country, who came up to me in New
York and said, "Governor, my 10-year-old son studies all the candidates in school, and he says
I should vote for you, so I will. . .. But Governor, where I came from, in my home country, we
were much poorer, but at least we were free. Now we are not free. We're not free when my
boy can't go to school unless I walk with him. We're not free when he can't walk across the
street and play in the park, unless I go with him. So I want to know, if I do what my boy
wants, and I vote for you, will you make my boy free?"
(Mayors, 6/92)
[That's what I want us to do together, with the National Police Corps. They won't be
national, they'll be your police.]
(Mayors, 6/92)
12
�MEMORANDUM
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OF CALL
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�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
PAX COVER SHEET
DATE:
FROM:
The Wh~te House
Office of Communications Research
Washington, DC 20500
Tel. (202) 456-7845
TO:
SvS ~ 'e-
Volt+t.T"kC..~
'TO
MESSAGE:
CoP"'f
Fax
(202) 456-2239
M.ON t C~
'i:!s~\...0\JE:_
~ \,.1,...0 vJ
A:::P:r-:0 u e:'t:> -
NUMBER OF SHEETS INCLUDING THIS PAGE
***
CONFIDENTIALITY NOTE
***
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information from The White House which may be CONFIDENTIAL. The
information herein is intended to be for the use of the
individual or entity named on this transmittal sheet. If you are
not the intended recipient, be aware that any disclosure,
copying, distribution or use of the contents of this information
is prohibited. If you have received this facsimile in error,
please notify us by telephone immediately and return the original
message to us at the above address by First Class Mail via the
United States Postal Service. Thank you.
�,.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
FAX COVER SHEET
DATE:
FROM:
The White House
Office of Communications Research
Washington, DC 20500
Tel. (202) 456-7845
Fax
(202) 456-2239
TO:
MESSAGE:
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***
-----
CONFIDENTIALITY NOTE
***
The documents accompanying this facsimile transmission contain
information from The White Bouse which may be CONFIDENTIAL. The
information herein is intended to be for the use of the
individual or entity named on this transmittal sheet. If you are
not the intended recipient, be aware that any disclosure,
copying, distribution or use of the contents of this information
is prohibited. If you have received this facsimile in error,
please notify us by telephone immediately and return the original
message to us at the above address by First Class Mail via the
United States Postal Service. Thank you.
\
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 20, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR:
!/ _;,_
FROM:
SUBJECT:
L~
Bruce Lindsey
Carter Wilkie
approval needed for materials in archives
I need your approval to receive certain materials from the
Clinton archives in Little Rock.
One month ago, I notified you about research I am conducting for
a booklet the National Archives will publish later this year (see
memorandum of April 20). The booklet will be a collection of
important quotes from the careers of all 20th century presidents.
With your consent, Susie Whitacre and Monica Breedlove, in the
Little Rock office, are prepared to send me copies of public
speeches the President made in Arkansas when he was Governor,
Attorney General or a candidate for those offices. The speeches
I have requested are primarily inaugural addresses, announcement
speeches, concession speeches and addresses to state and national
Democratic Party conventions. Only materials that are already
part of the public record will be sent to me. None of these
materials will be released to anyone outside the White House,
including the National Archives, without the prior consent of the
( Communications Director.
I
I would be grateful if you would sign this memorandum at the
appropriate place below and return to me today.
REJECT ABOVE REQUEST
fA.,_. .... ..,u
~
....:a. ..... '-
p,.. ...
�E X E C U T I V E
0 I' I' I C B
0 I'
T B B
P R E S I D E HT
13-May-1993 02:39pm
TO·:
FAX (8-1-501-376-8693,Monica Breedl
FROM:
Carter Wilkie
Office of Communications
SUBJECT:
Search request update
Since we are unable to scan archives for key-words until the data
base is organized, I've tried to compile a list of specific items
needed. Perhaps you may be able to locate any of the following:
Inaugural Addresses as Governor (Phyllis Anderson's files?)
~0 Speech to Democratic National Convention, 1980.
~0 Speech to Arkansas Democratic Convention, 1974.
"Clinton says Congress to blame for situation"
Arkansas Gazette, 9/25/74
"Lawyers Clinton, Cash to seek Attorney General Nomination"
Arkansas Gazette 3/18/76
Monica, any help you can provide under the circumstances is
appreciated. Thanks.
�.
'
BILL CLINTON: HIS PROMISE AND HIS METHODS
Presented by
ART ENGLISH, Ph.D.
Annual Meeting of the
Arkansas Political Science Associaton
Conway, Arkansas
February 27, 1993
�1
Introduction
William Jefferson Clinton has been a mystery to many. Even his
closest friends and associates understand him as a deeply complex
man who can be very different from his affable boy next door public
image. To begin to understand Clinton is to put him within his
benchmark generation as a child of the 1960s. Clinton is the first
president to have been born after World War II. His father was
killed in an auto accident before Clinton was born. His st'epfather
abused him and his mother.
independence,
Clinton's values of self-reliance,
and accommodation were acquired as
a young man
desperately trying to cope with the problems that were threatening
to destroy him and his family. His love of public life came from
President John F. Kennedy, .who lit.the lamp of public service for
a generation of young men and women.
To understand Clinton's
promise is to understand in large part the values and methods that
he internalized in his struggle for survival during his troubled
childhood and those values he came to learn and apply in a public
service career that has spanned almost half his life. 1
Political values though are often difficult to detect and a
President's promise almost impossible to predict. Who, for example,
would have predicted Nixon's self-destruction before Watergate
after a successful first term of office and a landslide re-election
victory? Who would have thought that Jimmy Carter would only have
been
just a
one term president after winning the Democratic
nomination for president and the presidency itself in a brilliantly
conceived campaign? Who would have predicted that George Bush,
�2
whose job approval rating after the Gulf War reached almost 90
percent, would lose his presidency to a Governor from Arkansas? The
point is obvious. There are too many factors that impinge upon a
presidency to assure its stability, too many things that can go
wrong to assure its success, and too many variables that cannot be
controlled to assume that things will go well even some of the
time. A president must not only be able to lead public opinion and
deal with Congress to be successful, he must somehow prevent his
own judgment and the judgments or lack thereof of his advisors from
steering him down harms way. The promise of a president not only
depends upon his political skill and judgment but how fortunate he
is to avoid a killing problem like a recession, an unpopular war,
a scandal within his own .intimate.ranks, and a misjudgment in how
he prioritizes and markets his agenda. Other benchmarks that need
to but cannot be considered are limited time, limited resources,
previous
commitments,
limited
information,
and
the
limits
of
permissibility (Sorensen, 1963).
In order to analyze Clinton's values and gain some insight
into his promise as President, a content analysis of his inaugural
addresses and state of the state speeches when he was Governor was
performed.
It was assumed that these addresses were defining
moments in Clinton's public service career and therefore excellent
documents from which to gain insight into his values. Also included
were his inaugural address as President and his February 17, 1993,
speech to a joint session of Congress in which he announced his
program for the nation. Before the content analysis was begun, it
�3
was assumed from observation of Clinton's career as Governor and
his campaign for President that there were certain ideas, themes,
and values that defined his philosophy of government and agenda for
the nation which were likely to be manifested in his speeches:
personal responsibi 1 i ty; togetherness; human development, which was
subcategorized into training, jobs, children, and education; a call
to do better,
global relationships,
a strong issue or policy
content, an affinity for creative, positive government, a rhetoric
that would identify himself with the people, a disinclination for
political parties, and a populist's dislike for special interests.
It was hypothesized that these values made-up much of Clinton's
philosophy of
government and that a
content analysis
of his
rhetoric might shed light. on .whether these values were present to
any degree in his spoken words, when they might have emerged, and
if there was any kind of pattern, hierarchy, or emphasis to them.
To see how essentially presidential some of these values were,
and to gain perspective into the visions of previous presidents,
the "Clinton model" was applied to inaugural addresses dating back
to FOR's first inaugural, an event commonly understood as the birth
of the modern presidency. Some particularly interesting questions
investigated were whether Clinton was a strong policy articulator
from
the
beginning
of
his
career,
whether
his
values
were
consistent across his career, how his values or vision compared
with past presidents, and whether the values of his gubernatorial
service would suggest the direction his presidency might take. To
see whether the campaign speeches were similar in value orientation
�4
to his gubernatorial speeches, a content analysis using the same
model was performed on several key speeches during the campaign but
those data are not reported in this paper. All the content analysis
assumed,
different
of
course,
purposes
was
and
that
targets,
different
but
speeches
that
would
comparisons
have
within
categories might prove useful and that an aggregate picture of the
Clinton rhetoric would be helpful in gaining insight into the
values, themes, and promise of his presidency.
In order to gain insight into what methods Clinton might use
to conduct his presidency, an analysis of his career as a candidate
and an elected official was undertaken using newspaper articles and
academic literature. One of the interesting questions posed in this
part of the analysis was.:_ How successful a Governor was Clinton?
This question has long been an issue among many observers of
Clinton because it raises the same point in respect to Clinton's
presidential promise.
Clinton's credentials and abilities have
always been rated so highly by political observers,
that his
promise and performance as an elected official has been held to
nothing but the highest expectations and standards. Indeed, once he
surfaced as a candidate for the 3rd Congressional District seat in
1974, he was anointed by political elites as a soon to be Governor
or
u.s. Senator and once he was Governor--at the incredibly
youthful age of 32--it was simply assumed that he was presidential
timber. One story related by George Jernigan, Arkansas Democratic
State Chair during Clinton's presidential campaign and one of
Clinton's opponents during the 1976 Democratic primary for attorney
�5
general, illustrates the early promise of Clinton as a candidate.
Jernigan was at the time of this race the incumbent Secretary of
State and a promising young politician himself. "He showed up at
the Pope County Picnic in 1974--which is our traditional political
kickoff--opened his mouth and everyone just knew ... " "He just beat
the hell out of me." 2
The Emergence of Clinton's Campaign Style: His First Campaign
Clinton chose the Capital Hill route for his first try for
elected office rather than an internal state office strategy. His
try
for
the
Congress
was
largely
dictated
by
the
political
environment in the state and the nation at the time. J. William
Fulbright, a patron Saint for the young Clinton who had worked as
a summer intern on his Senate Foreign Relations Committee, had just
been
defeated
nomination for
by
Governor
the Senate.
Dale
Bumpers
for
the
Democratic
David Pryor was moving on to the
Governorship as the Democratic party's nominee, and another young
turk in Arkansas politics, Jim Guy Tucker was the odds-on favorite
in Republican-poor Arkansas to become the next attorney general.
There was simply no office worthy of a potential heavy weight to
seek in the state. In consequence, Clinton drew a bead on John Paul
Hammerschmidt's Jrd Congressional District seat. Hammerschmidt, a
Republican, had been elected to Congress in 1966 when the state
elected Winthrop Rockefeller its first Republican Governor since
Reconstruction, and Maurice "Footsie" Britt its first Republican
Lieutenant Governor, since the creation of that office in the 1920s
(Bass & DeVries).
�6
At the national level Republicans were suffering through the
final months of the Watergate scandal when Clinton announced his
candidacy for Hammerschmidt's seat on March 22, 1974. Clinton had
a
natural base in Hammerschmidt's district as a University of
Arkansas Law School
Professor at Fayetteville but despite the
Watergate problems of his party,
incumbent
who
Republicanism.
represented
a
Hammerschmidt was a
district
known
for
four-term
its
Mountain
If that were not enough, he had a reputation as
having one of the most organized constituent home styles in the
Congress.
One
legendary story,
for
example,
had Hammerschmidt
responding to a constituent's telegram inquiry with a telegram.
Even by 1974 "John Paul," as he was known to constituents, had
become an institution in.the 3rd Congressional District.
Clinton's uphill campaign for Congress evidenced many of the
campaign techniques utilized in his presidential campaign. During
both the primary, run-off primary, and general election, Clinton
met voters wherever and whenever he could find them. He knew that
politics Arkansas style was personal politics, looking voters in
the eye and shaking their hand,
stores,
meeting
them at
Friday
talking to voters
night
auctions,
and
in general
attending
rallies where catfish and political speeches were the menu. Clinton
met voters 18 hours a day but he did not ignore issues either. His
primary
message
during
the
campaign
was
America's
political
institutions could be better--particularly the representation in
the
3rd
congressional
District.
He
attacked
Hammerschmidt
incessantly for being unrepresentative of the district. During one
�7
trip he told Johnson County coal miners that while Hammerschmidt
had voted for the Black Lung Benefits Act of 1972, he had actually
voted for two unsuccessful amendments which would have gutted the
program. 3
Clinton
also
took
Hammershmidt
to
task
for
voting
against the Head start program, the child abuse program, and the
House impeachment inquiry. 4
Besides pouring it on Hammershmidt's voting record, Clinton
attacked Congress--and his own party in this regard--for being more
interested in re-election than serving the voters with effective
policy representation. Handling constituent inquiries was just one
part of the job expected of members of Congress, Clinton told
voters, but it was not a substitute for good policy. This message
was expressly aimed at Hammerschmidt who spent countless hours in
constituent service, and Clinton's rhetoric in this sense does seem
antecedent of his later rhetoric as a presidential candidate and in
his first major speech to Congress. That is, Clinton was willing to
blame both Democrats and Republicans for failing to deal with the
deficit,
for causing voters to lose faith
in their political
institutions, and for failing to respond to real problems. 5
What
is
also
very
interesting
about
Clinton's
race
for
Congress was the strong emphasis he placed on policy besides simply
"pressing the flesh." Clinton talked about the deficit, about the
need for greater levels of federal aid to education within a
structure of local control, about national health insurance, about
the public financing of presidential elections, about an excess
profits tax on corporations, and about the need for improving the
�8
skills of teachers--some of the same sorts of issues that became
his agenda as governor and president. And while he could not
overcome the entrenched incumbency of Hammershmidt, Clinton did
establish himself as a rising star in Arkansas politics.
Clinton as Attorney General
It was a foregone conclusion that Clinton would run and win
the office of attorney general. Tucker had moved on to take Wilbur
Mills' 2nd Congressional seat upon the "Chairman's" retirement.
John McClellan and Dale Bumpers were firmly ensconced in the
senate, and the office of attorney general had been an excellent
way-station to bids for higher office as the careers of Clinton's
immediate predecessors Ray Thornton and Jim Guy Tucker, both of
whom moved to Congress from the AG's office, would attest to. They
had used the office as a bully pulpit to bash the utilities and
advocate consumerism. It was a populism as natural and unabashed in
Arkansas as hogs in a pen, and Clinton fitted right in. In fact
when Clinton announced his intentions for the office on March 17,
1976, with his wife looking on, he said the office had become "the
great protector of the people" in the last decade. 6
In turn, Clinton supported a stronger consumer investigative
arm
for
the
predecessor
of
AG's
boot
office,
a
camps--to
work
release
alleviate
program--kind
overcrowded
of
prisons,
advocated an equalization of property assessment in the counties to
more fairly support education, 7 and supported Arkansas's capital
punishment law as appropriately drawn subject to interpretation by
the United States Supreme Court, a position that later stood him in
�9
good stead in Arkansas and in the nation. As the second year of
Clinton's term began to wind down, however, it became clear that
Clinton was acting more like the Democratic nominee for Governor
than the attorney general of Arkansas.
legislative
subcommittee
on
aging
At a hearing before a
Clinton
advocated
federal
subsidies for utility bills for the poor and a training program in
home repair and insurance installation to help poor people maintain
their homes and avoid institutional care. 8
Clinton also used a
tactic at this juncture in his career that he was to repeat just
before he organized his campaign for the presidency, that is, he
published with donated funds a report entitled "Attorney General's
Report" which described in rapturous terms his accomplishments as
attorney general. 9
The Gubernatorial Clinton
The office of Governor in Arkansas is formally not a very
strong one (Blair, 1988; Beyle, 1989). Gubernatorial vetoes may be
overturned by a simple majority of the legislature ( 18 in the
Senate and 51 in the House) and the executive branch is fragmented
among five other independently elected officials who have their own
specialized but largely unintrusive state governmental functions in
respect to the Governor. For years budgeting was dominated by the
powerful Legislative Council which meets during the legislative
interim and by the equally powerful Joint Budget Committee which
writes the Revenue and Stabilization Act during the odd year
sessions (Blair, 1988). With two year terms until 1986 and limited
patronage power in respect to state employees who are mostly civil
�10
service
and
judges
who
are
elected
by
the
people,
Arkansas
Governors have not had a lot of job patronage available to them. In
addition the state constitution strengthens the hand of already
powerful interest groups by requiring a three fourths "majority"
for the adoption of all taxes except the sales tax (English and
carroll, 1983).
on the other hand, the Governor in Arkansas does have some
important cards to play if he chooses. The Constitution not only
allows
the
Governor
to
call
special
sessions
but
also
to
exclusively determine the legislative agenda--a tactic that Clinton
used most often to salvage good legislative sessions from mediocre
regular ones.
The Constitution also allows
individual appropriation. measures.
an
i tern veto
for
Arkansas is also rift with
hundreds of commissions and boards which regulate businesses and
professions in the state and in consequence allow a Governor ample
opportunity to use status patronage as a means to build a campaign
machine of grateful recipients.
Clinton saw the possibilities for strong, visionary executive
leadership when he took office in 1979. While the legislature was
potentially a strong stumbling block if aroused, it had no internal
forces
to start
and drive
itself
and was
very
receptive
to
leadership. Moreover, the intimacy of politics in Arkansas lent
itself to the personal energy of a legislative leader like Clinton.
With his suite of offices just below the House, merely a short walk
or "jog" from the Senate, Clinton called legislators into his
office for frequent personal meetings, he testified before them at
�11
public hearings, and he lobbied them in the hallways. He even
watched them---peering in from doorway windows as legislators
deliberated
important administration bills
in committee rooms
located both adjacent to and below the governor's office. And he
learned the pitfalls of his first session with the Arkansas General
Assembly when he employed staff assistants who did not understand
legislative
courtesy
and
pleasantries
by
in
later
sessions
employing aids who would treat people right and make them feel good
(Blair, 1988). This author, for example, observed during the 78th
General Assembly
( 1991)
a key Clinton aide who now holds an
important position with the DNC delivering a message from the
Governor to a senator. The conversation was interspersed with "Yes,
Sir" and "Yes, Senator," deference and respect that legislators
like and appreciate from executive branch representatives.
Clinton also knew that in order to accomplish what he wanted
he had to provide the legislature and the people with a game plan,
with a direction that he wanted to take them. Arkansas, of course,
had always been a poor state and undoubtedly many of its citizens
shared the sense of self-inferiority that went along with poor
schools,
slow economic growth,
and low per capita income. But
Clinton sensed that there was room for progress with the right plan
and the right message. And the way in which he set the agenda for
Arkansas during his long tenure as Governor--and he was a more
successful
Governor
than
often
given
credit
for--suggests
a
substantial presidential promise for the nation (Johnston, 1982).
Clinton can both conceptualize and sell a program. His rhetoric as
�12
Mary Stuckey idealizes is deliberative and engaging (Stuckey, 1991)
and he has the persistence and resiliency to keep working and
trying until he is successful as much of his legislative and
campaign record supports.
Clinton's Rbetoric
What shape and form does Clinton's rhetoric take? Table I
shows the results for the content analysis performed for his five
inaugural
addresses
as Governor and his
inaugural
address as
President.
Inaugurals
Table I
Clinton's Inaugural Addresses
The People Human Develop Do Better
Policy
1 ref.
16 ref
1979 1700 wds
50 ref.
12 ref.
1983 1100 wds
58 ref.
9 ref.
0 ref
18 ref
1985 2500 wds
83 ref.
29 ref.
4 ref.
26 ref
1987 2100 wds
85 ref.
54 ref.
3 ref.
26 ref
1991 3900 wds
113 ref.
48 ref.
3 ref.
27 ref
1993 1500 wds
112 ref.
2 ref.
2 ref.
3 ref
The longer Clinton stayed in office the longer and more policy
driven his inaugural addresses became. A policy was coded as such
anytime there was an endorsement or articulation of a particular
program by Clinton. In his first term Clinton tended to try to do
too many things--an observation that some have made relative to the
early days of his presidency--when gays' rights and abortion were
at the top of his agenda. But after his defeat in 1980 Clinton
became more focused pursuing primarily education and economic
development. In that sense his addresses beginning in 1985 were
spiced with allusions to educational programs for children--such as
�13
applying Head Start to every primary school in the state, making
sure each and every school could offer language, advanced math and
science courses--and upgrading job skills for workers--so that they
could return to the workforce as productive employees.
While Clinton's inaugural addresses do provide insight into
his
philosophy
of
government,
they
also
shed
light
on
many
different aspects of Clinton's rhetorical leadership. Clinton, for
example, has always placed great faith in engaging the people in
discussions about their polity (Rosenthal, 1990}. In Arkansas in
the midst of a politics of intimacy, a typical Clinton strategy for
gaining support for an important policy initiative was to take it
to
the
people
sometimes
through
radio,
sometimes
through
television, but mostly through countless individual meetings- anddiscussions with the people themselves. It is not surprising then
that Clinton's greatest policy triumph was the passage of the
educational accountability standards for students and teachers
during a special session of the General Assembly.
This triump
occurred after his wife, as head of the education task force, held
public hearings in all 75 counties of the state, a method that
Clinton is now employing to began the national discussion and
debate over national health care reform.
It is not surprising
either that Clinton in his rhetoric places a great deal of emphasis
on his identification with the people as measured by the number of
references to "us" "we" "our" and "the people." This aspect of his
rhetoric appears to be a prime way in which he attempts to make his
goals the goals of the people. And this portion of the Clinton
�14
rhetorical model does seem relevant to his presidential promise
since his inaugural address to the nation had so many references
that joined Clinton and the people as one.
The Clinton rhetoric in his inaugural speeches as Governor
also address themes such as personal responsibility, the future,
the presence of an international system, and the call that "we can
do better" which is remindful of the rhetoric of John F. Kennedy.
Indeed,
Clinton is an extraordinarily competent wordsmith who
promises to have a great effect upon challenging Americans to do
more for their country than they would do for themselves and his
presidential rhetoric seems to be very similar to the words of his
gubernatorial addresses. Compare, for example, this phrasing from
his last inaugural address as Governor with the words from his.
presidential inaugural:
Whether we like it or not, we are a community, a
community in which we will go forward together or not at
all, in which we will rise together or in which none of
us will ever see our beloved state come to the point to
which we all want (1991).
In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth: We
need each other. And we must care for one another. Today,
we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate
ourselves to the very idea of America {1993).
Another very interesting aspect of Clinton's rhetoric are his
fairly frequent allusions to hardship and struggle, concepts with
which he had dealt with as a young man. Compare, for example, his
words from his 1979 and 1983 inaugurals with his presidential
address:
We live in a world in which limited resources, limited
knowledge, and limited wisdom must grapple with problems
of staggering complexity and confront strong sources of
�15
power, wealth, conflict, and even destruction, over which
we have no control and little influence (1979).
Today we are engaged in a new battle with an old
and familiar enemy, hard times. Hard times dominate
the long history of Arkansas. For generations our
families have been forced to endure them and
struggle to overcome them. The most moving story of
my childhood was that of my grandfather coming home
on Good Friday afternoon during the Depression and
crying on his knees to my mother because he could
not afford a $2 Easter dress (1983).
We know we have to face hard truths and take strong
steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have
drifted,
and that drifting has
eroded our
resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our
confidence. Though our challenges are fearsome, so
are our strengths. Americans have ever been a
restless, questioning hopeful people. We must bring
to our task today the vision and will of those who
came before us (1993).
Clinton's State of the State Addresses
In addition to his inaugural addresses, Clinton presented six
state of the state speeches to the Arkansas General Assembly at the
beginning of each regular legislative session. For the 1983 and
1985 speeches there may not be a printed record. The 1983 speech,
for example, which lasted 52 minutes, was given without prepared
remarks. 1 0 And the 1985 speech was a 90 minute "exercise" in
which Clinton went over page by page a 312 page legislative package
not yet
introduced to
the Assembly . 1 1 Table
II
presents the
results of the content analysis on several key items for Clinton's
1979, 1987, 1989, and 1991 state of the state addresses to the
Arkansas General Assembly and his February 17, 1993, call for
action to the Congress and the American people.
�16
Table II
Clinton's State of the State Addresses
State of the State
The People
Human Devlop
Policy
1979 6100 words
85 ref.
82 ref.
47 ref.
1987 3200 words
54 ref.
55 ref.
28 ref.
1989 6000 words
156 ref.
162 ref.
25 ref.
1991 2000 words
61 ref.
29 ref.
22 ref.
1993 4200 words
160 ref.
44 ref.
38 ref.
Clinton's
state
of
the
state
speeches,
since
they were
directed to the legislature tended to be longer and more laden with
his
policy
agenda
than
his
inaugural
addresses.
They
were
punctuated with frequent calls for more money for secondary and
higher education, increases in teacher salaries, innovative capital
investment programs, better education and health care for children,
money for the state war on drugs and so forth. In results these
sessions tended to be mixed with the 1987 and 1989 session and less
productive than the 1985 and 1991 sessions. overall though, these
sessions generally demonstrated that Clinton could usually get what
he wanted out of often tight-fisted Assemblies.
The 1985 session was marked by the passage of a bill making
Arkansas the first state to provide a basic skills test for its
teachers and a tax increase on gasoline and diesel fuel which
raised $50 million for roads and which ironically was passed over
Clinton's half-hearted veto--a symbolic gesture which made the
Governor look like the guardian of the public purse strings. 1 2
The end of this session also demonstrated the kind of legislative
lobbying style that members of Congress might see if it were not
�17
for the geographic and constitutional distance between the White
House and the Capitol. In a confrontation between the Senate and
the House over amendments to the Revenue Stabilization Act which
sets the biennial spending priori ties
for
the state,
Clinton
"jogged" from one house to the other, eating pizza for his supper
while he arranged a compromise between the two houses so that the
session could adjourn and the legislators could go home to their
districts. 1 3 Clinton was viewed as so effective during the 75th
General Assembly that one study of legislators and lobbyists ranked
him the most powerful actor in Arkansas politics (English and
Carroll, 1992).
Clinton was not as well organized for the 1987 session (the
legislative program
w~s
not prepared before the legislators got to
Little Rock) and it showed as the General Assembly rejected a onequarter cents sales tax that was part of a revenue program of $100
million that Clinton said he needed to fund school standards and
human service programs. 1 4 The 1989 session was similar. Arkansas
legislators who are very constituent oriented on controversial
bills, (English, 1992) especially when it might mean a tax hike for
low
income
citizens
in
their
districts,
resisted
Clinton's
entreaties to raise money for secondary and higher education school
funding by not passing either an increase in the income or sales
taxes. And even though Clinton had a high success rate in passing
bills through the 76th Assembly, almost any modern legislative
session is usually not considered successful unless key revenue
items are adopted. 1 5 After this session some observers thought
�18
Clinton might
not
seek
a
fourth
term or
at
least would be
significantly vulnerable to an electoral challenge. That challenge
did come but in a turn of events that could only be viewed as
exceedingly lucky for Clinton, his major primary opponent selfdestructed over disguising expensive personal entertainment as
business expenses while two strong Republican challengers cut each
other to pieces in one of the most divisive primaries in Arkansas
political history.
The
1991
session
gave
a
tremendous
boost
to
Clinton's
presidential plans. While he had a four year term and thus a free
run at the presidency, it might have been difficult to craft a
strong
presidential
campaign
coming
off
of
three
lackluster
legislative sessions .in a row. That simply did not happen. ··The
impending Persian Gulf War seemed to energize the legislators by
making their concerns seem small in relation to the national and
global consequences of war in the Middle East. Furthermore, Clinton
had laid the ground work for a successful session by holding
extensive pre-session meetings with legislators before the regular
session had begun. In consequence, within the first two weeks of
the session the legislature had adopted a one-half cent increase in
the sales tax to finance a $4,000 increase in public school teacher
salaries over the next biennium." In addition a low cost health care
program
was
passed,
an
environmental
package
which
included
restructuring of the industry dominated Pollution control and
Ecology Commission passed, and an innovative bank deposit plan in
which the state would deposit money in "linkage" banks which would
�19
then loan the money to businesses at interest rates that were lower
than could otherwise be competitively obtained was adopted. All in
all Clinton passed 73 out of 75 administration bills during his
last session as Governor. 1 6 In explaining the success of the
session, Clinton was quoted as saying:
The argument that I tried to make--that the legislature
clearly bought--was that nothing that happens in the
short term of the economy and nothing that happens in the
Middle East could change the underlying reality, which
was that Arkansas was not as well educated or as healthy
as the rest of the country •.. and that if we really wanted
to do something for our men and women in the Persian Gulf
we needed to give them a better state to come home
to.17
A profile of the data in Table II also reveals some other
interesting relationships. Note, for example, the very large number
of references to
th.~--
people mentioned in Clinton's first. major ....
program speech to the Congress. Again the Clinton rhetoric to
legislative bodies tended to play upon policy themes, education and
jobs, and of the common identification of the goals that must be
taken on and accomplished by all Americans.
Since the age of
television has long eclipsed the days of an insulated speech to
merely legislators, it is axiomatic to say that Clinton's rhetoric
on February 17, 1993, like that of virtually all 1960 and after
Presidents, was aimed well beyond the halls of Congress to people
themselves.
Presidential Inaugurals
It was assumed that a presidential inaugural would be a good
place to gain insight into the underlying governing values of a
President and that Clinton's rhetoric in particular--given his
�20
disposition toward policy--would be revealing of where he might
want to take the country. In consequence, a content analysis of all
the presidential inaugurals from FOR through Clinton was performed
to get some sense of how Clinton's rhetoric might compare or differ
from his predecessors. Table III reports those data by ranking for
each President the three most frequent word references in their
addresses.
Table III
Presidential Inaugurals
Inaugurals
The People
Priority 2
Priority 3
FOR 2000 words
33 ref ..
Foreign
God
FOR 2000 words
71 ref.
Creat-Gov
None
FOR 1350 words
47 ref.
Creat-Gov
Foreign
FOR
600 words
38 ref.
God
Together
HST 2400 words
96 ref.
Foreign
Together
DOE 2500 words
110 ref.
Foreign
God
DOE 1500 words
67 ref.
Foreign
Policy
JFK 1300 words
43 ref.
Foreign
Policy
LBJ 1400 words
50 ref.
Policy
God
RMN 2000 words
112 ref.
Foreign
Future
RMN 2400 words
69 ref.
Foreign
Personal Rep
JC
1200 words
62 ref.
Foreign
God
RR
2500 words
96 ref.
Foreign
God
RR 2500 words
100 ref.
God
Foreign
GB 2100 words
80 ref.
God
Foreign
BC 1600 words
112 ref.
Foreign
Future
Inspection of the table reveals several patterns. First, the
speeches as expected are relatively short and do not have many
�21
references
to
policy
endorsements
or
commitments.
Inaugural
addresses are speeches in which new presidents outline their vision
for the nation rather than their specific agenda. Second is the
large number of references that all the Presidents made identifying
themselves with the people and the nation, the rhetoric of "we"
"us" or "our." A President who wishes to share their vision with
the nation and move it in that direction will as a matter of course
attempt to identify their goals as the goals of the American
people. Presidential inaugurals, at least in respect to the modern
presidency, have this common thread. A third pattern is that the
second and third most frequently used words in modern presidential
addresses at least in terms of the model that was utilized her
refer to the international system and God.
References . to the .
international system particularly seem to pick up with Truman's
1948 inaugural address which coincides with the beginning of the
Cold War.
And if post World War II Presidents have a policy
orientation to their speeches it is directed to the international
system.
It
was
not
unexpected
to
find
references
to
God
in
presidential addresses. Washington in his first inaugural made a
number of references to religious symbols such as
11 • • •
that Almighty
Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the council of
nations ... ";
and " •.. to the Great Author of every public and
private good ••• " (Bicentennial Inaugural Addresses,
u.s.
Printing
Office). Modern Presidents have continued this religious deference.
Eisenhower began both his inaugural addresses with a prayer as did
�22
Bush and Clinton ended his inaugural address with the words, "We
have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now each in
our own way,
and with God's help--we must answer the call."
References to God then seem to be a another common thread of
inaugural rhetoric.
Clinton's inaugural is both similar to and different from
previous presidential inaugural addresses. While it is similar in
its general profile of words, it differs in the intensity of its
word identification with the people and the nation.
Although
Clinton's inaugural address is considerably shorter than both of
Reagan's addresses, Nixon's first address, and Eisenhower's first
speech, all of which sought to identify their vision with that of
the American people in respect to their word choice, Clinton's
speech proportionately identifies its vision with that of the
American people to a significantly greater degree. Clinton's speech
differs also, of course, in respect to his conception of the role
and mission of government. Whereas many of the previous Presidents
of the last 50 years were Republicans and spoke of limited and even
negative government,
Clinton's conception of government,
which
yields insight into his agenda for the nation, speaks more of
government as an innovator and catalyst for change---not as a
paternalistic father--but more like an encouraging sibling who gets
his little brother or sister going by helping when help is needed
and expecting independence in return. This theme is perhaps the
essence of Clinton's rhetoric and agenda for the nation and was
strongly stated in his inaugural address:
�23
It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something
for nothing from our government or from each other. Let
us take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and
our families but for our communities and our country.
Let us resolve to make our government a place for what
Franklin
D.
Roosevelt
called
"bold,
persistent
experimentation," a government for our tomorrows, not our
yesterdays.
Discussion
Bill Clinton enters the presidential stage with tremendous
promise.
He brings as much if not more political skill to the
office than any president in memory. In Arkansas, a difficult state
to govern, Clinton had a facility to make his agenda the state's
agenda.
He
suffered
defeats
and
setbacks
but
demonstrated
a
remarkable resiliency and persistence in keeping after his agenda.
The political skills learned ·in the rough and tumble world of
Arkansas politics will serve him well in the nation's capital.
Clinton has a personal warmth which he conveys readily to all he
meets.
He is able to imprint an intimacy upon people that few
politicians have had the ability to do as the hundreds if not
thousands of "FOB's" who flew out of Little Rock at their own
expense to campaign for him demonstrates. Clinton is also multifaceted
in
the
kinds
of
political
skills
he
brings
to
the
presidential office. He can make the inspiring speech, he enjoys
personally lobbying legislators, he likes making phone calls to
line up support, and his energy in meeting the people directly as
demonstrated during the campaign is already the stuff of political
legends.
�24
Clinton's agenda for the nation is very much like his agenda
for Arkansas when he first became Governor: better jobs, better
schools, better health care, and better lives for everyone--and
greater responsibility and sacrifice to achieve it. In Arkansas
Clinton did have a strong positive effect on the state even though
the
infamous
"state rankings"
did not dramatically shoot up.
Clinton in this sense may have achieved substantial incremental
policy reform than comprehensive reform in Arkansas and that may be
the same pattern in his presidency. Indeed, in Arkansas public
education appears dramatically better, the tax base is a little
broader, employment is generally better, and Arkansans appear to
feel much better about their state and their future. Yet few would
say that after 12 years of Clinton there still isn't a lot to do to
make life better for many citizens in the state. With greater
resources at his disposal and his rhetorical ability, Clinton has
the opportunity to achieve greater change at a quicker rate than he
did in Arkansas---but the pitfalls of the presidency are also
great. Clinton has the political skill, he is claiming a mandate
for change, and he has the rhetoric to lead. He will also need luck
if the Clinton promise is to match the words from his first
inaugural address as Governor:
For as long as I can remember, I have believed
passionately in the cause of equal opportunity, and I
will do what I can to advance it •.• For as long as I can
remember, I have wished to ease the burdens of life for
those who, through no fault of their own, are old or weak
or needy, and I will try to help them. For as long as I
can remember, I have been saddened by the sight of so
many of our independent, industrious, people working too
hard for too little because of inadequate economic
opportunities, and I will do what I can to enhance them.
�25
Today, we begin anew the people's business in a time that
is confusing, uncertain, and sometimes difficult to
understand ... We live in a world in which limited
resources, limited knowledge, limited wisdom must grapple
with problems of staggering complexity and confront
strong sources of power, wealth, conflict, and even
destruction, over which we have no control and little
influence .... (1979).
�26
ENDNOTES
1.
If you count Clinton's career in "public office" at Boys state
(a state sponsored program for high school leaders), class
president at Hot Springs High School
and Georgetown
University, his political career takes up 30 of his 46 years.
2.
Quoted in Joe Klein, "Bill Clinton: Who Is This Guy?" New York
Magazine, (January 20, 1992) p.30
3.
"Clinton Hits Congressman On Mine Act," Arkansas Gazette,
September 1, 1974, 18A.
4.
"Administration is Guilty Party, Clinton Asserts," Arkansas
Gazette, October 29, 1974, 3A.
5.
"Clinton Says Congress To Blame for
Gazette, September 25, 1974, 191A.
6.
Lawyers Clinton, Cash to Seek Attorney General Nomination,"
Arkansas Gazette, March 18, 1976, 1A.
7.
"Clinton Strongly Supports Assessment Equalization," Arkansas
Gazette, January 15, 1978, 7A.
8.
"Clinton Says Aid to Aging May Be Only Alternative," Arkansas
Gazette, February 17, 1978, 5A.
9.
"Soon-to-be-candidate Publishes Report of Work
Terms," Arkansas Gazette, January 12, 1978, 5A.
10.
John Brummett, "Clinton Keys State of the State on Utility
Issues, Prisons." January 19, 1983, lA.
11.
John Brummett, "Clinton Gives Details of Plan For Economy. 11
January 22, 1985, lA.
12.
John Brummett, "General Assembly to be Remembered for historic
moves," March 24, 1985 lA.
13.
Ibid., p. 6A.
14.
Scott Van Landingham, "Standards survive but other goals
fall," Arkansas Gazette, April 5, 1987, 1A.
15.
John Reed, "Clinton looks at score, finds several reasons to
be pleased," Arkansas Gazette, March 2, 1989, B2.
16.
David Woolsey, "Clinton bats nearly
Arkansas Gazette, April 1, 1991, B1.
17.
Ibid., 5B •.
Situation,"
Arkansas
11
1. 000
in
in Glowing
assembly, 11
�'
27
REFERENCES
Beyle, Thad L. 1989. "From Governors to Governors." in The
State of the States, (ed.) by Carl E. Van Horn, Washington,
D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press.
Bass, Jack and De Vries, Walter, 1976. The Transformation of
Southern Politics, New York: New American Library.
Blair, Diane D. 1988. Arkansas Politics and Government: Do the
People Rule? Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
English, Art and Carroll John J., 1983. Citizens Manual to the
Arkansas General Assembly, Little Rock: The Rose Press.
English, Art and Carroll John J.,
Politics of Inequality," in Interest
Southern States ( eds) by Ronald J.
Thomas, Tuscaloosa: The University of
1992. "Arkansas: The
Group Politics in the
Hrebenar and Clive s.
Alabama Press.
English, Art, 1992. "Work-Styles in a Part-Time Legislature:
A Preliminary Look at the Arkansas Experience," Paper
delivered to the annual meeting of the Arkansas Political
Science Association: Jonesboro, Arkansas, February 28, 1992.
Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the United States:
From George Washington 1789 to George Bush 1989. Washington
D.C.: United States Government Printing Office.
Johnston, Phyllis F., 1982. Bill Clinton's Public Policy for
Arkansas: 1979-1980. Little Rock: August House Publishers.
Rosenthal, Alan, 1990. Governors & Legislatures: Contending
Powers. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press.
Sorensen, Theodore c., 1963. Decision-Making in the White
House. New York: Columbia University Press.
Stuckey, Mary E. , 19 91. The President as Interpreter In-Chief.
New Jersey: Chatham House Publishers, Inc.
�THE MATRIX:
UNDERLYING VALUES AND THEMES IN THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECHES
AS REFLECTED IN IDS OWN BIOGRAPHY - RECORD - AND PROGRAM
I. "NOT A PERSON TO WASTE" - empowering individuals to fulfill their God-given
ability through education, work, service, and personal responsibility
o BIO: BC learned to value work through seeing the efforts of his mother and
grandparents to make a better future, and then worked his own way through college
and law school. His family also gave him a respect for education, teaching him to
count and spell when he was two; he developed a passion for learning and excelled in
studies from civics to music. BC served his schools and his community throughout
his educational career; following his conscience, he also becaine involved in the civilrights movement. Then he came home to serve his state, believing he had an
obligation there.
o RECORD: BC has markedly improved Arkansas's schools: he insisted on higher
standards in teaching, course offerings, class size, etc.; increased spending; instituted
competency tests for teachers; established college scholarship programs; and invested
in adult literacy programs. In the area of work, he increased the number of jobs in
Arkansas, instituted a youth apprenticeship program, established small-business loan
programs and other development projects, and provided training and education
programs for welfare recipients.
o PROGRAM: BC's plan for improving education includes establishing standards and
national tests; more school choice; funding security services for violence-ridden
schools; establishing a youth opportunity corps, a college-loan trust fund, and adult
training, apprenticeship, and literacy programs. The lifelong learning programs will
also benefit workers, as will BC's plans for encouraging investment in the US,
rebuilding Amenca·s infrastructure, converting the defense establishment to peacetime
use, and opening world markets. Americans will be given the opportunity to serve
and the incentive to take personal responsibility for their lives through programs such
as the college loan trust fund and welfare-to-work initiatives.
o QUOTE: "We don't have a person to waste, everybody counts in this country ...• I
would appoint people who believed in human rights and equal opportunity and the
capacity of every man and woman and boy and girl in this country to live up to their
God-given ability.... You've got to give everybody something to do and you've got
to make them believe they can make a difference."
1
.. ··
�····t.
n.
"FAMILY VALUES MEANS VALUING FAMILIES"- rewarding our families for
working hard and playing by the rules, and giving them the help they need to flourish
o BIO: BC was raised by an extended family rich in love and values if not in cash.
His grandfather taught him that if he worked hard and played by the rules, he would
be rewarded. During troubled times with his stepfather, he worked hard to bring
peace to the family. Later, when he was governor and his stepbrother got into
trouble over drugs, BC used the "tough love" tactic of forcing him to confront and
surmount his problem. BC finds strength and comfort in hi$ own family, and in the
past has confronted and surmounted problems of his own instead of running away
from them.
o RECORD: BC has worked hard on behalf of the children, families, and older
people of Arkansas. He has favored tax systems that hurt working people the least,
eliminating taxes for many low-income taxpayers and reducing them for many more;
improved health services for pregnant women, children, and senior citizens; raised
standards for childcare centers and nursing homes; instituted the Israeli HIPPY
program in Arkansas to teach parents how to teach their children; and worked to stop
crime and help its victims, including strengthening drug laws. Yet he also expects
families to play by the rules, and encourages that with inducements ranging from
fining parents who miss conferences with their children's teachers to sending
nonviolent first offenders to "boot camp. •
o 'PROGRAM: First, BC intends to make the tax system fairer for the average family.
He will expand the earned income tax credit, so that no one with a family who works
fulltime will fall below the poverty level; increase taxes on the wealthiest, who have
not been paying their fair share; give middle-class parents a choice between a
children's tax credit or a tax-rate reduction; control healthcare costs and make
insurance universally available; help people on welfare to get training, education, and
child care; support reproductive choice for women; fund experimental community
programs to help children at risk form a stable relationship with a caring adult; sign
the Family and Medical Leave Act; and crack down on deadbeat parents who are
shirking child-support payments.
o QUOTES: "The President and the Vice president talk a lot about family values.
Well, if we really had family values in this country, we would value families. We
talk about family values but the truth is, we're about the only country without a
family policy."
"If family values are going to mean something, we must offer our nation a third way.
A nation that guarantees opportunity for every family, but a society that demands
responsibility from every individual."
2
�....
m.
"WE'RE ALL IN nns TOGETHER" - rebuilding a sense of community and ending
the spirit of divisiveness that is wracking the nation
o BIO: BC grew up in an ethnically diverse community that included two synagogues,
but which was still, like the rest of the South, segregated by race. His grandfather
nonetheless taught him that all people are the same and that no one should be treated
differently because of skin color- that segregation and discrimination were morally
wrong. As a young man be was active in the civil-rights movement, and during the
riots in Washington following King's assassination he drove through the fiery streets
bringing food and medicine for the people. A Southern Baptist, he attended
Georgetown University, a Roman Catholic institution. His daughter now attends
public school in Little Rock, where she is in the racial minority. BC admires and
shares his wife's feminism.
o RECORD: In his own administration BC has demonstrated his commitment to
equality of opportunity: he has named African Americans and women to powerful
positions, and of his gubernatorial staff half are female and a quarter African
American. He supported the ERA and a strong Civil Rights bill. In the policy arena,
he has initiated programs to encourage investments in primarily African American
communities and businesses; his welfare-refonn and child-support projects have
disproportionately benefitted women and minorities; and his state has become a leader
in developing programs to protect Native American culture.
o PROGRAM: BC wants to put an end to the officially sanctioned divisiveness and
division we have seen under the Bush Administration. While continuing to develop
programs to benefit those Americans who have been excluded and held back, he
believes that every American will benefit if all Americans are valued as equal
members of the national community. We will all be safer, wealthier, and happier.
o QUOTES: •The ..• thing that's killing this country is that most people don't believe
they matter very much to their friends and neighbors. We don't have the sense of
community that we need that embraces people across racial and ethnic .lines and
income lines."
"Nobody is on their own in this country. we•re all in this together. The more we
ignore our problems today, the more we'll all pay for them tomorrow, in lost
economic strength, in increased violence, in costlier jails, in poorer schools, and lost
futures."
IV. •THE AMERICAN DREAM" - restoring our faith in the future
3
�o BIO: BC was born the year after the end of World Wax n into an America that had
emerged from the pain and haxdship of Depression and wax to become the greatest
nation on earth. His family and community believed, as many Americans believed,
that America's values- hard work, faith, family, individual-responsibility, and
community- had been tested and found strong and fine. They looked forward to a
happy future secured by those values.
o RECORD: In the beginning of the 1980s, Arkansas, a traditionally poor and
predominantly rural state, was lagging behind most of the other states in its own
pursuit of the American Dream. Schools were suffering, manufacturing jobs were
leaving the state, fanners were haxd hit by international competition and financing
problems, and demands for social services were increasing. During that time the
citizens of Arkansas elected BC governor five times. In a remarkable partnership he
and the people have worked to restructure the economy, raise education levels, fight
drugs and crime, refonn welfare, improve public health, protect the environment, and
encourage a more active and accountable relationship between government and
people. Arkansas and its people moved into the future by standing up for America's
values.
o PROGRAM: BC believes that for the past dozen years the federal government has
been rigged in favor of the rich and special interests, and has betrayed the values that
made us great. For the first time in history, we are in danger of passing on to our
children a future less promising than our past. All BC' s plans and programs are
dedicated to restoring the health, the wealth, and the faith of the forgotten middle
class, and to bequeathing our children a world they will thank us for.
o QUOTE: "What is eating the heart out of this country today is that we have lost ...
a faith in the future. More and more of our people do not believe that tomorrow will
be better than today. And when you don't believe that, it's pretty hard to get up
every day and go to work whether you work in a plant, or in a little business, or on a
farm, or in city hall. We must restore the belief in the faith of the future."
4
�Some quips and ·one-liners from the Campaign:
"If the R~ubticans wiU stw telling lies about the Democrats. we will sto.p telling the truth about
them ... "- Adlai Stevenson
"Ha.ha ha. And I might add. ho. ho. ho - Everett Dirksen
Regretably, the Clinton speech texts we have omit most of the spontaneous humor of the
campaign. Much of what remains in print is dated or focussed on the immediate occasion of the
speech in question. From here forward, though, we should try for at leasftwo jokes in each speech:
one self-deprecating, the other partisan but not mean-spirited. As Michael Dukakis said, "Some
accuse me of being a technocrat- with no sense of humor. That's why I've announced a plan to tell
29% more jokes by November..... •
Of course, a presidential candidate is not a comedian, and the great 17th century Jesuit Baltasar
Gracian rightly warns us of excess levity in his Art of Worldly Wisdom (maxim 76). Still, Gracian
notes, "A jovial character, in moderation, is a gift, not a defect A pinch of wit is good seasoning."
(maxim 79) As the late Mo Udall put it in his book, Too Funny to be President, "humor invigorates
the body politic. It uplifts the national spirit." Humor is also, arguably, an index of a candidate's
confidence. And that confidence is contagious.
Here's what we've got:
"I've spent the last few days under doctor's orders not to speak. Imagine how much happier you
would be if all the politicians in America lost their voices for a week every year... •
-Wharton, Aprill6, 1992
"I told someone the other day that I'd started working on my memoirs of this campaign. I mean, I
have no time to write, but I've got the title: •A billionaire, a millionaire and me." - with Ray Flynn
25 June 1992
(or, "an autocrat, an aristocrat, and a Democrat" -Paul Begala)
"I also want to say a special word of thanks to the band .... The Roma band ..... Good thing they didn't
have a saxophone, I'd still be over there instead of up here .... • Same day, Boston
"I never thought running for President would boil down to playing my Saxophone on Arsenio Hall's
show. Then have Arsenio look at me and say he was glad to see a Democrat blow something besides
an election ... " to UAW 6/lS/1992
"The Vice President now calls himself the 'pit bull' of this campaign. I can tell you, when I heard
that, I thought every fire hydrant in America's going to. be terrified. •
*******************************
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Information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
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financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Checklist
~Q.,.\('1 . . . .
Preofed copy of the Inaugural Address as delivered.
Inaugural Addresses as Governor.
Transcript of speech after NY primary 4/7/92.
Transcript of speech naming Sen. Gore as running mate 7/9/92.
~~mn!JM
·.
.
Phyllis Anderson-\.said some select quotes (from 1987 speeches)
were compiled in a single document for a book entitled ANTAEUS.
Speech after death of Central High graduate Roosevelt Thompson,
3/29/84.
L;},s:f 11-ro- Book entitled, The Clintons of Arkansas .
. Scrapbook of cartoons compiled for the President by Linda Dixon.
[ooi}
Cartoons by George Fischer showing progression from diapers to
politician, from tricycle to pickup truck.
Cartoon from Governor's office lobby portraying Governor Clinton
as football player by John Kennedy.
Search archive data base for the following keywords/subjects:
Declaration of Independence
Bill of Rights
Constitution
Founding Fathers
Supreme Court
The Congress (as an institution in America government)
Presidency
Bully Pulpit
file:C:items.cw
.---···
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COLLECTION:
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Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Archives Project- Best Clinton Quotes [4]
2008-0699-F
'm483
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)(
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIAJ
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purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
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Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA)
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financial information ((a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRAJ
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�To~
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Archives Project- Best Clinton Quotes [4]
2008-0699-F
'm483
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act- JS U.S.C. 552(b)J
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P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
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an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA(
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
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COLLECTION:
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Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Archives Project- Best Clinton Quotes [4]
2008-0699-F
'm483
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAl
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P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
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personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
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an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
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purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
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financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
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concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA(
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�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 31, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR: George Stephanopoulos, Director of Communications
FROM:
SUBJECT:
~
Carter Wilkie, Communications ReSearch
request from National Archives
I would like to coordinate the effort to fulfill the attached request from the National
Archives. Considering that this will be one of the first official attempts to measure the
Clinton Presidency against 20th century predecessors, this is a fairly significant project.
With your permission, I would like to work with David Kusnet, Paul Begala, Nancy
Hernreich, Diane Blair and perhaps others to collect the requested material. I also
believe you and, ultimately, the President and First Lady would want to approve all items
prior to submission.
The National Archives wants the piece published by September or October. They need
to go to print in early June. Our deadline would be four to six weeks from now •• early
May at the latest.
·
Please let me know your decision when you reach one.
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�THE WHITE HOUSE
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�REMARKS BY PRESIDENT-ELECT BILL CLINTON<
TO THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP COUNCIL GALA<
UNION STATION<
WASHINGTON, D.C.<
10:44 P.M. (EST)<
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1992 .STX<
PRESIDENT-ELECT CLINTON: Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you very
much. First, let me thank all of you for coming to this wonderful and
historic place. I know the acoustics are not the best, but it's worth it
just to be here in this big, beautiful place, celebrating a victory hardwon and richly deserved by all of you who are here.<
There are so many here to whom I am profoundly grateful, starting with the
gentleman who introduced me. Al Gore made a major contribution to this
campaign victory and will make a major contribution to bringing America back
and bringing America together, and I'm very proud of him and Tipper and
grateful for their partnership with us. (Applause.)<
I want to thank so many people. I appreciate what Al said about Hillary.
We have worked hard together throughout our lives, and we're working hard on
this transition. I want to thank, on behalf of both of us, all of you who
started out with us last October, some of you even before; went through the
hard times and justifiably earned the enjoyment of the happy times.<
I want to say a special word of thanks to the people with whom I have
shared the experience of being in the Democratic Leadership Council, not
only the past chairs who have been introduced, but all the rest of you who
were there all along the way, and a special word of hope to the future of
this organization, represented by people like Mike Espy and Jill Long and
Dave McCurdy and Joe Lieberman, our vice chairs. We're committed to making
this organization a broad-based engine of ideas and a drive for the future
of America.<
I want to thank Speaker Foley and our wonderful party chairman, Ron Brown,
for being here tonight and for all the rest of you who have come here to
express your appreciation for what together we have been able to accomplish
this year.<
The Democratic Leadership Council in the 1980s grew out of a common
experience of those of us who began with it. We realized that our
adversaries in the Republican party had convinced many American voters that
we were alien to their interests, their hopes, their dreams and their
ability to get anything done. We knew that what they said about us was not
consistent with who we were, what we felt about ourselves and where we
wanted to take the country. And so we set about to change all that with
some very basic ideas: First, that ideas matter; what you stand for .ETX
�CLINTON/DLC PAGE 2 12/08/92 .STX counts. Message in that sense is more
important than personality; second, that we had to move beyond the (staid?)
old debates between left and right, what is politically correct in an age
that has gone by; third, that the job of government was to expand
opportunity and not just to expand government itself; fourth, that we ought
to support and make our free enterprise system work, but not try to replace
it; fifth, that with all the rights we enjoy as Americans, there are
corresponding responsibilities, and no government can ever create
opportunities for people who will not assume the responsibility to seize
those opportunities; and finally, that we are one nation under God. We
don't have a person to waste. We're all in this together. We're going up
or down together, whether we like it or not.<
It was those simple convictions that led the Democratic Leadership Council
to its agenda of opportunity, responsibility and community, to the idea that
we could actually make government work by changing the way it works, by
involving people from the grassroots up, and by standing for things that
were bigger than ourselves and that would break us out of a mold of tired
debates which left most Americans tuned out and turned off.<
In this election, among the things that I am most proud of is the fact
that huge and historic numbers of younger voters registered and voted
because they believe in the promise of change for the first time in a very
long time. And those of you here can take a lot of responsibility for that.
(Applause.)<
Perhaps the single most important idea we have advocated in terms of its
symbolism is the idea of voluntary national service, the elemental
proposition that in the world we are living in, we ought to make it possible
for every American, without regard to race or gender or income, to get a
college education, but that if we do it, those Americans ought to give
something back to their country to rebuild it from the grassroots up and to
bring it together. That is the kind of thing we ought to be doing to move
this country forward, and the Democratic Leadership Council should be in the
forefront of that when the Congress convenes in January and we make the idea
of national service a reality in the lives of millions and millions of
Americans. (Applause.)<
The last thing I want to say to you is this: I ran for president from the
heartland. I have never lived in this city except as a college student. I
know that most Americans are pretty down on Washington, and I think most
Americans who serve here are better perhaps than the country thinks. But I
also believe that f~r too long, Washington has underestimated the strength
and energy, the integrity and the yearnings of the people who live beyong
t~e borders of this citX·
One of my strongest and deepe~t hopes is that.
together, we can 6r~age the gap between the nation's cap~tal and the nat~o~
~f people who sent us all here.<
Let us resolve tonight to make real in the lives of our people the ideas
that have led this organization to its vital present through seven tough
years. Because we believe ideas matter, it is now our solemn responsibility
to make them come alive in the minds and the hearts and the daily
experiences of all of our people. That is my pledge to you. You help me do
it by continuing to support the Democratic Leadership Council. .ETX
�CLINTON/DLC PAGE 3 12/08/92 .STX<
Thank you, and God bless you all.
(Applause.)
END .ETX
�
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
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1993-1995
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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91
5
8
3
�'
.
STATE OF ARKANSAS
OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR
State Capitol
Little Roclc 72201
BILL CLINTON
GOVERNOR 01' ARKANSAS
CHAUTAUQUA CONFERENCE ON THB AMERICAN FAMILY 1 PART II
•
•
•
CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK
AUGUST 15 1 1988
Bill Clinton
Governor
�Thank you very much.
I am honored to be here today, in
this venerable institution, to discuss one of the oldest and
newest questions in American politics: whether we ought to have
a national family policy and what it ought to be. For a long time
- as long as I can remember anyway - we have found it very
difficult to talk about family policy as a political issue. I
think that is largely because we are a country which has as one of
its foremost values the importance of individualism, the
importance of individual families, and the idea that the government ought not to reach into individual or family life anymore
than is absolutely necessary. Furthermore, I think that whenever
we talk about family policy as a political issue, we can't help
bringing to bear our own experiences and our own understandings.
Sometimes, that can be very painful, and it is always very
personal.
In order to make that connection I suppose I should begin my
remarks by making some measure of disclosure about my own past. I
was raised until I was 4 by my grandparents. My grandmother was a
working woman, a nurse. My mother worked daily all my childhood
at home. My wife works, and my daughter works on me -over-time.
I have also been deeply influenced by the activities of my
wife. She is the chairman of the board to the Children's Defense
Fund, a member of the ~oard of the Child Care Action Campaign,
headed by Eleanor Geuggenhiem of New York who has been working on
the child care issue for nearly 60 years now.
My wife is also a
member of the Grant Commission which is studying w~at I think may
be the most important and most uncharted issue in education
reform: what happens to young people who leave high school and go
to work, who do not go on to college or any kind of training
program.
In that sense, while I am glad to be the only male speaker at
this forum you might be better off if my wife were here.
About a year and a month ago, actually a year and a month ago
this day, I announced after a lot of soul searching that I would
not enter the democratic presidential primaries, in large measure
because my wife and I are the parents of an only child who at that
time was 7. I concluded the only chance we would have to win
would be for both of us to be gone six or seven days a week for a
year and a half. It seems to me if you do that, particularly to
an only child at that age, the risk of some permanent
psychological damage to the child is very considerable. I
couldn't see going through the rest of my life making speeches
about something so important to me that I had been a hypocrite on.
Those are my prejudices.
I should also further state that our family is like all other
families and has not been free of personal tragedy. I have a
younger brother of whom I am very proud who is a recovering drug
addict. So I have seen, personally, a lot of the problems that
American families are grappling with today.
1
�The challenges to our families and to our country are many.
But, we could all agree that there are three great challenges to
the strength and success of families.
The first is poverty. One in four children under the age of
five in the United States today is living below the poverty line.
That is an astonishing statistic when measured against the
background of what is often called the longest peacetime economic
expansion in our history. The fate of these children has been
well chronicled in Marian Edelman's book, Families in Peril, and I
commend it to all of you. The birth rate is growing among poor
families, so the percentage of poor children under the age of 5
will increase if we don't do something about it.. These children
are far more likely to be born with low birth weights and,
therefore, far more likely to have avoidable mental and physical
disabilities which will stay with them the rest of their lives.
These handicaps may lead to failure in school, failure as
.citizens, increased rates of hospitalization, welfare dependency,
and incarceration. We are paying for these families now on the
back end rather than the front end. They are likely to be ill
prepared for the life they have to live today, and they are almost
certainly ill prepared for the world which we are moving towards.
The second great challenge to families is one not confined to
just poor people. It is work. By 1995, two thirds of all
preschool children will have mothers in the work force. Many of
them wish to work, and many have to work either because they are
the sole support of their children or their husbands earn so
little. Last night I tried to get here, but I was waylaid at the
Chicago O'Hare airport by a late airplane and so I spent the night
at the Chicago Hilton. I ended up eating a late dinner at 11:00
p.m., and I was served by a young woman who told me she had three
children, 11, 13, and 14 in the public schools. She was there
working until one o'clock every night to support them. I know
there are so many women like her who are the only support their
children have. Two-thirds of all the married women in the work
force have husbands with incomes under $15 thousand. So, they
too, are there not only because they may wish to work but because
they must.
There are important economic reasons why the rest of us
should not discourage too many of these women from working. By
1995, according to the United States Department of Labor, we will
have a labor shortage in this country if present trends continue.
Nonetheless, it is deeply disturbing to me to see how the work
patterns of so many American families discourage child bearing
among some of those who would be the best and the strongest
parents.
For the last year, my wife has chaired a committee of the
American Bar Association which is looking into the practices of
law firms in this country; how they treat their women associates,
how they treat their women partners, how women are hired as
compared with men, and how they progress through the law firms.
There were some absolutely shocking findings in this research
indicating, among other things, that young women lawyers got very
clear signals from a lot of major law firms that if they ever
wanted to become partners they shouldn't entertain the thought of
2
�..
having children. Institutions which ought to represent the best
of our society are giving messages to women who could become
excellent mothers that it's more important to them to have those
women work 80 hours a week and bill a $150 an hour to do law
practice that may or may not need to be done rather than have
children who could pave the way for this country's future.
Practices like that are not confined to law firms. The
parental leave practices of many of our larger employers
discourage working women from having children. Many of those who
could be the most successful parents, therefore, are passing up
opportunities they would dearly love to have. This is deeply
troubling to me and I hope that all of us can have some very
serious conversations about it. We have to resolve this conflict.
Life's most important job is still parenthood.
Third, the changes in the structure of the American family
present challenges, as we all know. Lenore Weizman in her book,
~he Divorced Revolution, points out that not only has the divorce
rate continued to increase in our country but that women, who are
usually left with dependent children, are on the average 42
percent worse off in terms of their income within three years
after the divorce. In other words, all these divorce reforms
which have been passed in legislatures across the country,
including the bill I signed, have had the perverse impact, not of
liberating women or making them more equal or enabling them to
support their children better but just the reverse. Our inability
to enforce child support laws adequately has resulted in a
precipitous decline in the incomes of American women and,
therefore, of their children. When you look at that and compare
it with the high rates of teen pregnancy and other out-of-wedlock
births it is obvious that we have new challenges. Now the teen
pregnancy rate is declining, but it is still more than twice as
high as that of any of the major countries with which we compete.
If you were to come visit me you would see the office of an
exceedingly sentimental person. I have a lot of things there made
by craftsmen from my home state: two tables, a Bowie knife,
paintings by artists from my home state, and old pictures of my
family. There is a picture of my grandmother and her brother and
sister in 1916 by a little rural school in Southwest Arkansas; a
picture of my grandfather in the year my mother was born, 1923,
standing by the furnace of a great old saw mill into which he is
shoveling wood chips; and a picture of me in 1952 at the age of 6
lying on my back in a hospital bed with a broken leg holding my
great grandfather's hand. He looks like the American Gothic
painting. He was a big old raw boned man hardly ever.out of
overalls. He lived in a country house up on blocks. It had a
storm cellar that was a hole in the ground where I used to go
spend the night with the snakes and the coal oil lamp. They were
my extended family and while we didn't have much money we had a
great strong family in which everyone felt loved, a part of
something bigger than himself or herself, a family in which the
adversities of death, divorce, and other problems could be dealt
with and reconciled.
3
�One of the biqqest problems we have in this country today is
that there are so few children that could ever have their pictures
taken holdinq their qreat qrandfather's hand, or would ever have a
picture of their qrandmother as a school child to look at on the
mantle piece. They will never have these kinds of connections
which have sustained so many of us throuqhout our lives.
Unfortunately these trends of poverty, family chanqes and work
tend to reinforce each other amonq the most vulnerable of our
people. William Julius Wilson in his brilliant analysis of the
underclassed, ~ TrulY Disadvantaged, had chronicled this
development. At the end of World War II, the divorce rate amonq
blacks and whites in this country was virtually indentical. The
rate of illeqitimate births amonq blacks and whites were very
close at the end of World War II. As we have seen in the last 40
years, dramatic economic chanqes in the inner city have been
accompanied by dramatic social chanqes. So that as the jobs moved
out, behavior destructive to family life moved in. And,
_perversely, our civil riqhts laws, which helped to qive equal
opportunities to so many blacks, also led to an exodus from the
inner city of the stronqest, healthiest black families which once
served as role models for their troubled neiqhbors. These three
trends are all workinq toqether to pose qreat challenqes and to
put qreat pressures on the American family.
What are we to do_about it? What is the role of qovernment?
As someone who has spent the better part of his adult life
unashamedly as a politician, I can tell you that there are very
few qovernment proqrams which operate to save people. ~he qovernment is not a saviour. Yet, the qovernment cannot be a spectator
either. One of the thinqs I find myself most stronqly in
disaqreement with in the philosophy of the last eiqht years is the
assertion that if you look at aqqreqate numbers on unemployment
and inflation they look all riqht. Therefore, it's all riqht for
the qovernment to be a spectator while the fate of millions of
people is beinq decided in a very destructive way. What we have
tried to do in my state, what I believe the national qovernment
should move to do, and what people in both parties are beqinninq
to qrapple with, is to construct a role for qovernment not as
saviour, not as spectator, but as catalyst and partner.
our first qoal should be to help the parents succeed, and
when they fail, to save as many children as we can. We should
commit ourselves to brinqinq healthy babies into this world, and
keepinq them as healthy as we can. It's the most inexpensive
thinq we can do to strenqthen the American family. Even aqainst
the backqround of the budqet cuts of the last few years, the
Conqress has succeeded in passinq and the President has siqned
leqislation desiqned first in 1986 to allow states to provide
Medicaid coveraqe to preqnant women and their children up throuqh
aqe 5 whose income is up to 100 percent of the federal poverty
line, and late last year the Conqress extended that coveraqe for
health benefits to those with incomes up to 185 percent of the
federal poverty line. States must take advantaqe of this option,
and at the same time make sure that they have qood preventive
health care networks in place. Then even in the poorest places in
America we can brinq down the infant mortality rate, brinq down
4
�the low birth weight rate, and deal with low birth weight babies
in a more effective way. That is terribly important.
Then throughout adolescence we need to maintain a good
network of healthcare. In our state 70 percent of the
immunizations are being done by our state health department. If
you have immunized any kids lately, you know that the cost is
going through the roof. We estimate that by the end of next year
we will be doing 85 percent of all the immunizations. The cost of
our vaccines has more than tripled in three years.
Those are the kinds of things we have to do through public
health networks, working with private providers to deal with the
health needs of the family. A sick child or a permanently
disabled child is going to be in a family less likely to work, is
going to be a child which himself or herself will be less likely
to have a successful family, is going to be an economic burden
rather than a boon to all the rest of us.
Secondly, we have got to become finally the last advanced
economy in this world to have a decent, adequate system of child
care for all of our people. We have got to do that. We can't
expect the federal government will solve all the problems. We had
seven years of cutbacks in federal subsidies for child care. Many
states, including poor states like mine, with limited revenues,
are trying to make up the difference by putting up state funds for
child care. There is no question that we need more subsidized
child care slots. In addition, states have particular
responsibilities to make sure that the child care centers are good
ones with high standards and well trained people.
There are
countless hundreds of thousands of American parents who go to work
every day worried sick that their kids are in a child care center
without adequate education, without any kind of training, without
any kind of stimulation, or just stuck in front of a television
all day not learning anything. They think that they can't afford
any more of their income for child care. It's up to the states,
at least under the present system, to make sure that those child
care workers are trained and that every center has a strong
educational component. The child care tax credit at the federal
and state levels can be a real aid in allowing working parents to
send their children to more expensive quality child care centers.
Therefore, it needs to be revamped and concentrated on the people
who need it most, the middle income people. I think that if this
is done, we can have less revenue loss and more benefit to the
people who are most in need. But we need direct federal
investment too, for those whose incomes permit no benefits from
tax credit.
Finally, we need to develop greater partnerships with businesses. Very few businesses have business-based child care
centers today. Most of those which do are very proud of them, and
most of them are very, very successful. Smaller businesses
obviously can't have child care centers. But there are all kinds
of other options available, and states need to be catalysts in
working with businesses to help them make those options available
to their employees. There will be private solutions, there will
be public solutions, and there will be mixed solutions. But, we
5
�•,
cannot afford to continue to live with the prospect of having all
the little children being born to very poor mothers because
working parents fear that they can't afford to have kids or they
do not know who is going to take care of them, or having working
parents with the same kinds of failures as truly disadvantaged
parents simply because they don't have the support systems that
they need.
You may agree that we ought to go back to a former time when
every mother stayed home with a child until the age of 2 or 3.
Given the economic problems and social disorder of the present
day, it seems to me that this is just pie in the sky rhetoric. It
costs the average family, just for example, three times the
percentage of its income to live in a home than it did a
generation ago. You will hear at the Republican convention this
week that family income is up nine percent in the Reagan years.
That will be trumpeted. If I were a Republican, I would trumpet
it too. But let me tell you what they don't say: family income
is up, but average hourly wages have continued to decline. Family
income is up because more families have both adults in the work
force, and the average wage earner, as opposed to the average salary employee, is working a longer work week in 1988 than he or she
was in 1978. This is why family income is up, people are working
longer and more people are working. We have got to have a network
of child care.
That leads to the parental leave issue. There is a lot of
controversy now about the parental leave bill befo~e Congress.
Small business says we can't afford it, though much of small
business is written out. Your small business says we can't afford
it. Maybe there is no comprehensive legislative policy which
solves the problem, but it is wrong for us to say to the working
people that we don't want you to have kids and if you do you will
lose your job. We have got to work out not only a system of
parental leave for people when they have babies but for people
when their children are sick. People need to be able to qet off
work when their children are in trouble at school or if there is
an event at school where the parents need to be.
Have you ever gone to school with your kids when the parents
are introduced and looked at the expressions on the faces of the
kids who don't have anybody there? Have you ever done that? It's
just like a body blow. If the private sector cannot afford to
accommodate good strong parenting policies, there is something
wrong with the free enterprise system. I believe we can afford ·
it, and I think it is good economics. Every company that has
accommodated child care needs, every company that has.accommodated
the desire of parents to be good parents, the most fundamental
emotional drives people have, has discovered and improved employee
morale, improved productivity, and increased profits on the bottom
line. Nobody is losing money by doing riqht on these issues. We
just need more people to believe that they can do it. I think it
is terribly important that we accommodate not only the child care
issue but the parental leave issue.
6
�In the area of education we have to face the fact that too
many children are being born into families where they will not get
the kind of preparation they need unless the government steps in.
Only 18 percent of the eligible kids in this country are now
covered by the Head Start Program, a proven success. We should
cover them all and in addition we should develop specific
strategies to bring the parents of poor children into the process
of preparing their children for school.
our state has 1,400 families now involved in a project we
borrowed from Israel, called "HIPPY", Home Instruction Program for
Preschool Youngsters. Israel developed this project 20 years ago
to deal with all the immigrants coming in from poorer societies,
Jewish families that were not as well educated as the native
Israelis, or those who had come as immigrants from Europe. They
wanted to figure out how to get those kids up to par with the
others by the time they started school. The program basically
.involves using a set of simple notebooks to teach parents, no
matter how illiterate they might be, to teach the children to get
ready for kindergarten by teaching the differences between basic
concepts like big and small, open and shut, bright and dark, as
well as basic colors, shapes and numbers and basic reasoning
skills. When my wife found out about this program almost by
accident, we called the founder, Dr. Lombard, in Israel, and asked
her to come to Arkansas to see if her program could work in our
state. There are now HIPPY projects in five other countries
besides Israel, and in the u.s., in eight cities in seven
different states, but we have the only statewide program, the
largest in the world outside of Israel. For 20 minutes a day,
five days a week, 30 weeks a year, the mother sits with the child
and goes through the workbook. Then every week a HIPPY worker
comes by and goes over the last week's program to see how it went
and to plan the next week's program. Let me give you some of the
results in just two years. After the two year cycle, 16 months of
HIPPY, the children tested showed learning gains of 33 months. In
one of the poorest counties in America located in Southeast
Arkansas in the Mississippi Delta, one child who was in the eighth
month cycle who was diagnosed as being retarded when he entered
the program showed a 48 month gain. In western Arkansas, we had
39 welfare mothers in a HIPPY project, 39 mothers all on welfare.
After the first year 18 of them had enrolled in education and job
training courses because they felt that they could have some
future and they owed it to their kids. In other words we are not
only teaching the kids, we are teaching the parents.
At the Governor's Conference in Cincinnati last week, I
brought one of our HIPPY participants to testify. She is 25 years
old.
She became pregnant at 14, and has children 10, a, 6, and
4. She never finished high school.
She gave a very well
reasoned and eloquent statement about how her youngest son expects
her to be on time for every session of HIPPY. She said, "You
know, I am finally doing something to help my child grow. My
youngest child is going to succeed and everybody says how
wonderful this is, but my life is not going to be really wonderful
until I am off welfare and at work." HIPPY changes the whole
attitude of the people who are affected by it. When we tested the
kids who were in last year's class, only 6 percent of them tested
7
�•
average or above average going into the program, at the end of a
year, 74 percent tested average or above average.
This is the kind of thing this country has to do. If you
want any information on the program, give me your name after the
event this morning, I will be glad to send it to you. Why did it
work? Because it puts the family first, and gives parents a
chance to succeed. It's not true that all poor people are lazy or
dumb or want to do wrong. Most of them are good people who want
to do right, who feel just as trapped in their circumstances as we
know they are. They know something is·wrong, they just don't know
what to do about it. The most successful family policies will be
those that enable parents to succeed. We should .always work on
that first.
There will be those who fail or those who need help. One of
the things we have done in our state for them is to require every
elementary school to have a counselor. It's expensive and most
states don't do it.
When you hire all those counselors, that's
money you could be putting into teacher pay, which we know needs
to be raised everywhere. But there are so many kids who come into
those schools without any kind of role models at all, with no one
to turn to, and the counselors can really make a difference.
School counselling hasn't always been the brightest light in
American education. A-lot of school counsellors still spend their
time trying to tell average kids they shouldn't go to college,
which is nuts. However, more and more of them now understand the
burden which is on them, and they can make a big difference to
those who need help.
Also, children who are at-risk need to have activities which
enable them to lead constructive lives. That is, it is not enough
to tell kids they should just say no. Just say no to $ex, just
say no to drugs, just say no to anything. That's an important
message. Don't construe my comment as a criticism of the
President or the First Lady. It's an important message, but it's
not enough. There's a limit to how long you can tell people to
say no to things if they have got an attention span of 30 seconds.
If they don't believe in the future anyway, why should they say
no? We just had 150 kids from East Arkansas, from our second
poorest county, arrested in Detroit for selling crack. They were
brought up there to become part of a crack mill. Why did they do
it? The minority youth unemployment rate in their home county was
60 percent. They earned more money selling crack for one month,
than they could in two years at home even if they had a job. We
didn't give them anything to say yes to. I'm not excusing their
conduct, or saying they shouldn't be punished, but we·have got to
give these kids a chance to say yes to life. A lot of companies
are now providing extra enrichment opportunities for young people.
In my state, ARKLA Gas Company is providing such services. We
have got to do more to keep kids busy doing positive things. If
the government has to pay for it, then we ought to pay for it.
It's a lot cheaper than ·paying $25 thousand a year to keep them in
jail.
Just a couple more things on national issues. Welfare reform
legislation has been working its way through Congress, and I hope
8
�•
and pray it won't be derailed in the last moment because of the
presidential election. Forty-nine of the 50 governors voted for a
welfare policy that I helped to draft two-and-one-half years ago,
and we have been working now every day trying to get it passed in
Congress. Here's what it does. It says to welfare recipients,
"Look, we need to sign a contract in which we agree to give you a
check in return for your willingness to pursue a path to
independence through education, training, and work. We know that
most of the jobs you can get will be lower paying jobs. So if you
have to take a job which could hurt your children because you
can't take care of them anymore, and you can't afford child care
and because the job has no health insurance and you lose your
Medicaid and theirs if you take it, we will provide that for a few
months until you get on your feet. We also will give you the
education and training you need, and we will try to place you in a
job. If your job has no benefits, we will help you take care of
your kids with child care and Medicaid expenses, but you have to
be willing to pursue a path of independence if you want this
check." That is a terribly important advance in American social
policy because it sends the right message.
one final federal matter, our homeless policy stinks. One
third of all the homeless today are kids. What kind of message
does that send to those kids? They didn't do anything to deserve
homelessness. Many are forced to live with their parents in
welfare hotels like these here in New York, places often not fit
to live in, though the owners are charging high rates and making a
killing. In our most unbelievable cases, the government is
spending more money to keep the family in a welfare hotel for a
month than it would take to put them in decent housing for a year,
but federal policy doesn't allow our funds to be shifted to long
term solutions. What kind of sense does that make? The federal
government won't let us take money for the homeless for emergency
shelter and put it into building permanent housing. In 1980, the
federal government helped in the construction of 183,000 housing
units. In 1987, the number was 23,000. If a third of the
homeless are kids, we ought to at least have a goal to put the
kids in decent housing. The federal government has to help.
Finally, let me make this point. (If I say, "in closing,"
you will applaud, so I will say "finally.") There has to be a
role in all of this for individuals and for communities. There
was an interesting article in Parade magazine a couple weeks ago
about the care of the elderly in Sweden. The most interesting
point to me was that in that country, one that we normally think
of as having a highly centralized socialistic bureaucracy, all of
their social programs are community-based, organized and run with
a lot of flexibility to meet the different demands of each
community. Why is that important to us? Because if you look at
these kids, most of them are not going to be reached by the
President, the Congress, the governor or the state legislature.
Most of them cannot be helped by money alone. If they come from a
family in trouble, no program will work that doesn't have the life
and energy of a committed human being behind it.
So I guess that's my last message, I want each of you
wherever you live, whatever you do, to believe that you have a
9
�•
personal responsibility for the future of the families and
children in your community.
Let me tell you, there are a whole lot of people in our
country who basically think America's best days are behind it, who
look at the future and see that a greater percentage of our
workforce will be composed of minorities, people who come from
very poor families in depressed neighborhoods. The pessimists
think they just can't cut it the kind of world we are living in,
just can't go up against the Europeans and the Japanese everyday.
A lot of people think that, though most won't admit it. But there
is no biological evidence to indicate that 99 percent of our
people cannot learn 99 percent of what they need to know to take
on anybody in the world to preserve the American dream. It is our
failure to provide the necessary opportunities which has gotten us
in the shape we are in.
Let me just give you some examples of the kinds of things we
need more people to do. Most of you in New York know about Eugene
Lang who developed the "I Have a Dream Program." When he went
back to his old grade school in Harlem, he was so moved by seeing
all those black and brown faces where he had sat so many years
ago. He knew they had a 60 percent drop out rate and a 10 percent
college going rate, when they needed a 10 percent drop out rate
and a 60 percent college going rate. So he just told them, if you
just stay in school I will see that you get to college. Six or
seven years later he was $220,000 poorer but he kept his word.
Now he is going all over the country trying to get.other people
involved. Governor CUomo just succeeded in working out with the
New York legislature just a couple of days ago the passage of the
Liberty scholarships which will provide expense money and
counseling services to help get more lower income kids into
college. The main reason for the success of his program is not
the financial aide given for these kids' college education. It is
the commitment that one successful adult makes when he or she
looks into the eyes of one poor kid and says you can make it, and
you've got it and I'll help you. Now the President can't do that,
and Jesse Jackson can't do that, Bill Clinton can't do that, but
you can do that. It is terribly important. You have got to have
personal contact with these kids.
And they can learn. I don't know how many of you have seen
the movie, "Stand and Deliver." It was a great movie. If I had
it in my power to do just one thing to improve American education,
I would have every principal and every school teacher in the
United States of America watch "Stand and Deliver." Why? Because
it's about Jaime Escalante, a Hispanic teacher in a barrio school
in East Los Angeles, who decided those kids had such disorganized
lives that they would be advantaged by taking advanced math, that
it would help them organize their lives and their thinking
processes. In 1982, 18 of them took the course, and Escalante
asked the principal for permission to give them the advance
placement test in calculus. Only 2 percent of America's high
school students take this test. The cream of the crop. Finally,
Escalante got permission, and they took the exam. They all
passed. The Education Testing Service looked at their names and
saw that they were all Hispanic, looked at the school which was
10
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•
poor, looked at the student body who all came from poor families,
with a lot of single parent households, teen mothers and drug addicts. so the ETS told Escalante his students must have cheated.
So they all took the exam again, and made higher scores. Since
1982, that school has produced the following number of people who
have passed the Advanced Placement Calculus test: 18, 31, 65, 77,
78, and in 1987, 87 kids passed, which I believe is the largest
number of any public high school in the United States of America.
These kids can make it. But it takes someone who has high
expectations; he drilled into them, "You will perform at the
level of my expectations for you."
There is a man named Uri Treisman who studied the learning
patterns of black college students in California. He devised a
different way of having them study in groups and with teachers.
Last year the black freshmen in the calculus course for
engineering students, at the University of California at
.Berkeley, made better grades on the average than white students
did using the new learning strategy because somebody believed they
could learn.
There is a junior high school in Washington, D.C. where a
principal from South Louisiana named Vera White stands at the door
every day and touches every child who goes in. The school, Thomas
Jefferson Junior High School, is 97 percent black. I have been
there twice. It was built when Grant was President in 1872. You
could go there any day and eat lunch off the floor. For three of
the last four years a math team from that junior high school has
made the national finals in Math Counts, the national junior high
school mathematics contest.
I could go on and on, about things I have seen with my own
eyes. I am telling you that it takes people out there who believe
in these kids, people out here who are supporting these families.
No public policy can give you the right mix of human interaction
and judgment to deal with all the questions, all the close,
difficult judgements which have to be made. No public policy can
replace the influence of one adult on one child. so if you
believe that our family policy ought to be to help the parents
succeed and when they fail to save the kids, you have a
responsibility too.
Just before my daughter's eighth birthday earlier this year,
I was getting kind of nostalgic and was going through my records.
I found an album by Judy Collins with a song on it called, "My
Father." It's a wonderful song. The first lines are, "My father
always promised me that we would live in France. We'd go boating
on the Seine, and I would learn to dance. We lived in Ohio then.
He worked in the mines." A coal miner's child was given a dream
by her father, a dream to grow up with, into a life that could be
full. We must work to make sure parents can impart their dreams
to their children. And that those children can then carry those
dreams into a ripe old age. If we do it, the economic future of
America will be insured. People will pursue their self interest,
and they will triumph the way we have for 200 years. But, if we
continue to neglect the basic human needs of our people, our
11
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families will show the strain, and our country will begin to sink.
The choice
.ours. I think the choice is clear.
Thank you very much.
12
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�Remarks of
Governor Bill Clinton
Little Rock, Arkansas
October 3, 1991
CONTACT:
Bev Lindsey
(501) 372-1992
Thank you all for being here today, for your friendship and
support, for giving me the opportunity to serve as your Governor
for 11 years, for filling my life full of blessings beyond anything
I ever deserved.
I want to thank especially Hillary and Chelsea for taking this big
step in our life's journey together. Hillary, for being my wife,
my friend, and my partner, for the love we've shared and for her
efforts to build a better future for the children and families of
Arkansas and America. Chelsea, in ways she is only now coming to
understand, has been our constant joy and reminder of what our
public efforts are really all about: a better life for all who
will work for it, a better future for the next generation.
All of you, in different ways, have brought me here today, to step
beyond a life and a job I love, to make a commitment to a larger
cause: Preserving the American Dream ... Restoring the hopes of
the forgotten middle class
Reclaiming the future for our
children.
I refuse to be part of a generation that celebrates the death of
communism abroad with the loss of the American Dream at home.
I refuse to be part of a generation that fails to compete in the
global economy and so condemns hard-working Americans to a lifetime
of struggle without reward or security.
That is why I stand here today ..• because I refuse to stand by and
let our children become part of the first generation to do worse
than their parents. I don't want my child or your children to be
part of a country that's coming apart instead of coming together.
Over 25 years ago, I had a professor at Georgetown who taught me
that America was the greatest country in history because our people
believed in and acted on two simple ideas: first, that the future
can be better than the present; and second, that each of us has a
personal, moral responsibility to make it so.
That fundamental truth has guided my public career, and brings me
here today.
It is what we've devoted ourselves to here in
Arkansas. I'm proud of what we've done here in Arkansas together.
Proud of the work we've done to become a laboratory of democracy
1
�and innovation. And proud that we've done it without giving up the
things we cherish and honor most about our way of life: Solid,
middle-class values of hard work, faith, family, individual
responsibility, and community.
As I've traveled across our state and our nation, I've found that
everything we believe in, everything we've fought for, is
threatened by an administration that refuses to take care of our
own, has turned its back on the middle class, and is afraid to
change while the world is changing so fast.
The historic events in the Soviet Union have taught us an important
lesson: National security begins at home. For the Soviet Empire
never lost to us on the field of battle. Their system rotted from
the inside out, from economic, political and spiritual failure.
To be sure, the collapse of communism requires a new national
security policy. I applaud the President's recent initiative in
reducing nuclear weapons. It is an important first step. But make
no mistake -- the end of the Cold War is not the end of threats to
America. The world is still a dangerous and uncertain place. The
first and most solemn obligation of the President still is to keep
America strong and safe from foreign dangers, and promote democracy
around the world.
We cannot build a safe and secure world unless we can first make
America strong at home. It is our very ability to take care of our
own at home that gives us the strength to stand up for what we
believe around the world.
As governor for 11 years, working to preserve and create jobs in a
global economy, I know our competition for the future is Germany
and the rest of Europe, Japan and the rest of Asia. And I know
that we are losing America's leadership in the world just as we're
losing the American Dream right here at home.
Middle-class people are spending more time on the job, less time
with their children, bringing home smaller paychecks to pay more
for health care and housing and education. Poverty is increasing,
our streets are meaner, and our families are more broken.
The country is headed in the wrong direction fast, slipping behind,
losing our way ••• and all we have out of Washington is status quo
paralysis. No vision, no action, just neglect, selfishness. and
division.
·
For 12 years, Republicans have tried to divide us -- race against
race -- so we get mad at each other and not at them. They want us
to look at each other across a racial divide so we don't turn and
look to the White House and ask, what's happening with our incomes?
What's happening with our jobs? Why are we losing our future?
2
�Where I come from, we know about race-baiting. They've used it to
divide us for years. I know this tactic well and I'm not going to
let them get away with it.
For 12 years, the Republicans have talked about choices without
really believing in them. George Bush says he wants school choice
even if it bankrupts the public schools, and yet he's more than
willing to make it a crime for the women of America to exercise
their individual right to choose.
For 12 years, the national Republicans have been telling us that
America's problems aren't their problem. They washed their hands
of responsibility for the economy and education and health care and
social policy and turned it over to fifty states and a thousand
points of light.
Well, here in Arkansas we've done our best
against steep odds to create jobs and educate our people. And each
of us has tried to be one of those thousand points of light. But
I can tell you, where there is no national vision, no national
partnership, no national leadership, a thousand points of light
leaves a lot of darkness.
We've got to turn this country around and get it moving again.
We've got to fight for the hard-working middle-class families of
America for a change.
But we're not going to get positive change just by Bush-bashing.
We have to do a better job of the old-fashioned work of confronting
the real problems of real people and pointing the way to a better
future.
We must provide the answers .•• the solutions. Make no mistake -this election is about change: change in our party, change in our
national leadership, and change in our country.
That is our
challenge in 1992.
Today, as we stand on the threshold of a new era, a new millennium,
I believe we need a new kind of leadership. Leadership not mired
in the politics of the past, not limited by old ideologies •••
Proven leadership that knows how to reinvent government to help
solve those real problems real people face.
That is why today I am announcing my candidacy for President of the
United States. Together I believe we can provide leadership that
will restore the American Dream -- that will fight for the
forgotten middle class -- that will provide more opportunity,
demand more responsibility, and create a greater sense of community
for this great country.
The change we must make isn't liberal or conservative. It's both,
· and it's different.
The small towns and main streets of our
America aren't like the corridors and backrooms of Washington.
People out here don't care much about the idle rhetoric of "left"
3
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•
and "right" and "liberal" and "conservative" and all the other
words that have made politics a substitute for action, instead of
an instrument of change. These folks are crying out desperately
for someone who believes the promise of America is to help them
with their struggle to get ahead, to give them a green light
instead of a pink slip.
This must be a campaign of ideas, not slogans.
We don't need
another President who doesn't know what he wants to do for America.
I'm going to tell you in plain language what I intend to do as
President. How we can meet the challenges we face -- that's the
test for all the Democratic candidates in this campaign.- Americans
already know what we're against. Let's show them what we're for.
We need a new covenant to rebuild America ..•• A solemn agreement
between the people and their government. It's just old-fashioned
common sense.
Government's responsibility is to create more
opportunity. The people's responsibility is to make the most of
it.
In a Clinton Administration, we are going to create opportunity for
all. We've got to grow this economy, not shrink it. We need to
give people incentives to make long-term investments in America and
reward people who produce goods and services, not those who
speculate with other people's money.
We've got to invest more
money in emerging technologies to help keep high-paying jobs here
at home.
We've got to convert from a defense to a domestic
economy.
We've got to expand world trade, tear down barriers, but demand
fair trade policies if we're going to provide good jobs for our
people. The American people don't want to run from the world. We
want to compete and win.
Opportunity for all means world-class skills and world-class
education. We need more than photo ops and empty rhetoric -- we
need standards and accountability and excellence in education. On
this issue, I'm proud to say that Arkansas has led the way.
In a Clinton Administration, the students and parents and teachers
of America will get a real education President.
Opportunity for all means pre-school for every child who needs it,
and an apprenticeship program for kids who don't want to go to
college but do want good jobs. It means teaching everybody with a
job to read, and passing a domestic GI Bill that would give every
young American the chance to borrow the money necessary to go to
. college and ask them to pay it back either as a small percentage of
their income over time, or through national service as teachers or
policemen or nurses or child care workers.
4
�For 12 years, the Republicans have tried to make it harder for
middle-class people to go to college. In a Clinton Administration,
everyone will be able to get a college education as long as they're
willing to give something back to their country in return.
Opportunity for all means reforming the , health care system to
control costs, improve quality, expand preventive and long-term
care, maintain consumer choice, and cover everybody. And we don't
have to bankrupt the taxpayers to do it. We do have to take on the
big insurance companies and health care bureaucracies and get some
real cost control into the system. I pledge to the American people
that in the first year of a Clinton Administration, we will present
a plan to Congress and the American people to provide affordable,
quality health care for all Americans.
Opportunity for all means making our cities and our streets safer
from crime and drugs. Across America, I have seen citizens banding
together to take their streets and neighborhoods back.
In a
Clinton Administratiqn, we'll be on their side -- with new
initiatives like community policing, drug treatment when people
need it, and boot camps for first-time offenders.
Opportunity for all means making taxes fair. I'm not out to soak
the rich. I wouldn't mind being rich. But I do believe the rich
should pay their fair share. For 12 years, the Republicans have
raised taxes on the middle class while their incomes went down, and
lowered taxes on the richest Americans while their incomes went up.
It's time to give the middle class a break.
Finally, opportunity for all means we must protect our environment
and develop an energy policy that relies less on imported oil, more
on conservation and clean natural gas so all our children will
inherit.a world that is cleaner, safer, and more beautiful.
But hear me now. I honestly believe that if we try to do these
things, we will still not solve the problems of today or move into
the next century with confidence unless we also do what President
Kennedy did and ask every American citizen to assume personal
responsibility for the future of our country.
The government owes our people more opportunity, but we all have to
make the most of it.
We should insist that people move from welfare rolls onto work
rolls. We should give them the skills they need to succeed, but we
should demand that everybody who can work go to work and become a
productive member of society.
We should insist on the toughest possible child support
enforcement. Governments don't raise children, parents do. And
when they don't, their children pay forever and so do we.
5
�.
And we have got to say, as we've tried to do in Arkansas, that
students have a responsibility to stay in school. If you drop out
for no good reason, you should lose your driver's license.
But it's important to remember that the most irresponsible people
of all in the 1980s were those at the top •.• not those who were
doing worse, not the hard-working middle class, but those who sold
out our savings and loans with bad deals and spent billions on
wasteful takeovers and mergers -- money that could have been spent
to create better products and new jobs.
Do you know that in the 1980s, while middle-class income went down,
charitable giving by working people went up?
And while rich
people's incomes went up, charitable giving by the wealthy went
down. Why? Because our leaders created an ethic of get it while
you can and to heck with everybody else.
How can you ask people who work or who are poor to behave
responsibly, when they know that the heads of our biggest companies
raised their own pay in the last decade by four times the
percentage their workers' pay went up? Three times as much as
their profits went up. When corporate leaders ran their companies
into the ground and put their employees out on the street, what did
they do? They bailed out with golden parachutes to a cushy life.
That's just wrong.
Teddy Roosevelt and Harry Truman and John Kennedy didn't hesitate
to use the bully pulpit of the Presidency. They changed America by
standing up for what's right. When Salomon Brothers abused the
Treasury markets, the President was silent.
When the ripoff
artists looted our S&L's, the President was silent. In a Clinton
Administration, when people sell their companies and their workers
and their country down the river, they'll get called on the carpet •
. We're going to insist that they invest in this country and create
jobs for our people.
...
In the 1980s, Washington failed us, too. We spent more money on
the present and the past and less on the future. We spent $500
billion to recycle assets in the S&L mess, but we couldn't afford
$5 billion for unemployed workers or to give every kid in this
country a chance to be in Head Start. We can do better than that,
and we will.
A Clinton Administration won't spend your money on programs that
don't solve problems and a government that doesn't work. I want to
reinvent government to make it more efficient and more effective.
I want to give citizens more choices in the services they get, and
empower them to make those choices. That's what we're trying to do
in Arkansas.
We've balanced the budget every year.
We're
improving services, and treating taxpayers like our customers and
our bosses, because they are.
6
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I want the American people to know that a Clinton Administration
will defend our national interests abroad, put our finest values
into social policy at home, and spend our tax money with
discipline. We'll put government back on the side of the hardworking middle-class families of America who think most of the help
goes to those at the top of the ladder, some goes to the bottom,
and no one speaks for them.
But we need more than new laws, new promises, or new programs. We
need a new spirit of community, a sense that we are all in this
together.
If we have no sense of community, the American Dream
will continue to wither. Our destiny is bound up with the destiny
of every other American. We're all in this together, and we will
rise or fall together.
A few years ago, Hillary and I visited a classroom in Los Angeles,
in an area plagued by drugs and gangs. We talked to a dozen sixth
graders, whose number one concern was being shot going to and from
school. Their second worry was turning 12 or 13 and being forced
to join a gang or be beaten. And finally, they were worried about
their own parents' drug abuse.
Nearly half a century ago, I was born not far from here in Hope,
Arkansas. My mother had been widowed three months before I was
born. I was raised for four years by my grandparents, while she
went back to nursing school. They didn't have much money. I spent
a lot of time with my great-grandparents. By any standard, they
were poor. But we didn't blame other people. Instead, we took
responsibility for ourselves and for each other because we knew we
could do better. I was raised to believe in the American Dream, in
family values, in individual responsibility, and in the obligation
of government to help people who were doing the best they could.
It's a long way in America from that loving family which is
embodied today in a picture on my wall in the Governor's office of
me at the'age of six holding my great-grandfather's hand to an
America where children on the streets of our cities don't know who
their grandparents are and have to worry about their own parents'
drug abuse.
I tell you, by making common cause with those children, we give new
life to the American Dream.
And that is our generation's
responsibility -- to form that new covenant: more opportunity for
all, more responsibility from everyone, and a greater sense of
common purpose.
I believe with all my heart that together, we can make this happen.
We can usher in a new era of progress, prosperity and renewal •.•
the greatest era of opportunity America has ever known. We can -we must. This is not just a campaign for the Presidency -- it is
a campaign for the future, for the forgotten hard-working middleclass families of America who deserve a government that fights for
7
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them. A campaign to keep America strong at home and around the
world. Join with us.
I ask for your prayers, your help, your
hands, and your hearts. Together we can make America great again,
and build a community of hope that will inspire the world.
8
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.
e.
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�. -,..•.
·;
...(
J •. ,.
·.·t
,
. !>'
STATE OF THE STATE ADDHESS
BY GOVERNOH BILL CLINTON
January 15, 1979
Governor Put·eell, Speaker
f:~Iiller,
ladies and g-entlemen of the General Ass::mbly
and honored guests:
I appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today and to present the
budget and other legislative proposals which I hope ·you will adopt· for our
State.
Some of the bills in my Administration's package have been introduced ·
already; the others will be presented beginn!ng tomorrow. I am recommendinf;' a
General Ilevenue budget of $881.7 million for the fiscal year 1980 and $1,003. 8
million for the fiscal year 1981.' During the next biennium, 90% of these g-eneral
revenues will be spent on education, higher education, human needs and direct
aid on cities and coun tics.
Of ·the remaining ·10%, the most . important
expenditures will be those related to economic development.
In addition, this
amount includes activities necessary to responsibly manage State programs and
funds.
·-- ..
r;Iy recommendations are based on hard choices that result in the
concentration of oul' resources in areas of greatest benefit to our people.
I
have included _iri my budget recommendation only those initiatives which I
bclie\·e at·c~ realistic and which can be achieved.
These initiatives include
promoting economic developinent of Arkansas so that the quality of life for all of
o~r citi?.cns \dll be improved;. increasing State financing of education to help
our chilclrcn t6 achieve their full potential; working· to meet the needs of ·our
senior citizC:>ns, young children and others \\·ho have- problems which, through
.
�..
• . '· ,, •. , .• t,.
no fault of thdr own, they cannc\t solve or cope v:ilh alone; reorderiJlg the
priorties of Stale
stren~then
g;o·.~ernmcnt
to hold the 1L."1e on operations costs and
those prog-rams which directly serve the people;. providing tax relief
aimed at persons· who need it most; and complying with the President's
p;uidelinc~s
to w~ges and prices \':ith the goal of reduci..11g inflation, a problem the
majol'ity of
.i\rl~rmsnns
believe now to bt:: their most serious.
Arkansas' bttd"·etirw
svstem lends itself to evaluating requests for
l::>
1:)
•
increases but makes it difficult to review, at this time, agency .budgets
ground up.
To minimize thir. problem, I have taken several steps.
fr~nn
the
First, I
Instead I and my
hav·e not taken the agency budg·et requests at face value.
staff have thoroughly and. carefully reviev,;ed each major budget request.
Tough questions were asked and extensive justifications were demanded.
I have been skeptical of the request for personnel increases. For' example,
my recommendation on employee increases in the Department of Human Services
is nearly 900 positions less than the Dt:partmcnt's original request. I have not
recommended general personnel upg-rades sought by many departments,
..•
preferring instead to allov:
c\~a]uation
of them on a rigorous case-by-case ·basis
and to recommend them only when I felt they were fully justified. Whenever
possible, I have tl'lcd to offset recommendations for· personnel increases by
eliminatin·g
presently
funded
but
unfilled
positions,
thus
reducing
appropriations requests by more than $3 million this year over what they would
•
otherwise have be~n without reducin.g the quality of State se1·viccs.
Generally I have used actual E:Xpenditu1·es which are lower than
;Jppl~opdat.cd
W(!re
nmounts as the operating base a_.gainst which proposed increases
evulunlecl.
This appt·o<tch has sc.:rvcd to hold down non-personnel
opera ling bu<lg·ct.s.
2
·--·.
�I
.~
,.
Finally, I have tr·iccl whenever possible: to adhere to President Carter's
.
guidelines for '\':age incre:ases though I have mac.le .exceptions in instances \'/hc:re
the public interest requires it, as the President's guidelines permit. These
polides have been
Wt'!ll
received prior to the convening of this General Assembly
by the I.cgislatin:: Council, and I look forwat~d to working in partnership with all
of you as the budget is reviewed and enacted, .for without the help of . the
Legislatuee it cannot become a reality.
Under our Constitut.ion, the State is prohibited from spending more money
than is taken in.
Since we must budg;et more than two years in adYance, we
must usc revenue estimates as the basis for our decisions. With any forecast,.
particularly. one as complex as an economic forecast, there will be errors; and
therefore prudence dictates that you and I should estimate appropriations in a
conservative fashion.
To avoid· overspending, the Revenue Stabilization Act is
adopted each biennium, as you· know. The Act provides that our State agencies
and progTams receive percentage amounts of actual revenues up to a limit set by
an approp.dation.
To avoid the possibility that agencies will spend more than is
taken in 1 the Act assures that each agency and p1·ogram -,._.ill receive its fair
share of rC!vcnues while protecting the State from deficits that other states and
large· cities have experienct:d.
I am presenting my budg·et to you today in the form of a budget book
·-·- ..
which I bclivc nll•of you have received a copy of. It is 1 with the exceptions and
.
additions that I will note in this address, a fair reflection of the specific
budg-ct<U'Y and policy priorities of my Administration.
In this budget,
cxpencliture:s nre rc:commcnclcd that will provide direct aid to sc~o~ls, · hig·her
education,
localitic~s
and individuals in need. Generally budget expenditures for
clit·<:ct aiel incJ·ea!;{;! considerably more than budgets for the cost of on':" going·
governmental operations.
3
·.
�. ...
'
~ ~
The chart on pngc 10 of the budr:et
bool~
shows the projected
gTO\\-~h
m
dil'ect aid rclc.ttivc to the gTm·.'th of the State general operating expenditures. It
is a trend tlwt I mn glad \\·e have begun; it b one that I earnestly hope '·;e can
accelerate in the ycm·s that
\'.'C
work tog·cther.
Accumulated unnual surp1uses, tax receipts ovei· and above what _is spent,
pl;mned rcscri.-es and othm· unspent funds customarily are appropriat-::;d for
building- Stnte cr:pital projects.
Specific recommendations for capital projects
will be g·lven to you by me at a later date.
And after consulting with the
General Assembly, the Arl,nnstts H"ig-hwny and T1·nnsportation Comn1issloners and
othc1· interested partie!s, I will also p1·esent a recommendation for state
higlnvnys, rural ronds and city stree::ts later in the session ..
Apart from. the revenue estimate for the cut-rent fiscal year v;hich has been
revised ngain. - a copy of the
r~vision
I believe you have in this budget - the
budget book you have is ·substantially accurate.
Over the· past several months, I have been vmrkirig with the Personnel
Classification nnd Compensation Plan Committee to reach agreement on a pay
phm for our St1.te's employees.
.
I have worked for a plan. that would conform to
the President's guidelines; provide more flexibility to managers and incentive to
good employees; lift the lowest paid employees above the minimum wage.
immediately and keep them there; be fair to employees in Step 8 and in the
hip,·hcl' paying·
gr~des;
nnd protect
~mployees
throughout the State frora the
ravag:c:r. of inflnfion ·ns much as much we possibly can .
.i\llhou~;h
achic~vc
all
t.he
the~;e
propose~
plan, known as the revised LCS-26, does not
objcetives, it is consistcnJ: with most of_ them.
It is a good
plan, and it is the best we huve been nblc to do worldng together; therefore, I
am
})J'CP~l·ed
to agTce to it.
...- .
�,.
In the
p~tst
few clays, some controversy and confusion has been gen£!ratccl
ove1· the question of whether the: plan should be implemented immediately rathet
than on July 1st, when the new fiscal year bcg·ins and when there will be new
uncommitted money
co1~1ing
in to pny for· the raises which the plan mandates.
Hccent.ly, th,"! Leg-islative Council voted to implement the plan in January
without new money, thus allo\':ing- those agencies which can afford to do so to
dr<·n'l on all available sources of funds already at their disposal to fund the
salary hikes.
I have expressed reser'\rations about this approach because there
arc some agencies which cannot fully fund the pay plan from· their existing
monies and I am reluctant to treat State employees in .those agencies unequally.
difficul~
On the other hand, it would be quite
for us, as I am sure you
understand, to fully fund the ne1·; plan f01· all state employees as of the first of
this year.
This situtation ·concerns me because I would like to see the pay plan
implc:mcntccl in January witho1.1t full' ne·w funding for two reasons:
first, many
hm·d-workL1g
~;tate
by inflation.
Second, allowing the~ plan to be funded. fronr eidsting monies six
~1onths
employees, like the rest of our people, are being hit hard
early mny well encourage more efficient management of state agencies
and more productive w·ork Ly employees,. who will be able to be rewarded for
doing mort! with less.
In eked, it may be a procedure we want to stay with over·-::·.·· ·
the long hnul.
Jiowevc1·, in or·der to be fair t.o all employees and to those agencies not
having exccsr. funds to pay. for the increases because they have been operating
on ;m nppropriatcly tight budget, I
hig-1wr ecluc;llion which fee:l they
propos~
c~nnot
t.ha.t all agencies and institutions of
.
r.r~sc,
.
.-
prcscnt.l\'
·avail;1blc, hE! allowed to appeal to the Governor.
.
have mack their
,
fund the increases from .operating funds
If ·1 believe they
I will then issue an Executive recommendation to the Joint
5
.· ··.
�....
Hud.;-c.:t Contmittec requesting; a
supplc>~1cmtnl
tho:-~
appropriation approval in
·
amount necessary to p(!l'lllif those ar;·encies to fund the pay plan as of the: first
of this year.
I \dll
b~
reluctant. to make such rccomr.1enclations because I believe r:1ost of ·
the clcparlmcnts nnd agencies of
Ol.ll'
g·ovcrnmcnt can fund this pay plan ~:s
the fir:;t of this year ancl b:::cause, as
from the ·surplus to fund the pay plan
~'Ol.l
\'J'ill
well know, any monies that
WE:
0{
spend
be monies we c·annot sp.end on other
worthy projects which have ah:\:ady been requested far in e~cess of our ability
to fund through the surplus.. But while I \vould be reluctant to make these
recomrr.endatbns, when the case is made, I will make the recommendation.
Dy
this procedu1·e, I believe we can provide the sort of fair and adequate plan
which our employees deserve, we can do it in January, and we can do it in a
wa~·
that is prudent.
I would like to turn now to the major new initiative I intend to ask you to
join \":ilh me L'1 taking in this LE!gislative session - the initiative in economic
devdopmcn t.
Arkans<lS is lmm\·n ns the "Land of Opportunity," bul for too many of our
citizens the1·c has long been too little economic ·opportunity. Even today, when
the econon1y of our State is g1·owing faster than the national_ average and faster
than the rate of inflation, we have an unemployment rate of 8.4% which is 2.5~-;····. ·
points higher thri.n the
nat.ion~l
average.
Few actions that we take in this
Lc:~isli..!.Live session \..-ill have more jmpact on our people than· providing more and
bl:tt(~l·
job opportunities.
As a part of my plan for achievjng
th~tt
goal, I am proposing the creation
of a nc:\".' Ikpartmr.:nt of Economic. Development.
The Arkansas lndustrinl
D(;vdopmc:n t Commission, while effective in attracting ricw industi:ics. to
/\rl~<msa~,
ha!; bcc:n limited in its charter, and its duties have been too narrow
6
�..,.
m scope.
I in L~nc1 fo1· Lh c: new De:parlmen L to be aggrC!ssive in promotinG
ngtkult:w·al <lcvelop1nent, in exporting· poth manufacturc::d and agric:ultural
p1·oducls to 'rorld markets, in implemcn ting a prog1·:un of assistance to small
bus'ine::;se~;,
in helpii1g· loc;al communities to better assess and package their own
0
0
pot.cnlbl for development, and in working for the expansion of existing
1\rk:.:msas indust1·ic:s.
role of
attrr~cting
In short, the new Depn.rtr:1ent will continue the traditional
clesit·ablc new industries, but, and more :irnportant, it will
:increase concentration on developing indig·enous Arkansas industry
~f
all
kinds - sm··dce, small business, agriculture, and manufacturing - in an effort
to increase both ·wages and profits v:ithin our State.
To foster expansion, I am also proposing leg-islation to incJ·ease the Act 9
bond
gur~rnnty
from $500,000 to $1 million per :issue and to extend the total
authodty'of such g·uarnntics from $25 million to $so·million.
Lack of sufficient growth capital has been and continues under present
economic conditions to be a factor which hampers economic expansion. To help
~trcng·thcn
out· capital infrastructure, I am sug·gesting two specific proposals:
Fh·sl, I p1·opos·c to expand the capacity and bondin1; authority of the
0
•
Al'lcansas Housing Development Ag-ency to $100 million for conventional loans and
to $JGO million for FHA/V J\ loans.
Such an extension must
~nclucle
safeguards
thnt previous commitment5 for loans be obtained before issues are offered,
nll r.inr;lc-f;tmily
i~sucs
obtain a AA rating; by
~t
that:~··.
least one rating agency, and
th:·!L HO% of the: loans ?f each issue b~ closed before another ca11 be offered.
This
pt·u~~~·C!m
can provide needed capital for real estate and construction trndes
while! allowinr~ low and moderat.c income families t.o own their own·hames. ·At the
I.
S<l!f:C:
t ilnc, thh-: inc1~cnsc in the State program should reduce the spread ofJocal
hou sin~· jssuc~s that. m::ty be less stHble. The $150 million liinit for FHA/VA loans
is J'C:asonable bc!c:ause theit· security is
7
!~uaranteed,
as you know.
The $100
·
�..
,.
.
.
'·1"'""'
''i"'""r•:
... l ro
(1• t..~
J ••
'1 """,
.··.1·1
. .p~=·~lct
..•.• ' 'll•.)•
u;
. •'• ""'l' ··~:
'J"l,•
.... c.·., •1 J
J'J.., I f,·
'
v:hich v:ili
,
('··.·c·r~.~~.-t~·:
.,, ··-...
I
.......
c:nc0UI'cl.~~-~
., ')''
, =--:V•
.\.
J. nc
r ''
.
tl 1.1::;
. rc:vH;wn
. .
.
Je;~~.l~.;
• 1a l 1011
• I pre>pose t·1c:s
tt:J tnc
the reinvestment of
St~1t.c: fund~;
in the: Arl,arlScJ.s c:\;Or.o.:,;-rty. ·
An e:ft(;c:tive \',1a:.;h in.ztcm office: can help us lo gnanmtee our fair sharl: of
fed~t·c:l nic:!, \·:hiGh
u~;
'·:c do n0t rccclvc! today in
in U1c arc:c:s of ccvrwlr,ic development,
1nany
cncq~y
c, ''1',
•, 1.
't· 11,,
··o·l11..
•· If we do it l'igh t, it can
, . ·c .;no
•. o..t Ch)
arcus. Also, it can hr.::Jp U!:;
and human nccds.
DaJ~c
a trcmcn (tv'tls cliff c::rcncc
to ho·;,r l•mc;h fc;c1eral mon(:y will get into our State; it will more than
it.~c!lf ~
pa~,r
:1~
for-
and I uq~e you to support il.
~~~-.:icultnral
bnd is Arkansas' most valuable natural resource.
fannl:::ncl 1 combined
\·.~ith
the
hir~h
Our
productivity of c,m· syslem of incUvichwlly
c,,·,•m:c1 c.nd c,r,c:rated family farms, i~; slill the keyztonc of thi~ St.ate't; ccono::~y .. , .
Thc:n{,,rc, I
;~;~·rienltnr:Jl
In rn:.rny
.h~~V(!
b::.:en c:onc:<.;l'nccl with rcpol'ts of
inc1·~asini;
purdwscs of
hncl by Jorcj;~n 'invc~tol'!; in Ax~l~~m~;ar. cmcl Uu·ottt:hout lhC! nntioi1.
<:,·(~;:~;. !.;lJ1rt1l fal·wc:l'f.
f.itill by vit·tnc:
or
who want to l.Jtty land
.
the: (1-:;valual.ion of our dollar.
Hl'C!
bcjne- squeezed out of
�..
Not only du::~; t!.i:; fon:ig·n investment threaten. the: family farm system, it
oft(:n results
jn
out-of -country and abse:ntcc ownerf;hip of our greatest natLLz·al
resource.
Fo1·
rt::asons, I
,._,ill gTcatly
\".'hi.:h
by
thcs~
ab:;~nt:c(;
prop~se
today an Agricultural Foreign Investment Act
restrict the future purchase of Arlmnsas farm cmd tL?1ber land
fcJreign
intc~rests.
Th!.! bill ;.1pplies not only to non-resident aliens,
but r:lso t.o foreign go'lernm::!nts, fore.ign businesses~ and American ·businesses
controlled by foreign interests. Generally, the bill would prol:ibit these parties
from acquiring rural land which is capabb of use for agdcultural or timber
production, unles~ the iand is bought· for the purpose of establishing or
expnncling- an approved industrial or manufnctudng
enterprise~
\Vhcn a violation is reported to the Atlorney General, he shall bring· suit .
for a declaratory judg111<.mt to enforce the law.
The Court under my proposed
act shall order the foregoing pa1·ty to divest ownership within hv-o years;
otherwise the land \dll be sold at public sale. To further discOUl,age violations,
the bill authori?.es the Court to assess a civil penalty for
to
25~o
lmo\~ing
violation of up
of the m.urlwt value of the land.
In sceldng to retain control of our agricultural land and to protect the
•
family farm system, we do not want to unnecessaril)' penalize our fann(n·s
t1ccclinrr fji1c.ncinr,· or
property.
Fir~;t,
lanclov~Tncrs
\Vho are tryi11g to get tl1c best dollar for· t.l1eir·: ·. · · ··
Therefore, the bill I propose includes two important exceptions .
so that
.
forei~n
len(lcrs will not be discouraged, the bill excludes
o•;ir\crf;}i.ip aequin:d by enforcing a mol'tgage. Secondly, the Act does not apply
to land acquired or held by a foreign inv'i!stor so long as the lan9 is being
opcratC!cl undcc· lease hy
1111
1\rkansas resident.
\·:ant.s to !;ell but as!;utc:s the fnnnlnnd will be
9
This protects the farmer .who
oper:~led
by Arlmnsans.
�~
.
.1\t: the s::!nw tin!C that we 1nust improve our relations with various fe;ck;·al
agencies through the creat.i•)il of thi::i
\':a~hington,
D.C. office, there must al::;o
be an irnpcoved coorclin::ttion bet,\;e;;n State agencies themselves.
anl1 this requh·es no
inst.itutc -
l~gislative
I plan to
or budgetary authorization but I
1·:an t to mention it tod::ty - I plan to institute an active cabinet group on
clevclopm~nt,
ee;onomic
one v:hich w!.ll encompass all agencies and departments
rebtecl to ccono:!lic act.h·ity and quality of life within our State and that \·:ill
result in a f<u: br:ttc:· coordination than we have ever known before of our
existing resources.
For exarnple, this cabinet group must marshall soon all of
the resources of related agencies to produce a comprehensive manpower strategy
for the St<ltc of
Ad~<m~as.
With our unemployment at 2. 5 points higher than the national average, I
can givE.: you at least five insta:""lces in the last few· months where someone has
saici to me, "I would love to come to your State" or "I would love to expand rny
ope1·ation in your State, but I simply can't find the trained manpower to do
it~"
and th\:re is no excuse for our not bdng able to use the money that we are now
spending; in a better· way so that we don't
hav~
·-
.
an unemployment rate 2.5 points
higher than the national avernge and people begging at our
d~or
for more people
to go to work.· That will be the earliest priority of our economic development
-~-.--.
efforts.
·~·
In the: pa~t.; our capital surplus funds have been ·used primarily for the
const1·uc:tion of public buildings.
recommc:ncbti1ms lo
that
\';(! nl~;o
fu1·Lhcr
fluids
Cltll'
·011
r.lwuhl
a
mal~e;
I believe - although as I said I would have
ori the capital surplus later in the session - I believe
zhoulcl c:onsiclc:r· the possibility of using some of these funds to
cccmornic g·rowlh.
l'CC:~)!Tinl(;:fldalion
cnn~;iclc~t·
usin~
I bclie:vc we should consider using some
of these
fot• a rut·al l'Oad/ city St!·cet prog·ram. 1 believe
sonE! of
tltc~{!
funds for other primarily economic
10
We
-
�d<:vdopmt:nt put·poses.
conH11it1:H.!nt not to
Otl.en;ise,
us~
hov:cvcr,
g-en~ntl
slate
I w·ill remain firm in my
op.cl~dtir:g
revenues for higln·:ay
conslrllction purposes.
I tm·n now to the importnnt subject of education. Although Arkansas is in
•
the midst of a period of substantial economic gro..,·;th, our public schools have
not ye:t
our
bcn~fited
st~tc
fully from that
grov.~th.
The avcrag_e annual teacher salary in
is still the lowest in the co1..mtry.
Not only does the teacher earn less
a year than his or her counterpart in neighborbg states, but in the lnst fe,..,.
. '.
years, the g-ap has widened.
In an era of increased costs, the percentage of
state aid to loc:ctl schools for transportation has decreased.
And also, due to
lack of funds, the state has been unnble to meet its financial ancl legal
obligations in the area of special education.
Increased financinl support of otu· schools is clearly necessary.
While I
propose policies and legislation that will maximize opportunities for continued
gror;th, nttainment of these g·oals
i~
largely dependent on the quality of our
edncationnl system. Additional dollar suppo1·t for our schools establishes a basis
for an improved quality of education.
During the. next biennium, I will
recommend that more than 4'i% of our general revenues be spent on public
·education.
This represents an overall increase of $202 J\1illion during the
biennium over the current funding le\·el.
·-·" ..
......
The nddit.ionol exp(!nditures in the public scllool funds will be reflected in
.
the follo\·:ing· manner:
The r.Iinimuin Foundation Aid will be increased by $114
million in the next. biennium, thereby producing nn average annual increase in
tc~1chcrs ~;alndr:s
of $1,200 pe1· year. This shou·]cl reverse the trend of
wide~ing·
disp:-trity in Artr1nsn.s tc:acher salurie;s compared with those of neighboring
states.
Thr·o1.wh
this increase nn additionnl $28.5 million. will be available f01~
u
distribution to loc;tl sc:hool distdct.s in the area of maintenance and operation.
11
.
�sc~concl,
incr,!a~c
t.his
wiJI
bl"~
used to promote t.hc goal of a statewidr:
$18.3 milli:Jn. in the first year and $20.2 million ·jn
kin(L:rga1·tcn school prog:·;i;;1:
the second year of the biennium are recommended in categorical aiel to fund
approximately HOD
acld.itio.-~al
units per year.
Aid is also provided for the first·
time to distric:ts fo1· the pm·chase of kindergarten supplies a:1d materbls.
Additional costs· in::urrecl in
funded.
tr~nsportation
of kinderg-arten children will be
All anticipntcd applications for kindergarten unils, including those
from the four largest districts not cut·rently operating programs, can be
accomodatec.l with these monies.
Use of additional revenue will also enable us to provide programmatic
oppOl'tun.ities
fOl'
children: with unique educational needs. The states have been
requil·ed by fedcr·al la'·" to provide a free, appropriate public education for all
handicapped children since &eptcmber 1 of last year.
Ny budgetary
recommendation of $23.8 million in Fiscal Year 1980 and $26.8 million in Fiscal
Yc;:J' 1931 will ensm·c that the st.a.tc _and local districtfi meet this. federal
mandr.t.c.
Dudng the current fi5ca.l year, the Department v.ras unable .to fund
. more than 3!)0 requests for special education
cla~ses .· =
Funding at my
recommended level wi11 provide these classes and expand the . range of
opportunities offered to mentally and physically handicapped youngsters in this
State.
Supplemental funding will be available for those districts that paid for·-=·:·. ·
specietl
c:cluc<~tion
•
clar.scs with local funds this year \\"hen their application for
state assistance: could not be granted.
Th1·ee t(, five p~rcent of the students in public schools in Arkansas can b~
cla:o-;!;lfi(:cl ;,s gifted or taknt.ccl.
cxcd in
!;p(!Ci:-Il
areas. Their
Thc:sc yol!ngstcrs· are u~1usually intelligent or
except~ion~1l
needs demand our response, too .
.i\lthough cm·tain school district:. in the Stat(: have cstnblished programs
fot· g·ift.ed :mel tal!!l'l ted children, some \dth federal financing, there has been a
12
�...
lack of st:1.Le
initie~tive;
to
a~;sist
districts with such progTams.
For the· first
time, state funding- 'd11 be!. made available specifically to finance p1·ogtams for
gifted and talented children.
This budget will also· enable the State to receive
additional federal funds appropriated spec.:ifically for such state p1·og;rams.
Modificntion of the present l\1inimum Foundation formula is necessary. The
Alcx:mder report, two pending lawsuits, and the U. S. Office of Educatioa
determination that the State cr.nnot use impact aid in calculatL11g; local district
v;ealth bear adequate testimony to the dis equalities of the present system. Local
resources available to· support the education of each child in this state range
from a ·high of $1,085 to a low of $496 .. Significant increases in· revenue
available; at this time provide us with a unique opportunity to mal(e the needed
. adjustments to promote quality while gum·anteeing all districts a financinl
upgrade.
This chance must not be lost.
I am not today making specific
recommendations for amendments to our formula.
th~t
However, it is my expectation
the me;mbers of my staff, Department of Education personnel, professional
ecluc~tion
groups, and concerned legishtors will be able to agree on formula
revisions that fairly reflect greater fiscal equity in the distribution of mini:num
finnncial aid.
I will find any proposal from any professional or other group that has the
.
'
effect of perpetuating or increasing wealth disparities completely
. unacceptable·.-·.·.
~
And I ,...m not be. able to support it. We have simply got to have the courage to
mnl~e the politidal and profes!.iional efforts to establish a finance system of public
cc.lucr:t.ion. in Arlwnsas which COlnpcnsates for the disparity in spending and
promotes equality of educational opportunitU:s for out· children.
.-
Sokly inCI'eCising the Slate's financial suppoi't for education
and· .improving
.
.
the dist.ribution of those dollars, of course, will not alone· ensure the qunlity of
education avai!D.blc to our children , ... ill be improved.
13
It is obvious that our
�• •-
<(
sig·nifi~ant
JWOLh:ms r:ill
the1·cforc, the
incrc~ses
nfJt
bo solved simply by throwing money at them.
b revenues to eclucalion which I propose are in my
And
Oi•:n
mind - and I hope will be in yours - inextricably coupled with legislation which
establishes p1·oeedU1·es foi· improving· the quality of our education, first by
establishing me:asure$ w·hich would enable us to evaltlate the performance of our
public school system.
Achievement test scores of Arkansas students recently presented by the
Departrnent of Education indicate that our students actually score higher than
national averages up to grade 3, but. that after that, their scores decline
progressively, yeal' after year after year after year.
The report notes, of
course, thnt these data cannot be taken ns conclusive evidence that our childeen
are doing worse every year, because they are not produced by testing all
Al'l~ansas
students at any grade level, and do not reflect a
However, they are enough to cause
us alarm,
sy~tematic
sampling.
and I am proposing that.legislntion
be established which will require the Department of Education to administer a
statewide testing p1·ogram which ''Jill test all of our Arkansas students in at least
three grades in the basic skills of reading and
-
mathcl'{latic~r,
and I hope you will
support that initiative.
Accurate student assessment data will provide a basis for parents and
educators and public officials to make informed assessments about the ·future of.->'· ·
our system of cdL'!Cation.
.
If we do not have it, in my view, we w111 be doin~~- n
disservice t.o ou·r c:hildt·cn and to our taxpayers.
I am nlso recommending leg;islation which will give t!:.c.:: Depm·tment. of
Education the attthol'ity to establish the
performance by te;tclH:l'S on a nationwl:.-k
stand~tnls
~landardizcd
of acceptability of
test to be taken prior to
.
cc1·tificalion. 1 am also n~l~ing the Arbms:tS Legislature to adopt a fair disinissal ·
pt·actices bill, ·.·.:hic:h will provide our teachers with protection. from arbitrary
}II
�..,
At the pt·escnt ti:ne, the st:at.e is
with b!;s than 350
the
edul~ational
efforts at
stud~nts
subsicli~~ing
the operations .of distdcts
at a cost of $6 million pcr ycae. In order to :improve
·opportunities a\·ailabla to all our students and to maxi.rnize our
E!qu~lization
v:e ·must e.liminate some of these administrative units.
I
am not proposing- th.C{t small rural schools be closed, but rather that duplicative
and inefficient adminis.trative structures should be elii1linated.
Many small
scho-::>ls are providing a quality progTam w·ithin the restrictions imposed by
'~nl'ol!ments
limited
and revenues. Combining these schools into a smaller number
of administrative units, rather than a smaller number of schools, wil! make
pos~;ibl~
the provision of a wider range of educational serv·ices to the students
through shared resources.
The Commission· that I propose, that I will ask you to provide, will make
recommendations to us at the- next session of the Legislature.
It will be
representative of citizens from all walks of life, who live in· school districts of
many diffctcnt sizes.
schoob
~md
Its mefnbers will be sensitive to the importance of rural
preserving comrr.unity identity and the importance of preserving
local control over those schools.
Their ·ultimate r~comm.endations may well
include some proposals which neither· the opponents nor the· proponents of
school consolidation have yet considered.
Indeed, I intend _to advance a couple
of such proposnls myself.
I would lil{e" to say a brief word abottt hig·her education.
.
As you knm·:,
mosl of our t·ecmmncndatio:ls on highe1· education revolve around how much of an
increase
\'.'C
want to recommc:nd bccansc of the nature of the fonuula th1·ough
which the money is distributed. At this time, I am not in a position to make a
co~mnent
on the nllocation of the total monies to particular institutions, and s~ I
will just say that I have rec:ommcndccl this year an increased funding level of
19.!l~
in Fiscnl Year 19SO ctnd
ll.6~o
in Fh;cal Year 1981. These increases, I
16
�believe, will enable Lhe colleg(~S and universities of Arkans~s to continue to
cor~
pro•:idc the
of future lcadccs in business, education, government, and
science that we need.
I would
importanc~
liJ(C
to
tm~n
nov: t.o L'1e area of energy and environment. Of major
in my leg-islative
pacl~a;;c
Conservntio:1 mH1 Policy Oifice into
?.
is a blll which will reorganize the Energy
c;:;abinct levd Department of Energy, which
will h<1ve an e::pandcd role and po;·:e:-s.
The ncv: Department of Enc:rgy will:
-forec2st supply and demand for renewable arid nonrenew?ble energy
sources;
-analyze the need for additioncl generating· capacity to meet
the St8.tc's future
requireme.n~:o:;
-compile a State energy profile;
-advise and co:nment upon proposed State arid federal regulations,
policies and laws regarding
-in tervcnc: in
m~jor
rnte cases
en~rgy;
011
behalf of consumers;
-monitor rmcle::tr power product!on imd evaluate its safety
COl1SCC}U\::nCCS; and
-continue the variOU$ federal energy conservation programs,
as well as tDke new initiatives in energy conservation,,
dcvelopn1en t of alternntive sources, and education.
In connection with
.
which
\';ill
eJJcom·a~·c
gran l
conzE:rvatlon, I am also fiponsoring Ieg·islation
Lro:tclcn the present encr;y conservation income tax deductions to
not only
bwdncsscs, to
As
cner~~y
p:-~1·t
m(.>nic~;
in~tall
residc..·ntial prnpcrt.y owners, but also renters and
energy consc1·vrltion mnteri.nls and equipment.
of t.h.c proposed energy reorgnnization, I have recommended that
0f
$~00, 000
be set aside over the biennium to help fund, at a
17
-
·~·
~
•.
�-.
maxin1um rat.c of $10,000 per g·rant, innuv:rti·:e cncrgy projects i.IJ.YC»lving
conservation and
rcn~\·:rible 01·
encq.~y clemon~;tration
altcrnativc f;nergy sources and to help fund solar
projects.
In hu·ge pnrt, the economic growth of this State will depend upon our
success in conserving· and marshalling; our energy resources. Without adequate
planning fo1·
lon~-tcrm
ent:rgy resen'E:S, the future prosperity of the clti::-:cns of
our state cannot be insured.
!.
\
I
;.,
Thi~~
new
D~p:u·tment
Ydll actively help all of us to
pc:u·ticipate in fmerg;y conservation and the development and use of alternative
energy sources.
'fllough the Depurtment of Energ-y ·will help to guide us to our g·oal of
energy self-sufficiency, many of the decisions about hov; much "~Ne pay for our
energy and ho-;\• much ene1·gy \'.'e'll. have must be made by the Pttblic Service
Comrnission.
If it is to make good decisions, and wise ones, it is essential that
the PSC have the most qualified staff possible to assist them. In my budget, 1.
have recommended that the budget of the Public Service Commission be
inc:rc<t"scd $185,000 to $1,5GE:,OOO, with most of tJ1e incrense going for personnel
costs.
These additional funds should enable the Commission to attract and .
retain qualified staff, the kind nccE:ssnry to protect the interests of both
businef;~cs
ancl consumers by reaching informed and correct conclusions on the
..-.
·-:._
nppt·orH·.inte cost and supply of encrg·y.
With regnnl •t.o the Depnrt.mcnt of Pollution Control and Ecology, we cannot
.
Hllow, in my 'juclg-cnwnt, our cherished goals of economic growth to occur without
deep concern f01· our cn\·irGnment.
I believe that the environmental resources
of our state belong not only to thor.e of· us here
g·c:IH:r;lt.icm~;
\·:ldch fullow.
ckvelopmt:nt, we mw;t be
ccmsist\~nt
with
tlH!
toda)~,
but also to the
And while we cnnnot and will not close o(f
..
rca~;onnblc
ancl effective in pursuing development,
needs of our c:nvironmcnt.
18
~
.
�He:flec i.inr~ thi:; concern, I lw.vc rc:(;Ol!1r:Hmc1ed an increase of appruxi:.1.atcly
$300,000 for ench year of our biennium for the Department of Pollution Cont1·ol
nnd Ecolog-y.
The present permit system of the Department is unwieldy and
cumberso:nc.
In my budget, I have proposed funds that will be maclc available
to hire more und bctte.r-qualified pers()nnel to analyze applications fo.r pe&·mits.
As part of my
~~nowcd
h:'!~it;lative
rce;ommcndat:i.ons, I will
pr~pose
e1at L'1c Department be
to initiate new procedu:;:es which will combine the various permit
rcquire:nf!nts no\': imposed into one systematic procc:;ss.
As part of this proce.ss,
I will rcc:ommend thrtt public. hearin£: requirements be placed on the :bepa.rtment
to afford local t1nits of government, and local citizens, a greater voice i11 the
pern~it
pt·occss.
In ·pm·ticubr,
I will· advocate lcgi!>lation v..rhich will increase local
participation in the siting of hazardous '~'aste di!iposal facilities. .The legislation
wHl also provide for cradle.,to-thc-grave management and responsibility for · ·
h<1.zardons m:tterials and wastes.
n1cmbcrs of the Gencr2l
I \·.:ill also \'!Orl< with interested and concerned
As~cmbly
to sponsor legislation \•:hich .will allow
Arkansas to partly regulate the strip mining of coal and iignite and guarantee
that
(ltll'
land can be properly" reclaimed.
This year,
\'.'C
have an opportunity to acquire at reasonable prices and with
feeler~ I assist:tncc several ar~ns which are unique because of their large size and·-::···
natural condition.' If we do not pm·chas.e these lands -- the Hobbs Estate and
the
f;o-cnll(~d
Ormond property -- it is almost inevitable that they will be cut tlp
nnd ,k,·dopc:cl, <md thereby" lost forever as nnturnl
~reas.
In
I!lY
budget, I will
recommend that funds be appr·Qpr.intcd for the purchase of both these tracts so
th<.t1. they nwy be preserved and protc:ctecl, in lt.tl'gc part, in their natural state,
for the education c:md
plcasun~
of
Arkan~ans
19
for all time to come.
�We abo:; t ]o.;t: the chan eo to pm·ch:.tsc the Hobb5 Estate because no
cnoul~h
agciiCY had
rnoney to buy it.
bicunium other opportu.:1itics to buy
It is
si.m.il~u·
po!:>~iblc
that during the co:r.fng
la.nds, ·unique because of their ·
his lor~·, size or natural conclit:ion will also be lost.
mis~
s~~:.te
To ensure· that we l·:D.~ not
such a chance, I propose that we establish a $100,000,000 Naturd
Historic8.l
L~md
D.;p~rtJ~'lents
Contingency Fund lo preserve land for acquisition by L.i.e
of Natural ancl Culturnl Heritage ;md Parks and .Tourism.
,....:..ne
.
fund could only be usc:d when time is of the essence and when other sources of
money are
:inad~:quate ..
Usc of the rnoney will require concurrence of the
comr:tissious of the t\·:o Depnrtments. the General Assembly or Legislative
Council,
r~s
the case r:wy be, and the Governor.
Certain natural or zc,~n.ic areas of rivers arid stree~ms in Arkansas should
a1so be prc·served.
In the past, the decisions about what parts of which
strcnms and riv<::rs should be protected ha·ve been made with too little
considct·ation of the needs and de::dres of local citiznes.
I propose that a new
Ar!w.nsas !-Jatural and Scenic Rivers Commission on Strcnm Preservation be
created to ensure thnt fn all planning for the use and development of
nu.tur~
and scenic streams and rivers, full consideration and e\..aluntion be given to
them ns a local nCJtural resource .. To assist the Commission .in its duties, I also
prop0se the Cl'catioJ:l of an Advh;ory Council which will be composed of
representatives for all Stnte agcncicz having n close connection with the
commission.
\'lith rer;arcl to locr1l n·ovcJ'llmcnt func.1inr;, a primary function of our
!~ovc:t·m:wnt,
of
Th t·ou~~-h my
bud;~ct
<lin:r:t firwncial
course~,
h; to nssist local governments in providing services.
recommendations, we will do that in two ways:
<lid and thl'ough techni'cal as~istancc.
Over the coming
hienn imn, I have 1'\:commcndecl that direct financial aid be increased
20
13r~o
O':er
-.
·~
�•
#
'
'·.
lcvds, pr-o\"idin;,; $~JO Illilliun to citit.!~; cmd counties during the ncxl two years.
That cHt·ect financial aic.l· will help local governments provide basic services such
as police and fire protectic1n.
In addition to direct e:!.id, I also favor assistance to local governm.ents in
proviclin~
for rural fire protection.
Thus, I wlll support legislation '::hich hns
already ·been pt'oposecl to initiate a program of conversJon of surplus vehicles
into fil·(!
tnLcl~s
which. can be purchased by local entities.
And fhwlly, I have recommended an increase in the budget of .the
Dcpattmcnt of Loc:al Sel·vices for direct grants for
wat~r
and sewer projects, an
increase of $3 million in each year of the biennium.
Dudng- my service as Attorney General, I worked harcl to improve the
consumer's position
iil
the marketplace. As Governor, I will remain committed to
thr1t g·oal, and the progrnm r···offer today ·in consumer protection includes
measures which I believe are dcsjgned to answer some of the most frequent and
compelling· complaints made by Arkansas consumers.
The hornco\'a:.crs of our state are too often caught
~n~nvare
by, and
drastically unprepared for, the materialmen's liens that ·arc granted by our
statutes.
If
H
hom.cowner does not protect ag·ainst a builder's default, the
consequcmc(·!S of the liens can be tragic.
Therefore, I support legislation that .
will provicb fo1· t\\'0 mandatory warnings to the consumer of the possible results·-::·.·· -
tha l can flow· from a homebuilding; or a home improvement contract.
wuenin'.:.:- would a1so inform the consumer ns to how .to protect himself.
v:it.h
The
Armed
thi;. infvnnalion, J\rf;ansas homeowners should be able to protect ·
t lH:!Insc.:lves from unjust Jwrships which our lien laws today often impose.
In the san1c: vein, the people of this state have a right to be informed of
ju~t
what it is they buy \vhcn they purchase insurance.
polit:ies tocby
<ll"l'!
Too many insurance
\·:rit.t.c:n by h.n•:yc.rs, for lawyers to read, in languap;C! that only
21
�- :.
•.
..,
lawye1·s
C:<ll1
undc!t'stand, if c·.;cn they c<m undcrst:'md it. I propose .that this
sit.untion. be ch1ng·ecl by
~;implt!
legislation that will establish a standard in thi!i
st.<il:e, .to be administ('rcd by an e:dsting ag-ency, of readable and intelligible
lnng·un~·c
for J"lolic:ics of life, hc<1lt.h, credit .life, and credit health and to g-roup·
pc~ople
policie:s in this ar(!a coveri.l1f;" 1000
or less.
The ptll'JHJse of this bill is sii11ply to require that the life and health
insurr.ncc policies sold to the people of our state
English.
~V'ill
be·written in simple plain
It is no sec1·et. that most people have difficulty reading and
und~rstanding·
theil' insurance policies. .The bill that I propose was d1·aft.ed by
the Nationnl Association of Insurance Commissioners \vith advice and comment
Besicks being- proposed by· the Insm·ance
f1·u:n the insm·ancc industry.
Commission here in Arkansas and throughout the country, the bill has the full
suppor·t of the three major insurance trnde organizations: the
of Life Inzurance, the
Con~;urner
H~alth
Council
Insurance Association of America, and the
Credit Insurc:mcc Association.
people \\"ith \•:hom I have
Am~rican
t~lked
It also has the support of most of the
in the insurance business in Arkansas,
including· the president of one of our Arkansas-based companies, who called me
today to urge me to support this legislation.
We m·e mindful of the fact that there are small insu1.;ance operators in
···Arl~nrHms \·:ho mig·ht ha\Ye difficulty conv~rting their policies immediately to meef'
,
the clcm<!nc.hi of . t•ead::ble
.
.
lin(~age.
J\ccordjngly, we have given a grace period of
.
five yeacs, over whic.:h all companies and all contracts can adapt themselves to
the
l'C!C} u il'cm c:n ts
of t h j s law·.
I \Wuld like to c,ffci· two pieces of legislation concerning landlords and
t<:nan Ui.
The first \•:ould establish a warranty of habitability in every ·
rcsicknt.ial k:a!ie .jn
t.h:m ;,
pt·cmli~;·.:
J\rl~ansas.
This would amount to nothing more complicated
hy t.he lancll0rcl t.h:tt he will maintain leased premises in tht=!
22
-..
..
�"
.
'
.
. ·'·
COIH.lition in which they were
te:&;mt.
fir~~t
rented, except for d;:unag·es caused by the
Should the loncllurd refuse to honor this promise, the legislation
provldt'!S that the tent1nt may make necessary rcp6irs and deduct the expense
from the rent:.
deposit~,
The second bill ckals with secudty
v;hich I recall as a frequent
so1.n·ce of consumer complaints while I scr\·cd as Attorney General.
depo::>ils m·c
Cllmo~t
lc:gitimr,t.c reasons.
universally
r~quircd
Such
by lnndlords, and for perfectly
Yet t.cna:::1ts mnny tirnes perceive these deposits as unjustly
withheld for insufficient reasons, and often they a.re correct.
As a remedy, I
offer lcr;islt1tion ,.;hich would mandate the. return of a security deposit within a
spccif'ied t.imr: <1fler the prc:miscs are vacat..:;d,
why it will not be retm'ncd.
":h:.tt the name
dnm~!.;e~.>,
i.mpli~s
01·
else the furnishing of reasons
In this way, ·security deposits should be used fo1·
and will be so used:
security again fit default and
and not ns aclditional rent.
In the human services, this budget concentrates on increasing direct
!;erviccs to nee ely people, on reducing mismanagement and fraud in welfare
programs, and in holdbg the line on increases in th'c number of employees not
directly involved in. scr\"icc delivery.
Fh·st, progrnms for the elderly.
I am recommending that we
dc~velop
a
.
st;.tcwidc
·.::;.· ... :
nc:l\'X>rl~
of home health aid to the eldel'ly. This program will provide
.
a wide ranr;e of. scrvicc5, f1·on1 r.killcd nursing· care to help around the
for
.
hon~e,
those \'.rhom it will eiHtblc to live at home in preference lo a hospital oz· nursing
h(l;nc:.
1
wm
also prup;:>.sc: n bill t.o establish a llomc Health
.
.
to help pl~n t.tncl oversee the dcvclopn~ent of
Coonli.natit~g
Council
this statewide system.
l\1y lmdf.~d calls fo1· a total of $3 million fm.. a full r~"'lr;n of home
hc:1lt.h services.
\':ill be
co~;t
The
dfc:.::tivc.
prc·;~nun
will be mot·c thnn humane.; over the long run, it
Hin1mnn
mu·sin(~
23
home care nlone co5ts more thnn $5,000 ·
..
-
�·- -
-
I
'
e
.~
''
pc:r ycnr tod:1y. Compm·ablc home health care costs are now about $3,100.
My
P,"O:ll fo:· the ll0me health aitl pl'Og"ram is that it should be able to serve tlp to 30~
of those '':ho otherwise wonlcl h:1ve to go to a nursing home.
appro:1ched, the
Sta~c
To be sure,
As that goal is
could save up to $3 million a year.
m~my
persons will still· need to be in nursing homes, and
thc-!rdore, I am proposing· increCised funding· for the nursing home progr~m,
plus improved nm·sh16" hOli1e regulation through ·consolidated nursing horr1e
insfH!Ct.io:1 and licensing· 'dthin the Social Services Division of the Department of
Htm1m.1 Services..
This consolidation, which is alf;o' agree:d in and supported by
the 1E:gb1ative conunittee which studied it at length du.dr1g the past year·, will
.
.
improve ':ceo~~._..,. tahility and effective regulation, ·and at the same time, will
relieve efficient, well·nm. hom.es from the burden of dual regulation.
I am proposing two tax relief measures to benefit elderly people on fixed
incomes.
Fh·st, _I recommend that we repeal the s:1lcs tax on drugs to help those
senio1· citizens
~.md
lo\':-ineome
worl~ing
· not qualify fo1· g·ovcrr1mcnl: assistance.
the income limit for
senio1~
people who have high drug bills and do
Second, I recommend that \ve increase
citizens eligible for tax relief under the Homestead
Circuit Tireakcr legislation fron1 $8,000 to $10,000 a year, arid that the income
clig·i'ulity for maxi11nm1 relief be increased from $3,000 to $5,000 a year. These
.....-
mc!asurcs will give tux cut.s to those v:ho need and deserve them, at modest cost
to our t.1·cnsury:.
I wn
a1~;o l'CCOilunc~ndinr·:
i.hc c:l(krly:
the following consumer
p1~otcction
fir:ll., a Uniform Probate Code., ns in·eviously
legislation for
r"wis~d,
to simplify,
~c:cure, :mel rC!ducc the co~;t of the probate process.; an antemortem probate l<m7
which
\·;ill
••lbw the cllL:rly to cct·tify, prior to thcit· deaths, thnt ·their wills
nJ'C! fll"Oi10.I'ly d:-:.·::n to ·:·eprescnt their wishes, ancl at·e the product of sound
mii1ds :mel bodies
!jO
that
~·
�..
the:y eannot be cha11cngcd; and, lhi:·d, a bill to requil·c medical advice bcJoz·e
t.hc ptm:;lwse of a heating ?.id and a 30-day trinl period before the sale of such a
he~tring
nic.l js final.
Second, with rt:gat·d to children.
expand the setvice.s we nor: proviLlc.
program to help
cmo~bnally
First,· we need to establish a better
dir.turbcd youth.
th_er~1peutic
specialized group care,
In t\vo areas, we need to increase and
severely distur1)ed udolescei1ts.
My budget jncludes money for
treatment and foster care homes to sE:rvc
Second, we need a perinatal nursery which
would be built at the Arkansas Children's Hospitai at a cost of $2. 7. million.
And I pi·oposc th:::t we establish an Adviso1·y Board with a legislative :tnandatt:: to
s~t
up a
stat.c~ddc
nctwor}: of perinntal health c:.tre services .. These services
will benefit both pregnant mothers and their newborn children.
!'is some of you nwy know, Arkansas has a higher infant mortality rnte than
that of the country as a whole.
clJ~anwtic
This perinatal program can help us to
mal~e
strides to reduce inf:mt mortality and to recluce the mental and
physical d:uiwge which is often done to nev:born babies which can be avoided.
-
It is an itnportant progrrun, a humane one, and also ;in tl1E:: long run, a costeffective one.
To better serve children \':ho are wards of the state, I am proposing an
increase in the board rates in foster care homes.
acloplion
pro~';t8rn
.
'will
bt~
In addition, a subsidized
stm·ted for children who are unsuaUy hard to place,
and 1 am recommending IE:gislation to facilitate such placements. Difficult-toplt:c:~
childn::n m·c n.oi·:
dr;dn on
cnn
mr1.l~e
tho~;e
a
p~s~;ecl
childl'en is
clil'J'erenc:f~
from foster home to foster home.
d:m1~1ginr:,
welfare la\\'s.
The ·emotional
and the adoption program that I propose
to tht:it· lives and to the stability of the state's program: .
'fhe genc1·;1l }H'inc:iplc of fmnily
st~tbility
should be a goal of all of our child
1\!Hl thc.:n:forc, J am also propo!;inK followi:ng up on the recent
25
-.
·~
�cl0r.ision of our statl: Supn:H~e Court in the s~tme direction:
that we this year do
what we faikd t•::o yt:m·s :J.go and ac.!·:.pt the Uniform Child Custody Act, which
will he inc.:luc.h;d as one of my h:·giz111th'c recommc-mc1ations.
In the arc;t of mental hcali..h, I ,·.-ou1d like to make a few brief points.
rc~.-:cnt
years, a
developed.
have~
llCi\'
networ·k of
These centers have
CO!T...::muity
req~~ircd
In
mental health centers has been
increased financial assistance, and
· l'Cc:clvcd reduced federal assistnnce.
Accocdingly, it has
b~come
necessary to <Jllocate some $1.7 milEo:-. :i...J. state aid for the 16 cummunity mental
health centers around the St~te.
To insure the State's partnership in these
progt·nms, I am also initiating a
fis~:al
monitoring· syst(:m · to oversee the
expenditures of these 16 ccnt-::!l'S.
There are several other
~hnng€:s
·which are contained in the l:>udget for
Human Scrviccs that I have presented to you.
First, more than $1 million is
provlclccl to begin an independent living progrnn1 for severely handicapped
people.
The prognm1
\'Jill
allow
th~
housebound to be more independent.
Scconcl, lx:causo of new fedet·al laws, p::1rticipntion in the _food stamp program
will incrcasC!.
This budgc:t provid~s for increased administrative p~rsonnel, as ·
mandated by federal law, to :J.clminister the new food stamp program.
I might
say that fe:cler~l regulations seem to require us to hire about' 119 new employees.
· · - .. l l .
·~
Tho Division of Social Services requested some 1,038 new employees in total. I
•
rcc:ommenc1e<l thc~se 119 plus 28 othet·s for a total for 147. It will be up to you to
dc:eid(! r:lH:tlwt you think my rc:comr.l'=:ndation is enough, <md I certainly hope
you wi!l.
1'-!c::.:t, I woul(l
recommc~ncl
thHt you make available State funds for the first
tinw of $1. million fo1· tht:! treatment of akol1ol and drug abuse.
1
hav~
just recounted a numbc:· of these Human Services programs to serve
26
-
�..
~:
• !f
''!··
throu~{hout
of the crying; ncc:cl
l "'"n"r·r··>~·l·l..
uGlJ d:,~ !h""'
L.
So
',
the
D~partmcnt
of Human Scrviccs for bcttcr
specifically, I want you to know that I mn proposing the
follmving· steps:
I bclic.:vc that we must compu tcrize the food stamp records. Currently, only
Ar1~ans:\s
and one other state in this whole country do not cornputerize their
food ste:Hni) reco1·ds. When \·Je have them computerized, \';'e will be much better
C1 ble
to cbtcrm inc th<:m we now· can whether there m·c people who are jnelig-ible
who are gcttinr~ the stci.mp~, or who are double-dipping in
Second, I recommcad that
\'Je
to
the program.
ma1<e a computer match between those drawi11g
welf<.n·e and the wage records held by the Ernployment Security Division .. This
computer inform~tion will <1lso recluce the incidents of fraud.
Third,. I
rec:o:1lmend th<J t we continue to fund the \\'elfare Fraud Unit of the Department of
IIumnn Services.
Fourth, I recommC::nd that the Title }L\: program develop
ccn tr-a1 rc.::ord-l:eeping- and contract monito1· capabilities. Finally, I recomm.end
th<.:t we g-enerally improve the
sup~n·ision
of all
~tgencies
avoid not only a bus~ of the wards there in the
of Huma!l Services to
instit~tions,
but also to
strengthen the accounting and manag;cment practices· of thc.monies which you
will vote to put into it.
I would li1~c t.o take just a few more minutes of your time to discuss some
•..-·
~
.. .
gcmeral measures which I will ask yoll to consider in the area of administrative
rcfonns, :impl'O\dng· g·u[ll'~ntecd civil l'ig-ht.s and the qua1ity of govcrnmei1t to nll
or out· people:.
I intend to do
st:JtC
r:ovel'l111H~n t.
C:V(!l'ythin~
I c;m to be
:t mofil effective, prudent manager of
I have nh·eady bcg·un that
\':or]~
through responsible budget
..
-
l'Ccomnwnclations nnd thP. selection of the best people I can find for departmental
nnd
:;tr~Cf
posiL:on$.
In addition, I am proposing a numbe1· of changes through
wh id1 ·\\'ill h~acl to a just and less cumbet·sonH! process for
efiich:nt
~ovct·mi~':nt.
27
�.
'
......
I will
a~l~
you to adopt. kgishition which wiU simplify the individual income
tax filing p1·u,:;edurcs by 1r.aldng the filing rc:quircrr:ent consistent with the amount
of tax liability and to repC;J.l a possible loophole· for out-of-state corporations
which could cost the slate millions of dollars per year if w·c don't act now ..
As Attorney General, I was chn.rg·cd v:ith tho responsibility of
recoverin~
abandoned property such as utHity deposits and refunds, but 1 discovered that
the process., in nwny individual cases, would have. cost mo1·e than we could hnve
recovered, with the result that la.rge amounts of money rightfully due our State
cannot be ·collc<.:Lccl under· the cumbersome law which is now on the bills.
To
solve that and other problem:; with present legislation, I am proposing the
...
·
adoption of the Unifot·In Esr.heat Act, a measure \":hich , .._,m allow the return of
several million. dollars of unclaimed m.onies to the public school fund.
In
addition, J am proposing a major reform and consolidation of the state pr.inti..1g
and purchasing procedures, which will save our state tens
of
thousands of
dollars every year.
There arc other internal governmental reforms which will help
ensu1~e
the
open, hone.st, and unbiased administration of both the Ex~cutive and Legislative
I
.
branches of our government.
I am proposing legislation which wil1 provide for
disqua1iiication of Public Service Commission members with possible conflicts of
interest and for the appointment of special membc1·s to hear the cases, a mor~··:~·:
comrJrehenr.ivc:
bo~n~ds
l>iil _which
and commif;Bions,
provides for removal for cause of members of all state
~mel
<mother bill for the mot·c complete rcp;istt·at.ion of
lo1Jbyists who attempt to il:flucncc Executive and Lcgisl:1tive policy and for
reportbg of ccrti\in expenditures by them.
To he:lp strcnp;lhcn ou1· commitment to· eliminate
pcoplC! in our 5latc, I am proposing that
Commission, providint~ for a stuff
w~.
discr~i~1inat.ion
againsf all
fully fund the Human Resources
of three persons and opCI"t'lting. fnnds and that
28
·
�'I•
•
r
. . . . . .•
•
we support. the ratific;ation of the
propo~ed
Equal Rir;hts Amendment to the
.United Stntc!:> Constitution.
This is an ambitious and a lengthy program.
There arc not all that many
bills 'in. it. l\1ost of the bud~et rcc:ommcndations I have mrrde ha.vc been heard by
the Legislhtivt: Council prior to its extinction and the creation of the Jo:L."'lt
Budget Cmmuittce, and the convening of this General Assembly.
I know, I
know thCt.t not every C111c of you can vote for every recommendation I make.
I
know th<tt unless I am invested sometime between now and tomorrO'.'.r morni...1g
with unlimited wisdom, powers of pet·suasion, and power, that not every one of
you can vote for every bill that I ask you to support. But I \vant you to knov.r
thnt I have thought throur;h every single word. that I spol\:e today, and th:.1.1. I
will work for every single piece of legislation that I advocated today.
I will close by reminding you of the experie:nce we shared on the morning
of my in:rugut't:Jtion, when I said, in general, what I can now say in particular
after this speech.
I don't miner disagreement.
I don't mind criticism.
All J
want us to do is to do our work openly and honestly;. to do _everything we can to
give the people of this state a program that they can be proud of; to give
t~e
children and the old people and the other people in need in this state, and the
people w·ho want to work and make this a great place, a state that they can be
proud of, with a future thnt they can really believe in.
If we do that, I'll b~::. · ·
salisfiecl with the results of this Session, I think you will be, and I think it's
hig·h time we p;ot on with the work. Thank you very much.
29
�GOVERNOR CLINTON
IS INAUGURATED
Address Points to Pride and Hope
Tl'xf r!( Gm·rnrnr Clillfml'.r
lllnll~llml .·iddrr.u
Jmwary
Q,
/979
Mr. Chief JuMkc, Go'wcrnor
Fauhu<. Cnn~lilutinnal Onicer~ of
thi~ St~lc. Memhcrs nf the General
As~cmhly.
Rc\·crcnd
ClcrJ!y.
L:u.Jic' :md ficntlcmen:
At the o>ut~ct.l wish In acknow·
lcd!!l' what we all know well: I did
no•l come htrc :.lone. I wa~ carried
h~· the l"l'f'Pic ••f our St:ue. thwu!!h
the ~!Torts nl' tho~e w~o have known
and n••uri~hcd me. in the hnrc that
'"!!ether we miJ!hl make a dincrcncc
h• tho• future of Arkan'a~. Without
lhl· 'acrificc~. :.fl'cction. and in<pirn·
linn nf my family. my friends, and
mr ~taiT in political comhat and
put> lie ~ervice. I would he elsewhere
tnni~tht. Without the lo\·e. cnuraj!c,
p~licnce. and counsel of my wife. I
mit:ht nnl l>e worthy In he here
lnnir.ht. To :111 of ynu and In the
jlC(lplc at large. I am (!ratelul. and
hur:lbly m, for the gift or this
prrciou' office.
As wr celebrate this new.bcginninJ!. I want to explain as clrarly as
my command of the lnnguat:c will
allow whnt kind of Go\'emor I will
tn· to !>c.
. The exercise of authority m·er
the people'~ tm~inc\s is a hard job.
Its r~~cncc is the makinl! of dcci·
sions w·hich no one else has the
authorit\' to make-decisions requirinl! ~hniccs nmonJ! people and
rolicies and eonnicting interests.
Sometimes. all the a\·ailablc chnices
will be less than fully aceertahle.
Snmctimcs, there will he more than
one good r.hoicc. Sometimes, we
hope. the t-c~t choice will present
it~elf plainly. Regardless. the dcci-
sinns will have tn he made. lne\'itnhl~·.l will Ill' compelled to ~ay"Nn"
more orten than I cnn sav "Yes."
C\'en In tht>se c•f vou who h~vc slnnd
hy ml' in defeat· nnd \'ictcuy.
In this wnrk. I will seck :mel
often will fnllnw nd\'ice nnd counsel,
hut in the encl. I will h:wc In decide
alnnc. I wish I could please you nil.
hut I cannot. I wi~h I could avoid
errors, hut I cannnt. I will do nil that
I can. in gtK>d faith and humility. In
exercise your power well. I must ask
you In ahidc with me. through dif·
fcrcnccs and disaprointmcnts, for
only then can we mo\'C our State
forward in thc~c prnmisinj! hut
dillicult times.
Like :lll\'nnc else, I will tend In
make decisions that rcncct thr
value~ and principle~ I h:I\'C come to
cheri~h over the year~ of living nnd
strul!l!lint: In J!ra~p whnt undcr~t:md
in!,! I c:m c•f the human condition.
For ns long as I can remember,
I have hclic\•ed passionately in the
cause of e4ual opportunity, and I
will do what I can to ad\•ancc it.
For as long as I can rcmcmhcr.
I ha\'c dcplllrcd the arhitmry and
ahusi\'C exercise of JXlWcr by those
in authority. and I will do what I can
to prc\'cnl it.
For as long as I can rcmemhcr.
I have rued the wn~tc. and lack of
cuder and di~ciplinc that arc tno
often in e\•idcncc in go\'crnmcntal
aiTairs, and I will do what I c:.n to
diminish them.
For a~ long as I can rcmcmhcr.
I have loved the land. nir. and water
of Arkan~a~. and I will do what I can
to protect them.
For ns long as I can rcJncmhcr,
I have wished to case the burdens of
life for those who. throul!h no fault of
Admin 1st ratlf•n w1ll JlfO\'idc to
then''""· ~rc old nr we a(( nr needy,
nmll wcll try tn ht'll" them.
'cninr citi1cn~ tax rchcf. a uniform
pn>h:tlc cnclc. !!rently cxpandrd and
For a' long as I can rc!llelllhcr.
impn>wd hnme health c:nrc. and
I have hcen saddcnrd hy the sight of
· :tcl\'nn.:c~ in nurstnj! hnmc care. for
~n many nf ••ur indcpcnclcnt. indus·
children. we will ~Cl'k to cnmplctc nn
lrinu~ pt'nplr wn1kinl! lno hnrd fc•r
eiTcctivc care nctwnrk rnr those whn
Inn lillie hccnu~e nf inadCIJIIRie
arc cmntinnnll\' di~turhcd nnd In
ecnnnmk opportunities. and I will
create A sy~tcm ;,frcrinnt:tl cnrc thnt
cln whnt I cnn In cnhnncc them.
will he II mc:><kl rnr the n:Jtion.
Today, we hcgin anew the
In ccnn•mtic de\·clnpmcnt. we
pcnplc's husincss in n time that is
confusinr.. unccrt:.in, and ~orne
must mm·c 'tuickl~· to mtcn~ify ad,·nncc~ all acro's~ t•ur State and to
time~ dillicult h• understand. In the
make mnre riTnrt~ ft>r mllrc de\'cloprecent past. we have learned al!ain
mcnt i11 the areas or (lllr State that
thl· hnrd lesson that there are liinit~
need it the mo~t. The Economic
tc• what J!m·crnmrnt can doDc\·elopment Ocp:u1menl I have
intlccd.limits In whnl people can do.
pr"Jll'~ctl will lead this ciTnrt with it~
We li\'C in :1 world in which limitr.d
nrw empha~b c>n m:trkcting. our pm
rcsonrl·e~. limill•d knnwlctl,:c. nnd
ducts :1hrnad. npanding cxi~tinl!
limited wisdnm mu~l !,!r:tpplc with
enterprises nt home. and murc ,-i(!prnhlcms nf staggcrin!,! Ct,mplcxity
t>rous :tlll.'mpts to help lc>cal
and confront slron~: sources of
cnmmunitieli heir thcmseh·cs. Rut
po>ww, wealth, conllict. nnd c\·cn
l''·cry ••lht•r :lf!t'IICY nf J!tWl'mment.
dcsllllctinn. O\'Cr which we h:n·c "''
from the Emrloymcnt Security
control and little innucnce.
Di\·i~inn "' the llif!hway Departl..ct us not lc:.rn too much uf
ment tn the Ocp:1nmcnt l,f Natur:JI
thi~ lc~snn. howc\'cr. le~t caught in
and Cultural Heritage will he asked
the thrall of what we c:anm•t do. we
In do its rart.
lor!_!l'l what we cnn nnd shnuld do.
In lht' J!Cncral conduct of the
We arc a pcc>ple of pride and hope.
l!ll\'emment thcrr is n c:~·in~; need
of \'i~ion and skill. ofntst ,·apacitics
for work. We ha\·e the prnspcct,lor
fnr mnrc cll'l•cti\'e ma~r.~~cmcnt.
mllrc efficient dclivcl'\· of basic:
which we have waited so long. nf
~cn·icc~. nnd a rcnew~d ~pirit of
economic grow1h which dnc~ not
dcdicatit•n c'n the pnrt of :.11 of us
rc!Juirc us to ravage our land and st>
who w"rk fc,r tlw State nf Arkansas.
to reject our hcrilaf!C. We have the
I expect the DcJmrtmentnf Finance
immcnsumhlc benefit nf living in n
nntl Admini~tration and the new
~tate in which the populntion is
cnhinet grnur on w·astc and ineffisufficiently sm:JJI and widclv dis·
ciency in !!<'\'cmmcnt In mo\·e us
pcrsrd fnr' people of all kinds ;lilltn
fnrward in thc<c areas. Rut today. I
knnw and trust each other. still "'
liSk the thousands ••flinc rcoplc who
hclicve in and work tn!_!clhcr for thr
l\en c our gon•mmcnt all acmss the
elush·c: common good.
Stntr. manv
wh"m CI'Uid comWe hn,·e an opportunity tomand
g~entcr
ellmpcnsatinn
gether to fnr!,!e a f1cture that is more
clscwhl·re. to i11in with me in this
remarkable. mnre rich. a11d mt,rc
ciTnrt -Let u~ rc~oh·e that even·
fullilling to all Arkansans than our
pcrsnn with whnm we deal. frl'm the
prnud past. :md we mu~l not
Go\·cmnr's Office tn the local wrl·
squander it.
fan· and fl'\·cnue nfficcs. will 1:-c
There i~ much tn be done.
trcall'd with cnurtes\' :.nd kindness
In education. we h:J\'C lin!_!cred
and will lca\'C u~ kl;ll\\'inr. that we
too long nn m ncar the bottom of the
arc doin)! r>ur hcst to handle their
hear in srcndin!! per student and in
hu~im·s' \\'llh faiml'S' and clispah:h.
tr:IChl·r s:Jiarics. We mu~l tn· It>
La~t l'\t'ninJ!. aflrr l'llr Gala. a
rc\·ersc that. llnwc\·cr. we mu~t hl'
friend pf mine rn•m \\o':t,hin!!lnn
mindful that hiJ!hcr !Juality cdlll':t
whn tra,Tl' thl\ ~·.,untry :md sp~·aks
Iinn wi II nnt cnmc from mc•nc ,.
In man\' ~~'~'"I'' in many pl:1crs. s:tid
nlnnr. The mt>nry must he hut pa~t
thai he kit i'l that .:rn\\ti!Wtl enl\1nf a pl:rn whkh include' hcth:r alti"n' "hi.'h :trc nnl li>und in other
c .. untahilit\' and as~cssment fpr
rl:t(l'' trxlay: Pride :md lu•rt.'. l'ridr
stuJ~:nt~ a~tl teachers. n fairer Jis;md lu,rc. \\'ith thnsc ,,..., qualitic~·.
trihutinn of aid. mort" efficient
we can It'' a lone way. Wr cnn hrinr.
orgnni1.atinn nf schot>l districts. anu
nn a Ill'\\' er:t Ill' achir\'emcnt nnd
rcCPJ!nitic•n nf Wt>rk Milito he dnnt"
C~t·cllt"IIO:C·- W~ (':Ill f:tshinn a Jifr
in prol,!r:tm~ for kindrrl,!artl·n.
herr that will he the l'n\ y c•f PUr
~pccial edncatinn. and l!illcd nnd
natlnn. The future lies hrit:htly he·
talented chiiJrcn.
fi>r~ u~. \\'ilh pri<k nml hnJ'c. anJ
In cncrJ!y, "'C hn\'e hccn Inn
the J!r.1cc of Gnd to t:th• llur hand•
undisciplint•d and lard\' in nur cf·
:.nJ lead 11~ nn. we ~hall nr>t f:til'
forts In prm·idc for future encr!,!\'
Thank ~·r>u. :mtl Gnd hk•ss you :til.
supply that we need for ~u<ten:illl"~
and !!rowth at prices the JlCt>plc can
aOi•rd. The Encrf!y Department I
have prnl"csccl will allcmpt In
marshal and intensify c•ur l'Oi>rts In
pn •mole ~·nn~cn·:.t inn. dc\'clor
,,r
nllcrn:1li\'('
CllCrJ.!Y
'OtlfCC\,
11nd
tk\'clnp more cllecti\'e and f:1irer
utility rc)!ulalnry po•licics.
I~ human ~rn·icrs and hl•:tllh
carc. we have a !!real deal tn dn,
l'\pccially fnr thn\C at t,hc far t'ntl~ nt
lik ·~ SJ'l'Ctrum --nur senior c1titcn'
and chilo.lrcn. The P"'l"''a" nf thi\
�STATE OF ARKANSAS
.
·Bill Clinton
Governor
OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR
State Capitol
Little Rock 72201
GOVERNOR BILL CLINTON
October 4, 1983
..
l~fe
In the life of our state, as in the
of a person, there
are times of growth and decline, times of joy and sadness, times
of triumph and tragedy, and times of ordinary getting along.
Much of what life brings is a matter of circumstance beyond our
control.
Yet always our will makes some difference, and
sometimes our will can make ·all the difference.
We are here tonight in such a time.
All across America,
people understand that the deep problems of our education system
must be faced and overcome if we hope to restore economic growth
and prosperity for our country.
Here in Arkansas, the urgent
national need has sparked a vigorous response, because we know
we need to catch up and move ahead ~nd we see in th~ changing
nature of the economy new
Arkansans.
opportuni~ies
long denied to
Circumstances now open to us the best jobs-- not
because of cheap labor, low taxes and weak environmental laws,
but because of the productivity of our people, the quality of
our environment and life style, and.the aggressive partnership
we wish to establish for economic g*owth.
missing:
Only one thing is
our determination to catch up in educational
investment and to move to the front of the class in improving
the quality of education.
Other states are moving, especially in the South.
Even
Mississippi, long dormant, has raised its standards and raised
taxes -- sales, severance, and income -- to pay to implement
�-2them.
It is past time for us to catch up and move ahead.
We can,
but only if you and I act now. · For too long, we have denied
.
individual Arkansans a full, fair chance at self-development and
in so doing, we have denied our state its most valuable asset in
the struggle for a better life for all.
Always before, we in public life have been able to make
excuses for our inaction in education.
ourselves to take the easy way out.
We have convinced
We have said education
doesn't make much difference in promoting economic development;
that people are against taxes and so we can't make the necessary
investment; that we don't really know quite what to do; that
maybe times will get better and the economy will grow and
generate enough new tax revenues for us to do the job.
know these excuses don't hold water.
Now we
And the people we
represent know it too.
Our people are sick of excuses•
want better education and they are
They want action.
~illing
They
to pay for it.
They
are willing to do it because the higher standards are right for
Arkansas, because we have to catch up and we can move ahead.
Two weeks ago I outlined my program of improvements for
public schools, adult and vo-tech education, and higher
education.
Since then I have presented the program in
great~r
detail to legislative committees and to almost all of you
individually.
Tonight I would like to review the program in
brief and respond to some objection~ which have been raised
against it.
---· - - - ····-·-·. __ l._ ·--·· - . ----~-- -· .... --.-.. ----- ... ______ ,__ _
�-3The program has five (5) basic components:
First, there is a new school formula, which has been
:··
developed pursuant to the Supreme Court's decision last May
ordering us to equalize the spending between the districts which
have less property wealth per child and those which have more.
Second, there are new school standards and other reforms
for public education.
These standards are the product of months
of hard work by a committee of distinguished Arkansans, working
without
pa~,
chaired by my wife.
If implemented they will put
Arkansas among a handful of states with the most precise,
comprehensive, demanding standards in the country.
Some of the
standards can be implemented now; others should be approved by
the Board of Education in March for gradual implementation over
the next three years.
We can move now to provide for more years
of school attendance, from 6 to 16 years, with no more dropping
out after eighth grade; for more time within the school day
devoted to basic instruction; for a:slightly longer school year
for students and longer contract pe~iods for teachers and
administrators; for student testing:for all students in the
third, sixth, and eighth grades; and for uniform discipline
I
standards.
However, we should leave school districts more time
to achieve the mandates of smaller elasses in the early grades,
1-
more required courses for graduation, and more required course
offerings for
sch~ols,
because these will be costly and will
require careful planning and the training or re-training of
teachers in shortage areas.
In addition to the standards, J have proposed that we
�-4establish a special commission, like the Education Standards
Committee, to Teview and make recommendations by January 1985 on
the education, certification, and evaluation of teachers and
administrators.
Also, I pTopose to require an inventory testing
of all presently certified teacheTs and administrators in basic
learning skills and in the subject areas in which they are
certified.
My bill will require all certified personnel to
take, during the 1984-85 school year, a test in basic skills
such as the NTE Pre-professional Skills Test (PPST) and to
tak~
a test in their subject areas. Those who have taken and pasged
the NTE since 1980, when we first required it of college seniors
who want to be teachers, will be exempt.
Those who have not
taken it will have until June 1987, the date all the standards
become effective, or until their certifications expire,
whichever is later, to pass the test.
Finally, I have proposed specific programs to improve our
efforts in reading instruction; increase the effectiveness of
our use of computers; expand opportunities for gifted and
talented children; fund more
adequa~ely
the handicapped
education programs; recognize and reward outstanding students,
I
teachers and schools; and increase the involvement of parents in
the schools.
Third, there is an Adult and Vocational Education Program,
which is designed (a) to triple the number of adults being
served in adult education, thus reducing adult illiteracy and
making thousands of unemployed Arkansans more employable; (b)-to
expand vocational training
opportun~ties
for handicapped
�-5Arkansans; (c) to improve the quality and relevance of programs
now being offered in the post-secondary vocational technical
schools; (d) to provide schools' the funding to start new
programs or expand existing ones in areas where there are jobs
available for those with the necessary skills; (e) to provide
more modern equipment to both high schools and post-secondary
vocational
pr~grams;
and (f) to establish an industrial
equipment pool, to provide expensive, high technology equipment
for all vo-tech schools, to use as needed in meeting training
needs of new and expanding industries.
Fourth, there is a program for the institutions of higher
education, which provides for more money to offset the relative
budget losses of the last few years and to reduce pressure on
the institutions to raise tuition, which has increased 72
percent in the past five years.
The additional money must be
spent in areas of greatest need or greatest
opportunity, under
budget plans which must be filed with the Department of Higher
Education and made available to my
before the money is spent.
~ffice
and the legislature
This will provide a measure of
accountability which has been too uncommon in the past.
Among
I
·other things, we must replace instructional equipment and buy
new equipment to keep up with rapid ;changes brought on by the
technological revolution; develop a more accurate maintenance
schedule to preserve the hundreds of millions of dollars we have
in capital investment; increase investment in libraries; raise
faculty salaries to the regional av~rage to stop the turnover
rate, which is, for example, twice
~he
national average at the
�-6University of Arkansas at Fayetteville; and fund the projects
that are most critical to our economic development:
Engineering School at UAF and
~he
the
Engineering Techology facility
at UALR.
Fifth, there is a tax package.
To pay for these changes, I
propose the largest increase in investment in education in our
state's
hist~ry:
an increase in the state sales tax of 1 cent;
an increase in the natural gas severance tax to five percent
with a 10 cent per thousand cubic feet cap to protect gas
consumers in western and northwestern Arkansas who use the bulk
of the high priced Arkansas gas; an increase in the corporate
income tax from six to seven percent for corporations with an
income in excess of $100,000; and certain other minor changes in
our sales tax laws.
Understandably, a program this broad in scope has been
subject to some
critici~m
and has drawn some opposition.
I
would like to review the objections to each element in the
program.
(1)
The formula.
The proposed .formula in its present form
attempts to obey the Supreme Court order to equalize funding
among the districts and their childien.
There are three
controversial elements in it:
I.
(a) The formula provides that districts which do not levy
16 mills, about the state average, by 1987 will lose state aid
in the amount of one-sixteenth for each mill the district is
below 16 mills.
There has been a legitimate
co~cern
as to whether the
�-7-
penalty will be constitutional or fair to the districts with
millages below the state average, or more importantly, fair to
the children in those districts.
To allay that concern we are
considering alternative penalties. I am, however, convinced, and
I believe a majority of both houses of the legislature is
convinced, that we should have some form of penalty while we
might be flexible about the means.
(b) There is a concern that because the formula makes a
strong effort to equalize spending per child as the Supreme
Court ordered, 29 districts will lose money even if we put
another $100 million into the formula because their local wealth
per child is so far above the state average. I do believe we
must phase out state aid to these districts. However, I am
prepared to delay the phase-out for one year and to reduce the
percentage reduction below 25 percent in the first year of the
phase out.·
In that way, all but a small handful of these
districts will be back in the formula by the third year because
of ordinary revenue growth. We can follow the mandate of the
court order without hurting some of: our good schools and their
programs.
(c) Perhaps the most emotional' of all the formula. issues
has been the question of how to fund the small school districts.
Today if a school district has fewer than 360 students, it
receives money as if it had more students than it does.
Historically this "weighting'' has been justified on the theory
that it costs more per child to educate children in a very small
district.
That's true, but those who oppose small school
I
�-8weighting argue that districts get the subsidy solely because of
size,
regardle~s
of whether they are located in a remote area of
our state or right next door to a larger district, and that it
is not right for the state's taxpayers to pay extra for a
district's choice to remain small.
This argument has particular
force now, when many of our school districts which have more
than 360 students but are still small and are faced with the
obligation of improving education and meeting the higher school
standards without the extra subsidy from the state.
The proposed formula phases out the small school weighting
over three years.
Since the 110 weighted districts are really
like the 29 districts with more property resources per child in
as much as both categories of districts are receiving aid for
students that aren't really there, I would be prepared to treat
both categories of schools identically.
That will provide more
solid revenue relief for the smallest districts who are going to
try to meet the standards without compromising the principle
that we must treat both categories
mandate of the court order to
~qually
equal~ze
and follow the
funding.
There has been a lot of discussion in the last few days
about implementing the school
form~la
and when it should begin.
I must say that I have been somewhatI . surprised by the amount of
opposition which has surfaced to implementing the formula in
January and the support that is there for waiting until June.
I am still recommending that we adopt the formula that was
voted out of the joint interim committee and begin implementing
it in January, because that is consistent with the Supreme Court
�-9order of last May which upheld a lower court decision in 1981
ordering us to equalize and because no districts would lose
money if we give the poorest on'es six months of extra help to
comply with the formula and court order.
I understand the opposition to the starting date.
to make my position clear.
I want
I believe that all the money, the
whole $50 million, must be spent to improve
~ublic
education in
a manner that is consistent with the order which is largely
responsible for bringing us here.
If we can reach agreement on
an alternative which provides the funds to the public schools
and is consistent with the Supreme Court order, I will consider
it.
But I do not believe that we should spend this money in a
way that disregards the purpose of raising the tax money in the
first place and the mandate of the
~ourt
order to equalize.
(2) The standards and other reforms.
The main objection to
the standards has been that they are too tough, too expensive,
and likely to force consolidation.
Well, the standards are tough.
But we have to get tough,
and we have to spend money to pay for them.
While the education
problems cannot be solved by money alone, I know that no member
I
of this legislature believes they cannot be solved without
money.
Doubtless some districts will not be able to meet the
standards and will be forced to consolidate in 1987.
We have
twice as many districts as any other southern state, and I would
;
expect that some consolidation would flow from these standards.
I have offered legislation that will permit districts who decide
I
�•
-10before 1987 that they cannot meet the standards to consolidate
their high schools only and keep their grade schools and junior
high schools if they meet the itandards.
There has been some concern about the mandatory
kindergarten standard.
Many parents say they can prepare their
children for first grade better at home.
On the other hand, the
evidence is overwhelming that most children, especially those
from disadvantaged families, derive great benefits from
kindergarten.
Therefore, I ask you to remove the prohibition on
mandatory kindergarten but to allow the state Board of Education
to mandate it after some provisions have been made for those
families who wish to and are able to prepare their children for
first grade at home.
The most controversial of the education reforms is the
proposal to test existing teachers and administrators.
no other state in America does it.
Frankly,
·I have received expressions
of violent opposition to the testing idea on the grounds that a
test will not identify whether or n~t a person is a good
teacher; that the particular
testin~
method I recommend is
unfair and inadequate; and that it is an insult to teachers and
I
administrators who have been working for years to ask them to
take the test.
I agree that any test is no measure of whether a person
would be a good teacher.
That is not the purpose of the test.
The purpose of the test is to determine whether those taking it
have that threshold of basic skills and knowledge in their
course area sufficient to continue
~n
the classroom without
�•
-11-
being required to make a further effort to upgrade their skills
and increase their ktiowledge.
I have also proposed a committee
on teacher education, evaluati~n, and certification which will
involve teachers in developing a system that will enable us to
identify good teachers.
And I have proposed that we adopt the
Standards Committee recommendation
th~t
we experiment with
performance-based pay so that we can identify and properly
compensate good teachers.
With
~egard
to the ·fairness of the test, I have found
general agreement even among teachers who don't like the idea
that the PPST exam is a fair measure of very basic skills.
The
NTE subject matter tests are given today to college seniors who
want to become teachers and to those who seek recertification in
other areas. The legislation I present contains alternative
means of testing, but I find it unusual that a system we use
today is deemed to be unfair.
To those who feel insulted by the test, I can only reply
that I think it is a small price to ,pay in exchange for the
biggest tax increase for education
~n
Arkansas history and for
the contribution the testing process would make in our efforts
I
to restore the teaching profession to the position of public
trust and esteem that it deserves.
1I believe it is the most
important profession of all.
(3) The tax program.
The objections to the tax program are
that we can't afford more taxes; that the education problem is
not a money problem; that we should raise taxes but in a
different way; that we should raise ,more taxes; that we should
�•
-12put off a tax increase until after reappraisal, and until all
the standards are required because the Supreme Court didn't
really order us to spend more money in the poorer schools as I
have repeatedly said.
To these I reply:
Taxes are always a burden but they can be an investment.
In this case, with even Mississippi out spending us in education
and all states out-taxing us, we have no choice if we want to
catch up
a~d
move ahead.
Many favor a tax increase but want the money to be raised
in a different way.
Some say the sales tax is regressive
because it falls too heavily on the working class and the poor.
Others say the corporate income tax at the upper level will
deter economic growth in Arkansas.
To the first group I reply
that this education program will benefit the children and
grandchildren of the working class and the poor more than any
other people in the state.
The adult and vocational programs
will benefit the unemployed.
The
bring more jobs, including blue
h~gher
col~ar
education programs will
jobs, to Arkansas.
With
the sales tax, all will pay for a program from which all will
benefit.
The corporate income tax increase will apply only to
corporations with incomes in excess of $100,000.
The rate will
be raised one percent, from 6 to 7 percent, the same rate which
now applies to individual incomes over $25,000.
This will be
the second highest rate in the region, but must be considered in
terms of all other business tax burdens and benefits.
--
------
----
According
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
�..
-13to the recent Troutman study, business share of the total tax
burden in Arkansas is the lowest of any of the states in our
region.
When we take into account the substantial federal tax
cuts of the last three years, the federal deduction for state
income tax payments, and the fact that corporations will benefit
greatly from a better educated and trained workforce, this tax
increase is both modest and appropriate.
Our gas severance tax is the lowest in America by far and
simply should be raised.
I could never hope to satisfy everyone with the form of the
tax package.
gored.
It is human nature to want someone else's ox to be
Improving education is a program for all Arkansans, and
all Arkansans should help to finance it.
There are those who say we should raise more money because
we might need it to implement the standards.
I say no one knows
how much we will need but we will be making a great mistake to
raise too much money and lose all incentive to share local
resources, make appropriate local
e~fort,
and find other ways to
do what needs to be done in the most efficient manner.
Perhaps the most curious and indefensible objections to the
tax program are those that cluster_under that awful .word WAIT:
Wait because the Supreme Court didn ';t really order us to spend
I
more money in the poorer districts.
don't have to be in place until 1987.
might provide enough money.
Wait because the standards
Wait because reappraisal
Wait because lightening might
strike the economy and provide enough money.
The only way we could meet the ,Supreme Court order to
�-14equalize school funding without giving more money to the poorer
districts is to take money from almost all our school districts
and put it in the bank.
That would equalize by making everyone
as poor as the poorest.
That is absurd.
I think raising more
money is the better way.
This concludes the summary of my program.
Now I ask that you embrace it
to make it our program.
to make it your program --
Many members of this body have labored
for years to advance education -- in committees, on the floor,
in regional and national organizations.
Many of you have
contributed already to the program I have put before you and the
people.
Now is the time when you must act.
All the work that has been done by the Quality Education
Committee which was chaired by my wife, Hillary, and by all
others will be for nothing if you do nothing.
I recognize your
duty to scrutinize this program but I urge you to move with
dispatch to do that duty.
As the National Commission on
so well:
~xcellence
"History is unkind to idlers."
brutal to Arkansas.
in Education said
And history has been
For too long we have been a land of lost
opportunities.
For all of us this session is an opportunity to claim a
place in Arkansas history.
To do it will require a
determination to reconcile opposing views, the willingness to
put the state's interest above our own, and for some of us, the
courage to risk our political careers to do what is right.
Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, ,who served on the United
�-15States Supreme Court with vigor and distinction until the age of
93 said:
I think that, as life is action
and passion, it is required of
a man that he should share the
passion and action of his time at
peril of being judged not to have
lived.
For you and for me the action and passion of this time
demands involvement in the fight for better education.
a magic moment for us and for Arkansas.
This is
It is worth whatever
the effort and the risk to get the job done.
We are at the crossroads.
fall behind.
We are going to move ahead or
I close with the words of Robert Frost, and ask
you to keep them in mind as you cast each vote in this session.
I close with the theme with which !:began.
Two roads diverged in a:wood, and I-I
I took the one less
tr~veled
by
And that made all the difference.
I ask you to join with me in making the difference for our
beloved state.
Thank you and God bless you all.
�PJ
GOVERNOR BILL CLINTON
In the life of our nation there are times of growth and decline,
times of joy and sadness, times of triumph and tragedy, and times of
just getting along. Much of what life brings is a matter of circumstances
beyond our control. Yet always our detennination will make some
difference, and sometimes our detennination can make all the
difference.
Our crn.mtry is now in such a time.
All across .America, people
understand that the deep problems of our education system and our
economic plight must be faced and overcame if we hope to restore
economic growth and prosperity for our crn.mtry.
In Arkansas and other
states the urgent national need has sparked a vigorous response,
because we know we need to catch up and move ahead, and we see in the
changing nature of the economy new opportunities too long denied.
It is time for us to move. ahead as a nation with leadership that
recognizes our problems and has the detennination and commitment to
make necessary changes and restore to all .Americans the fundamental
rights of a solid education and jobs for our people in the workforce.
But it will take more than words that speak boldly of our intentions it will take leadership driven by a vision of knowing what to look.for
supported by the confidence that comes from having the depth of knowledge
needed to produce results.
Our people are demanding a greater accountability for their
investment.
They are demanding that our children have
we cam provide.
th~-::best:.e.ducation
They rightfully expect for our children to be prepared
to enter the workforce as a productive citizen and that there be jobs
�.
STATE OF ARKANSAS
OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR
State Capitol
•
Little Rock 72201
Bill Clinton
Got,ernor
INAUGURAL SPEECH
January 13, 1987
Far more than most such occasions, this is a day for
decision.
For four years we have worked to give our children
nationally competitive educational opportunities. We have made
dramatic advances, but we must do more.
For four years we have worked to overcome the depression on
the farm and the loss of factory jobs to overseas competition.
Twice we have been in the top ten states in the rate of job
growth, but we must do more.
Our problems are clear: The collapse of agriculture: high
rural unemployment except in areas immune to international
pressures: increasing numbers of poor children with uncertain
futures: too many unskilled workers.
Today in Arkansas, as in
so many other states, state revenues are insufficient to meet
our basic responsibilities and to implement our new school
standards on time.
What may not be so clear, but is far more important, is our
opportunity, indeed our obligation to continue to prepare our
people for and move our state toward the 21st century.
Before, in hard times, we have tightened our belts and
waited for things to improve. We have put off progress in favor
of survival.
That will not work today.
Survival requires progress. We
are swept along on currents of change which are too swift and
too strong.
No one can stand still in the middle of the stream.
Either we press ahead or we are pushed back. There is no status
quo.
Before, in hard times, we have cut back on our common
investments in education and human development.
That will not work today.
In our highly integrated, highly
competitive world economy, we cannot succeed individually
without overall economic growth and opportunity based on greater
investment in people, greater cooperation between the public and
private sectors, and a stronger sense of community based on
principles of shared sacrifice and success. Everytime a child
is born with an avoidable problem: fails to learn to read: drops
out of school: falls prey to drug abuse: enters the work force
illiterate, your future and mine are diminished. We are in the
struggle for tomorrow together.
As we enter the fifth year of our common effort to
modernize our economy and our educational system, it has become
clear that what our children need, what we all need, to make
Arkansas work are three things: Good Beginnings, Good Schools,
and Good Jobs.
GOOD BEGINNINGS
Every child needs a good start in life but more and more of
them don't get it. The dramatic rise in the number of children
who are born to very young poor mothers is well documented and
�t
much lamented. The time has come for our state and every other
one to do something about it.
Unless present trends can be altered, even the best school
program will only reach 75% of our children. The rest will drop
out. Many more will start behind and finish there.
This will not only hurt our conscience, it will hurt our
pocketbook. Every child who gets a good start, who grows up to
be a productive citizen contributes to our well being. Every
child who doesn't, costs us more down the line. Enough of them
could prevent regions of Arkansas from ever emerging from their
economic problems. Enough of them could cost America its
standard of living and its economic political and military
leadership in the world.
I will propose a comprehensive program designed to
guarantee our children good beginnings by:
1.
implementing our indigent health care plan, which
increases the care of at risk poor mothers and their
children, starting before childbirth, to lower infant
mortality and reduce avoidable damage to newborns.
2.
improving parenting education for the mothers of at
risk children.
3.
increasing special educational opportunities in early
childhood.
4.
implementing the recommendations of the Child Care
Task Force to increase the availability of affordable
quality child care.
5.
strengthening child support enforcement.
6.
making an aggressive effort to reduce teen pregnancy,
which produces most of the low birth weiqht at-risk
children in Arkansas.
All these initiatives are affordable within the present
tight budget, and are far less expensive than neglect.
GOOD SCHOOLS
Above all els~, we must implement the school standards on
time, by the beginning of the next school year. Because of the
decline in state revenues, it will cost more money to do it. I
said that in the election of 1986. No secret was made of the
fact that we would have to raise more money.
When Governor Conway gave Arkansas's first inaugural
address in 1836, he said:
We have ample means for the early
establishment of such institutions of
-2-
�I
learning as will be calculated to insure
universal education to the youth of our
country. Knowledge is power. It is the
lever which sways everything in a popular
government.
One hundred and fifty years later, in our Sesquicentennial
election year, our people agreed. We reaffirmed our support of
the school program. We know more courses are being offered,
class sizes are down and masteries of the basics are up in the
early grades, and our state is among the nation's leaders in
opportunities for gifted children and the use of computers to
aid all children. Now we have to finish the iob.
·
As Governor Conway said so long ago, we have the means to
do it, if we have the will.
In addition to implementing the standards on time, we will
try to secure their benefits to all our children by agqressive
efforts to prevent drug and alcohol abuse among our young people
and to reduce the school dropout rate which, at 23%, is the
lowest in the South, yet unconscionably high.
Finally, we must dramatically expand our efforts to combat
adult illiteracy. While we have tripled the number of Arkansans
being served since 1983, we have only scratched the surface .of
what must be done. Most of the people who will be in the
workforce in the year 2000 are there now. Our new initiatives
will offer all who will participate the chance to acquire the
reading skills necessary to be competitive and productive.
GOOD JOBS
The ultimate test of all our efforts is whether we provide
jobs for our people after we educate them. During the election
last year, a man in one rural county told me there was no point
in spendinq all this money on education: all the better educated
young people would still have to leave the county because no new
jobs would ever be developed there.
I cannot accept that defeatist attitude for any place in
Arkansas. For four years, I have spent far more of my personal
time trying to create new jobs or save existinq jobs than on any
other endeavor. With better training programs, more help from
higher education, the new Science and Technology Authority, more
financial assistance through grants, loans, and tax incentives,
new markets, like those provided by our work with the Wal Mart
"Buy America Program," and remarkable local leadership, we have
often succeeded aqainst all odds.
Over the next four years, we must refine and intensify
these efforts. We must remember the basics: most new jobs will
be created by people who are already here, in units of 50 or
less, in the private sector, in communities with strong local
leadership. We should work to improve the business climate,
increase specific support services, and target areas that need
our help most.
-3-
�I
Specifically, I will propose:
1.
A package of insurance reform legislation designed to
control costs and hold down rates.
2.
A modification of our corporate code to make Arkansas
more attractive to new companies and, hopefully, to
bring some companies incorporated elsewhere horne.
3.
Targeting a larger percentage of the resources of the
AIDC and other agencies to rural areas and depressed
communities least able to turn things around on their
own.
4.
Sending job development teams to areas of high
unemployment for extended periods to make sure the
people there understand all available state economic
programs, develop their own specific plans and carry
them out.
5.
Creating an Economic Development Subcabinet to make
sure all our state agencies are working together to
address the needs of local communities.
6.
Increasing job training opportunities for people with
literacy problems, dropouts, displaced factory
workers, minority and disadvantaged youth, farmers,
and welfare recipients.
7.
Increasing financial and technical assistance to small
business.
8.
Encouraging private sector initiatives such as the
Southern BanCorporation to create development capital
pools for rural and small businesses.
9.
Requiring welfare recipients with children 3 or over
to sign a contract committing themselves, in return
for government assistance, to a course of independence
and work, through literacy and job training and
employment.
This is the agenda I propose for the next four years. Good
Beginnings, Good Schools, Good Jobs.
Only the school standards carry a major cost, although we
must pay for these other initiatives and meet our basic
responsibilities.
How will we pay for them?
First, we must cut all possible costs in state government
by consolidation of programs, and control of personnel expense
through an early retirement program coupled with tight control
on hiring.
Already we have budgeted many state agencies for next year
at levels below where they started this year. We should stop
-4-
�'~
contributing tax money to retirement systems in amounts of
millions of dollars over the recommendations of actuaries and in
violation of sound business principles already enacted in the
private sector.
Second, we should do a better job of collecting the tax now
owed and by protecting the existing revenue base, by changing
the system of sales tax collections, increasing enforcement on
out of state purchases and a tax amnesty program. We should not
lower the capital gains tax rate after the Congress has just
raised it.
Third, we should raise new revenues in ways that promote
tax fairness and broaden the tax base.
I propose we do that by
repealing income tax deductions already eliminated by Congress:
by enacting a modest severance tax on newer natural gas, much of
which is going out of state: and by repealing one-half of the 4
cents exemption on the sales tax now accorded a few products and
many services at retail.
This will broaden the tax base to
account for the relative growth of the service sector of the
economy.
By adjusting our tax structure to the realities of
economic activity, we will reduce the pressure to raise
property, income, and general sales taxes in the years ahead.
Most important, this program will allow us to meet our
obligations to our children and to our future.
It is not easy
but it will take us where we need to go.
My fellow Arkansans, I ask for your prayers and your
support.
I ask you to support and encourage your state
legislators who will have to make the difficult decisions to
save our school program and secure our future.
I ask you to
embrace the present difficulties with enthusiasm. When we are
tested we have the opportunity to enlarge our lives, to be
faithful to our heritage, to make a difference.
Let us now gladly take responsibility for our own future.
When the history of this year is written, let it be recorded
that we did our duty, and moved our state forward into a
brighter day.
-5-
�STATE OF ARKANSAS
OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR
Erare Capitol
Bill Clinton
Little R«k i2201
BILL CLINTON
GOVERNOR OF ARKANSAS
THE STATE OF THE STATE
AN ADDRESS TO A JOINT SESSION OF THE 77TH GENERAL ASSEMBLY
JANUARY 9, "1989 .
Governor
�I
..
I am the first governor of this State in over a century
to stand here without just having been inaugurated. I want
to extend my special congratulations to the new speaker who
has been my friend a long time and the new president pro
tempore whom I have known since I w~s a sm~ll boy and he was
still almost able to play pro football.
We are here today to begin what I am convinced will be - whatever the outcome -- an historic session of the
legislature. For by what we do and what we decide not to do,
we will decide the future of our state as we move towards the
21st century. We will surely decide whether we will shape
events for the people of our state or whether we will let
events shape us.
In the last six years this state has been-through some
tough times. We have forged partnerships to try to deal with
our difficulties and seize our opportunities. And we have
had some remarkable results. In 1983, when I stood here
before you having been reelected in an unusual and difficult
campaign, our unemployment rate was nearly 13 percent; we
were 49th in per capita income; we were laboring with a
national study that said that our education system was
perhaps the worst in the country. In 1983, in the historic
legislative session devoted exclusively to education, we
raised school standards and invested more money at all levels
of our educational system. In 1985, we had a legislative
session devoted virtually exclusively to economic
development. In 1987, again after three very difficult
economic years, we raised enough money to enable our schools
to implement the school standards on"time and to continue to
move forward in education. The result of these last six
years .has been truly remarkable and sometimes I think that we
become preoccupied with what has divided us, and we forg•t to ·
take a little time to look at what has been done.
In the last six years we have increased by hundreds and
hundreds the number of courses offered in our schools and the
number of courses required to be taken. Enrollment has
tripled in advanced mathematics, foreign languages, computer
science. Test scores are up throughout the state. The
eighth grade test which is required now in our state to go on
to high school -- we're the only state in the country that
does that -- had a failure rate this year far lower than had
been predicted.
Our HIPPY program, the Home Instruction Program for
Preschool Youngsters, is the largest of .its kind in the 'world
outside Israel where it was developed. It has been
nationally recognized as.uniquely able to get children of£ to
a good start in school and to build a stronger role for
parents in the educational process.
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We have had a remarkable amount of accountability in pur
public education system for schools, teachers and students!.
Over 2,000 people either failed to pass the teacher test or
never took it and were not able to be recertified.
We have made progress in removing barriers to
achievement that cause so many young people throughout thi$
country to drop out of school: teenage pregnancy, drugs, .
welfare dependency, the inability to read. Arkansas' dropout
rate last year was 21 percent. That's pretty high, but it
was the lowest in the South. We were 46th in per capita
income, but we ranked 15th in high school graduation rates.
That is a real tribute to the educators, parents and children
of this state.
We have tried to deal forthrightly with a lot of
problems that other people sweep under the rug, including the
very delicate and difficult issue of teen pregnancy. We have
14 schools now with the school health clinics. I think,
since so much controversy has been raised about them, I
should again restate what the state's policy is: We will go
where we're invited, and we will let the local people shape
the curriculum. There is no state policy favoring the
distribution of contraceptives in clinics. That is totally
up to the local community members. If you look at the ·
results which have been achieved in Lincoln where
contraceptives may be distributed or in Hector where they
aren't, it seems that the key determinant of success is nQt
whether contraceptives are or aren't distributed; it's
whether the ~ocal people really are-involved with and
committed to those children one-on-one. I think we should
continue our policy.
We have increased the college-going rate from 38 to 43
percent of our high school graduates. We've improved teacher
education and the recruitment of school leaders and begun a
nationally recognized program to allow good school districts
some leeway to restructure how they organize their schools
and to increase the role of teachers so that they can improve
learning.
All of this has been accompanied by a real effort on the
part of the state to increase state funding. From 1983 to
1987, only six states in America increased state aid to
public schools by a greater percentage than Arkansas did. In
the last five years only four states in America increased the
percentage of the state budget going to public schools by ·
more than we did. That is something you can be very proud of
-- that is your achievement. You voted for those
appropriations~
We still have problems, because in spite of all the
local millage increases, Arkansas ranked well below the
national average in the increase of local assistance to
2
�public schools, so that overall our public school aid has
in-creased at about the national average. Still the state
legislature has done, under very difficult circumstances, ia
remarkable job in increasing state aid to schools and it ~s
an achievement that we should all be quite proud of.
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In higher education we have increased scholarship aid,
programs to aid economic development and investment in
science and technology. In vocational education we've added
hundreds of courses at the high school level and we've begun
to eliminate as well as add courses to post-secondary vo-tech
schools, something we needed to do a long time ago. In adult
education, since 1983 we've gone from 13,000 people enrolled
to 33,00~ enrolled, a remarkable increase in a short amount
of time. Now we already spend more money per capita.on adult
education than any other southern state.
In economic development, our unemployment rate has
dropped from nearly 13 percent to 6.8 percent in November to
7 percent in December, which is low because our rates are
always highest in winter. We've been in the top ten states
in the country for the last three years in the percentage
growth of manufacturing jobs, and just last week we announced
the largest industrial investment in the history of Arkansas
in Senator Wayne Dowd's and Representative Hoye Horn's
district. Nekoosa Paper Company will build the largest fine
paper mill in the world, with an investment well in excess of
$500 million. We've got a program designed to increase
diversity of Arkansas products, which has added hundreds and
hundreds of jobs to the Arkansas workforce. We have begun to
open our state to the world more, attracting more European
and Asian investment. We've done more to diversify
agricultural enterprises, promote minority businesses, and
help the rural counties that are particularly depressed.
We're working with the states of Mississippi and Louisiana
and as soon as this session is over I'll be devoting an '
enormous amount of my time to the Lower Mississippi Delta
Development Commission's work to try to find new ways to
promote economic growth in those counties. You have
increased funds for transportation, water and sewer projects,
all designed to promote economic development. It is working.
In the human services area, our goal has been simple:
to preserve families and when that fails, to save children,
and to do what has to be done to help our elderly people and
others who are disadvantaged. ·we have improved our maternal
and child health program to the point that Arkansas, with.a
very low per capita income, now has an infant mortality rate
below the national average -- something people who've never
been here and know nothing about what we've tried to do find
very surprising. Again, that is something you should be
very, very proud of. We have formed a good partnership'for
child care in the private sector and provide it all around
the state. We have implemented an ambiti"ous welfare reform
3
�program which I hope to complete in the coming year. We have
reorganized the Department of Human Services, and have begun
to implement a remarkable report from the Mental Health Task
Force changing the way we deliver mental health services. We
have enacted nursing home reform and have increased by 300
percent the home health visits in this state in the last five
years. We've involved the state's AIDC program in financing
15 local health units, increased the prescription drugs and
Homestead Property Tax exemptions for the elderly.
In law enforcement, our State Police has been among the
leaders in the country in the fight against drugs, something
I find nearly nobody knows about. In 1987, Arkansas ranked
first among all states in the country in the dollar value of
currency seized in drug trafficking, second in the value of
marijuana seized, and sixth in the value of cocaine seized.
In 1988, we seized over $840 million worth of illegal drugs
in the State of Arkansas, including over $600 million worth
of cocaine, something that we're both sad about and proud of
at the same time •. Our prison system has added hundreds of
beds for inmates who have been sentenced there and has also
increased the income and productivity of the farms and the
industrial program and the number of people in the education
programs, which is the surest indicator that we can reduce
the repeater rate.
With all this progress you might ask yourself, "Why is
this guy giving this speech and still asking us to raise all
this money to do more?" I'll tell you why. Because our
unemployment rate is still above the-national average,
because our ·income is still below the national average and
because other states are moving. Even as we sit here, they
are moving. Arid those that have good economies already can
do it without raising money. I read in the paper today a
quote from the governor of Minnesota who said he ~ had
14.5 percent revenue growth to deal with and they were going
to have a tight budget. We haven't had 14.5 percent pure
revenue growth in 15 years.
we have decided in the last six years to change the
fundamental development strategy of Arkansas. Most of·us
grew up in a state with a development strategy that was
clear, simple, direct, and effective: send people to
Washington to take care of the farmers and recruit plants
from up North by pushing Arkansas as.a place with hardworking people, low taxes and low wages. And it worked until
1978. Until 1978 we and the rest of the South gained ground
on the national per capita income.
But for 10 years the rural South and indeed all of rural
America has been losing ground because that development
strategy won't work when the number one determinant of •
American economic life is how we fit with the rest of the
world. How do we compete with the rich countries, the
4
�Germans and the Japanese and the others who are as wealthy,as
we are, who have better educated workforces and are invest~ng
more money in people and economic development? How do we fit
with those countries which are trying to get rich and catch
us, like Korea, Taiwan and others? ·What are we going to do
about the jobs where there is direct competition with people
who work around the world for wages we can't live on?
The new development strategy of every state has got to
be to develop people and to diversify the economy so that you
can get low unemployment and high income. The places that do
it will be rewarded; those that don't will be punished. It
is as simple as that. And those of us who start behind have
to work harder and do more. That is why this program is
before you.
I know it's been made more difficult by the rhetoric of
the national government for the last eight years. How often
have I heard Representative Miller make that point. The
Great Communicator in Washington, who's told us that all
taxes are evil, has made it hard for us to do what we need to
do here. I have two answers to that: First of all,
President Reagan said in 1983 that education was the business
of the states and if funding had to be increased, the states
should raise taxes to do it. The business of state
government today is schools and economic development. That's
what we're about. And secondly, unlike our friends in
Washington, we cannot write a check on an account that is not
funded. We either raise and spend or we don't spend.
So the -decision before us today is a decision even if
you don't decide. The consequences are going to be pretty
serious regardless. This program which is before you
represents the work of over 350 people. It is not just the
governor and his staff and the cabinet although I am very
proud of them for what they did. A lot of them are here
today, and I want to thank them. It also represents the work
of many, many task forces, boards and commissions. I'll just
name a few because some of them are here in the audience
today. I know we have here, from the Commission on Arkansas'
Future, Pat Lile and Margaret Davenport; Dr. Bettye Caldwell,
a world-renowned expert in early childhood education who
served on the Commission on the Future of the South; Charles
Dunn, the president of Henderson State University, who served
as the chairman of our Minority Teac~er Recruitment Task
Force; Mac Geschwind, who produced along with his task force
the Adult Literacy Commission report·; Phyllis Perry, the
chair of our Child Care Task Force; and from the Arkansas
Business Council, Charles Murphy, Charles Morgan and Rob
Walton who produced that remarkable report on our education
system. I want to thank all of them for being here.· They
represent many others. More preparation has gone into bhis
legislative program than any other. We've worked for two
years on it. You have before you a book with 90 bills .in it
s
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'l'he second thing we want to do is to make available
compensatoey educational resources to all the school
districts in the state. The opportunities the federal court
order re~ires we provide Little Rock should be made
available ~oughout the state. If it's good for the kids
here, it'• right for the kids throughout the state.
The ~ird thing we want to do is provide more
opportunity to restructure our schools to do different,
creative ~ings. We have a person here who can tell you
about our school restructuring program. His name is James
. Staggs, and he is superintendent of the Bald Knob School
District. James spoke this morning at the press conference
about the Deed to give our schools the resources they need to
be more creative, to do more and also to adequately pay our
school teachers •
---
Let •e just say a word about that. Obviously the most
expensive part of this program is the teacher salary
increase. Let me point out that for the last three years we
have had virtual~y no ·increase in a lot of our school
districts because the schools expanded the payroll to meet
the standards on time: more science and math teachers, more
kindergarten teachers, more elementary ·counselors. I know' a
lot of people say, "Well, Governor, if you pay the teachers
more tomorrow, you're still paying the same teachers you had
yesterday." That's not a very persuasive argument. Before
he became a farmer, Mr. Ellington was a teacher in· Arkansas
one day and the next day he was a teacher in Texas and the
.next day he was doing something different. This is not a
static population. They don't have to keep doing it. The
average teacher only stays in the classroom seven years
today·, nationwide. And the number of kids going into our
schools of education is going down. We already have a
critical shortage in some areas, and it will get worse. ~e
teacher pay raise is important. If you doubt it, talk to Mr.
Staggs. He'll tell you.
Next, we must provide more accountability in public
schools. Let me just mention three or four things. We want
to issue a Report Card on every school every year saying how
they do on test scores compared to the previous year and to
other students in similar schools, what the dropout rate is,
what the college-going rate is and what the local resources
are. And every person in the state will be able to evaluate
and compare each school in a fair way. Representative Jodie
Mahony and Senator David Malone headed the committee which
looked into this for more than a year. South Ca~olina is the
only state in the country, in my opinion, that has done a
very good job at this and we .think we have a plan that will
build on theirs and make it better. And I hope you will
adopt it.
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�referenced to the legislative book that you have already ,
received and to the tax program. You've already received a
county-by-county breakdown by income of the people in your,
districts so you can see how the revenue program will affect
your own constituents.
·
I think the people of our state understand the economic
realities of this day and will support this program. The
only scientific evidence I have to support that is the pol~
which was published in one of our state's major newspapers
over the weekend. I believe that to be accurate. I also
have anecdotal evidence in all these folks who are here with
me. I want to talk a little about the program and introduce
you to them. I thank the House for making it possible for
them to be seated here, because they represent to me the
human side of this legislative program and what is at stake
for our state.
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First, I told you that this program is a lot bigger than
me. I'd like to introduce a person who illustrates that in
two different ways -- Mr. John Ellington from Dermott. You
can see, first, that he is a lot bigger than me. Secondly, I
want you to know about John Ellington. He is a farmer. He
is the president of the Dermott School Board. He is a
college graduate with a degree in math. He taught school in
Arkansas and then left to go to Texas because they paid
· .
better. Then he came home again to farm and married a woman
who is a teacher. And he has never voted for me. But he's
here today for this program. He said in our press conference
this morning that if he could bury the hatchet and come up
and support ·this program, the least you all could do is cast
a few ballots for it. John Ellington represents the back .
bone of the Arkansas economy and society -- a hard-working
farmer, a person with an education, a person who doesn't like
taxes but does like what they bring. And he is
representative of what I think we're trying to achieve.
In education, what is it that we still need to do? We
need to provide more preschool opportunities to all the
children of our state. Every single study shows that the
best way to improve a child's chances of success in the
schools is to give the kids a good start. Let me just
introduce one person who exemplifies that: Denise Bradford
from Perryville. She is a participant in the HIPPY pr.ogram
in Perry County. She is married and·has three children. She
has one son who is in the first grade. He's been through the
HIPPY program. She has a second son· who's in kindergarten.
He's in HIPPY. She has a four-year-old. daughter who's about
to start. If you'll talk to her after this program, she'li
tell you what that program did for her children. It's not
right for us to do it for children in 22 counties, when we
could do it for children in 75 counties.
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The second thing we want to do is become the second I
state after Minnesota to provide more choice for children :and
their parents to decide where they go to school. As long as
there is not a segregating effect, we want to give people the
right to make a decision to attend schools outside their
assigned districts if they think it's best for them. Sena:tor
Wayne Dowd has agreed to sponsor that bill for me in the
Senate. I think it is a very important step forward in
providing the ultimate accountability to students and
parents.
~he third thing I hope we can do is to increase the
meaning of the school standards by strengthening the
authority of the Board of Education to consolidate or change
the management of schools with terrible performance on the
student tests as well as those which fail to meet standards.
There must be some opportunity to change the leadership of:
those schools and districts.
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We want more money for new vocational educational
programs and to accommodate the welfare reform program that
will require everybody with a child three years or older to
go to work or to go into an education, training or job
placement program in return for the welfare check. I'd like
to show you why. The young lady to my right is Kathy
Daniels. She's from Warren. Kathy is a former welfare
recipient. She has just successfully completed one of our·
state's work programs. She entered the program last May and
she began work recently at the Southeast Arkansas Human
Development Center in Warren where she continues to work.
She worked through a program at the Bradley County Department
of Human Services and then moved into our job training
program through which she found a job.· She has a five-yea~
old child and she is 21 years old. She has already finished
her high school education and she has started college and '
hopes to get her degree. She is an example of what I see
over and over again in this state: Most people who are on
welfare want to be independent. They'd rather be taxpayers
and contributing citizens. We need a system that will move
them from dependence to independence, from welfare to work.
That's part of what is left to be done. And I hope you will
support that.
This program has a huge increase in adult education
funds to double the budget over the next two years and to
implement the recommendations of the Adult Literacy
Commission to take us from 33,000 people to over 100,000
people served a year over the next four years. If we do
that, three years afterward, or seve~ years from today,
Arkansas can become the first state in the country to
obliterate adult illiteracy among working-age citizens. Ov~r
300,000 people in this state in the workforce today cannot ·
read well enough to do everything they need to do in the
·
modern economy. But they can learn. I'd like to introduce, a
8
�couple of people who illustrate that. First of all, my
friend, Bert Mann. Bert Mann dropped out of high school
because he was embarrassed about a hearing loss which came
about as the result of an accident. Later he found his way
to one of our adult education programs, where he got his GED.
Now he has completed a1most two years of college and has
maintained two part-time jobs, one at K-Mart and one at the
Deaf Outreach Center, where he works now because they helped
him. Over and over again.as we look at the population of
adults who cannot read -- Representative Carolyn Pollan was
the first person who brought this to my attention -- we find
people in the courts and the prisons, dropping out of school,
who can't read either because they· have learning impairments
like this or some diagnosed learning disability. This
budget, if it passes, will enable us to serve more people
like Bert.
The. second person I want to introduce is Fred Willis
from Forrest City. Fred is a 61-year-old student in the
adult education program at Crowley's Ridge Vo-Tech. He's a
World War II veteran who joined the Army in 1945. He
attended barber school on the GI Bill in 1949, and owns a
barber shop in Forrest City. Just last May, when he enrolled
in the literacy program, he tested as a fourth grade student.
After seven months, he is now reading at between the sixth
and seventh grade levels. He said today that he at least
knew what a McDonald's was and he thought he could get back
to Forrest City on his own. I wished you could have heard
his testimony in the press conference earlier today, and I
hope you'll come up and shake his hand when this is over
because it took a lot of guts for a guy like him first to
stand up in his church and say he couldn't read, then ask
somebody to teach him to read, and then to be able to come
over here and stand before the entire government of the State
of Arkansas and say, "Hey, I want to be a part of the
solution." We need to serve more people like this and they
are out there, thousands and thousands and thousands of them.
Finally, we have to get more of our young people going
to college. We've gone from 38 to 43 percent of our high
school graduates going to college, but the national average·
is 55 percent and most high school graduates in America are
two years behind the Germans and Japanese when they get out
of high school, largely because our school year is so short,
180 days compared to 220 to 240 days.for our competitors. My
daughter tells me that we're not going to a 240-day school
year and that is one thing that does not have public support.
The one thing we tried to do that had very little public
support was to lengthen the school year. And that's not all
bad. We could use the summer for summer school for slow
learners.
.,
But if we are not going to have a longer school year, we
have no alternative but to send more of ~ur high school
9
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gr:.~ . ~tm:&;.;~s
to "'"-tech schools, community colleges and colleges
for at least two years. Those who do catch up and those who
don't are getting murdered in today'& economy. Hillary
served on the Grant Commission, which studied what happens to
kids who leave high school, either by graduating or by
dropping out, and go right to work. Today, high school
graduates under 25 with only a high school diploma are making
28 percent less than they were 15 years ago, and high school
dropouts under 25 are making 42 percent less than they were
15 years ago.
We've got to get more of them to go on beyond high
school. Because a lot of them cannot afford it, a big part
of this program is to increase scholarships, loans and workstudy programs including one in which college kids would work
in areas of high illiteracy teaching people like Fred to
read. We could become the first state in the country to have
a statewide Literacy Corps of college students who are
earning part of their college expenses by taking care of
problems 1ike his. It is a good idea and ought to be funded.
For the institutions of higher education we've
recommended more money for economic development, science and
technology and research. I was so proud when I watched the
University of Arkansas basketball game on TV the other day
when, during halftime, there was a story about the
superconductivity research there. The funding for that, over
$1 million, came from the oil overcharge money, which a
legislative committee approved. But we have just ·made a
beginning in what we need to do.
Finally, let me make one more point about this education
issue.- Education .!§. economic development. You cannot
separate the two. The last person I want to introduce up
here is Sonny Williams. This guy had one of the happiest
weeks of his life 1ast week. Sonny Williams is the plant
manager of the Nekoosa Paper Mill in Ashdown. He is an
Arkansas fellow who went to work there in 1972 and he's been
the mill manager since 1981. He is about to become the
manager of the largest and best fine paper mill anywhere in
the world. The other night we were having dinner together
after this $500 million project was announced and the ·
president of the company asked him if he wanted to say
anything. He got up and said, "Yes, I'd like to say
somethinq. This is a wonderful deal, and I'm proud of it.
But what we need now is a better educated workforce because
our productivity plans require our employees to know
statistics, and a lot of them don't understand that. We'll
train them, but we need people who know more science and math
and who have better language skills because they have to
learn over and over and over. That's what we need in this
state." He looked at me and said, "That's why I'm for 'four
program." Mr. Ellington, our school board president, said
today at the press conference that the thing he hated worst
10
�of all was "1avi~-:~ to hire a farm hand who couldn't read and
write to operate a $90,000 piece of farm equipment that
required a pretty sophisticated knowledge of computers. So
my point to you is that this program ~ economic development.
But that's not all we need. This program also has a
wide array of economic development initiatives, including
millions of dollars for investments in our communities to
help plants locate and expand, more emphasis on our ability
to generate more foreign investment in Arkansas, more
emphasis on the expansion of existing industries, the source
of most of our new jobs. One week before the Nekoosa
announcement, we announced new jobs in Prescott, Melbourne
and Clarksville, all by existing Arkansas companies:
McDonnell'Douglas, Balder and Firestone.
We also need to invest more in the capacity of the AIDC
and the Science and Technology Authority and the Development
Finance Authority to do their jobs. They do it as well with
the money they have as anybody in the country, in my opinion.
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We need to invest more in infrastructure. It's not an
either/or thing. The water and sewer projects enhance our
capacity to get new jobs. Parts of our state would be able
to grow and develop more with four-lane road networks
connected to the rest of our main transportation arteries.
Infrastructure development is good economics. We should try
to do more of it. Bu·t we should not do that to the exclusion
of education and human development. You can't have one of
the two or three highest gas taxes !n the country and the
lowest teacher pay. It doesn't compute. It won't work.
It's self-defeating.
There are several environmental issues which we must
face which are crucial to our future development. One reason
people love this state is that most of the water is still
clean and the air is still clear and you can still find a
tree without driving too far. It's peen given to us, and
we've got to pass it on. So we're going to discuss and
debate how best to preserve and protect our water resources.
We need some money to begin to test groundwater and drinking
water. And we want to broaden the authority of the state
regarding the siting and development of solid waste
facilities.
I have also recommended a program to encourage more
recycling statewide.because that's got to be one answer to
this problem over the long run. In the Northeast they are
spending $110 to $120 a ton to dispose of solid waste and we
still do it for $10 or less a ton in Arkansas. These
environmental issues will become more and more pressing, and
we need to deal with them now. I hope you'll adopt an •
economic development program to let us do it.
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The Department of Human Services and other human
development agencies have an ambitious program which you will
find in my package and in the recommendations made by the
Legislative Council a couple of days ago. There are a whole
range of innovations designed not only to improve the health
care and well-being of the people of Arkansas but to access
needed federal dollars. In a lot of these programs, for
every dollar we spend, we get three dollars in federal money.
As Senator Mike Kinard and Senator Max Howell said to me the
other day, "If you got a chance to get a factory with a one~
to-three matching fund effort, you'd jump on it and we ought
to do it in Human Services." So I commend that budget to
you.
Let me say that this is not, as some people say, a
Cadillac, luxurious budget . . To me it is the basic commitment
to making Arkansas competitive. A lot of people say what we
ought to do is slow this down and stretch out everything I've
recommended over four to eight years. The problem is that by
the time you do that, it'll be academic, irrelevant and
outmoded because everybody else is moving, too. We're not
sitting here in a static environment. Everybody else is
moving. I could understand the argument if our tax effort
was at the national average; that is, if we took the same
percentage of income for state and local taxes. We're 46th
in per capita income, 75 percent of the national average.
We're 49th in per capita taxes received, 65 percent of the
national average. We are 44th, with Alabama and Tennessee at
45th and 46th, in the percentage of our income going to
taxes: 9.7 percent, about 86 percent.of the national average.
Other states are moving, often from a higher tax base and
with more revenue growth due to effor~s they've already made.
We can't wait.
The tax program before you is not just a revenue
program. It produces revenue, relief and reform. A third of
our income tax filers don't even have to pay federal income
tax~ and we want to take them off the rolls.
All of them
will come out ahead if you take them off the tax rolls and
raise the sales taxes. They'll save more in income tax than
they'll pay in sales. Then we want to take the next 42
percent of the people, those who pay federal income tax on
incomes below $30,000, and give them an income tax credit to
offset the sales tax increase they will pay. They'll all
come out even except in the years when they buy some
expensive new item like a new car. We also will raise the
corporate income tax as recommended by the Tax Reform
Commission.
People say, "This is a good program, Governor, but
there's an anti-tax mood out· there." Well, in general, I
think there is. If somebody called me up doing a poll asking
how I felt about raising the sales tax and said, "Are you for
it or against it?" I'd say, ''In the abstract, I'm against
12
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it. What do you want ti!e money f: Jr?" I would have polled
"no" on that question. In particular, however, every survey
which has been done shows that the people support this
program. I've heard some of you say·, "All ·I know is that
they didn't poll anybody in my county because nobody says
they're for it and everybody says they're against it." Well,
I guess I've got to do a better job of trying to get all
those people that are in the poll calling you, and I'm going
to try. But when I do, don't get mad at me because you just
told me you weren't hearing from them. It's my job, and I've
got to try. Still, I think you have to say that the survey
can't be all wrong. All of our people live in the same
world, and they know what's happening everywhere else.
Clearly the taxes alone are not enough to solve our
problems. That's why I want reform and relief. That's why I
also want accountability, and I hope you will really stick
with me on these accountability issues because some of them
will be very controversial.
Though money alone will not solve our problems, major
money questions must be faced: Do you want to get teachers
who can teach, or not? Do you want to get kids off to a good
start in school, or not? Do you want to educate inmates so
that they don't come back to prison, or not? Do you want to
deal with the fact that the biggest health problem we've got
among young people is kids who aren't poor enough to be on
welfare and aren't well off enough to have health insurance
so they're in school with bad teeth and all kinds of other
problems that need to be addressed, ~r not? Do you want to
increase the college-going rate, or not? Do you want to
finance these economic development programs, or not?
The questions I have been asking all over Arkansas are
simple: Do you think that education and economic development
are the keys to our future? If you do, do you believe that
somebody·else will pay for it if we don't? And if you don't,
don't you think that we've at least got to try as hard as
everybody else is? I think the answers are clear.
I got tickled the other day, and he got embarrassed,
when Representative John Capps was reported as saying that
the people of this state were getting sick and tired of Bill
Clinton giving this same old speech. I love him like a
brother, and I know he was just saying what he was hearing.
Maybe they are. But let me tell you something: Number one,
the Bible admonishes us not to grow weary while doing good
because in due season we will reap if we do not lose heart.
And number two, politics is not entertainment. It is not·
relief. It is not supposed to be easy. Lord knows all of us
might wish for a different time. I can think of many times
in the history of our state and our nation when it would have
been far easier. But that's not our time.
13
�.-
.
,. "'
.. '•
The essence of political responsibility is being able to
concentrate on what is really important for a long period of
time until the problem is solved. I'd love to come up here
and give you another speech. I've got fifteen to twenty
different things I wish I could talk about and none of them
take this long. I'd like to do it. And I think we can do it
when the unemployment rate is below the national average and
income is above the national average in our state. I think
we can do it when no company ever passes us by because they
think we can't carry the load in the new world ~onomy. I
think we can do it when no young person in this state ever
has to leave home to find a good job. When that happens, I
will stop talking about these things and we can go on to
something else. But until it does, we've got to do our duty.
Thank you very much, and God Bless You.
14
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
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Archives Project - Best Clinton Quotes [3]
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
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12/29/2014
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-013-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/778682f3cba19db892ea794f13d0c900.pdf
37b2788641e07f8e3026476d9ffcb13c
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative ·marker'by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidenti~t Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
Subseries:
··:-··\
OAIID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Archives Project- Best Clinton Quotes [2]
Stack:
Row:
s
91
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. note
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Phone No.'s (l page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Archives Project - Best Clinton Quotes [2]
2008-0699-F
'm482
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act· (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(l) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial Information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(l) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOJA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Washington, DC 20408
August 31, 1993
Carter Wilkie
Office of Communications Research
The White House
OEOB Room 197
Washington, DC 20500-0001
Dear Carter:
As you requested, I am returning for review the quotations we have
selected for our booklet Presidential Quotations: The Twentieth
Century. We have organized the Clinton selections under categories
we are using for each president. For your reference we have
retained in brackets your original titles, but we do not intend to
use these in the final dr9ft.
You might think that we have been a little hard on the 36-page list
you originally sent. I would quickly add that the length of the
quotations we currently have for Mr. Clinton is still the longest
of any other president in the booklet. FOR's list is only 17.5
pages at present and still subject to further condensation. Any
suggestions you might have for further Clinton deletions would be
greatly appreciated. If you think that it is imp~Ttant to add any
more current quotations or to rest~ _been deleted,
please substitute th~ Tor another guotation now_o~~-~!j~t.
For your reference I am enclosing a copy of our working draft of
categories and two pages seeking further identifying information
on your quotations. We still have to do one last overall review and
finalize the selections in order to keep the respective entries
reasonably proportionate and crisp in the reading.
I shall be at the
the rest of this
September 7, if
(202-724-0097).
working draft. I
Society of American Archivists annual meeting for
week, but I shall be back at my post on Tuesday,
you wish to discuss any aspect of this project
Thank you for taking the time to review this
look forward to hearing from you.
Sincerely,
-'~
HENRY J a - G
IAZDA, Ph.D.
Chief
Publicat
s Branch
Enclosures: 20 pp. and 3 pp.
National Archives and Records Administration
�1
Presidential Quotations General Categories
<Tentative list)
updated August 30, 1993
1.
America and Americans
-A met~ ican ism
-state of the Union
2.
The Constitution
-Freedom of the Press
-Freedom of Speech
-Censorship
3.
Economy
-Taxation
-Spending/Budget
-Trade
-Tt~IJSt
S
-Business
4.
Elections & the Campaign Trail
£..
Environment
7.
Foreign Relations & Policy
-Cold War
-Defense
-National Security
8.
Government and Politics
-Liberty
-Democracy
-Law
-Congress
-Health Care Reform
-AIDS policy
9.
History
-On History
-Making History?
-Rendezvous with Destiny
10. Human and Civil Rights
-Race <Relations?>
11. Labor and Industry [Economy subheading?]
12.
Pover~t
y
13. The Presidency (keep separate>
-general
-specific
�2
14. Presidential Wisdom
-Values
-Ideas
-Growing Old/Hindsight
-Responsibility for the future
-Humility
-Individualism
-Corruption
-Change
15.
Pr~ogress
-Technology <Space Exploration>
-Education <???>
1&. War
17. Wit
18. President Specific Categories
-Watergate
-Iran/Contra
_j
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�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 4, 1993
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
George Stephanopoulos, Bruce Lindsey, David Kusnet
FROM:
Carter Wilkie
RE:
approval needed for release of Clinton quotations
\
The attached quotations from President Clinton's public career
have been collected for the National Archives, which plans to
publish a booklet later this fall containing a selection of
quotes and one speech from the careers of each of the 20th
Century presidents.
The Archives will take our submission of quotes and work with me
to choose several dozen that best represent the President's
wisdom, wit, core beliefs and views about major questions of the
day and America's enduring ideas. This draft is arranged
chronologically. The final publication will arrange the quotes
by subject, to eliminate duplication of similar .themes~
Please take a moment to look over the items on this list. Cross
out any lines that you deem improper for eventual publication,
and place an asterisk next to those you deem the best. If I
could get your comments back after the weekend, it would help me
meet our deadline with the National Archives.
As for the text of one famous speech: While we might be inclined
to submit the Inaugural Address, I am arguing that we submit the
attached edited version o~ the first "New Covenant" speech given
at Georgetown. This speech, much more than the Inaugural
Address, defines the President's substantive mission; it also
eliminates the need for many of the redundant quotations about
"Responsibility." The Inaugural Address, furthermore, will
eventually find its way into future history books and other
publications.
Archives staff expect this inexpensive publication (near $3) to
be popular among a broad audience of visitors to the,Archives and
presidential libraries.
file:archlist.cw
�r:-:-.·.
6/7/93
To: Carter Wilkie
From: David Kusnet
For what it's worked, I picked a lot of the quotes and unpicked a
few.
You might want to group them by subject and pick at most 2 or 3
per subject. A few subjects that come up a lot are: national
unity; hope; investment; leadership; responsibility.
I would recommend keeping all the really old quotes because they
show he has been thinking about the same things for a long time
and saying them in much the same ways.
)vt.l/l/7..{~~- ~ 7 Moh;le.,
{J~Uw?'w1 Q_W~ss
t~Wtr
/{fr.-h·c>
;£·19>o/~
jl/~"fhta/ JE~
_.___ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 4, 1993
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
FROM:
RE:
~orqe
Stephanopoulos, Bruce Lindsey,
~id Kusnet
CNVcarter Wilkie
approval needed for release of Clinton quotations
\
The attached quotations from President Clinton's public career
have been collected for the National Archives, which plans to
publish a booklet later this fall containing a selection of
quotes and one speech from the careers of each of the 20th
Century presidents.
The Archives will take our submission of quotes and work with me
to choose several dozen that best represent the President's
wisdom, wit, core beliefs and views about major questions of the
day and America's enduring ideas. This draft is arranged
chronologically. The final publication will arrange the quotes
by subject, to eliminate duplication of similar themes.
Please take a moment to look over the items on this list. Cross
out any lines that you deem improper for eventual publication,
and place an asterisk next to those you deem the best. If I
could get your comments back after the weekend, it would help me
meet our deadline with the National Archives.
As for the text of one famous speech: While we might be inclined
to submit the Inaugural Address, I am arguing that we submit the
attached edited version o~ the first "New covenant" speech given
at Georgetown. This speech, much more than the Inaugural
Address, defines the President's substantive mission; it also
eliminates the need for many of the redundant quotations about
"Responsibility." The Inaugural Address, furthermore, will
eventually find its way into future history books and other
publications.
Archives staff expect this inexpensive publication (near $3) to
be popular among a broad audience of visitors to the Archives and
presidential libraries.
filesarchlist.cw
\
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 21, 1993
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
.)
Mark Gearan, Director of Communications
FROM:~rter
RE:
Wilkie,
c~mmunications
Research
Clinton archives
Your question on the attached memorandum raises several issues
that need to be settled. I had a hell of a time collecting these
quotations. The best tool available was my memory of the
campaign and the early months of the administration, working with
the few transcripts on file here or in Little Rock.
We need two databases -- for different purposes.
Eric Berman has given considerable thought to building an
administration database to supplement what is already archived
and available electronically via the Federal Register. I suggest
you assign someone to consult with Berman, Executive Clerk Ron
Geisler, the head Reference Librarian Martha Shiele, the head of
the Office of Records Management, and others, to examine our
needs and potential resources.
We need another database (perhaps non-taxpayer funded) for preadministration materials. The Arkansas office is waiting for
people here to make a budget decision to establish a manageable
database of Bill Clinton's public speeches, statements,
questionnaire responses and other writings, with first priority
given to material from the 1992 campaign. The system created
under Betsy Wright is largely inaccessible in its current form,
and items that exist only on paper or on audio or video tapes
need to be transcribed and recorded electronically. For the 1994
and 1996 elections, rapid retrieval is a must. Beyond that,
please consider the needs of the eventual presidential library.
I suggest that someone organize a meeting of staff from
Communications, the Arkansas office, and the 1992 campaign to
examine our needs and potential resources here also.
file: gearan.02
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 17, 1993
• ''.,!•
•••.
,· ....
''
·.''
. ,,
MEMORANDUM
'f
··,' .
'·.·
.
·,'.· t
FOR:
',':.'
Mark Gearan
Director. of Communications
FROM: f\ a.l j Carter Wilkie
l)UVcommunications Research
'
'·
•
.-.
.J
SUBJECT:
..
Clinton quotations
.....
·-·. - .. -
Later this year, the National Archives
will publish an inexpensive collection of
quotations of 20th Century Presidents.
The booklet is aimed at visitors to the
Archives and Presidential libraries.
Archives staff will work with me to
construct the chapter on the President's
career, using the list of quotations
attached.
. '
,·
I.
I· .
'I·
-,·
,l
•;
.:
'.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
PAX COVER SHEET
DATE:
FROM:
The Wh~te House
Office of Communications Research
Washington, DC 20500
Tel. (202) 456-7845
Fax
(202) 456-2239
MESSAGE:
C?'______
NUMBER OF SHEETS INCLUDING THIS PAGE __
***
CONFIDENTIALITY NOTE
***
The documents accompanying this facsimile transmission contain
information from The White House which may be CONFIDENTIAL. The
information herein is intended to be for the use of the
individual or entity named on this transmittal sheet. If you are
not the intended recipient, be aware that any disclosure,
copying, distribution or use of the contents of this information
is prohibited. If you have received this facsimile in error,
please notify us by telephone immediately and return the original
message to us at the above address by First Class Mail via the
United States Postal Service. Thank you.
-
--~-----
--
---
�.
Compiled by Bruce Reed and staff, Summer 1992
BILL CLINTON'S GREATEST HITS, 1990-92.
·Selected Lines from ~or Speeches
APPLAUSE LINFS
I refuse to stand by and let our children become part of the first generation of Americans
to do worse than their parents. I don't want my child or your children to grow up in a country
that's coming apart instead of coming together.
·
(Announcement, 10/91)
For 12 years, the Republicans have talked about choices without really believing in them.
The President says he wants private school choice even it bankrupts the public. schools, and yet
he's more than willing to make it a crime for a woman to exercise her right to choose.
(Announcement, 10/91)
We don't need another president who doesn't know what he wants to d~ for America.
... The American people already know what we're against. Let's show them what we're for.
(Announcement, 10/91)
·
In the Clinton Administration, the students and parents and teachers of this country will
get a real Education President.
(Announcement, 10/91)
For 12 long years, Republicans have tried to make it harder for middle-class people to
go to college. In a Clinton Administration, everybody will be able to afford a college education
if they'll give something back to their country in return.
(Announcement, 10/91)
We can cover every American with the money we're now spending if we take on the . . ......
insurance companies, the drug companies, and the health care bureaucracies. I pledge tQ. tile
..
American people that in the first year of a Clinton Administration, I Will present to. the'V.rlited ....... · ~.·
States Congttss·and the people a plan to provide affordable health care for all Americalis. ·· · · ., · · ·
·:
(Announcement, 10/91)
~
. We're· nothere to save the Democratic Party. We're here to save the Uni~ States'of"'·
America.
(DLC, 5/91)
What. we need to elect in 1992 is not the la.St Preside~t of the 20th centur)r. but th~ ·fusi · ·.
·President .ot the 21st century.
..
·(Georgetown, 12/91)
1
·
·: ·•' ':·
�PUTI'ING PEOPLE FIRST
I believe we need a radical new approach to economics that will give new hope to our
people and breathe new life into the American Dream. A new national strategy that will reward
work, expand opportunity, and put people first, with more public and private investment, the
world's best-educated workforce, and competitive strategies in health care, energy, and trade.
(Exeter, 2/91)
In the new American economy, everyone will have to change, and everyone will get
something in return. Workers will gain new prosperity and independence, including health care
and training, but unions will have to give up non-productive work rules and rigid job
classifications and be open to change. Managers will reap more profits but will have to manage
for the long run, and not treat themselves better than their workers are treated. Corporations
will reach new heights in productivity and profitability, but CEOs will have to put the long-term
interests of their workers, their customers, and their companies first.
(Georgetown, 11191)
We can't move forward without investing more money in our future, but we can invest
all the money in the world and if people won't do right, the money won't do what it's supposed
.
to~
.
.
(DLC, 5/91)
,
We waste more people in our country than any of our major competitors. More of them
die in birth; more of them die in their first year; more of them are born with low-birthweight
with avoidable mental and physical problems; more of them drop out of school; more of them
have drug and alcohol abuse problems; more of them wind up in prisori; more of them will go
into the adult work force not being able to read in higher percentages than any of our major
competitors.
·
(DLC, 3/90)
REWARDING WORK
AND FAMILY
.
.
It isn't enough just to talk about family values. We need to value families.
(Multiple)
There is an idea abroad in the land that if you· abandon your children the government will
raise them .... But I'llletyou in on~ little secret: governmentS don't raise children; people do~
It is time they were ~~ to assuine their. respOnsibilities and forced to do it if they ·refuse•.
(DLC," 5/91)
.
2
�Family values won't feed a hungry child. But it's hard to raise any child without them.
We need both.
(DLC, S/91)
We must go beyond the competing ideas of the old political establishment: beyond every
man for himself on the one hand and the right to something for nothing on the other.
We'll say to people on welfare: We'll provide the training and education and health care
·you need, but if you can work, you've got to go to work, because you can no longer stay on
welfare forever.
We'll say to the hard-working middle class and those who aspire to it: We'll guarantee
you access to a college education, but if you get that help, you've got to give something back
to your country.
And we'll challenge all of us in public service: We have asolemn responsibility to honor
the values and promote the interests of the people who elected us, and if we don't, we don't
belong in government anymore.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
Welfare should be a· second chance, not a way of life. In a Clinton Administration,
we're going to put an.end to welfare as we know it. I want to erase the stigma of welfare for
gOod by restoring a simple, dignified principle: no one who can work can stay on welfare
forever.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
A REVOLUTION IN GOVERNMENT
~·
Every vote for Jerry Brown recognized that we do need to make changes in the influence
of forces at play in Washington, and ordinary people should have more say and special interests
less. Every vote for Paul Tsongas was a vote for change . . . a vote that recognizes that there
are serious economic problems we face that require a serious response.
(New York Victory speech, 4/92)
Government, which should have been setting an example, was even worse. Congress
raised.its pay and guarded its perks while most Americans were working harder for. less money.
Two Republican Presidents elected on a pro~se of fiscal responsibility advanced budget policies
that more than tripled the national debt. Congress went along with that, too. Taxes were
lowered on· the wealthiest people whose incomes rose, and raised on middle class people whose
incomes fell. And through. it all, millions of decent, ordinary people who worked hard~·played'.
by the rules, arid took responsibility for therr own actions were. faliing behind~ living· a life of
·
·
struggle without reward o~ security.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
3
�.
Congress should live by the laws it applies to other workplaces. No more midnight pay
raises .. Congressional pay shouldn't go up while the pay of working Americans is going down.
Let's clamp down on campaign spending and open the airwaves to encourage ·real political
debate instead of paid political assassination. No more bounced checks. No more bad restaurant
debts. No more fixed tickets. Service in Congress is privilege enough.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
For too many Americans, for too long, it's seemed that Congress and the White House
have been more interested in looking out for themselves and for their friends, but not for the
country and not for the people who make it great.
(Georgetown, 11/91)
Too many Washington insiders of both parties think the only way to provide more
services is to spend more on programs already on the books in education, housing, and health
care. But if we reinvent government to deliver new services in different ways, eliminate
unnecessary layers of management, and offer people more choices, we really can give taxpayers
more services with fewer bureaucrats for the same or less money. That's what we're trying to
do in Arkansas --balancing the budget every year, improving services, and treating taxpayers
like our customers and our bosses, because they are.
·
(Georgetown, 11/91)
TIIE REAGAN-BUSH ERA
For 12 years, the Republicans have been telling us that America's problems are not their
problem .... Every one of us has tried to be one of those thousand points of light. But I can tell
you, my friends, when there is no national vision, no national leadership, no national direction,
a thousand points of light leaves a lot of darkness.
(Announcement, 10/91)
The Reagan-Bush years have exalted private gain over public obligations, special interests
over the common good, wealth and fame over work and family.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
For 12 years of this Reagan-Bush era, the Republicans have let S&L crooks and selfserving CEOs trY to build an economy out of paper and perks instead of people and products.
It's the Republican way: every man for himself and get it while you can. They stacked the·
odds in favor of their friends at the. top, and told everybody else to wait for whatever trickled
down. And every step of the way, the Republicans forgot about .the very people they had
promised to help -- the very people who elected them in the first place -- the forgotten middle
class Americans who still live by .American values and whose ho~. hearts, and hands still carry.
the American Dream. ·
· ·
·
(Qeorgetown, i 1{91)
4
�NO MORE SOMETHING FOR NOTHING
What George Bush has never understood is that you can't lead America if you don't
challenge Americans. He has pandered to us and divided us. I will do better than that. I will
challenge you-- all of you-- to be Americans again. I will challenge each and every one of us
to take personal responsibility for this country's future.
(Exeter, 2/92)
Today we need to forge a New Covenant that will repair the damaged bond between the
people and their government and restore our basic values -- the notion that our country has a
responsibility to help people get ahead. A New Covenant to take government back from the
powerful interests and the bureaucracy, and give this country back to ordinary people.
Make no mistake -- this New Covenant means change -- change in our party, change in
our national leadership, and change in our country. Far away from Washington, in your
hometowns and mine, people have lost faith in the ability of government to change their lives
for the better. Out there, you can hear the quiet, troubled voice of the forgotten middle class,
lamenting that government no longer looks out for their interests or honors their values - like
individual responsibility, hard work, family, community. They think their government takes
more from them than it gives back, and looks the other way when special interests only take
from this country and give nothing back. And they're right.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
There will never be a government program for every problem. I can promise to do a
hundred different things for you as President. But none of them will make any difference unless
we all do more as citizens. It's been 30 years since a Democrat ran for President and asked
something of all the American people. I intend to challenge you to do more and to do better.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
When people assume responsibility and shoulder the common load, they acquire a dignity
they never knew before. When people go to work, they rediscover a pride that was lost. When
fathers pay their child support, they restore a connection they and their children need. When
students work harder, they find out they all can learn and do as well as anyone else on Earth.
When corporate managers put their workers and their long-term profits ahead of their own
paychecks, their <:ompanies do well, and so do they. When the privilege of serving is enough
of a perk for people in Congress, and the President finally assumes responsibility for America's
problems, we'll not only stop doing wrong, we'll begin to do what is right to move America
forward.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
5
�Tim REAGAN-BUSH ECONOMIC RECORD
Our country is not prepared to lead the world we have made.
(DLC, 3/90)
We are losing America's leadership in the world just as we are losing the American
Dream right here at home. Middle-class people are spending more time on the job, less time
with their children, and bringing home less money to pay more for health care and housing and
education. The jx>verty rates are up, the streets are meaner and even more children are growing
up in broken families.
(Announcement, 10/91)
The Japanese Prime Minister said we've lost the work ethic, and he told our President
that he has sympathy for America. Sympathy? For America? Those words angered me. Those
Japanese politicians never met the working men and women I've seen every day. If they had,
they would know that our· workers have not failed us. Our leaders have.
·
(Exeter, 2/92)
The current administration has compiled the worst economic record in 50 years. George
Bush's Presidency has produced slower economic growth, slower job growth, and slower income
growth than any administration since the Great Depression-- and the biggest deficits and highest
middle-class tax burden of any administration in history.
·(Exeter, 2/92)
I don't believe in unilateral disarmament.on the economic battlefield any more than I
believe in unilateral disarmament in national defense.
(Shipbuilders, 5/92)
THE FORGOTIEN :MIDDLE CLASS
Too many of the people who used to vote for us, the very burdened middle class we're
talking about, have not trusted us in national elections to defend our national interests abroad,
to put their values into our social policy at home, or to take their tax money and spend it with
discipline.
·
(DLC, 5/91)
. I want the American people to know that a Clinton Administration will defend our
national interests abroad, put our finest values into our social policy at home and spend our tax
dollars with discipline. We'll put government back on the side of the working-class families of
America who often think most of the, help goes to the top of the ladder, some of it goes to the ·
bottom, and no one stands up for them.:
·
·
(Anno\lDcement, 10/91)
6
�ASKING THE WEALTHY TO PAY THEIR SHARE
I'm not out to soak the rich. I wouldn't mind being rich myself. But I do believe those
people should pay their fair share of taxes. For 12 years, while middle-class income went
down, the Republicans raised taxes on middle-class people. And while the incomes of our
wealthiest citizens went up, their taxes were lowered. That's wrong and the middle class needs
a break.
(Announcement, 10/91)
Let's not forget who the most irresponsible people of all were in the 1980s. They were
not the people on the bottom or in the middle. They were the people at the top of the totem
pole. It was the people who enjoy the most fruits of our society that sold out the S&Ls, that
nearly bankrupted the country with mergers and acquisitions when they should have been
investing that money to create jobs and produce new products and services.
(Announcement, 10/91)
And while rich people's income went up, charitable giving by the wealthiest people in
our society went down. Why? Because our leaders created an ethic of take it while you can
and to heck with everybody else.
(Announcement, 10/91)
It's simply not enough to obey the letter of the law and make as much money as you can.
It's wrong for executives to do what so many did in the '80s·. The biggest companies raised
their pay by four times the percentage their workers' pay went up and three times the percentage
their profits went up. It's wrong to drive a company into the gro1.1nd and have the chief
executive bail out with a golden parachute to a cushy life.
(Multiple)
As President, I'm going to do everything I can to make it easier for your company to
compete in the world, with a better trained workforce, cooperation between labor and
management, fair and strong trade policies, and incentives to invest in America's economic
growth. But I want the jetsetters and the feather bedders of corporate America to know that if
you sell your companies and your workers and your country down the river, you '11 get called
on the carpet. :
(New Covenant, 10/91)
I'm tired of people with trust funds telling people on food stamps how to live.
(Rainbow Coalition, 6/92)
7
---
--~------------------
---
----~---------
---
-----------------
�REAL ANSWERS FOR REAL PEOPLE
I've got one opponent who says he'll do whatever it takes to hold onto the White House,
and another opponent who says he'll spend whatever it takes to get the White House. Winning
this election is not what's at stake here. What's at stake is winning the fight for America's
future.
(Calif. victory, 6/92)
People once looked to our President and Congress to bring us together, solve problems,
and make progress. Now, in the face of massive challenges, our government stands discredited,
our people disillusioned. There's a hole in our politics where a sense of common purpose used
to be.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
The United States of America needs at least one political party that's not afraid to tell the
people the truth and address the real needs of real human beings. We need one political party
that doesn't want to be the hunter or the hunted on these 30-second negative ads.
.
(DLC, 5/91)
People don't care about the rhetoric of "left".and "right" and "liberal" and "conservative"
and who's up and who's down and how we are positioned. They are real people, they have real
problems and they are crying desperately for someone who believes the purpose of government
is to solve their problems and make progress, instead of posturing along and waiting for the riext
election.
(DLC, 5/91)
The change we seek isn't liberal or conservative. It's different and it's both. The small
towns and main streets of America aren't like the corridors and backrooms of Washington.
Right here, people don't much care about the labels of left or right or liberal or conservative and all the other words that have made our politics a substitute for action.
(Announcement, 10/91)
RESTORING CO:MMUNITY
For 12 years, the Republicans have tried to divide us, race against race. They want us
to be angry at each other so we won~t be mad at them .... We are all wise to this. tactic. And
I'm going to tell you one thing: I understand this tactic and I will not let them get away with
it in 1992.
(Announcement, 10/91)
.,
. That is what's. special about America. We want to be .pari· o.f a nation· that's oo~g
together, .not coming apart. We want to be part of a community where people iook ou.t for each
other, not just for themselves. We want to be part of a nation that brings out the besf in us, not
8
�the worst. And we believe that the only limit to what we can do is what our leaders are willing
to ask. of us and what we are willing to expect of ourselves.
(New Covenant, 10/91)
There's no them in this country. There's only us. We want our government back. We
want our country back.
(Rainbow Coalition, 1192)
All of us pay for the division and failure in America. We pay for it in the crime rates
that are going up everywhere. We pay for it when our tax dollars go to build jails instead of
to educate children. We pay for it when our health care bills explode because we have the most
violent nation in the world. We pay for it when our economy goes downhill, because there are
too many adults who are too illiterate to work in a global economy. We pay for it when there
are too many places where people could be working instead of going on welfare. We pay for
it over and over again. If you live in a country where people don't count, you pay for it. Oh
yes, you pay.
(Birmingham, 5/92)
· Can we live in a country where too many black people know that violence too often has
a black face because it is their children· who are shot, their schools which are savaged, their
neighborhoods which are war zones, and they believe no one will make their streets safe simply
because they are black?
·
(Newspaper Publishers, 5/92)
PERSONAL STORIES
For me, the American Dream is not a slogan. It has been a way of life. I was born in
1946, as America was entering the greatest economic boom the world has ever seen. I grew up
in a state where almost half the people lived below the povertY line. My mother was widowed
three months before I was born. I was raised by my grandparents until I was four. My
grandmother was a nurse. My grandfather had a grade-school education and ran a small grocery
store. We didn't have much money. But growing up, I and my generation always knew that if
we worked hard and played by the rules, we'd be rewarded -and I have been, beyond my
wildest dreams.
.
(Multiple)
.
When I was a little boy, I was raised by my grandparents with a lot of help from my
great-grandparents. My great-grandparents· lived out in the country in a 3-room shack built up
off the ground on posts. The best room on the place was the stQrm ~.liar, which· was a hole iri
the ground where I used .to spend the .~night ·with a coal-oil J.a.Q.tern· arid ·snakes. ·They got ·
"government commodities"- ~t's what we called them back then- help from the government.
They did a heck of a job with what they lW:I. ·.
9
�My granddaddy ran a country store in a black neighborhood in a little town called Hope,
Arkansas. There were no food stamps; so when his. black customers who worked hard for a ·
living came in with no money, he gave them food anyway. Just made a note of it. He knew
that he was part of a community.
They believed in family values. They believed in personal responsibility. But they also
believed that the government had an obligation to help people who were doing the best they
could. We made it.
(DLC, 5/91)
I've got a picture in my office of my great-grandfather holding my hand when I was five
years old, and in his overalls he looks like a figure out of American Gothic. I love to look at
that picture because it roots me. It gives meaning and organization and richness to my life.
And when I look at it, I think about the grade school Hillary and I visited in south central
LA a few years ago -- 6th graders about my daughter's age. When I asked these children what
they were most worried about, they said their number one feat was being shot going to and from
school. Their number two fear was that by the time they were 13, they'd have to join a gang
and start using crack or they were going to get beat up.
And I asked these children whether they thought they should tum in their parents if they
were addicted to drugs if they knew their parents would not be put in jail. for the first time, but
. would be given the opportunity for treatment. And all but two of those kids raised their hands.
Now, it's a long way from a kid who can remember holding his great-grandfather's hand to a
child who will never have a picture of a grandparent in the house and thinks that he or she ought
to tum their parents in because they can't fulfill the most basic responsibilities.
(DLC, 3/90; Announcement, 10/91)
[They were most worried then about being forced to join gangs when they got in the 8th
grade. Those kids now are in the 9th grade. I've often wondered in the last few days after what
happened here, how many of them wound up in gangs, and whether they looted and whether
they're all still alive. They're all our children.]
(East L.A., .5/92)
STORIF.S FROM THE CAMPAIGN TRAll..
This country is in. trouble: As I've travelled around this country, I've ·seen too tnuc~ pain
on people's faces, too much
in people's.eyes .. We've got to· do better. · ·
(Georgetown, 11/91)..
·
fear
10
�This month, I visited with a couple from New Hampshire named David and Rita Springs.
He's a chemical engineer by training; she's studying to be a lab technician. They told me that
a month before his pension was vested, the people who ran his company fired him to cut their
payrolls. Then ·they turned around and sold the company, and bailed out with a golden
parachute while David Springs and his family got the shaft.
Last week, at a bowling alley in Manchester, I met a fireman who was working two jobs
and his wife who was working 50 hours a week in a mill. They told me they were worried that
even though both of them were working like this and their son was a straight A student, they
still wouldn't be able to afford to send him to college because of the rising cos~ of college
education and because they were too well-off to get government help.
At a breakfast in a cafe in New Hampshire, I met a young· man whose 12-year-old child
had had open-heart surgery, and now no one will hire him because they can't afford his health
insurance.
The families I met are from New Hampshire, but they could be from anywhere in
America. They're the backbone of the country, the ones who do the work and pay the taxes and
send their children off to war. They're a lot like people I've seen in Arkansas for years, living
with the real consequences of our national neglect. These are the real victims of the Reagan
Revolution, the Bush Succession, and this awful national recession.
·
_(G~rgetown, 11/91) ·
I'm tired of looking into the eyes of school children who know their parents sit down to
dinner with them every night and feel like failures because they cannot work and support their
families. And it's not their fault.
(Chicago, 11191)
I
For the last seven months, I've traveled back and forth across this eountry, listening to
the thousands of people I've met: Unemployed workers who've lost not only their jobs but their
pensions, their health care, and even their homes. Laid-off defense workers who now make
their living driving cabs.· Elderly couples whose refrigerators are bare because so much of their
monthly Social Security check has to gQ for prescription drugs. Middle-class families
everywhere who've taken second jobs to make ends meet. The determination and quiet courage
of these brave Americans has kept me going through the toughest moments of this campaign.
Every day, their struggles and their stories have reminded me what this election is really all
about.·
(Wharton, 4/92)
Emily Thibault is .a high school· senior whose father is out of work~ He couldn't find a
job here and finally had to move a thousand miles away. Emily fought b,_ck tears. as she told · ·
·me that her father would have to miss her senior year.
(Exeter, 2/91)
11
�'
Earlier this year, I visited Thomas Jefferson High in Brooklyn. One month later two
students, to whom I spoke, were shot to death while walking in the hall.
·
(Multiple)
·
I'll never forget a man, a recent immigrant to this country, who came up to me in New
York and said, "Governor, my 10-year-old son studies all the candidates in school, and he says
I should vote for you, so I will .... But Governor, where I came from, in my home country, we
were much poorer, but at least we were free. Now we are not free. We're not free when my
boy can't go to school unless I walk with him. We're not free when he can't walk across the
street and play in the park, unless I go with him. So I want to know, if I do what my boy
wants, and I vote for you, will you make my boy free?"
(Mayors, 6/92)
[That's what I want us to do together, with the National Police Corps. They won't be
national, they'll be your police.]
(Mayors, 6/92)
12
�..
"
ADDRESS
j CLI~ITON
Bl(
GOVER.'K·R OF THE St.TE OF ARKA.'{SAS
koNVE~TIO~
DE}!OCRATIC NATIONAL
- 1980
.1
Clinton Soeech - Introduction
He wis the youngest governor.
This party has
al~ays
been known as a
party of progress and hope, and because of that the party has attracted
the attention of the young.
of
Ark~nsas
At
3~
years of age, Governor Bill Clinton
already has an enviable record of public
was the younsest attorney general.
achieve~ent.
He
And during his administration as
governor, his administration has been truly people oriented, encompassing
everyone, young and old, rich and poor, plack, white and all in between.
These achievecents alone would be enough,.but there's more to tell about
our next speaker.
He is also a brilliant human being, and most importantly
a warm and friendly human being.
reas~ns,
He is good at politics for the best of
because he genuinely likes people, and because he applies a
good mind to solving state problems.
I could go on, and I'm sure the
good people of Arkansas would like me to, but I think you ought to meet
him.
I take genuine pride in introducing the Governor of Arkansas, Bill
Clinton.
Governor.
•.
Clinton
Thank you very much.
Ladies and gentlemen of the convention, I
coma tonight to speak in behalf of the 31 Democratic governors, in
behalf of Jimmy Carter and Walter Hondale, in behalf of the ideals and
coopassion
of Senator Kennedy and his family, and for the interests,
,
concerns and burdens of the people of my beloved state and this nation.
for four days we have worked hard to bring together again the core
Qf o.ur party, throug£i .. the delegates in this hall and those they re~r.esent.
'!' . --.- ..... ~~-~~.~~---~.·~··.. ·
... ··
...
--
�2
'
.
But now we must go on to an even more important task.
We must speak to
the millions of Americans who are not here - who do not even watch us on
television or listen to us.
vote, or if
th~
Who do not care.
Who will not bother to
do, will probably not vote for us.
For it is these
people who will decide the election of 1980. And they cannot be moved
·"
by the symbols and accomplishments of the Democratic party of the past.
For four days I have listened to speakers come to the rostrum, and
~vay
shout at the top of their lungs to be heard, trying to find some
to
speak to the heart of }..Jr.erica, to reach to the'heart of our problems
trying, trying, to restore the faith of our people in this party.
}'
.i
!
.
Tonight I received a.telegram from a constituent of mine which I would
-~
,
like to read.
It says this: . "Energize us.
ReneY.J our flickering faith
that leadership does care, and that government can respond.
America
waits."
And I ask you tonight my fellow Democrats, what is America
for?
~e
~aiting
have proved that our party is more sensitive than the Republicans
to equality and justice - to the poor and the dispossessed.
But now we
must prove that we offer more in the way of creative and realistic
solutions to our economic and energy ·and environmental problems, and
that we have a vision that can withstand the erosion of special inte~est , politics that is gripping our land.
·-·.:
Those in this country that are alienated from us tonight are asking
some very gnawing questions.
cipate in a system that does not work. for them. . They want to know '.rhy,
:!
if thay do vote, they should return to office a president and a _party
~
:~·
~- : :4~-.:~.\··_\::. ~ ~~-:·.· -~~;-._·.·:;:.:: ...
-~
.;
~·· .
l
They want to know why they should parti-
.
...
•'
...
·'
.·. :· .-::~.- -~·: ..:'";
·t .. •
·~·.:
... that
-....
"::·:':"-·'·': ·..
~as
presided over a time of high inflation, high unemployment and
lagging productivity.
They want to know what is at the root of our
l ..... '·..:.·.·:~ -. oisery,_ <1nd what we as Democrats are going to do about
~
it.
They wonder
--~
.
.
· if
th~re
is anyone in this whole land with a clear vision of where we are
.
~
-;i.·,~*#~~~'-¥~i:~;:-~: ;, ..:. :. . . ·.
~
........ ..._~-·-·~-~- ... "'~~..:..,.,., . . . .;,a· . . . . - - · - - ..
~ ..
;
.-
\
�. 3
go ins.
These questions :nust be answered.
Jimmy Carter and this ·,dministratio[.
cannot win this election simply by putting together the old t:lements of
..-..
:
the Deoocratic coalition and repudiating Ronald Reagan.
r
·•.
-But there are answers to these questions.
·:;~
It is not
There are
ans~ers
~~~u~h •
which
will ring true to millions and millions of Democrats and Independents
and thoughtful Republicans.
a new generation of
They can be found in the words and work of
De~ocratic
city halls across this land.
leaders in Congress and state house and
And yes, they can be found in the policies
of President Jicmy Carter.
-·
This is a painful time of transition of our nation.
;'\
..·
The economic
'I,;
at"t"angements, the cheap energy, the abundant natut"al resources, the lack
of foreign competition on which our stability and pros?erity depended
for years are gone and they are gone forever.
Facing this reality is
particularly painful to alcost every adult in this hall.
For most of us
.
came of age in the 40's, SO's, 60's and 70's.
.....'~
....
believe, uncritically, without thinking about it, that our system broke
....
We were brought up to
·;
do~~
in the Great Depression, was reconstructed by Franklin Roosevelt
through the New Deal and World War II, and would never break again.
And
. ...
that all we had to do was to try to reach out and extend the benefits of
·.
,:.
~erica
to those who had been dispossessed:
minorities and women, the
elderly, the handicapped and children in need.
But the hard truth is that for ten long years through Democratic
~nd
Republican administrations alike, this economic system has been
bre~king
down.
govern~ent
We have seen high inflation, high unemployment, large
deficits, the loss of our competitive edge.
Inresponse to
these developments, a dangerous and growing number of people
.··~
. . . . .... :..
~
a~e
simply
·.
�4
•.
•
opting out of our system.
Another dangerous and growing nuober are
opting for special interest and single interest group politics, which
threatens to take every last drop of blood out of our political system.
Those of you who are here who are older, who can remember back to
the Great Depression and before, can teach us a few lessons which we
l.rould do well to heed tonight.
.
First of all, we should ret!lember that
things have been much worse than they are.
Second, we must remember
that we have no right to expect that this or any system will be 'permanently
prosperous, free of all crises.
For 30 years,
th~
system worked as we
set it up, and that is a long time to avoid the kind of problems we must
now face today. Finall~ we m~st realize that it does not matter whether
Jir.my Carter or some perfect miracle worker, and there is none, is
President:
we did not get into these difficulties overnight, and we
will not emerge from them immediately.
It is not in the cards.
It seams that everyone in this convention ar.d half the people at
the Republican convention quoted Franklin
Roosev~lt.
him, but his words out of context mean little.
to
ill~~inate
Everyone can quote
And they do very little
what was really significant about his leadership.
"~en
Franklin Roosevelt ran for re'election in 1936, the election t'o _which. I
hope this one will prove analagous, he was returned to office, but ~ot
because the depression was. over, not because people were not unemployed,
not because all the problems in the country had been solved.
it.
We were still in the teeth of the depression.
w~y
Far froa
was he returned
to office? Because people knew what sort of vision he had for
They knew what action he was taking to transform the country~
~erica.
And they
were willing, most important, to accept hardship for the present, because
they believed they were part of a process that would lead them to a
better tomorrow •
.
... .
.
.
·;.~··:·:'":_~ _:;:·.~···~".··:·: ·'"
..
~~· ··-··-.-~..............
.._...._...._. ....
:t.'":..-
\
�Jimmy Carter and our Democratic party face that sort of challenge
tod~y.
If we meet it, we can win this election, in spite of the appeal
of Ronald Reagan, in spite of the appeal of John Anderson, and most
importantly, in
spit~of
the fact that millions of Americans are turned
off and not listening at all to us.
But let us not underestimate Ronald Reagan.
consistent, and committed.
His appeal is strong.
His voice is clear,
Listen to it..
He
says first of all, all of our problems can be solved without any sacrifice
on your p~rt because yo~ are not any part of tne proble:n.
All of our
problems are caused by the Federal government and by the Democrats which
have run it, and we can have our solutions in hand if only we will cut
taxes, increase defense spending, and thereby miraculously balance the
budget, reduce inflation, reduce unemployment, and become so strong that
everybody in the world will do exactly as
the
...
people believe that.
Americ~n
~e
please.
I do not believe
Ronald Reagan says energy conservation
~~j(\"-
is moreAthan a serious response to our energy crisis and
~e
that the
development of alternative· and renewable energy sources is not worth the
~.
time, effort and money.
..
He says that environQental protection is often
doing more harm than good in dragging down our economic system by lowering
:~
productivity.
I do not believe the Ar.lerican people believe tnat.'
not that they believe everything Ronald Reagan says.
It is
It is simply that
they do not know what our vision is and whether it will make any difference
;
if our President and our party are returned to the. White House.
·~
~~at
John ,\nderson's message h3s great appeal to.some.
offers relief from the words and wors of these ewo old
...
.~
mony P.eople think are irrelevant now.
is it?
~arties
He
that so
He is articulate and thoughtful.
But be not deceived, a vote for Anderson is not a vote which reflects a
rc~l
choice about the course for America in the. 1980's, and in all
...
_ ...... '9:··":'- ;;. ..•
·.-·.··-····~-·""'· ·-···-··.
:
...
. ...-
..... ·--· ......
.•··
-.··-···- ............ - .... ·.-·--·-····· - .... -···-
- ... -
. ·...•
. .......
•''
:·
'·.
"":~.---
.. :-·•..
..
'
.....
�..
prob~bility
But now comes the hard part.
.
·:-:.
......
what is our hope?
our vision
..........
2
What do we say in response?
is
~~at
What must we speak to the A=erican
people who do not listen tonight?
...
~eagan.
it is a vote for Ronald
First we must say forthrightly that
,·
. . we are in· a time of transition, a difficult and painful time from which
no one can escape the burden, and in which'no one can avoid a responsibility
to play a part.
Secondly, we must say we are
revitalization of
~erica,
tax cut for big business.
bet~een
.
cor~itted
to the economic
but it will require far, far more than a big
It will require a redefinition of the relationship
the federal government and big business and labor.
It will
require a revitalization of our basic industrial structure.
It will
require us to admit we need to do more to increase risk taking and job
creation in the small and new and growing businessi!s of our lan·d.
It
will require us to work hard when it.is diffuclt, to see that our agricultural
sector continues to grow and export and save us in the international
economic arena while we rebuild the rest of our economy.
·'
It will, equally important, require us to recognize that our economic .
.·~
.,
.
.
recovery and our very quality of life depends on having a sensible,
~
~'·
.....
..
safe, sane energy and
enviro~~ental
policy.
Conservation
~a~ters,
..
and it will work.
-~
Alternative sources of energy matter, a!l.d they can be
~
·developed.
.,
And we can develop our native sources of energy if only we
.,
are
-~
··.
.
•.
will~ng
to pay the environmental price to do so.
We must speak with
a clear voice that we will not sacrifice the future of our nation by
...
ruining the air, the water, the land because it seems expedient now and
~.
because we are having these troubles.
;·····::-~:'.:~~:~·:
:!
•7
.
~..
..
~nd
if we will speak with this
.. voice: I believe we can be heard.
Fin~lly,
we must say something pretty strong to the millions and
millions of mlddle
.
.
·~.
... .
.
clas~and
:~""·~··: ··~-· ::.d·:~.~.-·7:
·"'
.......
upper_middle class-people who are so alienated
�... '
.-
.
.
.....
.
•
from this process, even though they have educations, even though they
h~ve
jobs in this country, that they are not bothering to vote, and they
are not bothering to consider these issues seriously.
the~,
of
you have no right to do that.
yo~rs.
this country deserves
We must say to
That is a violation of this heritage
you~
best effort, now, and this crisis
of· our generation can be the exhilarating accomplishoent of your lives
if you will give that effort instead of drop out and cop out.
I
bec~me
a Deoocrat many years ago because of the values and the
influence of my wonderful grandfathe-r who ran a country·store in a black
...
.,
neighborhood in a small town in southwest Arkansas.
t
Democrat today because of o.y love and concern for the welfare of my six-
.-t
;·
..
month old daughte-r.
But I re!l!ain a
I know in my soul, whatever the faults of ou-r
party, this administration and this president, and there are some, they
still offer her a better hope for a safe and prosperous and good and
dec.:nt world than the alternative, and I mean to do what I can to take
·.
J-
i
J,.
.,......
..~:
that message to the
·:·..
.
..... ·:..
:·:
~Eerican
people.
Most of the people of this country know it's still the finest place
.
-
..
.;.
in the world.
:t
Host people know in their hearts there must be some way
;,.
·t
-~
out of our present dilemmas.
·
.
It is fo-r us here to come alive tonight to
..
·"::·
L
···
the needs of the people who aren't here, aren't looking, aren't.li.stening,
and go out of this hall determined to rekindle the spirit and vision of
this party :1nd our country, in a time of unprecedented but imminently
:f•
solvable problems.
If we do that, our cause is finished and our course
. ·. ~.:. ::·~
·~
· -
J
. ·- · ·
.......
is run. We must do it.
:~-~·\·,_.~;:}~~-~· bless you.
!':_~ :·. ;_·~"':;;;~~_:.::~:~~-: ~ ,.;.
·.t
·:
..·.'
~
~
,.
.
-~:.~:·-
··:·
.
... .
:. ....
•.· ·.·
-~·
-. . .
··~
_-....
• ...
;
:······
·~
..'
...... ·- ..
...... ......
_.__ _.. . . . ..:. _... ·..
~
-~
~
_,_ ...., ___..
.
~_
.. , ....... - .. -
For your children and mine.
thank you and God
�GOVERNOR BILL CLINTON
ANNOUNCEMENT FOR RE-ELECTION
JULY 23, 1985
Thank you for coming to be with me and my family.
The decision I announce today comes after careful consideration
and reflects my strong conviction that it is the right course
to take. Hundreds of Arkankans have urged me to run for Governor
or for Senator and have given their reasons for advocating either
course. I have listened and am deeply grateful to those who
expressed their opinions and support.
From the day of my re-election in November through this past
weekend I have been urged by many people to run for the Senate,
for political and personal reasons.
They have said the Senate race is winnable, and that the Senate
offers a longer, more secure term of service, in a larger arena,
an opportunity governors often seek as soon as they gracefully
can.
More importantly, I have been urged to seek the Senate seat by
those who believe that our administration's education and
economic development programs represent the principles and
direction our national government should take.
I agree. Together, we have tackled tough problems and made tough
decisions.
We have done so out of a conviction that we can shape our own
destiny.
We have done so with a clear understanding that our primary
goal should be growth: more jobs and higher incomes, more fairly
distributed throughout our state.
We have gone beyond the established dogmas of both political
parties. We have raised taxes but also provided tax incentives
for job creation and economic growth and tax relief for low
income and elderly people. We have put more money into education
but only when coupled with higher standards and greater
accountability. We have raised payments and medical coverage to
families with poor children but only after successful efforts
to reduce errors in the welfare programs and to increase our
ability to put to work welfare recipients who can do so. We have
complied with court orders to spend more on prisons but we have
also proved that working inmates can pay more of their own
way in farm and industry programs.
We have dramatically
increased support for the State Police and protected the
interest of victims in the criminal justice process. We have
worked with established interest groups whenever possible but
we have opposed them when the public interest required it.
We
have tried to assume more responsibility for the daily
governmental operations which the Reagan administration has
transferred to us, but we have fought the federal government's
attempts to abuse our people by cutting deserving people off the
social security disability rolls, demolishing the family farm,
�permitting unfair trade policies to throw our people out of work,
and forcing our state to pay for the Grand Gulf plants even after
all the MSU companies agreed we should not do so.
We have taken this course in partnership with the private
sector. There could have been no education program, no economic
program without the heavy involvement and Support of citizens from
all walks of life throughout Arkansas.
I believe we need this Arkansas approach to our national
problems. I believe we can forge a national partnership
between government and business, labor, and other citizen groups
without creating a cumbersome inefficient bureaucracy. I
believe the national government can agressively foster job
development and protect American jobs from unfair trade practices
and an overvalued dollar without launching a new round of
protectionism. I believe the government can protect productive
farmers from destruction and reverse the alarming increase in the
percentage of poor people without breaking the budget.
I believe we can have a strong national defense without $700
hammers and $2,000 coffee pots.
I believe we can have tax
reform without adding to the burden of middle-income people,
those who have lost, not gained from the tax changes since 1981.
We can do these things but they will require the national
government to make tough decisions, forge a new partnership with
the private sector, and make policies with the primary goal of
long range growth and prosperity in mind.
To do this requires more work and less talk, less placing blame
for the past and more planning for the future. We have done
that in Arkansas and we are getting results. We have come a long
way in just 2 1/2 years.
In January 1983 when I took office, we were dead last in
spending per pupil and in public school teacher salaries. Many
of our high schools did not offer the courses tha' are essential
in today's fast changing world. our Vo-Tech programs were
inadequate and
y
our system of higher education was not making the
contribution to our state's development
we sorely needed.
Today Arkansas is recognized around the nation, not only for the
teacher testing law but also for other improvements in public,
vocational, and adult and higher education. Student test scores
have continued to improve since we began testing. We are now
above the national average in the percentage of our
students finishing high school. Our teachers scored well on
the teacher test and now we are moving to implement classroom
evaluation standard- fo. those whc passed and a skills
developr.ent program for thcqe _ho did not.
Our programs for
gifted children and our computer education are of recognized
national quality.
Our new engineering and engineering
technology facilities will be the equal of any in the nation.
In January 1983 the unemployment rate was 13%, and we were
scraping the bottom of the economic barrel. We began an
�aggressive economic development effort that included greater tax
incentives and low interest loans and more personal effort by
the Governor to help businesses and industries locate or
expand in Arkansas. This year, I proposed and the legislature
adopted a sweeping economic program degigned to provide much
more money for investment in new jobs, far better job training
programs, and-more effective promotion of Arkansas as a good
place for economic development. Since 1983, I have made many
trips around the country and have had countless meetings and
conversations with people urging them to invest in Arkansas. I
have worked hard to save jobs that could be saved.
Today our unemployment rate is just above the national average.
It has dropped much more than the national average since 1983.
In 1983 and 1984 we were in the top 12 states in the~ percentage
growth of new jobs:
In 1984 we had the fifth largest
percentage increase 1n small business start ups. The Alexander
Grant and Company says we have the seventh best industrial climate
in America. We have saved jobs we seemed destined to lose at the
International Paper plants in Camden And Pine Bluff and the Lion
Oil Refinery in El Dorado.
We have worked to bring in new jobs
to areas of high unemployment. Four plants have located in
Trumann alone since the Singer plant closed and industrial
employment has more than doubled in two years. Three of these
facilities were started with the help of low interest loans from
our economic program.
The people of our state have sacrificed to build Arkansas.
They know that a better education system is essential to economic
opportunity and have paid higher taxes to improve education. Many
have endured the agony of merging the small schools to offer more
opportunities to their children.
OUr people know too that we must be more economically
competitive. They have been willing to train for new jobs
requiring higher skills. They have given time and money at the
local level to support our search for new jobs.
we approach our 150th year in 1986, it is clear that for the
first time in our long proud history we are on a path that can
lead us to the kind of prosperity and opportunity our people have
never known but always deserved.
As
We have made a fine beginning.
But it is only a beginning.
We must see that the education standards are fully implemented in
1987. The pressures to weaken them will be great.
We must
continue to improve teacher pay and develop a career ladder to
pay more for excellent teaching. We must eradicate adult
illiteracy among working age Arkansans and provide quality
vocational opportunities statewide, not just in places.
We must improve the quality of our teacher education
programs and fully harness the capacity of our colleges and
universities to contribute to the economy of our state.
We must continue to increase job opportunities, especially in high
unemployment areas, many of which continue to suffer from
the farm crisis, foreign competition, and technological
changes.
To do this we must fully implement the economic
program the legislature adopted earlier this year.
The
�finance programs are in their infancy. Modernizing the training
programs will be a continuous long-te~ effort. Promoting
Arkansas by raising the state's visibility and intensifying
our recruiting is already bringing results but this effort must
be sustained. We have provided millions of dollars in low
interest loans in depressed areas all across the state to create
thousands of new jobs but there are still counties and
towns which have reaped no benefits from our efforts.
We must stand fi~ in the long, often lonely fight to minimize
the burden of Grand Gulf which the federal government has
sought to impose on us. Eight years ago, I first sought and
received assurance from Middle South that we would not have to
pay for Grand Gulf if we did not need it. Five years ago all
Middle South Utility Companies agreed we did not need it and
should not pay. This year the federal govenment says we must pay
so that our nuclear power bill will be just as high as
Louisiana and Mississippi, states which imported 36% and 44% of
their electricity last year. Now MSU and AP&L want us to pay
too, because they need the money to pay the construction bill. I
do not want AP&L to be insolvent but neither do I want our people
burdened and our economic future compromieed because of decisions
someone else made that we are being asked to pay for after the
fact. Besides the dollars, an important principle is at stake
here. If we lose and federal law is not changed, no utility
need ever again go to a state Public Service Commission for
approval of a power plant or the rates to pay for it as long
as the federal government pe~its the plant to be built.
I have said many times, this work will not be finished in
one or two years. It will take a Decade of Dedication to forge
the future Arkansans need and deserve. Over and over I have
asked you to work for that future, to sacrifice for it, to
believe we can achieve it through the inevitable setbacks and to
have the courage to persevere to reach the ultimate success. Over
and over you have responded. And I cannot do less.
As
I cannot ask you to stay the course if I am willing to leave
office before my programs are fully implemented
if I am
willing to spend the rest of this te~ as Governor campaigning for
another office.
The decision I announce today is the only one I can make.
I intend to seek a full four year te~ as Governor in 1986 so
that I can complete the work we have begun.
I want to stay home to finish the job.
Yes, we have made a fine beginning, but it is only a beginning.
There is still so much to be done. And it will be so easy
to stop before we are through
easy to abandon our quest for
schools and job opportunities second to none; easy to divert our
attention to problems less profound, less frustrating, less
difficult to solve; easy to go back to politics as usual, to
lower expectations, to comfortable slogans and no controversy, to
patting ourselves on the back while the times pass us by.
I do not want to turn back or run the risk of doing so.
I
believe
what we are doing here is far more important than
�anything I could hope to accomplish in the Senate in the next few
years.
I know it is more important to me than any work I have ever done
before.
For five generations my own family has worked hard in
Arkansas and hoped their children would have the same
opportunities in Arkansas children elsewhere have.
Now that goal is within reach because of the foundation we have
laid together.
When I consider how far we have come and how far we still have
to go, my decision is easy and Hillary agrees.
We're staying home to finish the job.
We have put our hearts into improving our public schools, and
we want Chelsea to attend school in Arkansas.
We have worked to save hundreds of jobs and to bring thousands
more to Arkansas now and we want to continue that effort
until all communities benefit from our economic programs.
Whether I serve again is up to you. I ask for your prayers and
your support in our efforts to continue our Decade of Dedication.
�ST \ TE OF .-\HI\..\:\S:\S
..
: .• '
OFFICE OF TilE Go\"EJC\OH
... ,,,.. t:,,,,;,,/
Bill Clintun
t;.,,· .. rnur
Littlt' Hm·k ;";!;!Ill
November 5, 1980
GOVERNOR'S SPEECH ON THE PATIO OF MANSION
)
Thank you very much, thank you for coming. Hillary and I have shed a
few tears for our loss of last evening but we accept the will of our people with
humility and with gratitude for having been given the chance to serve our
State. I want to thank my family; all of them have worked so hard and endured
so much so that I might serve. I want to thank all of my friends, my staff and
all of you who have labored so that I might serve. 1 want to thank every citizen
in this State who went into the polling booth yesterday and voted for Bill
Clinton because he or she believed in the future of Arkansas.
·r want to congratulate my opponent of yesterday, Frank White, for his
victory and pledge him my full cooperation in the transition so that we might
preserve essential State services and permit our government to function as it
must. I wish him well. After a .few days off I will do everything I can to
discharge the remaining duties of my office as well as I can.
I want you to know today that I consider myself to be among the most
fortunate people in this country. I grew up in an ordinary working family in
this State, was able to go through the public ?Chools and become Attorney
General and Governor and serve people in the way that I had always wanted
·
since I was a boy.
I regret that I will not have two more years to serve as Governor because I
have loved it. I have probably loved it as much as any person who ever had
this office. However, ·I have known throughout that these are hard times. I
have tried to make decisions which I thought were best for the future of our
State, knowing full well that some of them might not be popular in the short
run. But I am a student as well as a practitioner of politics and I have learned
that in the long and brilliant history of this country the political leaders who
really make a difference are those who care enough about their people to build
for the future even when the times are hard and when the right course may not
be popular.
I'm proud of the record that we've made in these two years and I want
every one of you to be proud of it too. -Our schools are better because of this
administration. : Our roads are better because of this administration. Our
programs for elderly people and our health care programs are better because of
this administration. We have energy programs that are leading us down the
right path because of this administration. We are trying still to preserve our
environment in the face of overwhelming pressures and those who do not care
about it because of the efforts of this adrniriistration. During crisis after crisis
after crisis, when violence could have come to this State and people could have
been harmed and our reputation irrevocably damaged we survived in large
measure because of the leadership of this administration and that is something
that will endure. I am proud of it and I want you to be proud of it.
I
1
�''·
..
..
\ ".
.
: .• ·.,
And don't forget something else. Across this State today there are
thousands and thousands of people who know about that record. And as time
goes on, many more will know that the real legacy of my administration is that in
these hard times I made the hard decisions and pursued a vision of the future of
our State that is· worthy of our best hopes and values, worthy <>f the future of
my daughter and all of the other children of Arkansas.
• ··
~
,
I want you to know one last thing, I love this State even more today than I
did yesterday. I care about the future of this State today even more than I did
yesterday. I want you to hold your head high with me because we have
everything to be proud of and· nothing to be ashamed of. I want you to be
generous with me in defeat. I want you to be determined with me to go on
fighting for our future. I want you to be grate(ul that we have had this chance
to serve our State that comes to so few people. · And I want you to be grateful
that, with the grace of God, we will have a chance to serve again.
Remember this: no matter what happens to me in my life, I will always
believe that because of you I am the luckiest person I have ever known. And
no matter what happens to this State, I wUI always know that no public servant
ever got better help, ever had ··~tronger friends or ·ever loved the people of this
State more than I do on this day. Thank you very much and God bless you all .
.._
,,
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�ntreus
EDITED BY
DANIEL HALPERN
TANGIER/LONDON/NEW YORK
NO. 61, AUTUMN, 1988
�Publisher
DRUE HEINZ
A
•
t...
Founding Editor
''
0
PAUL BOWLES
Managing & Arsociate Editor
LEE ANN CHEARNEYI
Design & Advertising Manager
HEATHER WARREN
Arsistant Editors
MICHAEL MARTIN
LEE SMITH
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KORNGOLD
Contributing Editors
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JOHN FOWLES
DONALD HALL
JOHN HAWKES
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W.
S.
MERWIN
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Primed by Haddon Craftsmm, ]ru;.
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Copyright@ 1988 by AnUJeus, New York, N.Y.
Cover painting: Still Life, by John F. Pelo (American, 1854~1907), ca. 1890
Oil on can~~as. Permanml Collection ofthl High Museum of Art,
gift of Julu and Arthur Momgomny. 1980.fKJ
Publication of this
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has bem matle posrible in pan by a gram from
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Logo: Ahmed y tuoubi
�CONTENTS
JOURNALS, NOTEBOOKS
& DIARIES
I
GA 1 L GO DW 1 N
I
RICK BASS
K E 1T H
A Diarist on Diarists 9
An Oilman's Notebook
I
H • BAsso
I
THOMAS BERGER
Strong Songs 26
Touring Western Europe, 1956 38
I
ROY BLOUNT, JR.
PAUL BOWLES
16
I
Don't Anybody Steal These 46
Journal, Tangier 1987-1988 57
GOVERNOR BILL CLINTON
I
Notebook: Speeches 70
GUY DAVENPORT
I
Journal
76
I Notebook
84
ANNIE DILLARD
I
LAWRENCE DURRELL
Endpapers and Inklings 88
I
GERALD EARLY
I
GRETEL EHRLICH
M.
F. K.
FISHER
ROBERT FROST
I
From the Journals
I
Swiss Journal
109
129
Notebook: After England 147
I
TESS GALLAGHER
MAVIS GALLANT
GAIL GODWIN
Digressions 96
I
European Journal
I
French Journal
165
176
Journals: 1982-1987 186
�GOVERNOR BILL CLINTON
Notebook: Speeches
January 13, 1987
II
! '
i I
':
''
This is a day for decision. Our problems are clear: the collapse of agriculture; high rural unemployment except in areas immune to international
pressures (we have worked to overcome the loss of factory jobs to overseas competition); increasing numbers of poor children with uncertain
futures; too many unskilled workers.
What may not be so clear is our opportunity, indeed our obligation,
to continue to prepare our people for and move our state toward the
twenty-first century.
We have put off progress in favor of survival.
Survival requires progress.
May 16, 1987
When John Kennedy was running for president in 1960, we all divided
up and fought our own campaign at my junior high school. Kennedy
made a deep impression on me with his call for an Alliance for Progress
with Latin America. The message I got, as I remember it today, is that
there were millions of poor people down there suffering. Their kids have
a right to a future. We're a big, rich, strong country, and this is something that we ought to do because it's the right thing to do. The message
we should be preaching today is that we need to do something about this
Latin American debt crisis, and the growth rate of the Latin American
economy, not just for all those people, the people who nearly three
decades ago tacked little pictures of John Kennedy up on the mud walls
of their houses, but for ourselves too.
June 21, 1987
I think what you should insist on from every politician in this country,
without regard to party, is that you want hardheaded problem-solving
which recognizes the legitimacy of the needs of the cities.
70
I
�.,. . . ,..._, 15, 1987
·:.:.;;' .Far thirteen years the people of this state have made it possible for me
,:'~~>to be in the public life, but they have not made it easy for me to be in
·,.... the public life. I have been in fifteen separate election contests-as far
~a. 1 know, more than any other state officeholder in the United States... :. ·subject to more rigorous scrutiny and tougher campaigns, more brutal
.·.•• ;-.< battles than anyone else that I can think of.
·.
..~
1,:·
The only thing I or any other candidate has to offer in running for
· President is what's inside. That's what sets people on fire and gets their
· confidence and their votes, whether they live in Arkansas or Wisconsin
or Montana or New York. That part of my life needs renewal.
The other, even more important reason for my decision is the certain
impact that this campaign would have had on our daughter. If I had
been gone six or seven days a week, think of the impact on an only child.
I made a promise to myself that if I was ever lucky enough to have a
child, she would never grow up wondering who her father was. And to
be perfectly selfish, the thought of missing all those softball games, soccer
games, plays at the school, and consultations with teachers mortified
me.
When I came home from New Hampshire I was happy, flying
like a kite, because of the reception I'd gotten. I really believed that if
I could have entered the race right then, within three or four weeks I
could have been in second place in New Hampshire. But I could not
bring myself to make those phone calls. I made more calls yesterday to
tell people I wasn't going to run for President than I had made on any
single day since I had been looking at this. I couldn't bring myself to
close the deal.
August 19, 1987
One of the reasons I lost in 1980 was that I was responsible for a
highway-improvement program which was very controversial. We built
a lot of good roads and then people drove over those roads to find the
polling places to vote against me. I became the youngest former governor
in the history of the republic!
I was driving down one of those improved roads and I stopped at
a little country gas station. I walked in and saw an old fellow in overalls.
He looked at me and said, "Aren't you Bill Clinton?"
I said, "Yes, sir."
Governor Bill Clinton / 71
.;····
�"Do you know, fellow," he said, "I got eleven folks to vote against
you in the last election, and I just loved it."
I asked him why.
He said, "I had to, Governor. You raised my car license fee."
"Now listen," I explained, "this county you live in had the worst
roads in the state. We had to send emergency vehicles down here to pull
cars out the mud! We had to fix those roads."
He told me he didn't care-that he didn't want to pay for it.
I decided to try a positive approach: "Well that's water under the
bridge. Let me ask you this: would you ever consider voting for me
again?"
He looked at me and grinned, "You know I would, because we're
even now."
I was so excited that I found a pay phone, called my wife, and said,
"We're running!"
Near the end of the election about a year later, I walked into a little
country store in north Arkansas where the owner had a reputation of
knowing what was going on. There was one man in the store drinking
coffee, and he said, "Well, son, I voted against you last time, but I'm
going to vote for you this time."
I was pleased and told him so, and I asked him why he voted
against me last time.
He looked at me matter-of-factly and said, "I had to. You raised
my car license fee."
"Well, why are you going to vote for me this time?" I asked.
He said, "Because you raised my car license fee."
I said, "Sir, I certainly don't want to insult you, but it doesn't make
any sense to me for you to vote for me this time for the very reason you
voted against me before."
He patiently explained, "Oh, son, it makes all the sense in the
world. You may be a lot of things, Bill, but you aren't stupid. You're
the very least likely one to ever raise that car license fee again. So I'm
for you."
October 16, 1987
To me it's clear what's at stake in this presidential election. We are all
going to the polls conscious for the first time as a country of the fact that
the post-World War II era is over. A majority of us know that America
does not dominate the world and will not dominate the world again, at
least in. the lifetime of anyone in this room.
72 / Governor Bill Clinton
~:
.
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;
..,
�·· complain about the Japanese all the time, but every study that's
in the last two years-on the Japanese system of trade
if we tore down all of their trade barriers, last year's trade deficit
have been reduced by about 5 percent.
If growth rates in Latin America in 1986 had been what they were
978, our trade deficit would have been reduced by 20 percent-four
as much. By permitting Latin America to grow again, we ourselves
..tn•u'!--W.R;C
f>l!~:\'''--
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grow.
Everybody complains about the Japanese because we had a $60
trade deficit with them last year. That's true. We did, but do you
how much money the Japanese invested in this country last year?
' .; 1100 billion. Without outside money, we are going to have to lower our
· ': .: standard ofliving today and tomorrow. We'll have to shift spending from
:.:·.::-' c:onsumption and investment to debt service.
· ·- ·
I am not pessimistic about the future but I'm telling you we have
· nm out this present string about u long as we can run it. This old dog
won't hunt anymore.
.~.-----
I had a course in western civilization with a remarkable man, the late
Carroll Quigley. Half the people at Georgetown thought he was a bit
aazy and the other half thought he was a genius. They were both right.
He said something I'll never forget. He said, "You've got to understand
the essence of western civilization. The thing that got you all to this
classroom today is the belief in the future. The belief that the future can
be better than the present and that people will and should sacrifice in
the present to get to that better future. That has taken man out of the
chaos and deprivation that has been the condition of most human beings
for most of human history. The one thing which will kill our civilization
and our way of life is when people no longer have the will to undergo
the pain required to prefer the future to the present. That's what got your
parents to pay the expensive tuition to get you into this class. That's
what got your country through two world wars in this century and a
depression in between. That's what produced such unparalleled prosperity. That's what got you here today." Future preference. He said don't
you ever forget that.
November 17, 1987
We have been experimenting with a program I'm very excited about,
called HIPPY, which is an acronym for Home Instruction Program for
Preschool Youngsters. The program was developed in Israel to help
Governor Bill Clinton / 73
�immigrant families, most of them poor, uneducated people coming into
a highly educated society. Almost twenty years ago now, the Israelis
developed a way to teach the mothers of three- and four-year-old kids
to teach their children how to speak, think, and reason, to prepare them
for kindergarten. They taught even illiterate mothers to do it.
'i
I:
I
i
I
I:
i
Last February, 49 out of the 50 governors voted for a welfare refonn
policy which calls for changing the whole system of welfare from an
income maintenance system to an education, training, and independence system. Welfare, as it exists today, was developed over fifty years
ago for a society that no longer exists. Unfortunately, the problems
which bring the parents to welfare are not addressed at all by the system
which provides the check.
The real disincentive to work is not benefits, which have gone down
20 percent in real terms since 1973, but instead is the cost of child care
and the loss of medical coverage for children if the job taken is a minimum wage job without health insurance.
This proposed package offers mothers a chance to become contributing citizens without being bad mothers. It offers them a chance to
break the cycle of dependency.
January 19, 1988
Internationally, the governor's role is more important. Not long ago, you
would be criticized at home if you went to Japan. Now you are criticized
if you don't go.
In the only partisan fight we have had in years, the Democratic governors got mad because the President had sent out a fundraising letter on
behalf of the Republican governors, while the Republicans were all
anti-tax like Reagan. In fact, a higher percentage of Republican governors had raised taxes than Democratic governors! Our bipartisan fight
arose because the President's letter ignored the decline in partisanship
among the governors on the tax issue.
January 29, 1988
The longer I stay in this business, the more I think we should evaluate
ourselves not in terms of what others are doing, but in terms of whether
we're really making progress on the problems we have.
You read all the estimates on the number of adult illiterates. We need
to know who these people are and where they are. Where do they live
74 / Govmwr Bill Clinton
�.,
..
·.·~··they? Are they in the work force or are they idle? Are
· could do better if they learned to read? Are they people
a· job for the first time if they learned to read?
. 1988: .
.WI:t;lllaa I8st SUn.day to go by and talk to a singles Sunday school
-·.-.-,· church. Most of the members are between twenty-three and
:lllllll9oCQI~Dlt most of them business or professional people. The Sunday
I gave them was about the conflict between the idea of
·pfiatpas and the certainty of death. Now, I don't want to get into the
. iJieological implications of it, but the basic point is that sometimes it's
· '·lllnl to keep going when you know that the sand's running out of the
. laourglass. Yet you still have a moral obligation to try to make tomorrow
.. ,~than today. For a politician the equivalent of that dilemma arises
·· : ~·a your term runs out.
Gov~mor
Bill Clinton / 75
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Wel~Per~\'s · ·Clinton Says .Congress·
--·-·· rr;v~----To Blame forS_ituation
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FORT SMITII-Blll
cUnton ot Fayettev!Ue, the oemo·
cral!e nominee lor the Thlrcl Congreulonal Olatrlct, said
Mi'll'.vtiovw .. · ··
·
here Tuesday Congreu must blame Itself for an economic
Wy~r~"t - altuaUon that has been created by the double atan1ard of
tight money In America and easy monsy abroad.
··pr·oy··e·
. .
.
11ret,
\ b·'.
till
d
o,::r!
In·
1Uon
eats,'
JUD· •
!t.al.l .
ter.
to
·.tna.
and
:llln·
oul·
·carr)' c:oel
WJ•oinJnr tD Arlcan·
aai~Jeit· ''DMl•ved
by
.
Sya.
for·pcr·
wella but
~~,-,~·--·h revised .e 1u.
CUnton •poke at a brealdaat
apon.tored by· tho SebuUan
<:ounty Democratic: Committee
and waa pralaed b)' David Peyor
of Camden, Democratic IIOIDI·
nee for governor, and Governor
Bumpers.
The breaklut waa the flrat
-----------
nuall:r'.for tll11 water might be
·~· tir,.oaly 40 wella.
may·n~ approval of 1
fe l!lcire w_elll. ThlJ daea IIOt
p l!l~o Ole ~ra'allng of addl·
Uo~penal1a," Blah.op aald.
'Ill• tDtal.coat ol·the 1 tUn
PII:IIJDc~ 11 eiUmatcd at 2 bll~
lion.- · .
·
B.Iahop 111'd , ,, 0 eve 1opmcnt of
tho projoet would bave no eUcct
on water lev.el or pressure,
wiiJer·quaUty, or avallabWty
waler in existing shallow domesti~or livestock weUs or existing
mtp'llclpal water supply wells in
lb¢Madlaon Formation."
'!be company agreed to a
nuinber of conditions, Bishop
u~. manly that It would con·
atQ!ct a five-well monitoring
·
.
11 ystcm.
.
U
•,,_
0 ... er prov1s1011 were m1ta 011
tht amount of water t.aten to
prevldc protection !o existin::
wo~.r users nnd •.. $t' million
Harriaoa defeated the tate Jim
Trimble of BerryviUe for the
T b l r d Congressional District
poat clsht years ago that the
Sebastian County Committee hu
brought together key.DcmoeratJ
in the at.ate 14 endorse aDd aupo
port a candidate for the 21·
county district.
Clinton uid that $8:1 biUion
h
b
·
ave ecn loaned O\'Ctscas d~spite tho fact lhat the money Ia
ne~.ded at home.
•
Congress has to blame il·
seU," he said, "for allowing cor.
poratlnns lo build plants over·
seas Instead of home and then
laking tax write<lUJ. The Con·
grc~s even h3S Hs ap.proval on
~n Insurance poitcy pa1d by you,
lhe t~xpa) cr, to pay. the1e co.r·
poralions 11 they lose money 111
their oven cas ventures."
baa DOt worked, cUt~HI'd ln.uea
and met tho people.
Sebaatln Cou.nty baa a '111~.
tory of voting Republican In recent elections bat Cllnt'ln said
he woulcS get 1 lot· of support
b~re In that "thla county 11 not
dil!erent from othel"'ln wanting
to get out of these lrraUnnal ect~·
nnmlc policies."
acre re:t ~!:~~e~·:
tat·
1114
pply
1r1e
!ants ·
hort,
jt
fl
~lgh-
,clnl
oil·
or
b
. c said the conipany and the
re~cbcd an agrct!'mcnt undcr which the compaoy would
paf all investigation costs and
alJ..;cosu If corrective mcuurcs
ware required to protect \Y)'O·
mlilg w.ater users. The bond
gutrantees money Ia av3ilable
to oover such coats.
'fle agrccm~nt says fhc protcctive provisions will apply with·
o~regard to interstate com·
m ce que.sUons.
' inally, the agreement ex.
te s protection not only to ex·
1st r ground water users, but to
fut.re wes by certain munJclpatties including Newcastle,
Gillette, 1ol o or croft, Osage,
U~n and a new dty whlcb bas
teqn contemplated In tho gen·
crl\1 area of southeastern Camp·
bclf County," Bishop said.
~e water Ia needed 14 mO\'c
.onJeaiJmated ~ mUUon Lana ot
pufverl.zod coal through the
pi'*llne a1111uaUy for u,e at tho
poper plant that Arlcaos.aa
Pof1er and Light Company pro·
pb~1 to bulld on the Arkaruaa
Rl~er at Rod f l e l d. Energy
. Tr&nJportatlon Syatem1, Inc., is
. a~baldJil')' of loliddlo South
Ut tJea, which also owns
an L..
.
·.
stfc
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A,,_/··~·· .~·
.
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•
Udent • ·191.
· · ·
f.
·
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lie: oUice and .I am clad that
someone of h1l lnteW,enee, ln-
tergrtty and ed~caUon !1 aoelt. 1 ~====~~~==::=:!.
lng tho poaiUoa.
1•
Pl')'or uld he had never met a
.•
man "IIIDre dedicated l.b•a eun.
Students Cautioned
0
~~~ ~~~~ 1~i~t~~:.:t:t3~a:j l~~e.aud ~~~:~ hu:'b~:f~.~\~ To Beware of Snakes
.
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. -:;-:·.:
an
OROVJLLE, ·Cal.
S.t u de at 1 besan
TIH!sday at the new Dutte
lege Ia a ru,.l area nortb
here and were warDed to be
tbe alert fnr rattleMlakea. For.
ty·fiM' Uvc diamondback rattle·
anakea ~ere found In the col·
le«c's hu1ldlngs by
wt~rkP.rs Mr,n:1ay.
~-~ .:_..,.
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ate.
Ra~)
at .a I
.
Until the 193(
most of !roland
e.p1cultur.al. De
orease In popu
economic condll
was £aoed will
~--'
,
: . .·
;
DILL~
PFEIFEI
So C
ys overnment
Must Set Example
Clinton· said tbcsc firms need
to pay tbcir fair share and that
the government should set an
c~nmplc and t11rn away from ils
deficit course into a balanced
budcet.
Clinton snid lhat people who '
arc making millions oU inflation
and price gouging, and people In
gnvcrnm~nt who are breaking
the law, have created the situa.
tiona that have hurt tho Amcri.
can people and the small businessman.
Clinton hit his opponent's volinc record in the most severe ·
criticism )'ct in his campaign.
He said be would not attack
Hammerschmidt personally but
he aaid that his opponent's
"great basis is the letters sent
out to constituents."
"Every congressman and con·
gresswoman In the country gets
$194,000 a year for this typo of
th.ing," Clinton said, ''They
voted tbcmselvca a massive
raise in 1968 and these letters
my opponent sends out, asking
voters to check answers to ques·
tlons on luuea, are being paid
by the taxpayers. •
.
I
Calfing Part
f h Job
0 f e
"I don't. want any aoulln this
District to ever vote lor mo be.
cause I called you on tho tele·
phoneorwrolotooyou."Because
th~t 11111 f\r~rl ,,r "'v ;~.h ·•
]
�er'l,l area of southeastern Camp·
belt County," Bishop uid.
~~ water II needed to move
anlesUmated 25 mUUon tons of
pufverl:r.cd coal through the
pi~Une aMuaUy for use altho
pojver plant that Arkansas
Pofler and Light Company pro·
pi•• to build on tbe Arkans~s
Ri•er at Red fie I d. Energy
Trbsportatlon Systems, Inc., is
a aubsldlary of Middle South
UtlliUes, which also owns AP
an~L.
·
.;-·
"Every con.~ressman and con·
gresawoman In the country gets
$194,000 a year for this typo of
thine." Clinton said. "They
voted thcmselvca a massive
raise in 1!168 and these letters
rny opponent Bends out, asking
I'Oters to che<:k answers toques·
lions on issues arc bcinc paid
by the taxpayer~ ..
C //'
p
o tng art
Of the Job
"I don't want any soul in this
District to ever vote for me be·
cauac I called you on the tele·
j
1
phone or wrote to oyou. "Because
l
· • that is part of my job."
Holding up one or Hammer.
•
.
.
schmldts qucslionalres. Clinton
asked if there was anyone at the
meeting who told his opponent
that higher gasoline taXeS, COr•
·rupt "beat deal.s and antlcO!\SU·
0
"s'P~lN"G$"'~"'Cla1'01\Ce mer p r 0 I e C t i 0 n bills were
CD
Burob m, 19, oha.s filed as wanted.
a ca.ndldate {or mayor of Hot
"lie \'Otcd that way," Clinton
Spnngs in the November gcn· said, "and I don't believe that
cral election.
anyone here requested that fed·
·~ayor Torn Ellswo~h .pre· era! aid to education be kept
viotlsiY had dra-wn Of'flOSilion away £rom their children. Nci·
!roln Roy Prcssnal! who hu ad. thcr dn I llclie\'C anyone here
vocatcd hirmc two s.upcrvisors that was needed to slop sewa::c
to oversee the roUection ol ::ar· runnin;: orcr in \he streets in
ba.gc to t>limi.r>atc comtPialnts some oC our communities In Ar .
..a•b<ilt the Sa.Dit&tion l)qlaort. kansas. But my opponent \'Otcd
meat.
this way."
A'~na.tive of Hot Springs, Burch
Is & atuckmt at GarJa.nd County Wheat Deal
Co~omunlty Co!IC>gc and an em· To Russia Cited
piQJe of. the Diamond Water
Clinton snid that the "prioriCoc1fra(l~ieiz.~· H~rold Smith tics in Lhi~ country arc mixed
ancS City At.t<irney Curtis Rldg. up" when we sell wheat to Rus·
way Jr. did JIOl driiiiY opposiUon. sla and rai1e the price ol bread
All but h\'0 member& or the City at home."
Comcil, Fifth Ward Alderma'l1
"Tht' federal go\•ernmcnt," he
WilHam Ectwa.rdos. a.nd Second said, "sold wheat to Russia at 6
Ward· Al~an Dr. Lamar per cent and there is no one In
Smith have OPJIO~
tbir room who can go down to a
'l1le CouueU eaM.Idates, with bank and litorrow $5 for \hat kind
thdneumbollt denoted by an as· ol interest."
tcritk, 8.11'c:
BumpNs introduced Clinton,
\fard 1, Position 1-•Lce Ash· calling him the "kind oC man
Icy and U. Ros.s Wisely.
Ulis country need~ to run things
Ward 1, Position 2-Lioyd Wa· around."
c~cr, Jack Riley, David Ra.. J( he didn't believe he could
pley, Jesse Thomas, Bob Maner do something about Jt," Bump.
IM:Grorge D. Watson.
crs said, "he wouldn't be work.
\Yard 2, Position 1 - •P. J. ing 18 hOUI'S a day."
(Jctry) Poe aond Rieha·rd llild·
Dumpers ~aid there arc "not
ret)(,
too many or his [Clinton's I kine!
Ward 3, l'osillon 1 - •Elmer coming for ...·ard to run for pubDeatd, Bm Darmor, Jtck Mont·
comer-y and Kt'mclt Smil11.
Ward 3, Position 2-"Kennelh
Adalr, John Barnett, Royce W.
WoNt BIKI A. M. Cra...,ford Jr.
~rd 4, Position 1 - •11. D.
(~Johnson, Don F. (Buck)')
S
a, Oscar CDudey} Gloor
WASHl~TON CUI'll -SenJr. nd Lawrence A. Carpenter.
prd 4, J•ositio:~ 2 - •Mort ate Democtntic Lender Mike
Cox1 Joe ll;trriaon and D011 Mansrtcld or Montana uid Tues·
clay he oposed Pan American
BroCk.
Wlrd 5, Position I - •Jim Airlines• request lor " subsidy,
Spat go and DCIII CMac) Me· but added the adminl~lutJon
should consider othor aid.
Brid"ce.
W.nd 6, Position 1 - •w. N.
Manlfieid aiso c:a.llcd Cor "lm·
CB~ Ott, VlrgU ncorg -and Eddie modiste! consideration" of five
Joo crarl.
cnmplninu rAI!ro by l'nn Arncr·
'rd 0, Poollion 2-"Dill MC· teen complar<'' 111 n Cu\l·pagc
Cuctl, DIU M a d d o 11, Jo'loyd n~papcr at!.
(ToOklo) McDaniel, Bob J. Core. "I think Lt Is up to the admln·
ma ancfri!Uam F. llurtt.
lc\J'8tlon to pay proper attention
lo these points," ho nld In a
Scnoto apccch.
Manlllcld uid he opposed the
aubsldy to ran Amorlcan, just
ae ho had oppolW!d almiUar aublor LockhtN!d Corpora·
' . ...,. ""'"""OTON ~- ~Tbo avU sldlca
Comm'-lon ha• ordered linn and tho Ponn Central RaLI.
to fire ll om~:vca Cor road.
"Thla 'could b~comc a habll,"
Ill \he Hatch Act, ll waa
ho added.
edTuelday.
Jn~lold. Mnnafl~ld ulrl. h~
A,etf~ llrnll• nn Ptr:
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YourChoiee
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Senator Opposes
Aid for Airline
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Tbe l'lductlon Ia tile MCOnd of
tllm belnl planned b7 the PtnOI· 1
aon. The Air Foret announced I1
la•t Wl!fk that It would tiOH, or
trim, &I
wltb about
1
knew of Cub'l record had c:l¥llllln ind military penonnel d
uked Clinton, • lt73 Y•l• Lnr reductions
ave n estimated
1
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h d t ••lr.!low
th mltly
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limes ne " o ... • e ...
Js prepartnalta llat o redactions. ..
bar rumination, and •flUe
Underseeretuy of tile Navy
Clinton retorted th1t thil WIJ David Paller llld at a Pentagon "
no\ releunt, he lnltl'eted II . news brlc:fln'a that the
million d
anyway, saying "once,"
·
uvlng was tile eqa,l valent ol the a
So Caall. a usa Unlvenlty of cost of operating nine destroyen
Arkansas Law School graduate for one year and the cost of over· 11N
who passe'.! the bar uam In hauling thrl!f deslroyen.
a
1973 on hb fifth try, knew tile
He 1ald the savings were ex· tt
QUC!3llon wa' comins. Alter COli· preted to begin In fiscal I t78, ,
eluding Ills prepared remarks, wblch suru October 1. 1977.
t
he uld toe wanted to relate
He dented charges tbat the 1
·some of u... r:rper1ences.ln his Nny, In cboJinl Itt reduction
life that htd
bla dlafat- alles, .,., operaUng under a quou
ter. He them told of lila efforts and Jald, "These were the things P
to pasl the blr exam and stat- we cbose to do."
Ct1
td, "Fall\ll'e Ia We'a tests Ia not
He •bo denied charges that the "
the mca:nire of aon≪ ·what Is timing or the announcement •as w
done with faUu .... II Ute meai- designed to reduce ~tJ polltlc:al tc
or a· man;,. lf b'e. bid not: impact.
.
f~
for attorney general be·
Belore the c:loslnga and redueru 0
'·
. .c.~ · Uons In operaU0111 can talr.r place C•
cause of Ius Dllr eum record, In most or the 19 largest faclll· by
Cub said, It would have meant._ tla, tbe Navy first must conduct of
"ac:c:eptlfag failure" and hr. detailed studies 1ad a!MSII tile Btl
.bit nperiente
effects on the II!"' Ill•
· ·
•
Attorney General Noml'naflon
By CAROL GRIFFF.E
Casb declared hiJ candidacy
Olllle Gaulle Staff
at 12:30 p.m. In front ol a now·
Two aagruslve youn1 law· erin"" while dogwood tree on
8111
the Juatlee Bulldln& grounds,
yrrs,
Clinton of Fayette· He emphaJIJed the acc:ompll•h·
ville and Clarence Cash of Lit·
menu of the Consumer Protcr·
lie Rock, Wednuday Ill• lion Division In tbe attorney
nounced
their candldaclea
general's ofllre, wblch he hu
the
Democratic
nomination for
auorney general In the May zs headed for three years.
1./e.trrt
.
Clinton ran a close but un·
primary.
successful race In 1974 as the
; Rebuttal
Clinton, 29, Is a professor on
Democrallc 1nomlnee In the
leave of absence from the Unl- Third District against United
Heant, the wife of ne...., verslty of Arkansas La •
States Representative John
executive Randolph 'A, 'Scbool. Cash, who announred on
Paul Hammerschmidt, a Rerebulled those who cast hit Ulll birthday, will begin a
publican. This Ia Cuh's first
•n.s on her daushter'l cblr· 'leave of absence u • deputy bid for elected public office.
Clinton ended hit 1974 cam·
•rlnsthe lrlaf. ·
· ·'
1\tomey general Tuesda.)'.
was a wi'nn· an·d.lovlng
Tbe lnc:umbeat, Attorney
palgn· with • f40,000 debt that
Ira Hearst uld,' ''We did General Jim Gu7. Tucker, Is
he said he had reduced to
We alwarsllved Heklng llle Oemocra,lc noml- · U 3,000 through fund-ratline
·lose family life.
nallon for the Seeond Con1rnfunctions and lndi"'dual contrl·
and r· shared a mutual atonal District.
buttons. He said he hoped the
••m for art, so we.alwaya
Clinton aMounced at t a.m.
attorney general'• race
·eat dealln common." "· In the Capitol rotunda and told
wouldn't cost more than
t true, defeliae attorney F. bow be would c:oatinue and en-. UO,OOO. Cub woulciJI't 11ve an
1lley asked, that Mtu larae tbr acope of tllrattotMy estimate. saying only that.be
vas "strona·wllled?"
• aeneral's work~ an oflice hr
hoped ~ raise "113 much as II
."
Mrs.
tfeant
replied,
said
bad
become
"the
1rtat
takes."
with a smile, "l wouldn't protector of the peaplr" in the
Casb met one Ucklisb Jituaytbing 1 say to ';"ake ~ lui !0 yean.
. '
. lion bead-on. A newrman wbo
~~~
I
,_....,,_....,_
w...o.-..
jtn•t•tm•nl lu rrHII •owllf
8
mad• ptrmllltnl, rorpontt Ill
-· r
., llltiOUIIrN
..,., ".,n.
"'"
bt rut rram u p.r
- ,.,.. tiiiiiOII ...,_1,
td Wlwllltf Mill ('fill ,, .. ""
and 'JI"'IIIjlhtl II tranll to.,,, Cknrn or rtdiiC'f lrtiYIUfl ,, 10 Nny I ltd
Heart& wu ' " ' ' " about tilt 111 adunta 1.. would bet PMrtfCI olh•r mlllltf7 bllfl. atftr\lna mort lllan I C.OOO mlllury aiMS
lmptn41nl "'' of lltr tut, In lor ''"'Itt( u111111 "''"''IK11011 · t'lvlltan ~MI aiMS wv1n1 1 PNIJt'ttC'd Ita million lftiiiiiiiJ .
wblrtl tilt fam a mu1mum lfll·
--·. · · .. _
:
/Mif plan C"tlll for Naval Rtwrvt fartiiUt'l at l'lnt blutr.
ttett of n yura 111 prlaon on Ed
t'
A'd
B
c'-•1
An .. and Uot Bprlnp. Art .. to ~low by June JO.
bal\k robWry C'lllrl" "I'"' ntnr
UCa 10n
I e a ~ : About 2.100 tniiiOI'7 """'"'I
dtftndtd • tlltnl who.. wurn
Bargaining Measure ;will bf tunaftrr1'11to •rtlvr duly Pllll Altrtry and lilt Army lito
8111
ntrvou •• •rrdiC'I llmt',
''
.
,
In tllr NlbiCU, wiiiC.'h lnYOIYt 74 will bt lnwolwfCI
Wid.
ClKI.AIIOMA UTY fiJI II ~· NnJ lnaCIIIIIIone, U ol lllfm
Tilt rutbaC'U wlllttlr.t plare In
Of 1111 own frrltn1•. ht co~· l'aaurr of 1 •~tt C'Oilrt'll¥r bll· •mall l'a«'rvt rentm. Thr Prnu. 21 llllt'l, tilt Dlaltlrl of Colum·
mrnttd, "I'll Juat 111 •nd ••ut.
111n1n1 bill to 1rply ''' 111 public ron wid U~t t1¥lllln JObt •ould btl, Oum and Patr&o Rico. Tilt
Mia
22. II I«UIItd of employn, lnc:ludlnl lrarhm, WIJ br tllmll\lll'd,
IUiet tnoll lletYII7 lffiC'lad '"
Jolntna lltr Symblontae Llbrre· ur1rd Wrdne•d•y by lllrk Mot· Six IIINtltiiOIII of Ole DtfrnM YJorlda. Prnn17IYIIII1, Tuu.
uon Ann7 ltlductm In thr rob- ••"· uerulln arc:rrtary or thr Supply Aar:~ey, tilt DrfrnN Mlp- c Jtfornta, Nnr, Yon. Tft!MIItt,
1 JrrM7 Jnd llldlana.
bt"7 of 1 Htbtml• ,Sink brenc:h. Olllahom• P'..duc•tlan Auoclallon.
Nnr
bl~a,
~
10.~00
~
ue
~.
aha~
qre•
hoprd·t~llt
.~enl.ll
(Set YOUNG OG Pap 2~) . . ;··(see PENTA~N aa PaJC ZA.)
(.
PP I A -- :zA
_,
�•
18. 19ih.
•m Pnpe JA.}
..
er Hol~irig
1ocrat Lead
~r
Illinois Win
rrowrd to a
m and Senator
, •l>em .. Wash. I.
'"II Illinois pref·
Cartt'r nearly
orrr opponents
·P•nlt Alabama
Wallarc- lor the
c week and virgent Shriver out
n~
}:.
·~, ·.·Y~ung lawyers
' . l
:Announce
:. :Candidacies
... ,...
.
••• oitld
He'1 a man to be reckoned with,"
However. Mansfield doubts any
eandldate will go to tile ronven·
tlon with enough votes to win lhe
nomination on the'fint ballot.
At Oklahoma Clly, an aide to
Governor' David Boren said that
Boren would cmdorae Carter IO·
day and seek election to the natlonal convention 18 a delegate
supporting Carter.
'nt·rd Tuesday
·no intention or Unofficial Vota
'rr primarlts" In /Uinoi•
~xu and Mary·
llere are the llnal. unolflr1al
•lr. where dele· vote totals in the Illinois pre5i
,. commUted lo dentlal preference primary.
u,,.d
~'~tin~e~ ~~;--~~ IA.'J
show o.thrrs that trying
·
·Clinton said that as allorney
general he would r«--mmend that
the legislature set minimum sen·
tences for rertain crimes or violence. Cash aaid he favored man·
datory srntencrs, perhaps a mini·
mum of live years, for the use of
firearm• In the rommlulon of
felonies. Asked if he would sup·
port enlarging the facilities to
accommodate prisoner5 serving
mandatory sentenru, Cash 1ald
this might .not be neceuary since
IOURh sentence• t'Ould reduce
crime and the prison population.
iial!' t,s·worth 11.
�~
10100;'10
.
.
.
,ftrr wurk ., 1 lJIIIYff'IHJ ol Ar· ........ ., ........... _ _ ,.,. •• ••lai!UIIIII redllrJ.
,.
, ..: .•.•• •.•.• , ,~uul\ft oUO'no, •~•, no•~• p1ono ·V'•IIIu ollnotball.
n4
UM·ARa-. ..,.~ c.ta&«.•t lllovl 1,&00 Cl"lll·
1
:,
· •. _..,, .
·•ro. •boM P111)' ,...len· lor 1 uarl of hiJ pr••ld•ntlol. • Chrc\ In ••• tho I thr rnd nt;kanus law prof- 1 IIIII lie J~.
mmlllf'd lo Snatot Adl1tl rlmpll&ft llr planntd to an· f~t "latr 1r1de" L.owa bu IPCI I•J:hopPd lo &rllt7 wllbllal ..-rtla& • 'nit belrtlll
~UO
I ~_ I•
·'"'"" Ill. C'lmt ••11 •1111 • nountt 1111 nncltd-ry today 11 lmOI'f compMnlon In the mar.,rt·jlo prtciiC'Irtl PfiUWy. C.~."~ p.m. ae4
t '
r-:~M)' •lao
11
·~ ul tlw dflq.alfl - morr lrdallo Ctly, ldt.
· . ~1orr. which wu lhr latrnl ol'llor, baC'flelot.
• • ,..,rhr •...,. .... p!lbllc flflft'l'!ttd'CO,
fit •'
of .,
1
11
·'
•h•rll ll"a DIIC')' an·: Cllurrll'a bid 11 b1ard nn lhr 'rqll'al
· "' •lrrlf'd lllrtc yran •ca.. I
wrftltll aUtrtftfO\& tOIIt'trllln& III)'OOit,
~·nrr .lo alltod lbt Orm~ hopt Ibat lhf urly runnr, Will •• Sftk r .....,. of anlllrusl
hoUI Cl.ncltdaln .... lctoln- dl•na-lll~u!!P' l~ndllalo ,JIIIII p
• un•~nllon IIIII IUIIIIMr II bnr lptnl tht-m•tlVfJ hniRCIIl· . at lht llatr Inti.
panld I\ tllelt pra1 ronfaatea lawt.l}ft,l
~·a
f1fl0 \llert
·.,,, •n b•s r111toma'7 role 1)'. allo•lnl 111m to make a 1trona ,. • AJIPOIP.t. 1 lewycr 1111 II•• ''~:11by mrm~ oltbdr.famtiJ~..a&n· btll~IO
.lt',lll
.1 f ; 'rM•DerriiH M
1
, brobr.
tllowtnl In tht later pr~marfu. fO lntwe'r IOtll orflt'lals' qurs· ton.
Hot SpriiiJtl native .....
The CommiiiiOII "II errtiltd- trill ODDIIdrr C'IOII
rr • r.rr ia llllnolt ••• particularly California. and to l111ont .e6ut the new slalr rrlmlnall llanktcl by hit Ytre. hu "';'~ct. lly AC'112&' of leTS lei hlc'om..n.t of Ill topocr&P'IC
0
• • hrr·to-faC'f rncounltr '"'"' 11 tile nomJMIIna l"<<nvtn· rode and Amendment~) that rr· Mrs. VlfJIIIIt\ DwH~
ot rrvlllon of tbt tu wnd llt'flllf .flctl 1\ K111111 1
'II ow Soullltrtwr Wellact. uon wtlll a at &able blor of drlt· ~ or~taniru county aovrrnmrnt Spr~np, Ius bfolbtr,
lt .. taw1.
.
Pro'l'ldfi!C't end~
1and a COUtln. Dan Clinton or Hot
, ·"•blma covrrrtor. " ' 1 , 1 ~ lnd momentum.
. rlll'<'llve January 1. 1977.
.
•t•t camp11111 uylr rt·
Hu C'lmpllln llntncrs art j
•
!spr~np. CaJh Is a Btta'l'lllt ftl·
J to a whttlc'hair. nevrr l•ound. He qulllhed for ftdrr.l. C.rh Empharrllll
:live lila entoufllf IIIC'Iad~ hit
•upporl lo bas llrdrorl matcbtn& Jundt nvcral wtrh Con1um11r Worlr
mother. Mrs. F'anny Cu~ of
c •n "'mr bluc·rollar aod bcforr annoull(fnl Ills undJdarv.: C1 h
h . _, th
t
. 81te1¥tllt. 1 brother, 8111, JDG
'
• ,
rmp a51l<v or ac 10"''• two sisters Mn lktty LIC'f IDII
But 1111 lllrater,y haa ~n JOlt~',,, the CoMumer rro!Kiion
T I 'p
·,
•
,
.
by lht cl«iJion of Callforn11 Gov. aton·
, ml'll. I'll I fC'Io ·
·
rc• r Sprrl
triiOr Edmund G. cJrrryt Brown , Th.
.
,.
•
Clinton
left
the
Capitol
preu
_,.
.
.
t ump~tan 10 rrpta 1 11 ~ 1 ronftrenrr aod made n)'lnl cernlo W • • • "
Jr. to nsn In 11111 Jl~lt • rnmory. tn•r prohibit the advrrli•in& oil
.. · "-••• T
h
b
f
'
. pai~n YllliJ tO r Orl iJUUWJ, Ulrh
H', u ptr rtnt sllowtnc C urr : • o .e•~ausr• many o cyeal111 prices The b1n, he ,.,d,l kana. El !lorado tnd·JontJboro
.., rtlmiJ"n llu Ieuty 1 ~mt. Brown •. ant1·YI 11h1ngcon and CIUJtl ryrglaur• to 1w prtcPd lO Wrdnttdlv Ca•ll Jell lhe J•llce
·dortrd 1 •·crtory 1n nut anlt·blc covcrnmrnl Idea:•· had, ptr rent blgher than If thry w~rr: Buildlnl f~~ 1 villi 10 Fort Srnltll.
'Oorth ('arohna pumory •llopt'd for h11 bor~•nc •n ( lhlor· ~ •old on a frff markrt
II
•
-•
J
•
e spod 1 ucouay n1lnl f 1 _ .
··~··n "' u matC'hf'd Willi nta.
.
; • l.1wJu1U that wNr brought tn· boro and aent Vld~llptl of 1111
•••• hr dtliC'rlbt'd Carlrr
Churrh • hbt'r)l rrrord wtll put, otop car dulrrs from turntn&
T
.. •
hi
d
1 r m Ill n · th •
announcrmmt 10 allllons 11 U·
,.. 1 m~d·o•tr
... rnalor
m '" ~rtc
o pr 1° "'
lbor\tllrmlloaaeonuacdciMo.
arkanatndEIDorado.
~ )olrGovtrn •Otm .. S.l>.l. Udall. and. In lht rvrnl ol a dr•d·. • LawJUIIS 11 mtd 1 t Jlopp 1ng
•r •·ho brou&lot hts r•m· \lock•~ ron•·rnllnn. wtth !icnator ~false ldvultsinc and mJsrrprr·' C
.
d T
p
lA I
1
.,, lll•no•• for a tast-dnch llubtrl H. llumphrry •Orm ·:sr~tlllon '"the aatr of uwin«.
""'"'"r. '""' nqe •
·n lhf biCU of old lrtrndo I Minn. I
'
i machlnu. mag-lines. aluminum\
llllfy orrlniUIIOn. had: Churr~ IIIIIIU lh~l he I> not •I "d'"l· wor\·ll·homr arhem•s.
• rr•pccul-1• abo• Ina, •po•lrr lor OdaU • rhan.rr• of j phnny arthfllir currsand othtro.
h 11 ng 11 1m dnprratrly · arthncthr 110mln111on. say1ng tht • PlloSIIf ol 1 law 11111 allows
.I_
I funds 10 continue 111111 Aruonan •Ill have rllanctl tn I ronoumen to (ln~l contriCL• Iori
'""·'' QtH'SI.
~mnnstrue hu vote·crllm& abil· . 1trms of mort lllan U~. told door·l
·
·•
· ·
iu~ nl monr 7. orcani•.a· 11y In the New Vort and W•Kon· 1to·door, w11h1n lhrH days, reptal
1
.. , 11m• -· and the ratture •• , pr•mu'"· nrullrr of "'"i•h :or tne oo-c1llrd , •• , tr•d• ,.....
.• tht name rrrocn•uon hr Church plant to tntn. At lor i•n odometer umptfln& law and'
.
,., h• h•·cd in llltnou and Humphrry and • deacflndl'd ron· moh1lr !lomr lr&tslallon to prv·; elloru to deal w~ problellll
1
~ • hr ('hiratn 1\olfd of~ vtni10ft. t'hurrh t'Onttnd.• IIIII Ulr trrt :hr buyer and the "ltRlllmltc I white fnrreulnl co·opeta!lon.
'""
drove n1m to 1 dl!· . detrgot.., w11t prrfrr 1 n~w far• · dralrr "
I .,llll olber counltlea.
·•h •nd • dKIIJon to holt
1 srrllon on "mult!nlllonal
•mpa•entna.
!
C111h Cllllt Him1111f
rorporat•ons" sa•d:
llArm. thr former Oklo· IConlinu.-f '""" !:!!Ji!'_f..!..:
. 'S•ntib/eContllrvotlive'
"I am dlstr~d by rrports
1
""" "'· b•d lloptd for ~~~
As~t'd •I thtrr wrrr 1ny dillrr· of rorrupl practice• by tome
•c..rt but hu pootl7 otllll·
'
:cnC«'I bt'ltorrn hlmKII and Chn· rompanl~. F'or lhll ruiOII. I
:np•1an and tack of urn_
, ton. Cub reopood~ ·•yn. poilU· h1vt dlrrrted lila! mrmbcn of
''"~' prNI'tlll'd.lllm from
rat philaaopiJJ." Cub ultrd him· mv 1dmlnlstrat1on underlalr.t
'"'" thin..,.,.,. llandlllak·
1'~!1 a .. ,rnslble c.on~rvatlv•"l rlioru. both domet\lr.ally 1od
... n ... ,.,. lnd ahopplnl
llhal.he Mid WM'tllustratrd by~•••. lntrrnlllOnally, lo assure that
.
colicel'!l'lor prolei:ll.lllll thr small! multlnallonat corr.nrutona
""'"&tnn. ~nate MajOrity I
·
·
and 'leJIIImate''bU$Ineumrn obey thr laws end conform
'~••r. Mln~lteld uld tllall•lllldlrd condWorut. ofndtl• I.IUd. lhrou&h llaf ComlutMr·'Proltcllton with lhe public pollm:s or llle
'~rtr>f')' In llhnocs makes but both the skJ reso11liM Ute atr Division: Tbot~all pi'ewd by rr· · countries 111 .,hlch lllry do bull·
'''Y lormtdable ront~·,carrlerl that flew tile rharten porten,lte rtiiiJt~ to say wh~l he n~
th( nom•nalll>n.
werr cranled wa1vtn Ill permit lhouehl CIIDIDn'• plllloaophy wu
"~ c·amr·a •trtory "rtllly lllf rll&hU any way
·
T\lclter llu beetl oallpokcn on
·~·d htm up therr • • •., One ortlclal famlltar w1th ~~ •nvironmenlll and ener&y tsauro Ex~husband
- - - - - - - - . . ; ; wllttrl uid the lu.ut wllver Bolli Clinton and Caah 6.lld th~y
.tn'l11SJIP;C6A:Zl'llr. •tsptres 011 AprlllO afld probably would be, too. CUnton uld he
......., - _.,.,"",. "on'l be re11ewed becauat lilt j•upported amendmenu to the
:~"~',!!.,-rl;.,~''.:::.
lli&IIIJ rould qualify und,rr cur· (Clean Air Act ol 1170 IIOW ptnd·.
- ,, ,.,., - · ....
rtnt rrrulao-.
!••a brlore Congreas. a po1lli~n ·
OOCL\A,_U'III
The ralloule behind arantinc thu pull him 11 odds •1111 the
ltweoanartwhicJlepraogfram ·.
n. 1 "~
llw welnri, ortt official said. wu "att Pollution Control and Ecol·
the greet~~~ cte'~Qr:t. From
. ., .!:': :::;-:. - ..., thai tilt realrlrtlve charttr r•cu- ou ~partmenl whoec Atr D1v•·
the Zu~i. ~Qdi)nct: ~!Y,,~, ~. su·
~·
tauona were deslcntd to protect 11~n chief. Jarrell Southall, hs
_-_
r,_ ~ the k'h~uled airlines from undue de•crlbed the changes 11 une"· FORT SMITH _ Ll~dle)' Gal• · perb colfectldn o'f tndtan )ewelry.
frill=·
,_I'M._
j!tll4."
I
I
•·OC"·
,..,
•'*'
".J ..
'""''I
0
!
o.......
I
I
I
·
·! .
•·
·
Ca"s
"·
K•ICkbaCKS
DIS• f:ress1ng
· •·•·
r·rord
00
I
i
-----
'
Kow""·
CAB to. probe ·
A'IQ ht R. uI"Jngs I
Deman'd S
$250, QOO
tt,::;
,,...,,,., o.•-·
· ""
e; ....
::-· M':a 1 1
••.M ~'M 10 .1o0
'..~.":,~~::".:',.':.
=.-
,.. . , , _ '"'"".,.,
u 1 - • ,.._
s..
oe~· 110 ·~ lti.Oo
:, •.
M.OO
JIM liN
• · - ,..., nc. ,..., IOC.
-o.::::;~
st."lo ~
. .... " , . .,,.10 n.ao
••
~
·..,
. M:':o
1
comprtruon by the lesa·uptnllve
charten.
Sl11ce I herr wu no recululy
•cheduled ~~ 1er.,lce. from· tbe
Soutbeut to CanniiOQ ancl alnce
lhtrll wat little likelihood lblt
an1 .illdl MTYkt could auceHcl,
1be CAB found the rulrlctlolll
were unllt!ttl&l'7 ill lhe Crtaled
raN. the offlc:lllsald.
1Balli
A CAB lllorney said the
._tse. ·
,.., ...,llle .
~L"h-''i:;;" 1•1
iQL':
__ ._
• eoeo. -
Bo•rd'• lnqulr1 "don
1'01
lorcublr and therefore likely .to
be more damagiiiJlllan bcrttlfml
to lhe ~lun air Ulllt. Cub satd
he dldn I know whelller IIIII ••1 •
ptOpH area lor the lllomey cen·
eral or ~ndldalel for tile olfiC'f.
CI\IJIOI hu bad llmiLecl private
taw jlracllce esperleDCe, de.llna
prlmarll)' wllll fedenl admlnl•·
tra!lve prac:Ueu on the blar.k
lunldiiCIM,wllb,andiOIIIe"ml·
C"nn•U· nor crlmln.alu ca•••· C••b t\ae
...._ .. lute an fnveatf,aUon. We tre !Jok· never prac:tlc:ed privately, havlnc
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STATE OF ARKANSAS
OFFICE OF THE GoVERNOR
SIGle
Capitol
Little Roclc 72201
BILL CLINTON
GOVERNOR OF ARKANSAS
AN ADDRESS TO THE
LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE EDUCATION FUND
A CONFERENCE ENTITLED
"BICENTENNIAL OF THE CONSTITUTION:
TWO HUNDRED YEARS OF EXPANDING THE FRANCHISE"
MAY 10, 1988
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Bill Clinton
Governor
�•
My first official experience with voting laws was in 1977
when I was attorney general. I was able to persuade twothirds of our legislature, which is what it takes to amend our
voting laws in Arkansas, to extend the vote to convicted
felons who had completed their sentences. Prior to that, they
were required to go through the whole process of getting a
pardon from the governor or President in order to return to
the voting rolls.
When I ran for governor in 1982 a remarkable thing
occurred in Arkansas: we had a bigger turnout of black voters
in that off-year election than had voted in the previous
Presidential election, something which had never before
happened. You will remember that was at the height of the
recession and there were many vital issues working their way
through my state and our region.
Still, there are significant things which haven't changed
about the South or about the plight of racial minorities
throughout this country. In spite of the progress which has
been made, there are still vast disparities in political and
economic power. Even though the South has made dramatic
strides since World War II in catching up with the rest of the
country, it is still the poorest region of the country. My
region still has the highest rate of infant mortality, the
highest rate of low-birth weight babies, the highest rate of
teen pregnancy, the highest rate of alcohol and drug abuse
among at-risk children, and the highest rate of school
dropouts, except for some of the great cities in the country,
which have rates even higher than those in the South.
I was recently in two of the poorest counties in eastern
Arkansas. I was looking at some of the data in preparation
for a rural economic development program we have going over in
that part of the state, and the numbers showed that in one
county 53 percent of the babies born in 1986 were born out of
wedlock. In another county 35 percent of the births were to
unmarried teenager mothers.
The problems are still there. They are not unrelated to
the fact that effective political power is still beyond the
reach of not only ordinary voters, but of people who might be
expected to represent them in various political offices on
various issues. That too, I think, is changing. More and
more elected officials in my region, without regard to race or
political philosophy, are coming to terms with the underlying
difficulties our people face. But there are still significant
barriers to effective participation in the political process.
The framers of our nation's constitution gave the states
the right to prescribe the qualifications of voting because,
as Mr. Madison said, it is difficult to form any uniform rule
of qualifications for all the states. The states, therefore,
are the best judges of the circumstances and temper of their
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people. I think most people don't really believe that anymore
or at least they question whether it's so. Obviously we've
had certain national requirements relating to property, sex,
age, and race placed on voting over a long period of time.
our efforts to work through those problems are still being
manifest in the courts.
What I would like to talk about today is:
1) What has been done by the various states, either on
their own initiative or because they were sued and made to do
so, to increase the franchise?
2)
What still needs to be done?
3) What can groups like the sponsors of this conference,
the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, the League of Women Voters and
others do to get greater action on the home front?
It is important to recognize that we do have a
significant problem in this country relative to our
competitors. The Europeans and the Japanese are about as
wealthy as we are. We Americans have a lot of readjustments
to do to figure out how we are going to be competitive in the
world economy which is now emerging. One of the things we
have to do is to guarantee that our citizenship is as
effective as theirs.
France recently held a Presidential election in which the
President was reelected 54-46. Nearly 85 percent of the
eligible voters turned out on election day. In America, there
aren't more than two states which ever have an 80 percent
turnout, even in a Presidential election when the interest is
very high.
In 1984, we had the largest voter registration effort in
two decades -- 12 million voters were registered. That meant
that 61 percent of those eligible were registered and only
about 53 percent of them voted. The numbers show that we are
a long way away. We talk a lot about international
competitiveness, but we are far from being competitive in the
business of citizenship. I think that is something to which
we should pay much more attention. What is our role in the
widespread involvement in and commitment to the political
process? If we have to ask our people to endure short-term
sacrifices for long-term gains, how can they be expected to do
so if they haven't been involved in the process of making the
decisions through electing candidates and validating and
debating the policies to be followed?
There are still too many cumbersome and outdated
administrative impediments standing in the way of voting.
There are, however, efforts underway to remove these barriers
which are meeting with mixed levels of success.
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�out of frustration with the checkerboard pattern of
developments, Senator Alan Cranston of California has
introduced a bill in the Senate cosponsored by, amonq others,
Senator Burdick from North Dakota, the only state which has no
voter reqistration. All you have to do in that state is show
up at the polls on election day and vote. It is an
interestinq system. One miqht arque that a system like that
works only in a very rural state that has only 650,000 people
where the officials may know 80 percent of them by their first
names, anyway.
Senator Cranston's bill, the Universal Voter Reqistration
Act,, mandates reqistration by mail, presently found in only 23
states and the District of Columbia, even thouqh it has been
available as an option to states since 1941 when it was
adopted by Texas: mandates election-day reqistration,
currently followed by only three states in the country: and
mandates aqency-based reqistration, subject to desiqn by the
states affected.
I would like to review what is now qoinq on in the
states. Maine, Minnesota, and Wisconsin have voter
reqistration on election day. Those are the only three states
which allow that except for North Dakota where as I said you
only have to appear.
Between the time when election-day reqistration was
adopted, 1972 to 1984, voter turnout increased by 8 percent in
the states which adopted it. So there was a siqnificant
increase in voter turnout in those states. Durinq the 1984
election, the Federal Election Commission found that Minnesota
ranked first amonq states in participation. Maine was second
and Wisconsin was fourth. The Minnesota Secretary Of State
says that more than 90 percent of all the eliqible voters are
reqistered. Generally, five to 10 percent of those voters
reqister on election day riqht before they vote. There are,
of course, other factors apart from election-day reqistration
which contributed to that increase but there is no question
that election-day reqistration played a major role.
There has been no siqnificant evidence that election-day
reqistration has had any substantial effect on the political
composition of the electorate or that there has been a
siqnificant increase in voter fraud. If there is any
suspicion that a fraudulent ballot has been cast, it can be
challenqed and not counted until after the validity of the
voter's reqistration has been confirmed.
New York Governor Mario CUomo's Task Force on Voter
Reqistration recommended in March that election-day
reqistration be implemented in that state. New York is far
more economically, culturally, and politically diverse than
the other three states which permit election-day reqistration,
so if it is adopted and is successful there it would qive
3
�great impetus to the rest of the country to follow the trend.
Twenty-three states have registration by mail. Many
states have tried and been unsuccessful. In 1987 my
administration supported a bill to implement postcard voter
registration in Arkansas, but the bill never qot out of
committee because of the fraud argument.
These mixed procedural developments raise the question of
whether we should shift responsibility for settinq the
procedures for voting from the state to the federal
government. We have already chanqed it in terms of
restrictinq the state's ability to determine who votes based
on race, sex, aqe or ownership of property. Federal
constitutional decisions have also restricted state autonomy
over votinq procedures if the intent of the effect of those
devices works to adversely affect votinq patterns by race.
Should we qo the next step and say there should be uniform
standards for voter reqistration without reqard to racial or
any other impact just because it increases citizen
participation? That is the policy question behind the
Cranston bill. If not, then what should we do qiven the very
uneven rate of chanqe in votinq procedures?
When Alaska went to postcard reqistration, the reqistered
population increased by over 20 percent and the voter turnout
increased by over 9 percent. In the District of Columbia,
postcard reqistration reversed a persistent decline in
reqistered voters and voter turnout. In Iowa, the reqistered
population increased by 14 percent between 1976 and 1980 after
the state went to postcard reqistration.
Meanwhile, there have been remarkably few problems
reported. The state of Ohio, which has a relatively liberal
set of rules, did find a sinqle case of fraud -- a state
leqislator voted illeqally! He alleqed that he was just
tryinq to test the system, and he was qlad to discover that it
worked.
One of the most important initiatives of recent years is
the idea of aqency-based reqistration, usinq state aqencies
which come in contact with people traditionally
underrepresented in the electorate to take affirmative actions
to reqister them. In Arkansas we have bequn to reqister
people throuqh our Department of Human Services offices. We
only started a couple of months aqo but it is clear that many
people will reqister now who did not understand how the system
works, or where they were supposed to qo to reqister, people
who never had occasion to qo into the county courthouse, but
do come in contact with our Department of Human Services
personnel.
The same thing is happeninq in many other states. There
are agency-based registrations by law or throuqh executive
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�orders in Idaho, Montana, New York, Ohio, and Texas. Governor
Rudy Perpich of Minnesota has asked his aqency directors to
consider implementinq aqency-based reqistration. West
Virqinia and New Mexico have authorized their Departments of
Human Services to reqister voters in branch offices. Twentyone executives or mayors have also directed aqencies dealinq
with low-income people to reqister voters. Maryland,
Washinqton, and Illinois have passed leqislation authorizinq
various types of reqistration by aqency.
Several states are beqinninq to reqister voters throuqh
revenue offices on the theory that at least everybody who has
a car should be a reqistered voter. Michiqan has a motorvoter reqistration proqram and is usinq its 180 branch offices
to reqister voters. Ten thousand New York voters were
reqistered durinq a two-week period throuqh aqency
reqistration. In Ohio 70,000 voters were reqistered over a
two-month period. So it can work.
Other initiatives which have been discussed by states are
those relatinq to the purqinq of the voters from the rolls.
In 1987, I siqned a law which requires that voters be notified
before their names are taken off the rolls. Prior to that you
were taken off the rolls if you hadn't voted within the last
four years. It was an outmoded assumption that alleqedly
prevented fraud, but I think the real idea was that if you
weren't qoinq to vote, you shouldn't have the riqht to do so
unless you went to the trouble of reqisterinq aqain. We have
chanqed that in Arkansas, and I think a lot of other states
will be followinq suit.
Michiqan, Maryland, South carolina, and Rhode Island have
introduced computerized solutions to various administrative
barriers found in those states. Minnesota is now sendinq
voter reqistration materials alonq with tax forms. One could
arque that when people qet their tax materials, they're so mad
they think they ouqht to be able to vote more than once and
therefore are hiqhly likely to reqister if they haven't
already!
~
Southern states have been tarqeted by the National Center
for Policy Alternatives for technical assistance and other
initiatives, which may be a very qood idea.
In this election year several states are introducinq
other kinds of reforms: New Hampshire, Georqia, Louisiana,
Indiana, and Mississippi, the latter under a court order, are
considerinq leqislation to allow more accessible reqistration.
Minnesota and other states are considerinq options like
telephone votinq for handicapped and home-bound elderly
people. I think it is inevitable that before too lonq at
least the people who are disabled or unable to qo and reqister
will be able to reqister and vote in their home throuqh a
computer device. All of that is on the way.
5
�•
don't get outside of it enough to see that we do have the
option of changing it altogether.
I would like to see this issue debated in our country
as we move into the twenty-first century. Look what's going
to happen to our country. We are going to live in a world
that is more competitive, more uncertain, more full of
catalytic change. The average eighteen-year old is going to
change jobs eight times in a lifetime. We are going to become
more racially and culturally diverse. It will be more
difficult to preserve the idea of the United States of
America. Fundamentally, that's what this country is -- an
idea. It is not a race. It is not a fixed set of
institutions. It is an idea that is implanted in our minds
and embodied in our Constitution. It will be much harder to
have people share a core set of values and make that system
work as change accelerates and diversity explodes. We must
look at ways to hold our nation together. One clear way of
doing that is to have a system in which 80 percent of the
people participate on election day instead of 50 percent.
I ask you to consider the idea that perhaps it isn't
mandatory for our nation to hold its election on TUesdays.
need not consider that this year or next year but someday.
We
I hope this has been helpful. Please remember that there
are a lot of people who want to take affirmative action and do
what is right. It would be very helpful if our organizations
were on record in favor of systematic reform. I will do what
I can to work with you through the National Governors'
Association. I hope you will remember that governors are not
dictators, and that we need help from local and legislative
officials. If we can do these things, I think you will see a
remarkable amount of progress in the years ahead.
In closing, I want to pay credit where it's due: to the
people who have held our feet to the fire, who have
continually worked day in and day out, year in and year out,
to make sure that none of us who have other things to think
about can forget the fundamental mandates of the Constitution.
7
�states are making progress. The question is whether
we've done enough and whether it makes sense to have these
wide variations of practices from state to state. If you
think it doesn't, you have two options: 1) You can support
federal action in this area, or 2) You can try to decide how
we can get more uniform action among the states. One of the
things I suggest is that there should be an attempt to get the
National Governors' Association to adopt a uniform policy. If
we were to do that, I think you would find a lot of governors
who previously never thought much about this issue spending a
lot more time thinking about it and trying to get some action
on it. I would like to see an effort to get the National
Governors' Association, the National Council of State
Legislatures, and the National Association of Counties on
record in favor of some basic uniform principles of voter
registration. It could make a big difference.
Another significant barrier to our economic security,
social stability, and greater political participation is the
enormous number of functionally illiterate adults. While this
issue is receiving far greater attention today than it was
just a few years ago, it is increasingly being seen by many of
my colleagues as an integral part of any educational reform or
economic development program. It is important to understand
that we are going to experience real frustration in our
efforts to increase voter participation in traditionally
underrepresented groups unless there is also a concomitant
effort to reduce the barriers that illiteracy imposes on
voting by simplifying the procedures and, at the same time,
increasing the literacy levels of our people. That is beyond
the purview of my talk in this conference, but it is a problem
that could be solved rather inexpensively.
We could dramatically reduce the illiteracy rate among
working-age Americans with a modest increase in investment if
we had a carefully designed plan and a commitment from the
President on down. If that were done along with these other
things, I believe that we would see a big increase in voter
participation in America.
One final point. Many nations around the world don't
vote during working hours on working days. If you really want
to go from so percent to so percent participation -- if you
want people to vote who work in low-paying jobs and who can't
just walk off the job to go vote without being fired, and if
you want the factory workers to vote who go to work at 5:30 in
the morning who, while they may have time to vote when they
get off work, but also may be dead tired and have to pick up
three kids on the way home -- we may have to consider whether
we want to vote longer hours, vote over two days, or vote on a
weekend. There is no question in my mind that we could have a
substantial increase in voter participation if we changed the
day or lengthened the time for voting. Sometimes we get so
engrossed trying to change the details of the system that we
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We've got to tum these perceptions around, or ve can't
continue as a national party.
But :that is not the aost important issue. fte •oat important
thing is~that this United States of America needs at least one
political party that's not afraid to tell the people the truth and
address the real needs of .real human beings.
We need one political party that doesn't want to be the
· hunter or the hunted on these 30-aecond negative ads that have
turned eo aany people off.
% applaud the changes in the Deaocratic national party in the
last couple of years under the leadership of Ron Brown. Be's aade
a real effort to reach out to the aiddle class. Be's aade a real
effort to unify our party aDd ita people, with. all of their different views, and to help people lUte ae and our aembers of
Congress to get elected, often in very tough clrcwastances. And
we've held up pretty well.
But if we want to be a national party, we have a lot more to
do. We've got to 'have a·aessage that touches everybody, that
makes sense to everybody, that goes beyond the stale orthodoxies
of •left• and •right.• one that resonates with the real concerns
of ordinary Americans, with their bopes and their fears. ~at's
·what we're here in Cleveland to do.
'l'he Republican burden is their record of denial, •vas ion and
neglect.
our burden is to give the people a new choice rooted in old
values. A new choice that is simple, that offers opportunity,
demands responsibility, gives citizens aore aay, provides them
responsive government, all because we recognize that ve are a com-aunity. We're all in this together, and we're going up or down
together.
.
Opportunity for all means, first and foremost, a commitment
to economic growth. We have to expand world trade, but we ought
to demand that when we expand it, our workers get treated fairly
and the global environment is enhanced, not tom apart.
Opportunity for all aeans more invest.ent in emerging
technologies and more incentives to invest by u.s. companies in
their own country.
Opportunity for all means, more than anything else, world
class skills. 'l'he people who ~ive here know money and management
may fly away.
Opportunity for all also aeans that the government ought to
help the middle class as well as the poor when they need it.
3
�-.A·na~~ • wny we ravor 1ncreases in the Earned Income ~ax Credit •
hard-pressed working Americans who are overtaxed, largely
because of the $65 billion surplus ~rom the regressive Social
I
Security Tax.
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~at's why we favor pre-school for all children as an opportunity, not a aandate1 vhy we ~avor a national aystem of apprenticeships for Don-college-bound young peopleJ and national
service so that everybody vho wants to can get the aoney to go to
college if they will, in tum, give something back to their
country as teachers or police officers.
But opportunity for all is not enough. 7or if we give opportunity without insisting on responsibility, auch of the aoney
~an be wasted and the country's strength can still be sapped.
So we favor responsibility for all. ~at's the idea behind
national service. It's the idea behind welfare reform, and we
urge every state to vigorously pursue it. We should invest sore
in people on welfare, to give them the skills they need to succeed
and to belp them with child care and with aedical care for their
children, but ve should demand that everybody who can go to work
do it. For work is the best social program this country has ever
devised.
~e Democrats shou~d be the party that demands the toughest
possible child support enforcement. Forty percent of our welfare
dollars would not have to come out of the taxpayers' bides if the
aen who owe child support and can pay it, did it.
'l'bere is an idea abroad in the land that if you abandon your
children the government will raise them. But I'll tell you
something. For 11 years now, I've been providing budgets to the
Division of Children and Family Services, for aaternal and child ·
health, for every conceivable program. · I've done everything I
could to get aore •oney, but I'll let you in on a little secret:
governments don't raise children' people do. It is time they
were asked to assume their responsibilities and forced to do it if
they refuse.
Responsibility for all ••ana that students ought not get or
keep their driver's licenses unless they stay in school. Parents
ought to have to keep them in school and ought to show up at
school if the kids are in trouble. It •eans there's something for
everybody to do.
We as Democrats recognize that ve can't •ove f~rward without
investing •ore •oney in our future, but we can invest all the
•oney in the world and if·people won't do right, the aoney won't
do what it's supposed to do.
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Democrats should be for responsibility for all.
.
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I believe we ahould··H ·tor .-ore·.choice. Cboice is not a code
word for elitism or racism. We're living in a world where all of
us want to have 60 channels on cable tv, where people in Eastern
Europe tore down the Berlin Wall because they were aick and tired
of some government aonopoly telling them what to do and how to
~ive.
~bey knew it didn't work.
In the Information Age, aonopoly
decisions handed down from on high by government ~uraaucracies are
not always the best way to go.
With appropriate protections against discrimination based on
race or income, we can provide our people aore choices: in child
care vouchers: public school options: job-training programs: and
choices for the elderly who used to be required, when they got a
"little bit fraU, to CJO to nursing bomes in order to get govemaent aoney. We should allow tb. . aore choices in apending that
aoney to atay independent and stay~ome.
We believe iD the obligation of Democrats who IMalieve in
C)overnaent to reinvent vovernaent, to aake it· WDrk. We believe we
should follow the successes of our greatest corporations in
eliminating middle levels of bureaucracy, pushing decisions down
to the lowest level, empowering people, increasing accountability
and treating our citizens like they are our customers and our
bosses. Because they are.
~at's why we favor tenant management of housing projects,
giving principals and teachers aore say in how schools are run,
and neighborhood policing, where the same police drive the streets
and walk the blocks day in, day out, know their neighbors and
treat thea like partners in the fight for aafe atreets.
We believe we ought to have a federal budget which spends
•ore money on the future and less on the present and the past. A
federal budget which ties current increases in consumption to the
•oney the American people can afford to pay based on how such
their own income increases.
And finally let ae say again, .we believe in community, in
repairing the tom fabric of our country at its most fragile
point, the Billions and millions of children who are being robbed
of their childhoods. We really are ·all .in this together.
~is is the New Choice Democrats caftJ'ide .to victory on:
opportunity, responsibility, choice, a government that works and a
belief in communi~y.
our New Choice plaiDly rejects the old categories and false
alternatives they impose. Is what I just said to you liberal or
· conservative? ~e truth is it is both, and it is different. It
rejects the Republicans' attacks and the Democrats' previous
unwillingness to consider new alternatives.
Let's just take two examples. ~aka this fight about civil
rights. The Republicans have set it up so that if you are for the
5
�Civil Rights Bill you've got to be 'for quotas. So that if you are
not for quotas, you are for discrimination. It's a bogus debate.
~e White Bouse ought to be'ashaaed of itself for breaking up the
honest atte:.•pt of the Business Roundtable and the civil rights
qroups in this country to have a new choice where you can have
economic qrowth, small business vitality, you don't wake up every
day being scared of a lawsuit, and protection for women and
ainorities and people vho deserve it from unfair discrimination on
the job.
-rake the debate about poor children. ~e way the Republicans
set the debate up, they say, •well, tbe Democrats are for throwing
sore aoney at these problems, and we're for family values.• We
know you can't just tbr011 aoney at thea. But family values won't
feed a hunqry child. 'Yet, it's bard to raise any child without
thea. We Deed both.
When I vas a little boy, I vas raised by •Y grandparents with
a lot of help from ay qreat-grandparents. My qreat-grandparents
~ived out in the country in a three-room aha~k built up off the
qround on posts. ~e best room on the place vas the storm cellar 1
which vas a bole in the·qround where I used to apend the night ·
with a coal-oil lantern. -rhey got·•governaent commodities• -that's what we called them back then -- help from the government.
~bey did a beck of a job with vbat they had.
My qrand daddy ran a country store in a black neighborhood in
a little town called Hope, Arkansas. ~ere were no food stamps,
so when his black customers who worked hard for living came in
vi th no aoney, he gave them food, anyway. Just ude a Dote of it.
He knew that he vas part of a community.
~ey believed in faaily values.
~ey believed in personal
responsibility. But they also believed that the government had an
obligation to help people who vere doing the J:>est they could. We
aade it.
When you contrast that to the situation that exists in so
111uch of America today 1 it is truly shocking. lly wife and I were
in Los Angeles a year and a half ago. We vent to south central
L.A., to one of the drug-dominated areas. We spent an hour and a
half with a dozen sixth-graders, •any of whom had never •et their
grandparents, and could only imagine what a vreat-qrandparent vas.
One of them told •e he thought be might have to turn his own
parents in for drug abuse.
·
You know wbat those kids were worried about? ~hey were worried first about being shot going to and from school. And,
second, they were 111ost worried that when they turned 13 they'd
have to join a gang and do crack or they'd get the living
daylights beat out of them.
Nov, let ae tell you something, friends. ~ose people don't
care about the rhetoric of •left• and •right• and •liberal• and
'
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~e Democratic Leadership Council has had a very good year.
But in a real sense, we are just beginning. For it is here, with
you, that ve are being given the chance to shape a new aessage for
the Democratic Party and t.o chart a Dew course for our country.
.
I have read, and you have read, all the people who say that
the Democratic Party ia dead. I read the New Republic vith the
cover: •Democratic Coma.• But I want you to know that I respectfully disagree.
our
has over aoo 1aderal, state and local elected ofpeople who are brimming with ideas, people who are out
there on the firing line every day, actually solving problems and
somehow getting the electoral support they need to go forward.
DLC
~icials,
I disagree because; even though our President is very, very
popular, and we all pray for his speedy recovery, all is not well
in America.
We should all be justly proud of our aagnificent victory in
the Gulf. And we can honestly say that only America, of all the
countries in the world, could have put together the political and
military coalitions that made it possible. So, in that sense, we
are still the world's number one country.
.
.
But if you look at the whole picture, it's very different.
For today, as we begin another work week in America, 18 other nations will do a better job than we do of the simple task of bringing babies into the world alive. And a dozen will do a better job
of preparing their children to perform on international tests of
science and math so critical to our future. At least 10 will send
their working aen and women off to their jobs with better reading
skills that are so necessary to compete in a world where what you
can earn depends largely on wh~t you can learn.
·
Of all the major countries in the world, we will be the only
one to send our .working aen and women to their jobs today with the
gnawing insecurity that millions of them feel, still, that if they
get sick or their children get sick, they don't know how they'll
pay the billa or whether they'll 9et the care.
·
Of all the aajor industrial countries in the world, we are
the only country that has no system for moving the kids that don't
want to go to college into good jobs with a high wage and a good
future instead of dead-end jobs.
�Regrettably, last year we d'id become number one in another
category. We passed the soviet Union and South Africa, and now we
are the number one nation in the world in the percentage of our
people we put in prison.
competitors for the future are Germany and Japan. Last
year they had productivity growth rates three and four times ours
because they educate their people better, they invest •ore in
their future, and they organiae their .economies for global
competition and ve don't.
OUr
•
l
Dese are facts we have to face. But ~or aore than a decade
we have lived in a fantasy world in which it vas ~ad form.and terrible politics to admit that we had problems of this .aqnitude,
and it vas certainly out of the question for anyone in national
political leadership to assume any personal responsibility for
doing something about them..
.
X 1\ope that the number one consequence of our victory in the
Persian Gulf is that at_long last we will have the national selfconfidence to face up to our real problems here at home. Por they
are the national aecurity issues of the future.
More important than the future of the Democratic Party, which
is occupying ao much of the press coverage, is the future of
America. If these condi~ions continue, can we preserve America's
leadership in the world we've done so much to make? can we keep
the American Dream alive here at home? X joined the DLC to help
find answers to these questions.
~e 1980s glorified the pursuit of greed and self-interest.
we saw an explosion in the number of poor women and their little
children. In the 1980s our competitive position eroded, but the
CEOs of this country gave themselves pay raises that were four
times as much as they gave their employees and three times as much
as their corporate profits increased.
Middle income families' earnings declined for tbe 1irst time
in our memory, and not because they are lazy. Working class
families put in more hours at work and leas time with their
children in 1989 than they did in 1979. It's not because they're
overpaid. German factory workers, on the average, make over 20
percent more than their American counterparts.
You may say, •well, if all these things are out there, why in
the wide world haven't the Democrats been able to take advantage
of these conditions?•
I'll tell you why. Because too many of the people who used
to vote for us, the very burdened middle class we're talking
about, have not trusted us in national elections to defend our
national interests abroad, to put their values int~ our social
policy at home, or to take their tax money and spend it with
discipline.
2
____________________________.................
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•conservative• and who's up and who'a,down and bow we are
positioned. They are real people, they have real problems and
they are crying desperately fo~ someone who believes the purpose
of government is to solve their problems and aake progress,
instead of posturing along and waiting for tbe next election.
~ere are people like them all over America.
A working man
at home said to me during the election, •covernor, X ~elieve in
your education program, and I support raising taxes to pay for it.
But I'm doing the best I can •••• vhen will I ever do better?" A
widow with four children I met in a cafe said to me, •I know I
could 90 on welfare and get medical coverage for my kids, but I
"think it's immoral if I can work. So I come here and work every
day. But what am I going to do if my children get aick?•
Those people don't care about the idle rhetoric that bas
paralyzed American politics. They want a new choice and they
deserve a new choice lind we .ought to give it;
to them.
.
Do you really ~elieve that if ve permit' these conditions to
90 on for 10 or 20 or 30 years and we permit national politics to
continue in its present irrelevant track for 10 or 20 or 30 years,
that America will lead the world we've made? That you can keep
the American Dream aliv~ for the next generation of Americans?
I want my child to grow up in the America I did. I don't
want her to be part of the first generation of Americans to do
worse than their parents did. I don't want her to be part of a
country that's coming apart instead of coming together.
over 25 years ago, I had a professor of Western Civilization
who told me our country vas the vreatest country in human history
because our people bad always believed in two simple things. One
is that the future can be better than the present. And two, that
every one of us bas_a personal, aoral responsibility to make it
so.
That is what the New Choice is all about. '!'hat is what we're
bere in Cleveland to do. We're not bare to save the Democratic
Party. We're here to save the United States of America.
. 7
�
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Carter Wilkie
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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1993-1995
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0699-F
Description
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Archives Project - Best Clinton Quotes [2]
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
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2008-0699-F
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Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-012-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/d5688516f5052cd83e142709f1c84db3.pdf
f40a6ebfca8af16de3d537034282f1c2
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not
a textual record. This is used as an
•
administrative 'marker 'by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidentiaf Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Mem her:
Carter Wilkie
'll
,•
:1~
.~v.
Subseries:
,i,
~··
OA/ID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Archives Project- Best Clinton Quotes [I]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�..,..
~
__ ,.
THEMES THROUGHOUT PRESIDENT CLINTON'S SPEECHES
DRAFT FOR INTERNAL USE ONLY.
6/lSf/J
\
SUGGBSI'BD CHANGES/ADDmONS
GUIDINO 'DIBMES/PRINCPLES
RPBun.D AMBRICA'S ECONOMY
hMat for powth aail biJIHkill jolla
Meet the compctidoa
Plepare for lllt Ccatury
Pt!f GOVERNMBNI' ON YOUR. SIDE
&d trickle dowD
Make rich pay their fair lbare
CuJb conbOI by illflueatial Widen
PlGKI'INO POR. niB MIDDLE CLASS
Plaer.le middle cla&a ltalldard of lMDg
Help workiq people joia middle cla&a
Doa't allow elitel to forget the middle clall
OPPOR.TUNn'Y
Give Allleric:alll a cbaDce
BlpaDd Allleric:alll' cbaDca
No IIIOI'C "You're OD your OWD"
R.ESPONSIBIUI'Y
caD't do it aU for you
Bwi)'OIIO sboukl play by the rules
No more somethiq for DOtbiDg .
. Ripta cany rapouibilidca
Clizelllbip is a ciYic duty
~mmeat
\
COMMUNO'Y
Public JIUIPCIIO CM:I' IIUIUW IDteJata
Restore bODdl that CDIUlCCt people
We're aU ill this toptber
Dcceab'Bllze pemmeat
l!mpcJMr commuaity builders
WORK
Wort bard aDd play by the rules
R&wudwort
Tbe bela public policy il a job
FAMILY
Value familiel with more thaD WOJdl
R.ccopir.e impon8Dce of family wluea
PAllll
Hope CM:I' CJIIidlaa
PatieDce CM:I' dapair
CoaYic:tioa CM:I' coafusiae
. DJSCPUNB
Piacal rapoalibWty
ReiJMiat pMnUDCDt
Oet America'• boule lil.order.
..
rue: uaemea.cw
\
..
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QUOTA'l'IOBS DOJI CUBBR OP PRBSIDBB'l' WILLIAM J • CLIB'l'OB
America
America has always endured in form and spirit because in times of
crisis and challenge, leaders have asked the
given the strong answers.
ha~d
questions and
And th$ American people· have rallied.
-- Cooper.union for the Advancement of Science and
Art~
New York,
New York, May 12, 1993
There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what
is right wlth America.
Inaugural Address, January 20, 1993.
Each generation of Americans must define what
~t
means to be an
American. -- Inaugural Address, January 20,. 1:993
American Democracy
Democr-cy is not always easy and tidy.
We have learned that it
is a·process of trial and error, that it suffers·from all the
imperfections known to humankind.
·aut it is also the only system
we know that can produce wisdom out of disagreement, and peace
out of our warring hours.
Ame~ica's
power, prosperity and sense
of ,justice may be providential, but they are not accidental.
I
those blessings flow from the world's greatest peaceful
experiment in· making one out of many, our motto, "E Pluribus.
Unum." -- Pabst Theatre, MilwaUkee, Wisconsin, October 1, 1992
American Dreaa
For
J
�'t
The American dream was built on rewardinq hard work.
But we have
seen the folks in Washinqton turn the American ethic on its head.
For-too lonq, those who play by the rules and keep the faith have
qotten the shaft, and those who cut corners and cut deals have
been rewarded.
-- acceptinq the Democratic Party's
no~ination
for President, Democratic National Convention, Madison Squ·are
Garden, New York, NY, July 16, 1992
I
refuse to be part of a qeneration that celebrates the death of
communism abroad with the loss of the American dream at home.
I
refuse to be part of a qeneration that fails to compete in the
qlobal economy and so condemns hard-workinq Americans to a life
of struqqle without reward or security. -- announcinq candidacy
for President, . o·ld state House, Little Rock I Arkansas, October 3,
1991
Anla4 Jrorcaa
I
pledqe to you that as lonq as I am President, you and the other
men and women in uniform of this country will continue to be the
best trained, the best prepared, the b•st equipped, and the
stronqest supported fiqhtinq force in the world. --
u.s.s.
Theodore Roosevelt, March 12, 1993
Bully PUlpit
The presidency is a bully pulpit, as Theodore Roosevelt said.
And much of the presidency, as Harry Truman once said, consists
of tryinq to talk other people into doinq what they ouqht to be
�doing anyway.
But the preacher can't save any souls if there's
nobody in the church helping. -- National Bar Assocjation, st.
Louis, Missouri, July 31, 1992
A very great Republican President, Theodore Roos·evelt, once
called the.Presidency a Bully Pulpit.
Then President Kennedy
said that the Presidency was the vital center of action.
Both
Presidents were right.·-- Cleveland City ·Club, Cleveland, Ohio,
May 21, 1992
I want the jetsetters and the feather bedders·of corporate
America to know that if you sell your companies and your workers
and your country. down the river, you'll get called on the carpet.
That's what the President's bully· pulpit is for.· -- "The New
Covenant: Responsibility and Rebuilding the American Community,"
Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., October 23, 1991.
C:aapaigD by Bus·
Our bus was a way of saying to the people of America, 'We want
you to be in control.
We don't want to be out of touch with you.
We don't want to be a long way
from you.
,-
We want you to believe
that this.is your government, just as much as it's your country.'
-- Monticello, home of Thomas
Virginia, January 17, 1993
Cb&DCJ8
Jeffe~son,
Albemarle county,
�4
Profound and powerful forces are shakinq and remakinq our world.
And the urqent quest.ian of our time is whether we can make change
our friend and not our enemy. -- Inauqural Address, January 20,
1993
Citisansbip
I ask you to be Americans aqain, too, to be interested not just
in qetting but in giving, not just in placing blame but now in
assuming responsibility, not just in looking out for yoUrselves
but in looking out for others, too.
In this very place, one year
and one month aqo today, I said we need more than new laws, new
promises or new proqrams.
We need a new spirit of community,
a
sense that we're all in.this together. --after his .election as
President, Old state House, Little Rock, Arkansas, November 3,
1992
I can promise to do.a hundred different things for you as
President.
But none of them will make any difference unless we
all do more as citizens. -- "The New Covenant: Responsibility and
Rebuildinq the American Community," Georqetown University,
Washinqton,
.o.c.,
october 23, 1991
'l'ba Common Goo4
The purpose of community, the purpose of our qovernment, the
purpose of our leaders should be to call us to pursue our common
values and the common good, not simply in the moment of extreme
crisis but every day in our lives. -- "The Values of America,"
�•
We've got to rebuild our political life together beforo
demagogues· and racists and those who pander to the worst in us
brinq this country down. -- "The New covenant: Responsibility and
Rebuilding the American community," Georgetown University,
Washington, D.c., October 23, 1991
'\
Daaocratic Party
America needs at least one political party that's not afraid to
tell the people.the truth and address the real needs of real
human beings. -- Democratic Leadership Council, Cleveland, Ohio,
May 6, 1991
DivisioD
What kills a country is never the obstacles people face.
are always problems.
There
This country is bein9 decimated today by·
visionless leadership, by the politics of division. -- after
(
victory in the California Primary, Los Anqeles, California.
June. 2, 1992
Barth Day
That stubborn, protective love of the land, which flows like a
miqhty underground current through our national character, is
what burst to the surface of American life on April 22, 1970.
Earth Day, Drexel University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, April
22, 1992
BcoDomic BatioDalism
�••
university of Notre Dame, South Bend, Indiana, September 11, 1992
Deficits
All durinq this last 12 years the federal deficit has roared out
of control.
Look at this: the biq tax cuts for the
w~althy,
the
qroWth in Government spendinq, and soarinq health care· costs all
caused the federal deficit to explode ••• Now if all that debt had
been invested in strenqtheninq our economy, we'd·at least have
somethinq to show for our money: more jobs, better educated
people, a health care system that works.
But as you can see,
while the deficit went up, investments in the thinqs that make us
stronqer and smarter, richer and safer, were neqlected: less
invested in education, less in our children's future, less in
transportation,_ lesa:a in local law ·enforcement ••• The price o.f
doinq the same old thinq is far higher than the price ·of chanqe •.
-- first televised address to the Nation, oval Office, February
15, 1993
Democracy and
~oreiqD
Policy
A pro-democracy foreiqn policy is neither liberal nor
conservative; neither Democrat nor Republican; it is a deep
American tradition.
And this is for qood reason.
For no foreiqn
policy can lonq succeed if it_does not reflect.the endurinq
values of the American people. -- Pabst Theatre, Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, October 1, 1992
.Demaqoquea
�--
,.:
'
-
I don't believe in unilateral disarmament on the economic
battlefield any more than I believe in unilateral disarmament in
national defense. -- National Steel and Shipbuilding Company, San.
Diego, California, May 18, 1992
BCODOiliC Pl&D
our Nation-needs a new direction.
Tonight I present.to you a
comprehens.ive plan to set our Nation on that new course ••• The
test of this plan cannot be 'What is in it for me?'
to be 'What is in it for us?'
It has got
If we work hard.and if we work
together, if we rededicate ourselves to creating jobs, to
~awarding
work, to strengthening our families, to reinventing our
Government, we can lift our country's fortunes again. -- State
of
the Union Address, February 18, 1993
BcoDoaic Security
We must do what no
genera~ion
has had to do before.
We must
invest more in our own people, in their jobs and in their future,
and at the.same time cut our massive debt.
And we must do so·in
a world in which we compete for every opportunity. -- Inaugural
.-
Address, January 20, 1993
BCODOiliC Strategy
For years our leaders have failed to take the steps that would
harness the global economy to the benefit of all our people,
steps such .as investing in our people and their skills, enforcing
our
tr~de
laws, helping communities hurt by change, in short,
�putting the American people· first without withdrawing from the
world and the
peopl~
beyond our borders. -- American University,
washington, D.c., February 26, 1993
B4ucation ·
Education is economic development.
We can only be a high-waqe,
high-growth country if we are a high-skills country.
In a world
in which money and production are mobile, the only way_middleclass people can keep. good jobs with growing incomes is to be
lifetime ·learners and innovators. -- "A New Covenant for Economic
Change, n Georgetown University, Washington,
o..c.
I
"November
20~
1991
Bffort
There are times of growth .and decline, times of joy and sadness,
times of triumph and tragedy, and times of ordinary qe.ttinq
alonq.
Much of what life brings is a matter of circumstanQe
beyond our control.
Yet, always, our will makes some difference,
and sometimes our will can make all the difference. -- October 4,
1983
Blection ot.1tt2
This victory was more than a victory of party, it was a victory
for the people who work hard· an.d play by the rules, a victory for
the people who feel left out and left behind and want to do
better, a victory for the people·who are ready to compete and win
in the global economy but who need a government that offers a
�hand up, not a hand-out. -- Old State House, Little Rock,
Arkansas, November 3, 1992
Bad of aD Bra·
we are all going to the polls conscious for the first time as a
country of the fact that the post•World War II era is over. -October 16, 1987
Bavironmeat and the Baoao•y
There was a time in this country when environmental protection
was viewed as at best a necessary burden for industry to bear.
Today that idea just isn't true. · Technology has changed; the
· stakes have changed; and it's time for our
~inking
to
cha~ge,
too. In today's economy, there doesn't have to be a trade-off
between growth and environmental protection.
tools and the need to choose both.
We now·have the
It is time we recognize that
environmental technology will be one of the most vital and .
profitable economic sectors of the 21st century. -- Earth Day,
• Drexel University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, April 22, 1992
Bavironmeatal stewardship ·
All across this country, there is a deep understanding rooted in
our religious.heritage arid renewed in the spirit of this time
· that the .bounty of nature is not ours to waste.
It is a gift
from God that we hold in trust for future generations.
u.s.
Botanic Gardens, Washington, D.C., April 21, 1993
�,.
r' .
page 10
quotations
Jlaith
The human condition in the end chanqes by faith ••• it is by far
the most powerful force that can ever be mustered in the cause of
chal"qe. -- Cooper Union School for the Advancement of Science and
Arts, New York, New York, May 12, 1993
l'aaily
There is an idea abroad in the land that if you_abandon your
children the qovernment will raise them ••• but I'll let you in on
a little secret.
Governments don't raise children.
People do.
It is time they·were asked to assume their responsibilities and
forced to do it if they refuse •.• .family values
[al~ne]
won·'t feed
a hunqry child •. But it's hard to raise any child without them. - Democratic Leadership Council, Cleveland, Ohio, May 6, 1991
Life's most important jobis still parenthood ••• No public policy
can replace the influence of one adult on one child ••• our famil¥
policy ouqht to be to help the parents succeed.
-- Chautauqua
Conference on the America Family, Chautauqua, New York, Auqust
15, 1988
Jlaaily values
I want an America that does more than talk about family values.
I want an America that values families ••• an America that honors
and rewards work and family not just in words but in deeds. --
�'
page 11
"The Values of America," University of Notre Dame, South B•nd,
Indiana, September 11, 1992
The question is not, "Are family values important?"· Of course
they are.
It's not, "Are they under fire?"
You bet they are.
It's not "Is TV destructive of family values?"
is.
All too often it
The question is, "What are we going to do about it?"
Cleveland City Club, Cleveland, Ohio, May 21, 1992
Glo~l
BDvironmeDt
It is no accident that in those countries where the envi.ronment
has been most devastated, human suffering
is the
.
. most. severe; ·
where there is ·freedom of expression and econo~ic pursuit, there
is also determination to use natural resources more wisely.
Pabst Theatre, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, October 1, 1992
GoverDora
I have learned over the last few years that governors do very
~ittle
all by themselves.
A few years ago in school, Chelsea was
asked what her father did for a living, and she answered, "He
makes speeches, drinks coffee, and talks on the telephone." --·
state of the State Address, Little Rock, Arkansas, January 15;
1991
GoverDJDeDt
I
'
I.
I
I
I
�r.
-
quotations
page 12
People don't want some top-down
do anymore.
bure~ucracy
tellinq
t~em
what to
That's one reason they tore down the Berlin Wall and
threw out the Communist reqimes in Eastern Europe and Russia •. -"The New covenant: Responsibility and Rebuildinq the American
Community, " Georqetown .University, Washington, D.• C. , October 23,
1991
Government's responsibility is to dreate more opportunity.
The
people's responsibility is to make the most of it. -- announcing
candidacy for President, Old state House, Little Rock, Arkansas
October 3, 1991
The government is not a savior.
Yet, the
qove~ent
cannot· be a
spectator either ••• what people in both parties are beqinninq to
qrapple witt(is to construct a role for qovernment, not as
savior, not as spectator, but as catalyst and partner. -Chautauqua Conference on the America Family, Chautauqua, New
York, Auqust 15, 1988
We may want the qovernment off our backs but we need it by our
sides. -- third Inauqural Address as Governor, Little Rock,
Arkansas, January 15, 1985
·Jiar4 Tiaaa
We are enqaqed in a new battle with an old and familiar enemy,
hard times.
Hard times dominate the lonq history of Arkansas.
�l
quotations
page 13
For qeneraticns, cur families have been forced to endure them and
struqqle to overcome.them.
The most movinq story of my childhood
was that of my qrandfather cominq home on Good
Fri~ay
afternoon
durinq the Depression and cryinq on his knees to.my mother
because he could not. afford a $2 Easter dress. -- second
Inauqural Address as Governor, Little Rock, Arkansas, 1983
'
I
•
•
The Holocaust
The Holocaust, to be sure, transformed the entire 20th· century,
sweepinq aside the Enliqhtenment hope that evil somehow could be
permanently vanished from the face of the Earth, demonstratinq
there is no war to end all.war, that the struqqle aqainst the .
basest tendencies of our nature must continue' forayer and ever.
-- dedication of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum,
Washinqton, D.C., April 22, 1993
Bopa
l\,
�'.
quotations
page 14
I still believe in a place called Hope.
accepting the
Democratic Party's nomination for Presider1t, Democratic National
convention, Madison Square Garden, New York, New York, July 16,
1992
There is nothing we can't do if we put our minds to it.
We went
through a great revolution that's commemorated here, a civil war
that nearly tore us apart, a depression that put twenty-five
pe:t:cent of ou·r people out of work, and two great world wars.
These problems are not insurmountable.
What is killing America
today is that too many of us are so cynical and angry and
skeptical.
Old North Church, Boston, Massachusetts,
June 25, 1992
We must believe in ourselves and our
destiny.
abil~ty
to shape our own
Too many of us still expect too littlg of ourselves and
demand too little of each other because we see the future as a
question of fate, out of our 'hands.
But the future need not be
fate; it can be an achievement. -- third Inaugural Address as
Governor, Little Rock, Arkansas, January 15, 1985
IDvestiDq iD tbe AaericaD BcoDomy
Don't let anybody tell you that we can grow this economy again
without more investment.
We're investing less in high speed
rail, and new airplane transportation, and new highway
technologies, and new water and sewer and waste systems; things
�I
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/
page 1!5
that would put millions of people to work and grow our economy,
•
we're investing so much less than the Germans, the Japanese, and
other nations. -- National Rainbow coali'tion, Washingtol), o·.c.,
.
June 13, 1992
I do not believe we can get where we need to go unless we begin
to look at the long run instead of the short term, investing in
our future growth and our children's lives instead of turning a
quick buck, taking care of our neighbors instead of getting it
while 1we can. --Association of Democratic state Chairs,
Palmer House Hotel,
Chic~go,
November 23, 1991
If we're going to'get more for our money, we ought to have a ·
federal budget which invests more in the future and spends less
on the present and the past. -- "A.New Covenant for Economic
Change, 11 Georqetown University, Washington, D.c. ,
Novem~:?er.
20,
1991
Thomas
Je~f~aon
The genius of Thomas Jefferson was his ability to get the most
out ·of today while never taking his eye off tomorrow, to think
biq while enjoyinq the little things of daily life.
Perhaps most
important, he understood that in order for us to preserve our
timeless values, people have .to change, and free people need to
devise means by which they can change profoundly and still
r
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quo~a~ioas
peacefully. -- 250th anniversary of the birth of Thomas
.Jefferson, Jefferson Memorial, washington, D.c., April 13, 1993
Robert
~.
Kennedy
In a very difficult
an~
divided time, he was perhaps the last
American politician until this election who tried to ask people
"to join toqether across racial lines to seize common
opportunities and to tear down common problems. -- Cobo Hall,
Detroit, Michiqan, october 29, 1992
Martin Luther Kinq Jr.
He was our teacher in many ways.
He tauqht us about the pain ane
.promise of America, about the redemptive healinq oe faith and
discipline, about love and couraqe and, ultimately,- about
somethinq we must all be prepared to do to keep our country qoinq
and qrowinq: sacrifice.
And he pointed us toward a day of
freedom and justi~e when all Americans could walk hand in hand.
- Martin Luther Kinq Jr. Day, Howard University, Washington,
D.c., January 18, 1993
Labor and X&Daqeaent
We need a whole new orqanization of work, where workers at the
front line make decisions, not just follow orders ••• where frontline workers and manaqers have more responsibility to make·
decisions that improve quality and increase productivity. -- "A
�'
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page 17
fiUOt&tiOil8
New covenant for Economic Change," Georgetown University,
Washington, D.C., November 20, 1991
L-4erahip
America deserves better than activism without vision, prudence
without purpose, and tactics without strategy.
America needs
leadership of vision, values,, and conviction.· -- Foreiqn Policy
Association, New York, New York, April 1 , 1992
You can't lead America if you don't challenge Americans.
Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, New Hampshire, February 1992
The only limit to what we can do is what our leaders.are willing
to ask of us and what we are willing to expect of .ourselves. -"The New Covenant: Responsibility and Rebuilding the American
CommUnity," Georqetown University, Washington, D.C., October 23,
1991
The essence of political
resp~nsibility
is beinq able to
concentrate on what is really important for a long period of time
until the problem is solved. -- State of the State Address,
Little Rock, Arkansas, January 9, 1989
The political leaders who really make a difference are those who
care enough about their people
~o
build for the future even when
the times are hard and when the riqht course may not be popular.
�'
quotations
page 18
-- conceding defeat after first reelection campaign, Governor's
Mansion, Little Rock, Arkansas, November 1980
The exercise of authority over the people's business is a hard
job.
It's essence is the making of decisions which no one else
has the authority to make
~-
decisions requiring choices among
people and policies and conflicting interests. -- first Inaugural
Address as Governor, Little Rock, Arkansas, January 1979
Learning
Too many American parents raise their kids to believe that how
much they learn depends on the IQ that God .gave them and how much
money their family makes.
Yet in countries we are. competing
against for the future, children are raised to believe that how
much tney learn depends on how hard they work and how much their
parents encourage them to learn. -- "The New Covenant:
Responsibility and Rebuilding the American Community," Georgetown
University, Washington,
o.c., october 23, 1991
Abrahul Lincoln.
our greatest Republican President, perhaps our greatest
President. -- Cleveland City
~lub,
Cleveland, Ohio, May 10, 1993
A Lost Generation
We have too many people who are totally disconnected, totally
divorced from the mainstream of our life.
We are raising a
�•
quo~a~iolla
page 19
qeneration of Americans isolated, literally in a different
culture, without family, often without. a home, without education,
without jobs, without a future.
We should be afraid my fellow
Americans, but we must face. our fears and stop running from our
problems. -- Democratic Leadership Council, New Orleans,
Louisiana, May 2, 1992
Kl44la class
out there you can hear the quiet, troubled voice of the forqotten
middle class, lamenting that
~overnment
no longer looks out for
their interests or honors their values
--. like individual
' .
responsibility, hard work,
_fami~y,
community~
TheY. think their
qovernment takes more from them·than it qives back, and looks the
other way when special interests only take from this country and
qive nothinq back.
And they're riqht. --
."The New covenant:
Responsibility and Rebuilding the American Community,• Georgetown
University, Washington, D.C.,_october 23, 1991
I believe that unless we give the poor and the middle class a
chance to get ahead again, we'll lose more than jobs and homes
and dreams.
We'll lose what holds us toqether as Americans.
We'll risk losing the solid, middle class values of hard work,
individual responsibility, and shared community; the values.of
family and faith -- the values that built this country and make
it great.
Let those values die, and Americans will die, with
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only the law, the land, and the leqacy left behind. -Jacksonville, Florida, March 4, 1992
~ational
PUrpose
Decisions -command attention.
crises drive action.
But it is
only with an overriding sense of purpose, drawn from their
history and their cultures, that qreat nations can rise above the
daily tyranny of the urqent to construct their security, to build
their prosperity, to advance their interests, and to reaffirm
their values. -- American
Soci~ty
of Newspaper Editors,
Annapolis, Maryland, April 1, 1993
BatioDal
securi~y
Like a wise homeowner who recoqnizes ·that you cannot stop
investinq in your house once you buy .it, we cannot stop investinq
in the peace now that we have obtained it. -- American Society of
Newspaper Editors, Annapolis, Maryland, April 1, 1993
The collapse of communism is not an isolated event; it's part of
a worldwide march toward democracy whose outcome ·will shape the
next
century~
If individual liberty, political pluralism and
free enterprise take root in.Latin America, Eastern and central
Europe, Africa, Asia and the former Soviet Union, we can look
forward to a qrand new era of reduced conflict, mutual
understandinq and economic qrowth.
For ourselves and for
�•
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page 21
millions of people who seek to live in freedom and prosperity,
this revolution must not fail.
...
We must define a new national security policy that builds on
freedom's victory in the Cold war.
.
The communist idea has lost
-
its power, but the fate of the people who lived under it and the
fate of the world will be in doubt until stable democracies rise
from the debris of the soviet empire.
Tod~y
we need a President, a public and a policy that are not
caught up in the wars of the past
Vietnam, not the Cold War.
-~
not World War II, not
What we need to
el~ct
in_1992 is not
the last President of the 20th century but the first President of
the 21st century. -- "A New Covenant for American Security,"
Georgetown University, December 12, 1991
Rational service
our new initiative will embody the same principles as the old
G.I. Bill.
It will challenge our people to serve our country and
do the work that should
~-
and must -- be dorie..
It will invest
in the future of the quiet heroes who invest in the future of
others. -- "National Service Now," column in The New York Times,
February 28, 1993
Hew coveDaDt
�'
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We need-a New Covenant, a solemn agreement between the people and
their govern..ent, to provide opportunity for everybody, inspire
responsibility throughout our society and restore a sense of
community to this groat nation, a New Covenant to take government
back from the powerful interests and the bureaucracy and give
this country back to ordinary people ••••
We must go beyond the old political establishment: beyond every
man for himself on the one hand and the right to something for
nothing on the other. -- "The New Covenant: Responsibility and
Rebuilding the American Community," Georgetown University,
Washington, D.C., october 23, 1991
.
.
Opportunity an4 Responsibility
Any community worthy of the name would do more than just· tell its
young people to say no to crime and drugs.
It would give them
something to say yes to: the opportunity for education and jobs
and the sense of connectedness to society.
Yes, we must insist
that parents do right by their children, and that young people do
right by their communities.
But our American community must also
do right by·them. --"The Values of America," University of Notre
Dame, South Bend, Indiana, September 11, 1992
Patience
We live in a nation which craves instant gratification and has
difficulty maintaining long attention spans.
We live in a state
�..
quotatiODS
page 23
which has for too long viewed politics as sport rather than a
pathway to tqmorrow ••• the real triumphs are in the long haul.
And for that we must be patient as well as
aggress~ve.
third Inaugural Address as Governor, Little Rock,
--
Ark~nsas,
January 15, 1985
Presidential Responsibility
Where would we be if Harry Truman had a sign on his desk that
. said the buck stops somewhere else? -- National Bar Association,
St. Louis, Missouri, July 31, 1992
Progress
Before, in hard times, we had put off progress in tavor of
survival.
That will not work today.
-- fourth Inaugural Address as
Survival requires progress.
Governor~
Little Rock, Arkansas,
January 13, 1987
Publia service
I was raised in a time when mothers would say they hoped their
children grow up to be president•
I was raised to believe in
this country, to believe .in this system, to believe that
elections were good things that gave people a chance to have
their say and change the course of events. -- recorded message to
the Democratic National Convention, July 16, 1992
PUblic Speakinq
�· quo'ta'tiODS
page 24
I've spent the last few days under doctor's orders not to speak.
Imagine how much happier you would be if all the politicians in
America.lost their voices for a week every year.
-~Wharton
School of Business, University of Pennsylvania, PhilRdelphia,
Pennsylvania, April 16, 1992
PUttiDg People
~irst
I believe that the center of all politics should be people and
putting people first.
I don't think this country has a person to
waste. -- ABC's "Good Morning America," New York, New York, June
23, 1992
My priority is. ·~eople. -- the forgotten middle
clast~.
Denver,
Colorado, February 27, 1992
The small towns and main streets of
~erica
corridors and back rooms·of Washington.
aren't like the
People out here
~on't
care about the idle rhetoric of 'left' and 'right' and 'liberal'
and 'conservative' and all the other words that have made our
politics a substitute for action.
These families are crying out
desperately. for someone ·who believes the promise of .America is to
help them with their struggle to get ahead, to. offer them a green
light instead of a pink slip. -- announcing candidacy·for
President, Old State House, Little Rock, Arkansas, October 3,
1991
�page 25
For as long as I can remember, I have been.saddened by the sight
of so many of our independent, industrious people working too
hard for too little because of inadequate economic opportunities,
and I will do what I can to enhance them. -- first Inaugural
Address as Governor, Little Rock, Arkansas, 1979
"the great protector of the people" -- announcing his candidacy
for-- and vision of the role. of-- Attorney General of.Arkansas,
state Capitol, Little Rock, Arkansas, March 17, 1976
Race
My whole region was kept poor and backward because the people
were· running the politics knew as .long as they
cou~d
wh~
separate us
by race, they could hold us down. -- Macomb County CQmmunity
College, Macomb county, Michigan, March 12, 1992
Where I come from we know about race-baiting.
divide us for years.
They've used it to
I know this tactic well, and I'm not going
to let them get away with it. -- announcing candidacy for
President, Old State House, Little Rock, Arkansas, october 3,
1991
Reinventing Government
If we reinvent
government.~o
deliver new services in different
ways, eliminate unnecessary layers of management, and offer
people more choices, we really can give taxpayers more services
�•
· quotations
page 26
with fewer bureaucrats for the same or less money. -- "A New
Covenant for_Economic Change," Georgetown University, Washington,
D.C., November 20, 1991
Religion in aaerica
Hera in our country mora people believe in God, more people go to
church or temple, and more people put reliqion' at the center of
their lives than in any other advanced society on Earth.
And
that is a tribute to the genius and the couraqe of the American
experiment that our qovernment can be the protector of the
freedom of every faith, because it is the exclusive property of
none ••••
We all have the right to wear our reliqion on our sleeves, but we
should also ho.ld it· in our hearts and live it in our itves. -"The Values of America," University of Notre Dame, South Bend,
Indiana, September 11, 1992
Responsibility
With all th.e rights we enjoy as Americans, there are
corresponding responsibilities, and no government can ever create
opportunities for people who will not assume the responsibility
to seize those opportunities. -- Democratic Leadership Council
Gala, Union Station,
washington~
D.C., December a, 1992
�page 27
Wa need to reassert the old fashioned notion that personal
responsibility is an important part of public citizenship.
I do
not believe we can get where we need to go unless we can change
this mentality of blame-placing and refusing responsibility that
plaques our social atmosphere. -- Association of Democratic state
Chairs, Palmer House Hotel, Chicago, Illinois, November 23, 1991
There will never be a government program for
ev~ry
problem.
Much
of what holds us together and moves us ahead is the daily
assumption of
~ersonal
responsibility by millions of Americans
from all walks of life. -- "'fhe New covenant: Responsibility and
Rebuilding the American Community," Georgetown University,
Washington, D.C.,· ·october 23, 1991
In the recent past, we have learned again the hard lesson that
there are limits to what government can do, indeed, limits to
what people can do ••• Let us not learn too much of this lesson,
however, lest caught in the thrall of what we cannot do, we
forget what we can and should do. -- first Inaugural Address as
Governor, Little
Roc~,
Arkansas,
Janua~
1979
·Rich
~
I'm not out to soak the rich.
I wouldn't mind being rich.
But I
do believe the rich should pay their fair share. -- announcing
candidacy for President, Old State House, Little Rock, Arkansas,
October 3, 1991
�pago 28 .
-
qao~a~iooa
Rich aD4 •oor
I'm tired of people with trust funds telling people on food
stamps how to live. -- National Rainbow coalition, Washington,
D.C., June 13, 1992
Riqht aD4 wroDq
The American community should speak in a clear and certain voice
that some things are wrong.
On any day, at any time, in any
place, violence is wrong, bigotry is wrong, abandoning children
is wrong.
shalt-nets.
But our religious traditions teach of more than thouIn our role as citizens, we should not see ourselves
only as our brothers' and sisters' keepers, but
al~o
brothers' and sisters' helpers.·-- "The Values of
as our
~erica,"
University of Notre Dame, South Bend, Indiana, September 11, 1992
Role of tbe Press iD AaericaD Democracy
The whole complex interplay of the press and people in public
life is designed somehow to give the American people a
kaleidoscope of opinion, a mountain of facts organized in ways
that will enable them to grasp it, so that somehow they - not you
or me - they can be the main actors in the great American
democracy. -- Radio and ·Television Correspondents Association ·
Dinner, Washington, D.c., March 18, 1993
•raDkliD D. Roosevelt
�· quotations
page 29
Everyone can quote him, but his words out of context mean little.
And they do very little to illuminate what was siqnificant about
his leadership.
When Franklin Roosevelt ran for reelection in
1936 ••• he was returned to office, b11t not because the depression
was over, not because the people were not unemployed, not because
all the problems in the country had.been solved.
We were still in the teeth of the Depression.
returned to office?
had for America.
Far from it.
Why was he
Because people knew what sort of vision he
They knew what action he was takinq to
transform the country.
And
th~y
were willinq, most important, to
accept hardship for· the present, because they believed
th~y
were
part of a process that would lead them to a. b!!tter tomorrow. -Democratic :Nati~nal convention, Madison Square Garden, New York,
New York, 1980
RUDDiDg for President
It's not enouqh merely to criticize· the opposition.
You have to
offer an alternative vision for the future and a plan. -National Bar Association, St. Louis, Missouri, July 31, ·1992
Special IDtereata.
The problem is that even when a lot of these people are makinq
their voices heard in leqitimate ways, the totality of their
efforts has served to paralyze this process, to paralyze this
city, and to keep meaninqful chanqe from occurrinq lonq after
�-
quo~a~iODS
page 30
everybody acknowledges that it has to occur in fundamental areas
of
our
national life, such as ecorlomic pelicy and health care.
presentation of proposal for campaign finance reform, The
White House South Lawn, May 7, 1993
supreaa court JUstices
We ought to appoint someone who believes in the Constitution, the
Bill of Rights, and protecting the rights of ordinary citizens to
be let alone from undue intrusion by their Government. -- CNN's
"Larry King Live," Little Rock, Arkansas, June 18,.1992
'l'azas
The people are·· entitled to know, before a tax is imposed, what
the need is and exactly how the money will be
spent.~.PUblic
servants should not be dogmatic in opposition or support of tax
measures without first serving as· investment counselors to the
people and getting guidance.
This is both good politics and good
government. -- third Inaugural Address as Governor, Little Rock,
Arkansas, January 15, 1985
'1'acbDolo9ical Advances
I may be the last person ever to seek the presidency who once
\
lived in a home without indoor plumbing. -- National Association
of Manufacturers, Washinqtop, D.C., June 24, 1992
'l'olaranca
�quotatiOD8
page 31
To preserve
wonde~ful
ou~
social fabric we must always appreciate the
diversity of the American tapestry.
That is why, like
so many Americans, I have been appalled to hear the voices of
intolerance raised in recent weeks -- voices that have proclaimed
that some families aren't real families, that some Americans
aren't real Americans •. And one even said that what this country
needs is a 'religious war.'
religious war.
Well, America does not need a
It needs a reaffirmation ·of the value.s that for
most of us are rooted in our religious faith. -- "The Values of
America," University of Notre Dame, south Bend, Indiana,
September 11, 1992
Tra4e
The truth of our age is this and must be this: open and
competitive commerce will enrich us as a nation.
innovate.
customers.
It forces us to compete.
It &puts us to
It connects us with new
It promotes global growth without which no rich
country can hope to grow wealthier.
It enables our producers who
are themselves consumers of services and raw materials to
prosper.
do the.
And so I say to.you in the face of all the pressures to
reverse~
we must compete, not retreat. -- American
University, Washington, D.C., February 26, 1993
Trickle DoWD BCODOmica
�quotations
page 32
Trickle down economics didn't work, and all that trickled down
was debt, division, and living standards in decline.
Jacksonville, Florida, March 4, 1992
They built an economy out of paper and perks and debt instead of
people and products and investment.
They stacked
t~e
odds in
favor of their friends at the top and told everybody else to wait
for whatever trickled down.
What trickled down in the 'SO's was
a debt-ridden qovernment, a declininq standard of livinq,
bankrupt financial institutions, and a society frayinq from
within.
We can't afford to qo down that road aqain. -- Denver,
Colorado, February 27, 1992
[Trickle down economics] exalted private qain over public
obligations, special interests over the common good, wealth and
fame over work and family.
The 1980s ushered in a qilded aqe of
qreed, selfishness, irresponsibility, excess and neqlect.
"The New Covenant: Responsibility and Rebuilding the American
Community," Georqetown University, Washinqton, D.C., October 23,
1991
TroUbled •aailies
Say a prayer for the children in this nation who cry themselves
to sleep every niqht because their homes are filled with their
parents' tension and fear, the heartbreak of unemployment and
broken
dreams~
Say a prayer for
t~e
workinq mothers who qet up
�...
cpo~a~iODS
page 33
every day, get their children off to school, come home at night
exhausted, but still not too sick or tired to take care of their
own children ••• Amidst all the joy of this eveninq ••• say a prayer
that we will hav• the strenqth and the wisdom to stay our course.
-- after victory in the New York primary, New York, New York,
April 7, 1992
Barry 8 Trua&D
Harry Truman woke up every day dedicated to doinq riqht for the
people with whom he qrew up and with whom he lived·- the people
l!JhO work hard, raise their kids, pay the.taxes and play by the
rules.
Harry Truman did not w'*e up every mo_rninq .worryinq about
how to· lower taxes one ..more time on millionaires. ·
Har~
Truman's living leqacy is the qreat American middle class,
a livinq leqacy of the qeneration of Americans who went to
colleqe because of the
G.I~
Bill, who were able to buy a home
because of FHA and V.A. mortqaqes, who raised my qeneration with
the hope and the.opportunity that all thinqs were possible ••••
Harry Truman's livinq leqacy is the civil riqhts laws that
quaranteed.people who were equal in the eyes of the Lord are ·also
equal in the eyes of the law.
And Harry Truman's leqacy, yet
unfulfilied, is the dream that health care will be·a riqht, .
. not a privileqe, for every American.
--.Lab~r:
Day, Jackson County
Courthouse; Independence, Missouri, September 7, 199J2..
�quotations
page 34
unity
our founders wisely selected as our motto, 'E Pluribus Unum,' out
of many; one.
And Lincoln said that "A house divided against
itself cannot stand." ••• Let us build an American home for the
21st century, where everyone has a place at the table, and not a
single· child is left behind.
In this world and the world of
tomorrow, we .must go forward'together or not at all. -- "An
American Reunion," Lincoln Memorial, Washington, D.C., January
17, 1993
We are one nation under God.
We're all in this together.
we don't have a person to waste.
We're going up or down together,
whether we like it or.not. --Democratic Leadership Councii Gala,
Union Station, Washington, D.C., December 8, 1992
It is time to heal America.
And so we must say to every
American: look beyond the stereotypes that blind us •••• this is
America.
There is no them; there is only us.
One Nation, under
God, indivisible, with liberty, and justice, for all. -accepting the Democratic Party's nomination for president,
Democratic National Convention, Madison Square Garden, New York,
New York, July 16, 1992
The President has the greatest responsibility· of all -- to bring
us together, not drive us apart.
"The New Covenant:
�quotation•
page 35
Responsibility and Rebuildinq the American community," Georqetown
University, Washington, D.C., october 23, 1991.
ViaioD
A President is more
th~n
an economic mechanic, pushinq buttons
and pullinq levers in a machine without a soul.
I reject the
cramped and li•ited vision of the Presidency that tells ordinary
Americans; "You worry about you." -- Denver, Colorado, February
27, 1992
WasbiDCJtOD
This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of
civilization, is often a plaee of intrigue and
calculation~
Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endfessly about
who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forqettinq
'
those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.
-- Inaugural Address, January 20, 1993
For too lonq, Washington has underestimated the strength and
enerqy, the integrity and the yearnings of the people who. live
beyond the borders of this city.
One of my stronqest and deepest
hopes is that toqether, we can bridqe the qap between the
nation's capital and the nation of people who sent us all here. - Democratic Leadership CoQncil Gala, Union Station, washinqton,
D.C. December 8, 1992
�~
-
page 36
quotatiODS
Welfare Refora
we neod special efforts to
empowe~
the poor to work their way out
of poverty ••• We've got to break the cycle of dependency and put
an end to permanent dependence on welfare as a way of life,
~y
really investing in the development-of poor people and giving
them the means, the incentives and the requirement to go to work.
-- "A New covenant for Economic Chanqe," Georqetown University,
Washinqton, D.C., November 20, 1991
Welfare should be a second chance, not a way of life.
Covenant: Responsibility and Rebuilding the American
"The New
Co~unity,"
Georgetown University, Washinqton, D.C., october 23, 1991
Unfortunately, the problems which bring the parents to welfare
(child·care and health care coverage] are not addressed at all by
the system which provides the check. --November 17, 1987
work
The best social program is a good job. -- American Society of
Newspaper Editors, Annapolis, Maryland, April 1, 1993
Work is the ultimate source of social welfare and we must haye
more of it for· all our people. -- third Inaugural Address as
Governor, Little Rock, Arkansas; January 15, 19$5
filercarter WilkieaBCQOO'l'ES.NA
!
�..
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE:
NOTE FOR:
_____;&(~2{~-
~7'(/" Wt LK, ·e
The President has reviewed the attached, and it is forwarded to you
for your:
Thank you.
cc:
Information
~
Action
~
JOHN D. PODESTA
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
(x2702)
�f.
•
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'RES!IJtNr
THE WHITE HOUSE
'
WASHINGTON
(._
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June 17, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
/J....tJ..-l.fitY..u.-
Carter Wilkie
Communications
Collection of quotations
SUBJECT:
Later this year, the National Archives
will publish an inexpensive collection of
quotations of 20th Century Presidents.
The booklet is aimed at visitors to the
Archives and Presidential libraries •
•-l
.... ·:.
'.
Archives staff will work with us to
construct the chapter on your career,
using the list of quotations attached.
Thought you might want to see a copy •
... ·.
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QUOTATIONS J'ROK CAREER OP PRBSIDBBT WILLIAM J • CLiftON
THE PRESIDENT HAS SEEN
(., · ~ \. ~ 3
America
America has always endured in form and spirit because in times of
crisis and challenge, leaders have asked the hard questions and
given the strong answers.
And the American people have rallied.
-- Cooper Union for the Advancement of Science and Art, New York,
New York, May 12, 1993
There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what
is right with America. -- Inaugural Address, January 20, 1993
Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an
American. -- Inaugural Address, January 20, 1993
American Democracy
Democracy is not always easy and tidy.
We have learned that it
is a process of trial and error, that it suffers from all the
imperfections known to humankind.
But it is also the only system
we know that can produce wisdom out of
out of our warring hours.
disagre~ent,
and peace
America's power, prosperity and sense
of justice may be providential, but they are not accidental.
those blessings flow from the world's greatest peaceful
experiment in making one out of many, our motto, "E Pluribus
Unum." -- Pabst Theatre, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, october 1, 1992
American Dreaa
For
�THE WHITE HOliSE
WASHINGTON
February 24, 1994
Dr. Henry Gwiazda
Chief, Publications Branch
National Archives NECP: 14N
Washington, D.C. 20408
Dear Henry,
I am returning your latest batch of selections with further
editing, as you requested. You will see that I have cut a few
quotes and have made further cuts in others. The only new
addition is a quote on Martin Luther King Jr, to be substituted
for the quote you have already.
This looks good. The only concern I have is about
placement of quotations under your subject headings. For
instance, under your history heading there is a quote (or two)
that could fit better under race relations or civil rights. I ~ave
recommended moving a few quotes around, and if I were more
familiar with the sections in your pamphlet, I might be able to
recommend others.
This is going to be a nice publication. Let me know if I
can be of further assistance.
~inrerely,
/ ,~~.r
V>\._
\
! ['I
blrter Wilkie
Presidential Speechwriter
enclosure
,.-.
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,·.. -,',
·;.-·
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.
�·Clinton Quotes: Sources
Were these campaign speeches? If not, please list the occasion or
title of the speech.
<Numbers in parentheses are the pages on
which the quotations can be found. )
• ... Tw·li,(j
-·
';'
...
Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, NH, Feb. 1992 <2>
l,..
C/ t' f'/fbJ Denver, CO, Feb. 27, 1992 <8 >
Jacksonville, FL, March 4, 1992 <2, 7)
,-,.:: :r· .·:f
"'1- /.· f/Ji·.l Macomb County Community College, Macomb County, MI, Mar. 12,
1992 <16>
~DM.iC. ;Welt"£~~
J-fke,..
.- Wharton School of Business, Univ. of PA, Philadelphia, PA,
(
April 16, 1992 <20>
- \ A f\~ ~ 01)'€' E=~o""''f h\ -+w.. Pos.-l--Cot! War ~r~:·
National Steel and Shipbuilding Company, San Diego, CA, May
18, 1992 ( 4)
A"~fi2.~~
&?t.
~'ll'l Vf4-lutt;. 4...+-~
-- Cleveland City Club, Cleveland, OH, May 21, 1992 <17>
,.,~+t~\ UMv'eM.iiCM)
-- National Rainbow Coalition, Washington, DC, June 13, 1992
c5, 6 >
"
r
_
1~\/e ~...-.e.-G "'t 'l3,e.cJ4~+,
--National Association of Manufacturers,AWashington, DC, J'une
24, 1992 (16)
-
t\fut\ola.l CsM~f!.."".oh'&tt"
_.National Bar Assoc"..t' St. Louis, MO, J'uly 31, 1992 <8, 16>
'\4~CI4M ~"AM- f'o\l~ ~ ~ ~OCA1L{;-c.. lclw ..
~
Pabst Theater, M !waukee, WI, Oct. 1, 1992 (9, 10>
Please list the occasion or title of the_speech.
'·
J: '.
.- _--: .._:
: •,.-1_ L .. ,:,;.•:(;.'!
-.
-:··.·'",_Fcc
r'·
c;- . _... ':::·.,-
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American University, Washington, DC, Feb. 26, 1993 <5, '6--7>
''btt...+~ Vt~-A-1 AMft'$.$ •.
U.S. Botanic Gardens, Washington, DC, April 21, 1993 <9>
American Society of Newspaper
1993 (9, 19)
4-tlr\ vA-\ ,Ait.eL-f1'-'t) 1
Editors~Annapolis,
MD, April 1,
Please provide as complete a date as possible <Month, Day, and
Year>.
Second inaugural address as Governor, Little Rock, AR, 1983
<14)
Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, NY, Feb. 1992 <2>
u)$'{to Conceding
defeat, Governor's Mansion, Little Rock, AR, Nov.
�1980 ( 11)
1!1
[if
First. inaugural address as Governor, Lit.t.le Rock, AR, Jan.
1979 (13)
Please list. t.he occasion or speech t.it.le, group addressed <if
applicable>, location, and date.
•Effort.• quote - Oct.. 4, 1983 C17>
•End of an Era• quote - Oct. 16, 1987 <14)
•National Security• quote beginning •we must define a new
national security policy • • • • <10)
•New Covenant• quote beginning •we need a New Covenant
<11--12)
. . .•
•Harry S Truman• quote beginning •Harry Truman woke up every
day dedicated • • • • C15--16)
•welfare Reform• quote beginning •unfortunately, the problems
which bring • • • ,• Nov. 17, 1987 C19)
•Bft"ort• quote, Oct. 4, 1983
Occasion wu a television 1PJPC811DCC to introduce his education reform
R"ikap. It wu siven the night he caJled a special session of the state
Jeaialature, and be bought network airtime.
"End of an Era• quote, Oct. 16, 1987
Occasion wu Yale Law Scbool Alumni Dinner. New Havea, CT
.
"National Security" quote beginnina "We must define a new national security... • at
Georaetown, Dec. 12, 1991
lade is A New Cqypnt for American Security
"New Covenant• quote beginnina "We need a New Covenant... • at Georaetown, Oct. 23,
1991
Title is The New Covenant: llespoQSI)ility and Rebuildina the American
COIDIIlUDity
•Harry S. Truman• quote beginnins "Harry Truman woke up early every day and
dedicated... • Sept. 7, 1992, Jackson County Courthouse, Independence, MO
Occasion wu I .ehnr Day/Campaian
*No record of this speech wu found but I talked to the former
Superintendent who wu in charse of the event and be said it wu a
c:ampaisn speech.
•welfare R.efonn• quote besinnins "Unfortunately, the problems which bring... • Nov. 17,
1987
Occasion wu Address to the Soutbem Leaislaton Conference on Children
anciYoutb
�QUOTATIONS FROK CAREER OF PRESIDENT WILLIAK J. CLINTON
AKERICA AND AKERICANISK
I refuse to be part of a generation
communism abroad with the
t'efuse to be pat't of a
global economy
~·
...
celebrates the death of
American dream at home.
I
that fails to compete in the
o condemns hard-working Americans to a life
reward or security. -- announcing candidacy
fot'
Old State House, Little Rock, Arkansas, October 3,
[Citizenship]
I ask you to be Americans again, too,
to be inte~ested not just
in getting but in giving, not just in placing blame but now in
assuming responsibility, not just in looking out for yourselves
but in looking out for others, too.
and one month ago today,
promises or new programs.
In this very place,
one year
I said we need mot'e than new laws, new
We need a new spirit of community, a
sense that we're all in this together. --after his election as
President, Old State House, Little Rock, Arkansas, November 3,
1992
There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what
is right with America. -- Inaugural Address, January 20,
1993
1
�[Leadership]
You can't lead America if you don't challenge Americans.
Phillips Exeter Academy,
Exeter, New Hampshire, February 1992
The only limit to what we can do is what our leaders are willing
to ask of us and what we are willing to expect of ourselves. -"The New Covenant: Responsibility and Rebuilding the American
Community," Georgetown University,
Washington,
D.C., October 23,
1991
[Middle elassl
I believe that unless we give the poor and the middle class a
chance to get ahead again,
and dreams.
we' 11 lose more than jobs and homes
We' 11 lose what holds us together
We' 11 risk losing the solid,
a~
Americans.
middle class values of hard work,
individual responsibility, and shared community; the values of
family and faith -- the values that built this country and make
it great. -- Jacksonville, Florida, March 4,
1992
[Opportunity and Responsibility]
Any community worthy of the name would do more than just tell its
young people to say no to crime and drugs.
It would give them
something to say yes to: the opportunity for education and jobs
and the sense of connectedness to society.
Yes,
we must insist
that parents do right by their children, and that young people do
right by their communities.
But our American community must also
2
�do right by them. -- "The Values of America," University of Notre
Dame, South Bend,
Indiana, September 11,
1992
[Public: Servic:el
I was raised in a time when mothers would say they hoped their
children grow up to be president.
this
count~~y,
I was raised to believe in
to believe in this system,
to believe that
elections were good things that gave people a chance to have
their say and change the course of events. -the Democratic National Convention, July 16,
reco~~ded
message to
1992
[Right and Wrangl
The American community should speak in a clear and certain voice
that some things are wrong.
place,
violence is wrong,
is wrong.
On any day,
at any
~ime,
in any
bigotry is wrong, abandoning children
But our religious traditions teach of more than thou-
shalt-nets.
In our role as citizens, we should not see ourselves
only as our brothers' and sisters'
keepers,
brothers' and sisters' helpers.
"The Values of America,"
University of Notre Dame, South Bend,
but also as our
Indiana, September 11,
1992
[Unity]
And
~ ~e
must say to every
American:
look beyond the stereotypes that blind us •••• this is
Amer~ica.
There is no them; there is only us.
God,
indivisible,
with liberty, and justice,
One Nation,
under
for all. -3
�accepting the Democratic Party's nomination for president,
Democratic National Convention, Madison Square Garden, New York,
New York, July 16,
1~~2
ECONOMY
[Deficits]
• • • while the deficit went
n~'
the things that
make us stronger
and safer, were neglected:
less invested in
less in our
,
doing
childt~en'
s
futur~e,
less
less in local law enforcement ••• The price of
thing is far higher than the price of change.
televised address to the Nation, Oval Office, February
CEcono•ic Nationalis•J
I don't believe in unilateral disarmament on the economic
battlefield any more than I believe in unilateral disarmament in
national defense. -- National Steel and Shipbuilding Company, San
Diego, California, May 18,
~~~2
CEcono•ic Security]
We must do what no generation has had to do before.
invest more in our own people,
We must
..•
in their jobs and in their future,
and at the same time cut our massive debt.
And we must do so in
4
�a world in which we compete for every opportunity. -- Inaugural
Address, January 20,
1993
CEcono•ic Strategy]
For years our leaders have failed to take the steps that would
harness the global economy to the benefit of all our people,
steps such as investing in our people and their skills,
our trade laws, helping communities hurt by change,
enforcing
in short,
putting the American people first without withdrawing from the
world and the people beyond our borders. -- American University,
Washington, D.C., February 2&,
1993
[Investing in the A•erican Econo•yJ
Don't let anybody tell you that we can grow this economy again
without more investment.
We're investing less in high speed
rail, and new airplane transportation, and new highway
technologies, and new water and sewer and waste systems; things
that would put millions of people to work and grow our economy•
hw_e're
ett=let
less tl1a11 ilt=le Set'IUI'Ri 9 1iRe JapanesE,
alid
jnypstjng
&8
nationsa
-National Rainbow Coalition, Washington, D.C.,
June 13,
diUCii
1992
[Riehl
I'm not out to soak the rich.
I wouldn't mind being rich.
But I
do believe the rich should pay their fair share. -- announcing
candidacy for President, Old State House, Little Rock, Arkansas,
5
�Octobet~
3,
1991
[Ric:h and Paarl
I'm tired of people with trust funds telling people on food
stamps how ta live. -- National Rainbow Coalition, Washington,
D.C., June 13,
1992
CSpec:ial Interests]
The problem is that even when a lot of these people are making
their voices heard in legitimate ways, the totality of their
efforts has served to paralyze this process, to paralyze this
city, and to keep meaningful change from occurring long after
everybody acknowledges that it has to occur in fundamental areas
of our national life,
such as economic policy and health care.
presentation of proposal for campaign finance reform, The
White House South Lawn, May 7,
1993
CTradeJ
The truth of our age is this and must be this1 open and
competitive commerce will enrich us as a nation.
innovate.
customers.
It forces us to compete.
It spurs us to
It connects us with new
It promotes global growth without which no rich
country can hope to grow wealthier.
It enables our producers who
are themselves consumers of services and raw materials to
prosper.
And so I say to you in the face of all the pressures to
�do the reverse, we must compete, not retreat. -- American
University, Washington, D.c., February 2&,
1993
[Trickle Down Econo•icsl
Trickle down economics didn't work, and all that trickled down
was debt, division, and living standards in decline. -Jacksonville, Florida, March 4,
1992
ELECTIONS AND THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
[Division]
What kills a country is never the obstacles people face.
are always problems.
visionless leadership,
There
This country is being decimated today by
by the politics of division. -- after
victory in the California Primary, Los Angeles, California
June 2,
1992
Today we need a President, a public and a policy that are not
caught up in the wars of the past -- not World War II, not
Vietnam, not the Cold War.
What we need to elect in 1992 is not
the last President of the 20th century but the first President of
the 21st century. --"A New Covenant for American Security,"
Georgetown University, December 12,
1991
[Running for President]
7
�It's not enough merely to criticize the opposition.
You have to
offer an alternative vision for the future and a plan. -National Bar Association, St. Louis, Missouri, July 31,
1992
CTriekle Down Eeono•iesl
They built
t
people and
investment.
of paper and perks and debt instead of
They stacked the odds in
favor of their f iends at the top and told everybody else to wait
for whatever
rickled down.
What trickled down in the '80's was
government, a declining standard of living,
financial institutions, and a society fraying from
We can't afford to go down that road again. --Denver,
Co orado,
February 27,
1992
ENVIRONMENT
CEnviron•ent and the Eeono•yl
There was a time in this country when environmental protection
was viewed as at best a necessary burden for industry to bear.
Today that idea just isn't true.
Technology has changed; the
stakes have changed; and it's time for our thinking to change,
too.
In today's economy, there doesn't have to be a trade-off
between growth and environmental protection.
tools and the need to choose both.
We now have the
It is time we recognize that
environmental technology will be one of the most vital and
e
�profitable economic sectors of the 21st century. -- Earth Day,
Drexel University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, April 22,
1992
CEnviron•ental Stewardship]
All across this country, there is a deep understanding rooted in
our religious heritage and renewed in the spirit of this time
that the bounty of nature is not out"s to waste.
It is a gift
from God that we hold in trust for future generations.
U.S.
Botanic Gardens, Washington, D.C., April 21,
1993
FOREIGN POLICY AND RELATIONS
CDe•oeraey and Foreign Polieyl
A pro-democracy foreign policy is neither liberal nor
conservative; neither Democrat nor Republican; it is a deep
American tradition.
And this is for good reason.
For no foreign
policy can long succeed if it does not reflect the enduring
values of the American people. -- Pabst Theater, Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, October 1,
1992
[National Seeurityl
Like a wise homeowner who recognizes that you cannot stop
investing in your house once you buy it, we cannot stop investing
in the peace now that we have obtained it. -- American Society of
Newspapet" Editors, Annapolis, Maryland,
April 1,
1993
�We must define a new national security policy that builds on
freedom's victory in the Cold War.
The communist idea has lost
its power, but the fate of the people who lived under it and the
fate of the world will be in doubt until stable democracies rise
from the debris of the Soviet empire.
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS
Democracy is not always easy and tidy.
We have learned that it
is a process of trial and error, that it suffers from all the
imperfections known to humankind.
But it is also the only system
we know that can produce wisdom out of disagreement, and peace
out of our warring hours. -- Pabst Theatre, Milwaukee, Wisconsin,
Octobet" 1, 1992
[Chan gel
Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world.
And the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change
our friend and not our enemy. -- Inaugural Address, January 20,
1993
[The Co••on Good]
The purpose of community, the purpose of our government, the
purpose of our leaders should be to call us to pursue our common
10
�values and the common good, not simply in the moment of extreme
crisis but every day in our lives. --"The Values of America,"
University of Notre Dame, South Bend,
Indiana, September 11, 1992
CGovern•entl
The government is not a savior.
Yet,
the government cannot be a
spectator either ••• what people in both parties are beginning to
grapple with is to construct a role for government, not as
savior,
not as spectator,
but as catalyst and partner. --
Chautauqua Conference on the America Family, Chautauqua, New
York, August 15,
1988
We may want the government off our backs but we need it by our
sides.
third Inaugural Address as Governor,
Arkansas,
January 15,
Little Rock,
1985
[Leadership]
The political leaders who really make a difference are those who
care enough about their people to build for the future even when
the times are hard and when the right course may not be popular.
--conceding defeat after first reelection campaign, Governor's
Mansion, Little Rock, Arkansas, November 1980
[New Covenant]
We need a New Covenant, a solemn agreement between the people and
their government,
to provide opportunity
fat~
everybody,
inspire
11
�responsibility throughout our society and restore a sense of
community to this great nation, a New Covenant to take government
back from the powerful interests and the bureaucracy and give
this country back to ordinary people ••••
[Patience]
We live in a nation which craves instant gratification and has
difficulty maintaining long attention spans.
We live in a state
which has for too long viewed politics as sport rather than a
pathway to tomorrow ••• the real triumphs are in the long haul.
And for that we must be patient as well as aggressive. -third Inaugural Address as Governor, Little Rock, Arkansas,
1985
( r.:DI&
quck f:c,,e ~&.vi e~,\(•"'-1
8-J,.)
[Putting People First]
The small towns and main stt'eets of America aren't like the
corridors and back rooms of Washington.
People out here don't
care about the idle rhetoric of 'left' and
'ri~ht'
and' liberal'
and 'conservative' and all the other words that have made our
politics a substitute for action.
These families
ar~
crying out
desperately for someone who believes the promise of America is to
help them with their struggle to get ahead, to offer them a green
light instead of a pink slip.
announcing candidacy for
President, Old State House, Little Rock, Arkansas, October 3,
1991
�[Responsibility]
With all the rights we enjoy as Americans, there are
corresponding responsibilities, and no government can ever create
opportunities for people who will not assume the responsibility
to seize those opportunities. -- Democratic Leadership Council
Gala, Union Station, Washington, D.C., December 8,
1992
There will never be a government program for every problem.
Much
of what holds us together and moves us ahead is the daily
assumption of personal responsibility by millions of Americans
from all walks of life. -- "The New Covenant: Responsibility and
Rebuilding the
Amet~ican
Community," Georgetown University,
Washington, D. C., October 23,
1991
In the recent past, we have learned again the hard lesson that
the~~e
a~~e
limits to what government can do,
indeed,
limits to
what people can do ••• Let us not learn too much of this lesson,
however,
lest caught in the thrall of what we cannot do, we
forget what we can and should do. -- first Inaugural Address as
Governor,
Little Rock, Arkansas, January 1979
[Washington]
This beautiful capital,
civilization,
like every capital since the dawn of
is often a place of intrigue and calculation.
Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about
who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down,
forgetting
13
�those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.
-- Inaugural Address, January 20,
1993
HISTORY
tEnd of an Eral
We are all going to the polls conscious for the first time as a
country of the fact that the post-World War II era is over. -Octobet· 1&,
1987
[Hard Ti•esl
We are engaged in a new battle with an old and familiar enemy,
hard times.
Hard times dominate the long history of Arkansas.
For generations,
our families have been forced to endure them and
struggle to overcome them.
The most moving story of my childhood
was that of my grandfather coming home on Good Friday afternoon
during the Depression and crying on his knees to my mother
because he could not afford a $2 Easter dress. -- second
Inaugural Address as Governor, Little Rock, Arkansas,
1983
[The Holoc:austl
The Holocaust, to be sure, transformed the entire 20th century,
sweeping aside the Enlightenment hope that evil somehow could be
permanently vanished from the face of the Earth, demonstrating
there is no war to end all war, that the struggle against the
basest tendencies of our nature must continue forever and ever.
1.4
�-- dedication of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum,
Washington, D. C., Apri 1 22,
1993
CTha•as Jefferson]
The genius
ability to get the most
out
ever taking his eye off tomorrow,
big
the little things of daily life.
to think
Pet"haps most
e understood that in order for us to preserve our
timele s values,
~~
people have to change, and free people need to
means by which they can change profoundly and st i 11
~eacefully.
Jefferson,
-- 250th anniversary of the birth of Thomas
Jefferson Memorial, Washington,
D.C., April 13,
[Martin
~uther
1993
King, Jr.l
[Martin Luther King, Jr.,J was our te~6her in many ways.
He
taught us about the pain and proJi~e of America, about the
.··
redemptive healing of faith,..and discipline, about love and
~·',r'~r
courage and,
ult imatelJ."/about something we must all be prepared
to do to keep our
·"'·'
~otintry
going and growing: sact"ifice.
And he
./
pointed us tow~ a day of freedom and justice when all Americans
_.;
could walkfod in hand. -- Martin Luther King, Jt"., Day, Howard
Univers~,
Washington,
D.C., January 18,
1993
CHarry S Tru•anl
Harry Truman woke up every day dedicated to doing right for the
people with whom he grew up and with whom he lived - the people
15
�who work hard, raise their kids,
rules.
pay the taxes and play by the
Harry Truman did not wake up every morning worrying about
how to lower taxes one more time on millionaire•.
CRaeeJ
My whole region was kept poor and backward because the people who
were running the politics knew as long as they could separate us
by race,
they could hold us down. -- Macomb County Community
College, Macomb County, Michigan, March 12, 1992
THE PRESIDENCY
[Bully PulpitJ
The presidency is a bully pulpit, as Theodore Roosevelt said.
And much of the presidency, as Harry Truman once said, consists
of
tt~ying
to talk other people into doing what they ought to be
doing anyway.
But the preacher ean't save any souls if there's
nobody in the chureh helping. -- National Bar Association, St.
Louis, Missouri, July 31,
1992
CTeehnologieal AdvaneesJ
I may be the last person ever to seek the presidency who once
lived in a home without indoor plumbing. -- National Association
of Manufacturers, Washington,
D.C., June 24,
1992
PRESIDENTIAL WISDOM
1&
�[Effortl
Thel'"e are times of gl'"owth and decline,
times of joy and sad.ness,
times of triumph and tragedy, and times of ordinary getting
along.
Much of what life brings is a matter of circumstance
beyond our control.
Vet,
always,
our will makes some difference,
and sometimes our will can make all the difference. -- October 4,
1983
[Fa•ily values]
The q•Jestion is not,
"Al'·e family values important?"
they are.
"Are they under fire?"
It's not,
You bet they are.
It's not "Is TV destl'••Jctive of family values?"
is.
The q1..1estion is,
Of course
All too often it
"What are we going to do abo•.1t it?" --
Cleveland City Club, Cleveland, Ohio, May 21,
1992
[Hope]
We must believe in ourselves and our ability to shape our own
destiny ....
"fgg
IRaRy gf u.& still
~- ..l.it.t.lJL..C f
euJ:~ee'tl
e~el'41'ee
aAd
..e a cb .a :t.b•l'-'-'·-beeet.t1i-e....w&-··tMHil-4rh+--..f..J-b·•::tt e -ae ·-e--~
q.uefi:tioeR af .. :fate 9 D•'t ef sum handL
fate;
tee li.'tlle of
lkd; the future need not
be
it can be an achievement. -- third Inaugural Address as
Governor,
Little Rock,
Arkansas, January 15,
1985
PROGRESS
[Educat i onl
17
�Education is economic development.
We can only be a high-wage,
high-growth country if we are a high-skills country.
In a world
in which money and production are mobile, the only way middleclass people can keep good jobs with growing incomes is to be
lifetime learners and innovators. -- "A New Covenant for Economic
Change," Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., November 20,
1991
[Learning]
Too many American parents raise their kids to believe that how
much they learn depends on the IQ that God gave them and how much
money their family makes.
Yet in countries we are competing
against for the future, children are raised to believe that how
much they learn depends on how hard they work and how much their
parents encourage them to learn. -- ''The New Covenant:
Responsibility and Rebuilding the American Community," Georgetown
University, Washington, D.C., October 23, 1991
WELFARE/POVERTY
[Welfare Refar•l
We need special efforts to empower the poor to work their way out
of poverty ••• We've got to break the cycle of dependency and put
an end to permanent dependence on welfare as a way of life, by
really investing in the development of poor people and giving
them the means, the incentives and the requirement to go to work.
18
�-- "A New Covenant fol'" Economic Change,
Washington, D.C., November 20,
11
Georgetown University,
1991
Welfare should be a second chance, not a way of life. -- "The New
Covenant: Responsibility and Rebuilding the American Community,"
Georgetown University, Washington,
Unfortunately,
~clli~
D.C., October 23,
1991
the problems which bring the parents to welfare
el!n e -and h&i.iiltt-1 ea1e cove. agel are not addressed at all
the system which provides the check. -- November 17,
by
1987
CWor-kl
The best social program is a good job. -- American Society of
Newspaper Editors, Annapolis, Maryland, April 1,
1993
WIT
CGover-nor-sl
I have learned over the last few years that governors do very
little all by themselves.
A few years ago in school, Chelsea was
asked what hel'" father did fol'• a 1 i vi ng, and she answered,
"He
makes speeches, drinks coffee, and talks on the telephone."-State of the State Address, Little Rock,
Arkansas,
January 15,
1991
[Public Speaking]
19
�I've spent the last few days under doctor's orders not to speak.
Imagine how much happier you would'be if all the politicians in
America lost their voices for a week every year. -- Wharton
School of Business, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, April 1&,
1992
20
�Please substitute this quotation for the other on MLK Jr.:
"If Martin Luther King ... were to reappear by my side and give
us a report card on the last 25 years, what would he say? ... he
would say, I did not live and die to see the American family
destroyed. I did not live and die to see young people destroy
their own lives with drugs and the build fortunes· destroying the
lives of others."
-- remarks to the Convocation of the Church of God in Christ,
Mason Temple Church of God in Christ, Memphis, November
13, 1993.
�TO:
FR:
RE:
Carter
Sean and Abe
Clinton quotes sources
Wharton School ofBusiness, Univ. ofPA, April16, 1992
Title is The Economic Address at the Wharton School of Business
National Steel and Shipbuilding Company, San Diego, May 21, 1992
Title is A Plan for Our Economy in the Post-Cold War Era
Cleveland City Club, Cleveland, OH, May 21, 1992
Title is The Family Values Address at the Cleveland City Club
National Rainbow Coalition, Washington, DC, June 13, 1992
Occasion was at the Rainbow Coalition National Convention
National Association ofManufacturers, Washington, DC, June, 24, 1992
Title is The Issue Briefing Breakfast
National Bar Association, St. Louis, MO, July 31, 1992
Title is The National Bar Association Annual Convention
Pabst Theater, Milwaukee, WI, Oct. 1, 1992
Title is American Foreign Policy and the Democratic Ideal
U.S. Botanical Gardens, Washington, DC, April21, 1993
Title is Earth Day Speech
American Society ofNewspaper Editors, Annapolis, MD, April1, 1993
The occasion was their Annual Meeting
The Second Inaugural Address as Governor, Little Rock, AR, 1983
Date was Jan. 11
Phillips Exeter Academy, Exeter, NH, Feb. 1992
Date was~
Occasion was Campaign stop
Conceding defeat, Governor's Mansion, Little Rock, AR, Nov. 1980
Date was Nov. 5
First Inaugural Address as Governor, Little Rock, AR, Jan. 1979
Date was Jan. 9
�. _.
"Effort" quote, Oct. 4, 1983
Occasion was a television anpearance to introduce his education reform
package. It was given the night he called a special session of the state
legislature, and he bought network airtime.
"End of an Era" quote, Oct. 16, 1987
Occasion was Yale Law School Alumni Dinner, New Haven, CT
"National Security" quote beginning "We must define a new national security... " at
Georgetown, Dec. 12, 1991
Title is A New Covenant for American Security
"New Covenant" quote beginning "We need a New Covenant..." at Georgetown, Oct. 23,
1991
Title is The New Covenant: Responsibility and Rebuilding the American
Community
"Harry S. Truman" quote beginning "Harry Truman woke up early every day and
dedicated ... " Sept. 7, 1992, Jackson County Courthouse, Independence, MO
Occasion was Labor Day/Campaign
*No record of this speech was found but I talked to the former
Superintendent who was in charge of the event and he said it was a
campaign speech.
"Welfare Reform" quote beginning "Unfortunately, the problems which bring... " Nov. 17,
1987
Occasion was Address to the Southern Legislators Conference on Children
and Youth
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
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41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Archives Project - Best Clinton Quotes [1]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-011-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/e9d715888403740a3399aba24c630297.pdf
4c84da3c9f5946628a600cb7f15d347b
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker.by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Clinton Presidentia~· Records
·l~
Speechwriting
.
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
Collection/Record Group:
Subseries:
..:·
OA/ID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Administrative Instructions [3]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
-----------
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
re: After-hours access (1 page)
01127/1993
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [3]
2008-0699-F
"m487
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial Information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified Information [(b)(l) of the FOIA).
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose Information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�lCZz
~
How to
Keep Out
of Trouble
... Ethical Conduct
for Federal Employees ...
in Brief
OFFICE OF GOVERNMENT ETHICS
OGE &
MdKh 198&
�FOREWORD
The Office of Government Ethics has Federal statutory responsibility to
promote understanding of ethical standards in executive agencies. The laws and
regulations that make up those government-wide standards are found in Title 18
of the United States Code, sections 202 through 209, and Executive Order 11222,
as implemented by Part 735 of Title 5 of the Code of Federal Regulations.
This pamphlet is an effort to explain the thrust and practical applications of
.
these ethical laws and regulations. It is not intended to be all-inclusive of the
various ethical restrictions placed on you, nor should it be used as a basis for
definitive interpretation of the criminal law provisions or the Executive Order.
Additionally, you may be subject to other agency-specific restrictions. The
question and answer format is designed to anticipate and answer some of the
more common concerns facing Federal employees. I hope it will be a useful
reference guide to you as you carry out your official responsibilities.
The pamphlet was prepared with the assistance of the President's Council on
Integrity and Efficiency. Special recognition is extended to the Inspector General
. Offices of the Departments of Defense and Housing and Urban Development, and
the Assistant Secretary for Personnel of the Department of Health and Human
Services for providing representatives to compile the pamphlet. The Department
of Health and Human Services also provided materials used in its preparation.
Y.~JIJ~
David H. Martin
Director
Office of Government Ethics
�INTRODUCTION
As officers and employees of the Federal Government, we must all conform to
high standards of ethical conduct. We are judged not only by our official actions
and conduct, but also by our personal activities when they are related to our work
for the Government. The Government relies on us as its representatives to
perform Government business properly, to protect Government interests, and to
meet the high ethical standards of public service.
The purpose of this pamphlet is to present the basic laws and regulations on
ethical conduct in an easy-to-read, easy-to-understand format. This pamphlet
condenses the regulations into a concise document that you can use as a ready
reference for answering questions. The pamphlet does not replace existing laws
and regulations which should be consulted for the precise requirements.
For the most part, the standards of conduct and conflict of interest laws apply to
all Government officers and employees including special Government employees,
such as experts, consultants, and advisory committee members. You are
responsible for knowing these laws and regulations as well as the specific policies
and procedures of your own agency.
Employees, supervisors, and management officials all share the responsibility for
ensuring that high standards of ethical conduct are maintained within the
Government. You are required to become familiar with the standards of conduct
regulations and to exercise judgment to avoid any action that might result in or
create the appearance of misconduct or conflict of interest. Supervisors and
managers must become familiar with the standards of conduct regulations and
apply the standards to the work they do and supervise.
�TABLE OF CONTENTS
Pages
INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................
ETHICAL CONDUCT FOR ALL EMPLOYEES
Where Can You Get Guidance on the Ethics Laws and Regulations?...
1
What Are the General Standards of Conduct?......................................
1
Are You Allowed to Use Government Property for Personal
Reasons? ......................... ................................... .............. .................. ...
2
What Is the Government's Policy on the Acceptance of
Gifts, Entertainment, and Favors?.......................................................
2
What about Using Information Picked Up on the Job?.........................
5.
What Happens if You Fail to Pay Your Debts?.......................................
5
Can You Gamble While on Duty?...........................................................
6
Can You Have a Second Job Outside of the Government?...................
6
Can You Obtain Personal Gain From Your Official Position or
Acti()rl51' .................................................................................................
~
What Are Post-Employment Restrictions?..............................................
9
Are Experts, Consultants and Advisory Committee Members
Covered by the Standards of Conduct Regulations and the Conflict
of Interest Laws? ...................................................................................
10
What if You Want to Report a Violation of the Standards
of Conduct Regulations or the Conflict of Interest Laws?..................
10
Are You Required to Give Statements to Investigative
011ficicsls1' •..............•..............................................................................
11
What Action May Be Taken if You Violate the Standards of
Conduct Regulations or the Conflict of Interest Laws?......................
11
�THE HATCH ACT
What are the Political Do's and Don'ts for Federal Employees? ...........
12
APPENDIX
A.
Reference Chart to Laws and Regulations.........................................
A-1
�ETHICAL CONDUCT FOR ALL EMPLOYEES
WHERE CAN YOU GET GUIDANCE ON THE ETHICS LAWS AND REGULATIONS?
You are encouraged to seek guidance whenever you are unsure whether your
actions or planned actions are in accordance with the standards. There are several
sources within the Government that you can rely on for guidance on ethical
matters. Among them are:
-The Office of Government Ethics
-The Office of the General Counsel
-The Designated Agency Ethics Official
-The Personnel Office
-The Office of the Inspector General
WHAT ARE THE GENERAL STANDARDS OF CONDUCT?
An employee must avoid any action that might result in or create the appearance
of:
-Using p·ublic office for private gain;
-Giving preferential treatment to anyone;
-Impeding Government efficiency or economy;
-Losing complete independence or impartiality;
-Making a Government decision outside official channels; or
-Affecting adversely the confidence of the public in the integrity of the
Government.
Employees must be particularly careful that private interests and activities do not
impact adversely on or conflict with their public duties. The following sections
address specific questions that you may have.
�ARE YOU ALLOWED TO USE GOVERNMENT PROPERTY FOR PERSONAL REASONS?
No. You have a positive duty to protect and conserve Federal property and to
obey all rules and regulations regarding its use. You cannot directly or indirectly
use or allow the use of Government property for other than officially approved
activities. This includes property leased to the Government. (5 C.F.R. 735.205)
A few examples of the improper use of Government property include:
-Using Government envelopes to send payroll checks to the bank or for
other personal matters.
-Using Government photocopy equipment for personal matters.
- Usin~ a Government-owned, leased, or rented vehicle or aircraft for nonofficaal purposes.
-Using Government telephones to make personal telephone calls. (This includes
local and Ion~ distance calls over both commercial facilities and the Federal
Telecommunacations System.)
-Selling commercial products in a Government building.
- Using Government computers and word processors for personal matters.
WHAT IS THE GOVERNMENTS POLICY ON THE ACCEPTANCE OF GIFTS,
ENTERTAINMENT, AND FAVORS?
You may not solicit or accept anything of monetary value, including gifts,
gratuities, favon, entertainment or loans from any person who:
- Has or is seeking to obtain contractual or other business or financial relations
with your agency.
�-Con ucts operataons or actavataes t at are regu ate
y your agency; or
-Has interests that may be substantially affected by the performance or
nonperformance of your officiafduties. (5 C.F.R. 735.202)
Your a~ency may have additional restrictions or may provide exceptions for the
followmg:
-Gifts, gratuities, favors, entertainment, loans or similar favors of monetary
value that stem from a family or personal relationship when the
circumstances make it clear that it is that relationship rather than the business
of the person concerned that motivates the gift;
-Loans from banks or other financial institutions on customary terms;
-Unsolicited advertising or promotional material of nominal value such as pens,
·
note pads, and calendars;
-Food or refreshments of nominal value, served on infrequent occasions, in the
ordinary course of a luncheon or dinner meeting and only if you are
properly in attendance and there is not a reasonable opportunity to pay,
or if the food is offered to all participants attending the meeting or
convention.
-Travel and subsistence expenses in certain cases when authorized by your
agency.
Listed below are examples of instances when you may be offered gifts or favors
and the proper action to take in each case:
You are on the premises of Company X participating in a
meeting at lunchtime. A representative of Company X
provides a meal for all meeting participants from a
Company X facility and there is no established method
for payment. You may accept the meal, unless your
agency specifically prohibits it.
You are on the premises of Company X and you go to a
restaurant for lunch with a Company X salesperson. The
salesperson offers to pay the bill. Since it is expected
that employees pay for their own lunches, you may not
accept the salesperson's offer to buy lunch.
You should be aware that there are criminal provisions relating to the acceptance
of gifts, entertainment, and favors found in Title 18 of the United States Code.
One provision is Title 18 U.S.C. 209, which prohibits you from receiving any salary
as compensation for services as an employee of the Government from any source
other than the United States.
�Example:
You are asked to give a speech in your official capacity.
You may not accept a fee for a speech given as part of
your Government duties.
This law does not prohibit you from continuing to participate in a bona fide
employee welfare or benefit plan maintained by a former employer. It also does
not prohibit you from receiving compensation from a state, county, or
municipality, unless prohibited under your agency's Standards of Conduct.
Gifts to superiors:
You may not solicit a contribution from another employee for a gift to an official
superior, or make a donation to a superior. Also, you may not accept a gift from
an employee receiving less pay than you. (5 U.S.C. 7351)
Most agencies allow voluntary gifts of nominal value or donations in a nominal
amount on a special occasion such as marriage, illness, or retirement.
�Example:
Your office decides to take up a collection for your boss
who is being promoted within the office. This would not
qualify for the exception for special occasions because it
involves a continuing workplace relationship.
WHAT ABOUT USINGJNFORMATION PICKED UP ON THE JOB?
You may not use, for furthering a private interest, information obtained through
your Government job that has not been made available to the general public.
(5 C.F.R. 735.206) For example, you would not be free to use information that has
not been dispersed by the agency or is available to a member of the public only by
special request.
WHAT HAPPENS IF YOU FAIL TO PAY YOUR DEBTS?
You should meet your just financial obligations in a proper and timely manner.
Failure to do so reflects adversely on the Government and on your agency and is
considered improper conduct. (5 C.F.R. 735.207)
�CAN YOU GAMBLE WHILE ON DUTY?
No. You are not allowed to participate in any gambling activity while on
Government-owned or leased property or whHe on duty for the Government.
This includes the operation of a gambling device in conducting a lottery or pool,
in a game for money or property, or in selling or purchasing a numbers slip or
ticket. (5 C.F.R. 735.208)
CAN YOU HAVE A SECOND JOB OUTSIDE OF THE GOVERNMENT?
You may eng~ge in outside employment, with or without compensation, but only
if it will not affect adversely the performance of your official duties and will not
conflict with your duties. Such work may include civic, charitable, religious, and
community undertakings. You may not participate in outside employment
which:
-Tends to impair your mental or physical capacity to perform Government duties
and responsibilities in an acceptable manner;
-Is likely to result in criticism or cause embarrassment to your agency;
-Creates a real or apparent conflict of interest;
-Takes your time and attention during your official work hours. (5 C.F.R.
735.203)
If you are considerin9 outside employment, you may be required to obtain
advance administrative approval for certain activities as required by your agency._
�, uere are otner types oT outside activity that you may be interested in pursuing
such as teaching, lecturing, and writing. Advance approval may be required by
your agency. A few of the most important restrictions on outside activities are as
follows:
·
-You may not use Government-financed time or supplies;
-You may not use or allow the use of official information that has not been
made available to the general public;
-You may not promote the use of your official title or affiliation with your
agency, and allow no suggestion of official endorsement.
Title 18 U.S.C. 203 and 205 prohibit you from representing another person before
an agency or court of the Federal or D.C. Governments, and from receiving
payment for someone else's representation before an agency of the Federal or
D.C. Governments. Your representation is prohibited even when uncompensated.
For example:
Unless specifically prohibited by your agency, you may
prepare income tax returns for others in your free time,
but you may not argue before the Internal Revenue
Service on behalf of your client, if there is a dispute over
the return.
You may not represent a non-profit organization of
which you are a member before a Federal agency in a
request for a grant even though you would not be paid
for the representation.
Exceptions:
Generally, you are allowed to represent your parents, your spouse or child, or
anyone for whom you serve as a guardian.
You also may provide testimony under oath.
CAN YOU OBTAIN PERSONAL GAIN FROM YOUR OFFICIAL POSITION OR
ACTIONS?
Generally speaking, you cannot participate personally and substantially as a
Government employee in a matter in which you have a financial interest. There is
no minimum amount of value or control that constitutes a financial interest. This
prohibition also applies if any of the following individuals or organizations have a
financial interest in the matter:
-Your spouse;
-Your minor child;
�-Your partner;
· -An organization in which you serve as an officer, director, trustee, partner or
employee; or
-A person or organization with which you are negotiating for prospective
employment or have an arrangement for prospective employment.
(18 u.s.c. 208)
The standards of conduct regulations go further in prohibiting you from having a
financial interest that conflicts or even appears to conflict witn your Government
duties and responsibilities. (5 C.F.R. 735.204)
The following cases are examples of conflict of interest situations:
You own a single share of stock in a widely-held
corporation. If the corporation is likely to be affected by
a matter in which you will participate as a Government
official, you may violate 18 U.S.C. 208.
You have a paid part-time position with a non-Federal
organization. If the organization is likely to be affected
by a matter in which you will participate as a
Government official, you would violate 18 U.S.C. 208.
You are administering a Government contract with a
firm owned by your brother-in-law. You probably would
not violate 18 U.S.C. 208 because your brother-in-law's
financial interests are not considered to be yours, but
you would have the appearance of a conflict, which
would violate the standards of conduct.
You are conducting an audit of a private organization in
the course of your Government job. The head of this
private organization asks you to meet with her to discuss
leaving Government to join her organization. Unless you
immediately reject the offer, you would have to
disqualify yourself from further participation in the audit
in order not to violate 18 U.S.C. 208.
The head of your agency can grant you a waiver under 18 U.S.C. 208 if your
financial interest is found to be not so substantial as to affect the integrity of your
services. A general waiver can also be granted to a group of employees for
certain interests found to be too remote or inconsequential to affect the integrity
of the employees' services. The general waivers must be published in the Federar
Register.
�WHAT ARE POST-EMPLOYMENT RESTRICTIONS?
Post-employment restrictions can be found in Title 18 of the United States Code.
Title 18 U.S.C. 207 prohibits former Government employees from ·switching
sides. • For example, as a former employee you would be prohibited permanently
from acting as another person's representative to the Government in certain
matters in which you have been involved substantially while in Federal service.
Also, for two years you would be prohibited from representing another person to
the Government in certain matters which were pendinQ under your official
responsibility during your last year of Government serv1ce.
Examples:
As a former Government employee, you would be
prohibited from representing another person on a
contract you administered while with the Government,
but you could work on the contract in the contractor's
office.
As a former supervisor with the Government, you would
be prohibited for two years from representing another
person before the Government on a case that was under
your official responsibility during your last year of
Government service even if you did not actually work on
the case yourself.
�1nere
are additional restr1ct1ons, one ot which imposes a one-year, agency
specific cooling-off period, that apply to certain senior employees whose
• positions are listed in the Federal Register each year.
If you are planning to leave the Government, you should see your personnel
office or your Designated Agency Ethics Official for more information about this
law.
ARE EXPERTS, CONSULTANTS, AND ADVISORY COMMITTEE MEMBERS COVERED
BY THE STANDARDS OF CONDUCT REGULATIONS AND THE CONFLICT OF
INTEREST LAWS?
Yes. The standards of conduct regulations generally apply to those individuals,
known as special Government employees who do not serve for more than 130
days in a year. If you are a special Government employee, you should read
sections 203,205,207, and 208 of Title 18, United States Code, all of which carry
criminal penalties related to conflicts of interest, and the standards of conduct
regulations, where applicable.
WHAT IF YOU WANT TO REPORT A VIOLATION OF THE STANDARDS OF CONDUCT
REGULATIONS OR THE CONFLICT OF INTEREST LAWS?
If you know of criminal-violations or violations of the standards of conduct
regulations committed by other employees of your agency or any outsider, or if
you know of any misconduct or abuses of authority, you are responsible for
reporting the \·iolations to your supervisor, the Office of the Inspector General
(where applicable), your Designated Agency Ethics Official, or your personnel
office. Note, failure to report a criminal violation promptly could result in
disciplinary action being taken against the employee having such knowledge. If
~ou want to report violations to the Office of the Inspector General, use the IG
hotline," where one exists.
�ARE YOU REQUIRED TO GIVE STATEMENTS TO INVESTIGATIVE OFFICIALS?
You are required to assist the Inspector General and other investigative officials.
This requirement includes the giving of statements or evidence to investigators,
auditors, or inspectors of the Inspector General's Office or to other investigators
authorized to conduct investigations into potential violations. (NOTE: You
always retain your constitutional rights, including the rights to counsel and
against self-incrimination.)
WHAT ACTION MAY BE TAKEN IF YOU VIOLATE THE STANDARDS OF CONDUCT
REGULATIONS OR THE CONFUCT OF INTEREST LAWS?
You may be subject to disciplinary action if you violate any of the standards of
conduct regulations. This includes supplemental standards published by your
agency. The type of action to be taken must be determined in relation to the
specific violation. Some types of disciplinary action that may be considered are:
admonishment, written reprimand, reassignment, suspension, demotion and
removal. When such actions are taken, applicable laws, regulations, and procedures must be followed. In addition, violations of Federal criminal statutes may
subject the violator to criminal prosecution. If you have questions concerning
disciplinary action, discuss your concerns with your supervisor or your personnel
office.
�What Are The
Political Do's & Don'ts For Federal Employees?
-----------------------------Covered Employees-------------------------------With very few exceptions, all employees in the executive branch of the
Federal Government are subject to the political activity provisions of the Hatch
Act. Employees of the U.S. Postal Service and the District of Columbia
government are also subject to this law.
0
May register and vote as they
choose
0
May not be candidates for public
office in partisan elections
0
May assist in voter registration
drives
0
0
May express opinions about
candidates and issues
May not campaign for or a~ainst
a candidate or slate of can idates
in partisan elections
0
May not make campaign
speeches or engage in other
campaign activities to elect
partisan candidates
0
May not collect contributions or
sell tickets to political fundraising functions
0
May not distribute campaign
material in partisan elections
0
May not orftanize or manage
political ral ies or meetings
0
May not hold office in political
clubs or parties
0
May participate in campaigns
where none of the candidates
represent a political party
0
May contribute money to
political organizations or attend
political fund-raising functions
0
Madc wear or display political
ba ges, buttons, or stickers
0
May attend political rallies and
meetings
0
May j.oin political clubs or parties
0
May sign nominating petitions
0
May not circulate nominating
petitions
0
May campaign for or against
referendum ~uestions,
constitutiona amendments, and
municipal ordinances
0
May not work to register voters
for one party only
An election is partisan if any candidate for an elected public offlce is running as
a representative of a political party whose presidential candidate received
electoral votes In the last presidential election.
Provided Courtesy of the Office of the Special Counsel, U.S. Merit Systems
.
Protection Board.
�APPENDIX
Reference Chart to Laws and Regulations
Title in Handbook
Page
Number
Citation to Law or
Regulation
What are the General Standards
of Conduct
1
5 C.F.R. 735.201a
Are You Allowed to
Use Government Property
for Personal Reasons?
2
5 C.F.R. 735.205
What is the Government's
Policy on the Acceptance
of Gifts, Entertainment,
and Favors?
2
5 C.F.R. 735.202 &
18 u.s.c. 201 & 209
What about Using Information
Picked up on the Job?
5
5 C.F.R. 735.206
What Happens if You Fail to
Pay Your Debts?
5
5 C.F.R. 735.207
Can You Gamble while on Duty?
6
5 C.F.R. 735.208
Can You Have a Second Job
Outside Government?
6
5 C.F .R. 735.203, .205,
.206, & .201 a(a); &
18 u.s.c. 203 & 205
Can You Obtain Personal Gain
from Your Official Position
or Actions?
7
5 C.F.R. 735.204 &
18 u.s.c. 208
What are Post-Employment
9
18 u.s.c. 207
10
5 C.F.R. 735 Subpart C,
18 u.s.c. 203, 205, 207,
&208
Res~rictions?
Are Experts, Consultants, and
Advisory Committee Members
Covered by the Standards of
Conduct and the Conflict of
Interest Laws?
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1030.
Fraud and related activity in connection with computers
(a) Whoever(1) knowingly accesses a computer without authorization
or exceeds authorized access, and by means of such conduct
obtains information that has been determined by the United
States Government pursuant to an Executive order or statute
to require protection against unauthorized disclosure for
reasons of national defense or foreign relations, or any
restricted data, as defined in paragraph y of section 11 of
the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, with the intent or reason to
believe that such information so obtained is to be used to
the injury of the United States, or to the advantage of any
foreign nation;
(2) intentionally accesses a computer without authorization
or exceeds authorized access, and thereby obtains
information contained in financial records of a financial
institution, or of a card issuer as defined in section
1602(n) of title 15, or contained in a file of a consumer
reporting agency on a consumer, as such terms are defined in
the Fair Credit Reporting Act (15 u.s.c. 1681 et seq.);
(3) intentionally, without authorization to access any
computer of a department or agency of the United States,
accesses such a computer of that department or agency that
is exclusively for the use of the Government of the United
States or, in the case of a computer not exclusively for
such use, is used by or for the Government of the United
States and such conduct affects the use of the Government's
operation of such computer;
(4) knowingly and with intent to defraud, accesses a
Federal interest computer without authorization, or exceeds
authorized access, and by means of such conduct furthers the
intended fraud and obtains anything of value, unless the
object of the fraud and the thing obtained consists only of
the use of the computer;
(5) intentionally accesses a Federal interest computer
without authorization, and by means of one or more instances
of such conduct alters, damages, or destroys information in
any such Federal interest computer·,,or prevents authorized
use of any such computer or information, and thereby(A) causes loss to one or more others of a value
aggregating $1,000 or more during any one year period;
or
(B) modifies or impairs, or potentially modifies or
impairs, the medical examination, medical diagnosis,
medical treatment, or medical care of one or more
individuals; or
Page 1
�(5) the tara •financial record• aeana inforaation derived
froa any record held by a financial inatitution pertaining
to a cuatoaar'a relationahip with the financial inatitution;
- (6) the tara •axcaada authorized accaaa• aaana to acca11 a
computer with authorization and to uaa auch accaaa to obtain
or alter information in the coaputar that the acceaaer is
not entitled so to obtain or altar; and
(7) the term •department of the United Stataa• means the
legislative or judicial branch of the Government or one of
the executive department• enuaeratad in aaction 101 ot title
s.
(f) This aection doaa not prohibit any lawfully authorized
inv.astigativa, protective, or intalliCJenca activity of a law
enforcement agency of the United Stataa, a State, or a political
subdiviaion of a State, or of an intelligence agency of the
United States.
••
Page
4
�MEMO
TO:
CC:
FROM:
Ann Walker
Communications Research Staff and Interns
Jamie Harmon
DATE:
RE:
6/17/93
Presidential and Federal Records
,___...._..._MNNNNMMN___.__.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..
Many of the documents created in this office should be classified as Presidential Records
and are subject to the provisions of the Presidential Records Act, 44 U.S.C. Section 2201.
Presidential Records remain in the custody and control of the President during his term of
office and are not accessible to the public until five years after the end of the
Administration, at the earliest. Many documents created by other parts of the BOP, such
as OMB, are federal records (defined as those records that are created or received by
agency personnel in connection with their official duties in a federal agency).
Presidential Records include "documentary materials" (a term which includes everything
from memos to correspondence, photographs and electronically generated materials such
as e-mail) which meet two tests: (1) being created or received by a unit in the BOP whose
function it is to advise and assist the President, and (2) relating to or having an effect upon
the carrying out of the constitutional, statutory or other official or ceremonial duties of the
President. Documents are Presidential records once they are circulated, but some
documents which are never circul~ted may be Presidential records if they are determined
to be needed to conduct business that relates to or has an effect upon the carrying out of
Presidential duties.
Several types of doeuments are not considered to be Presidential records: the official records
of an agency; stocks of publications or stationery; extra copies of documents produced only
for reference, when clearly so identified; personal records; preliminary drafts of documents;
and reference materials. For more detail on the last three categories, please refer to pps.
4 - 5 of the original memo.
Staff members may not remove Presidential records from their offices at any time (including
when· he or she leaves the White House, except in connection with an official function.
The White House Office of Records Management should be contacted about the exact
details regarding storage of Presidential Records. They will be providing records training
in the near future.
Specific questions of coverage or interpretation should be addressed to the White House
Counsel's office.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
01127/1993
re: After-hours access (1 page)
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [3]
2008-0699-F
'm487
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security ClassiOed Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRAI
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors Ja)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the reguhttion of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Administrative Instructions [3]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-010-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/00a5161651a1c603ae233f043cec4ce3.pdf
2019920942d3d672a682dcdf8ecb046d
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
•
.·l
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidenti~l; Records
':'i
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
t.
_;·:{
Subseries:
ot:
4273
OA/ID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Administrative Instructions [2]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECfffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
re: White House security procedures (4 pages)
04/26/1993
P6/b(6), b(7)(C), b(7)(E), .
b(7)(F)
002a. memo
re: Policies and procedures for use on White House grounds (4 pages)
06/07/1993
b(7)(E)
002b. diagram
re: White House facilities (1 page)
n.d.
b(7)(E)
003. memo
re: Information for White House passho1ders (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6), b(7)(C), b(7)(E),
b(7)(F)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [2]
2008-0699-F
'm486
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)[
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)[
PI National Security Classllled Information ((a)(l) of the PRA[
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal ofllce ((a)(2) of the PRA[
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
04/26/1993
re: White House security procedures (4 pages)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6), b(7)(C), b(7)(E),
b(7)(F)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [2]
2008-0699-F
'm486
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act • J44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act· JS U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information J(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 30, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL WHITE HOUSE OFFICE,
OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT AND
OFFICE OF POLICY DEVELOPMENT
LOYEES
Q.
FROM:
DAVID WATKINS
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR
MANAGEMENT AND ADMINISTRATION
SUBJECT:
Vacation and Sick Leave Policy
outlined below is a summary of the vacation and sick leave policy
for all White House Office (WHO), Office of the Vice President
(OVP), and Office of Policy Development (OPD) employees. For
more details on any of the policies call Vicki Reider of the
Office of Administration (OA) at extension 2260.
ANNUAL LEAVE (VACATION)
1.
Full-time federal employees (other than
Commissioned Officers) accrue leave each
pay period. The amount of leave you accrue
depends on how long you have worked for the
federal government. If you have worked for
the government:
a.
Less than 3 years, you accrue 4 hours
of leave per pay period, for an annual
total of 2.5 weeks (13 working days).
b.
Between 3 years and 14 years, you accrue
6 hours of leave per pay period for an
annual total of 4 weeks (20 working
days).
c.
15 or more years, you accrue 8 hours of
leave per pay period for an annual total
of over 5 weeks (26 working days).
NOTE: Part-time employees accrue leave at
a different rate than full-time employees.
2.
An employee may accumulate up to 240 hours (30
days) of annual leave and carry that accumulation
over from year to year. Annual leave accumulated
in excess of 240 hours will be forfeited at the
end of the year. Forfeited leave cannot be
restored except under exceptional circumstances.
�- 2 -
3.
Any leave approved in excess of the amount of
annual leave remaining to your credit will be
considered leave without pay unless your
supervisor approves advanced leave (taking leave
you have not yet earned but anticipate earning).
4.
Commissioned Officers are allowed, with the
approval of their department head, up to 3 weeks
(15 working days) of compensatory time per year
with no accrual by pay period or year to year
carryover.
5.
Weekends and federal holidays are not part of the
normal working schedule and no leave need be taken
for these days.
6.
Staff must submit a request for leave to their
supervisor either by personal memorandum or by
completing an Application for Leave (see
attached).
7.
Upon approval, the staff member must notify the
office's designated timekeeper of their impending
leave.
8.
Staff can take leave at any time during the year.
However, you are encouraged to take accrued leave,
whenever possible, during the same time period the
President and First Family are vacationing so as
not to hinder the functioning of the WHO.
SICK LEAVE
1.
All full-time employees, regardless of their
length of service, will earn sick leave at the
rate of 4 hours for each full pay period for an
annual total of 2.5 weeks (13 working days).
2.
Accumulated sick leave will be recredited to an
employee if the employee is reemployed with the
government within 3 years after separation.
3.
Sick leave taken in excess of the amount remaining
in an employee's credit will be automatically
charged to annual leave and then to leave without
pay when the annual leave balance is exhausted.
This is not true if your supervisor approved
advanced sick leave.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002a. memo
DATE
SUBJECTfTITLE
re: Policies and procedures for use on White House grounds (4 pages)
06/07/1993
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [2]
2008-0699-F
'm486
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)(
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b)J
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRAJ
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRAJ
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) ofthe FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002b. diagram
DATE
SUBJECTfflTLE
re: White House facilities (1 page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [2]
2008-0699-F
'm486
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b)J
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAJ
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office J(a)(2) of the PRAJ
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified Information [(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 25, 1993
MEMO FOR ALL ASSISTANTS
,.
~L' /~
FROM:
JOHN D. PODESTA~vv~~
Assistants to the President
and Staff Secretary
SUBJECT:
MATERIALS FOR THE PRESIDENT
It would be appreciated if you would have your staff begin using
the attached guidelines when preparing materials for the
President.
Thank you.
�Attachment I
SAMPLE- BRIEFING PAPER
(format)
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE (centered)
MEETING WITH NAME OF INDIVIDUAL (centered)
DATE:
LOCATION:
TIME:
From: tNarne oi Senior Staff Person rl'sponsible
ior meeting and person's signature/initials)
I.
PURPOSE
State purpose oi meeting. Paper should be written as if you were talking to the
President- in 2nd person (i.e. "you will meet with ... ").
II.
BACKGROUND
State relevant context in which meeting arises. issues of special concern to parties,
as appropriate, previous participation, etc.
Ill. PARTICIPANTS
List all participants including White House Staff.
IV. PRESS PLAN
Specify press coverage, photo opportunity, no pcess coverage. etc.
V.
SEQUENCE OF EVENTS
. Outline meeting agenda and President's role using bullet points.
VI. REMARKS
To be provided by Speechwriters,
Talking points attached, or
None required
Attachment:
Talking Points as appropriate
a
(IMPORTANT NOTE: Briefing memoranda [withA1rCopies] must be delivered to the Staff
Secretary by 3.:.0Q..6::m. the day before the scheduled meeting or event.)
..
~/30
[). 3
�Attachment II
SAMPLE - DECISION MEMO
(format)
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE (centered)
,'v1EMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
SUBJECT:
I.
ACTION-FORCING EVENT: tThe nature oi the event requiring or suggesting action and the degree oi ilexibility associated with it.)
II.
BACKGROUND/ANALYSIS: toutline history, current status, possible options and
iinancial. constituent or
impactsother public policy considerations.)
Ill. RECOMMENDATION: (lndicaie single recomri1endation or list options.)
IV. DECISION:
· ___ Approve
_ _ Approve as amended
___ Reject
___ No action
NOTE: Where necessary, tabs may be attached to Decision Memoranda. However, as in
the case of other written materials directed to the President. brevity is important.
Seldom should a Decision Memorandum be longer than one or two pages, and
tabs, whenever possible, should be I imited to five or iewer.
D-5
�Attachment Ill
SAMPLE- SIGNATURE MEMORANDUM
(format)
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE (centered)
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
SUBJECT:
Example- Forwarded for your approval and signature is a nomination containing the
names of 266 officers for promotion and original appointment in the Navy.
This nomination has been staffed by the Secretary of the Navy and approved by the
Secretary of Defense.
Recommendation
That you sign the nomination at~ached at Tab A.
D-7
�Attachment IV
SAMPLE -INFORMATION MEMO
(format)
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE (centercdl
iNFORMATION
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDE~T
FROM:
SUBJECT:
I,
SUMMARY
(Three (3) sentences or less)
II.
DISCUSSION
(Please be concise)
NOTE: Information Memoranda should r.wt rdise issues for decision.
D-9
�Attachment V
TELEPHONE CALL RECOMMENDATION
(format)
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE (centered)
RECOMMENDED TELEPHONE CALL
TO:
Name and telephone number oi person you recommend be
called with briei identifying information only when you
suspect name will be uniamiliar to the President.
DATE:
Date and time the President should make the call.
RECOMMENDED BY:
Your name and if recommendation has concurrence oi
another stafi member, so state.
PURPOSE:
Preierably one sentence: two at most.
BACKGROUND:
Whatever background information you ieel will be helpful to
the President. Usually 3-4 short sentences will sufiice .to set
the stage and give substance to talking points. Also. make
sure that no letter has been sent by Correspondence ior the
same purpose as the call.
TOPICS OF DISCUSSION:
1.
(The speciiic points that you recommend be made
during the conversation)
2.
3.
4.
CONTACT PERSON AND
TELEPHONE NUMBER(S):
DATE OF SUBMISSION:
ACTION: ____________________________________________
D-11
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 22, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR SENIOR STAFF
\\
FROM:
JOHN D. PODESTA ~
Assistant to the President
and Staff Se ~tary
SUBJECT:
PAPERFLOW
This memo sets forth the· procedure for all White House staff to
follow in sending,paper to the President for signature or review.
It is an initial cut at establishing a smoothly working paper
flow system and I expect that it will require some refinement.
At the outset, it is important to emphasize that All paper going
to the President should come through the Staff Secretary (with
certain exceptions for the NSC). All paper leaving the
President's office should go ~ to the Staff Secretary to
ensure that decisions will be implemented, the appropriate people
notified, and good records maintained.
Daily Briefing Book
·Marcia Hale will be responsible for putting together the
President's schedule and informing the appropriate offices what
their responsibilities are for producing background memos,
talking points, etc. (Full speeches are discussed below.)
Marcia will distribute a draft of the next day's schedule at
noon. All offices will be responsible for forwarding briefing
book materials to my office not later than 4:30 pm the night
before the day in question.
My office will review such materials for quality, completeness,
etc. and produce the President's book. Briefing books will be
distributed by 8:00 pm.
Decision Memo Clearance
Perhaps the most important function of the Staff Secretary's
office is to ensure that decision memoranda are properly staffed
before reaching the President. That will require cooperation of
all staff. The following procedures should be followed:
o
Unless a real emergency exists, decision memos must be
forwarded to the Staff Secretary at least 48 hours in advance of
presenting the document to the President.
�2
o
I will route the memo to relevant White House Staff for
comment. The Chief of Staff and Vice President will receive all
draft decision ·documents for comment. I will also route such
drafts to Bernie Nussbaum and to Maggie Williams. Other offices
will be routed as appropriate.
0
Routing will be Assistants to the President. It will
be up to each Assistant to decide proper routing procedures
within his or her own office.
o
As a general rule, staffing to Cabinet agencies will be
done through the Councils. In the event that comment from
Cabinet officers is required that cannot be handled through the
regular Council process, paper will be routed through the Cabinet
Secretary, who will also serve as a collection point for comments
coming back from the Cabinet in those circumstances.
o
My office will serve as a collection point for all
comments from the White House Staff and in the circumstances
described in the above bullet from the Cabinet (via the Cabinet
Secretary) and will attempt to facilitate consensus, prior to
presentation of the matter to the President. Where no consensus
can be formed, I will ensure that individual views are noted and
accurately presented.
Background Memos
Briefing papers, where no formal action is requested, will be
handled in the same general manner as decision memos. My office
will be responsible for preparing or editing summaries of all
general briefing papers.
Speeches
Different administrations have handled the speech clearance
process differently, with some vesting principal clearance
responsibility in the Staff Secretary, and others in the speech
writers themselves. We are going to try out a process under ·
which the Communications staff will have primary responsibility
for clearing all speeches and statements of the President
released to the press, provided that these procedures are
followed:
. o
My office must be on and see the original distribution
list of draft speeches to ensure that all offices with a need to
review have received a copy.
o
Comments to speech writers should be cc'd to me, to
ensure that those views have been appropriately considered before
forwarding a draft to the President.
.
I
I
�3
o
Drafts of speeches to be presented to the President
should flow to and from the President through my office, so that
they can be properly handled and archived.
Report to Congress
The Administration prepares over 300 reports to Congress each
year, as a result of statutory requirements. Many are submitted
under the ~resident's signature. They are frequently thick
d9cuments and often come to us with short deadlines. We will try
to ensure that agencies submit reports in a timely fashion to.
give White House staff a meaningful chance to review these
reports. We will route them for clearance to the appropriate
people.
Legislation
Enrolled legislation (passed by both houses) is received and time
stamped by the Executive Clerk. OMB has responsibility for
interagency review of the legislation. The Staff Secretary's
office will handle clearance of the legislation, signing
statements and veto messages amongst the White House staff. The
same procedures outlined for clearance of decision memos should
be followed.
Correspondence
Congressional correspondence as a rule will be reviewed,
personally, by the President •. Staffing of letters to the Hill
will follow the same procedures as outlined for clearance of
decision memos. Other correspondence will be routed initially
through Marcia Scott, the Acting Director of Messages and
Correspondence who is working furiously to bring up our
system for answering mail, whether for the President's or First
Lady's signature, or for staff signature. A'memo laying out the
correspondence system will follow shortly.
Sequencing and Timing
It can be anticipated that staff sending paper to my office will
frequently feel that the President must see it in the next 10
minutes. Barring real emergencies, that will generally not be
possible. I will be working with Nancy Hernreich to develop a
system that will make the President's day work for him.
�1
4
I
I
••
Morning. With regard to paper, my expectation is that the
President will have a snort time in the morning to review his
briefing book and paperwork, including (i) papers and letters he
must review and sign; (ii) decision memos, briefing memos and
others matters which he can review that morning or hold for
evening review; (iii) a summary of documents and important
correspondence received, which he can review in more detail if he
wishes.
Daytime Period. The President wants to limit review of paper
durinq daytime workinq hours. Only essential items which must be
signed or reviewed, will be brought to his attention during those
hours.. I will forward essential items to the President through
Nancy Hernreich who will be responsible for fitting review of
essential items into the day's schedule.
Evening. After the President's morning work period all
essential paperwork will be held until the evening. In
evening, we will give the President a manageable amount
reading -- no more that 45 minutes to an hour's worth.
include in these materials all important decision memos
will be discussed the next day.
D.QD:
the
of
We will
which
Weekend. Longer policy papers and think pieces will be held for
weekend review, where possible. That will give the.President
more time· to reflect and comment.
Following Week
By the close of business each Friday, senior staff -- and
expecially the councils -- should forward to me a list of any
important decision memos that they expect to have presented to
the President the next week so that we can build adequate time
into the schedule for review at the staff level and by the
President.
style
Some changes may be made to the current style of documents
intended for the President, but, for now, please use current
style forms.
In closinq, let me say that my office has a straightforward
goal -- to protect the President and his decision-making process.
Paper coming to him must meet the highest standards of
excellence. Papers must be well written. Options must be
clearly stated. Those who need. to see it must have seen it.
Views of advisors must be accurately reflected. ·summaries must
be brief and accurate. We cannot let the pressure of time
compromise those standards.
�,.~
,-;..
:"":/'
·. .:
'
Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. memo
DATE
SUBJECTrriTLE
re: Information for White House passholders (1 page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6), b(7)(C), b(7)(E),
b(7)(F)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA!Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [2]
2008-0699-F
'm486
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act· [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act· (S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) ofthe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�.~
'
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
February 4, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR WHITE HOUSE OFFICE STAFF
FROM:
BERNARD NUS:.~~
CHERYL
SUBJECT:
1
MILL~f}I"-
Hirinq of Detailees. Consultants. EXPerts. Special
Government Employees and Volunteers
It is important for all members of the White House Office,
particularly those making staffing decisions, to understand the
general criteria for hiring individuals who are not intended to
serve permanently on the staff. This memorandum provides an
overview of the categories of employees who are not serving in
permanent positions who can be employed by the White House
Office. Ultimately, decisions regarding an individual's
particular categorization must be made by the counsel's Office on
an indiyidual basis.
Detailees
Pursuant to 5 u.s.c. § 112, the head of any agency, department or
independent agency of the executive branch can "detail" an
employee to the White House Office. 1 This employee ("detailee")
reports to the White House Office for the term of his or her
assignment. The employee is responsible to and supervised by a
White House Office member.
The White House Office does not have to reimburse the sending
agency for the services of a detailee for the first 180 days of a
given fiscal year. For each day beyond 180 days in a fiscal year
that a detailee continues to be assigned to the White House
Office, the White House Office typically must reimburse the
sending agency for the employee's service. There are several
1
All executive branch and independent agencies and major
organizational units within an agency (including the Executive
Office of the President ("EOP")) may send or receive detailees.
The rules governing the reimbursibility of such detailees differ
from those pertaining to the White House Office. 31 u.s.c. S
1535.
�l
I"
'
b)
2-Year "Official Responsibility" Ban. Federal law
(S 207(a) (2)) provides that a former official may not
represent a private party before or against the u.s. for 2
years in a particular matter involving specific parties
under his "official responsibility" during the last year of
government service, whether or not the employee was
personally and substantially involved in the matter.
c)
1-Year Ban on Contacting Former Agency. Federal law
(S 207(a) (c)) requires a 1-year cooling-off period for
"senior" employees during which time they may not contact
their former agencies with the intent to influence,
regardless of whether they worked on the matters involved
while in government. "Senior" employees for the purposes of
the White House Office are those individuals paid at or
above ES Level III (currently $123,100).
d)
1-Year Cooling-Off Period. Federal law (§ 207(d))
requires a 1-year "cooling-off" period for "very
senior" employees during which time, in addition to the
restrictions above, they may not· contact other "very
senior" employees. "Very senior" employees include
those White House Office officials paid at or above ES
Level II (currently $133,600).
e)
1-Year Ban for Trade Negotiators. Federal law
(S 207(b)) states that for one year after an employee's
government service terminates, he or she may not
knowingly represent, aid, or advise on the basis of
certain non-public information any other person
regarding any on-going trade or treaty negotiation in
which, during his or her last year of government
service, he or she participated personally and
substantially as an employee.
f)
1-Year Ban on Representing Foreign Governments.
Federal law (S 207(f)) requires a 1-year cooling-off
period for "senior" (above ES Level III) and "very
senior" (above ES Level II) employees representing,
aiding, or advising foreign governments or foreign
political parties before the u.s. government.
Special Government Employees are subject to the same restrictions
discussed above as regular employees (including the Clinton-Gore
pledges if they are paid above ES Level V) with the following
exception: where a Special Government Employee serves for less
than 60 days, the restrictions under S 207(c) do not apply
(provision "c" discussed above).
In addition to the post-employment restrictions, a prospective
employee's ability to serve ·in the White House Office may be
significantly limited by conflicts of interests that exist with
�t
7
regard to their financial interests (which includes the financial
interest of their spouse, children, employer, or any other
organization in which the individual is an officer, director,
partner, etc.). For this reason, all prospective employees
(including volunteers) in the White House Office, even for brief
periods of work, must be approved by the Counsel's Office prior
to placing them on the payroll or identifying them as an employee
entitled to clearance badges to work in the OEOB or West Wing of
the White House.
�1
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 9, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL WHITE HOUSE STAFF
FROM:
BERNARD W. NUSSBAUM
COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
}4~
C7v-
STEPHEN R. NEUWIRTH ~~ ~
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL To~IIf~PRESIDENT
RE:
Prohibited Contacts with Agencies:
Follow-up Memorandum
As discussed in our memorandum of February 22, 1993
(copy attached), it is important that all members of the White
House staff recognize that there are significant restrictions on
the kinds of communications a member of the White House staff may
have with independent regulatory agencies, executive branch
agencies and their components. It is also important that senior
members of the White House staff ensure compliance with these
restrictions within their offices.
This memorandum is intended to clarify certain issues
discussed in our February 22 memorandum. The following points
are intended to supplement, not replace, our February 22
memorandum, and the February 22 memorandum should continue to be
consulted for the broader range of topics it covers.
The rules discussed below and in our original
memorandum are intended to provide guidance in the absence of any
other formalized process for White House input in regulatory
matters. As noted in our February 22 memorandum, the President
and Vice-President are presently considering certain changes to
the regulatory review process, and further instructions on
contacts with regulatory agencies may be forthcoming as those
changes are adopted. Moreover, these rules do not overturn those
existing Executive Orders that provide mechanisms for regulatory
review (particularly defining the role of the Office of
Management and Budget). The procedures set forth in those orders
can continue to be followed.
1.
As a general rule, no member of the White House
staff should contact any independent agency (or its components)
with respect to any pending adjudicative or investigative matter.
�It may be appropriate in certain circumstances for White House
staff to discuss rulemaking matters with an independent agency;
but prior to doing so, White House staff members must first
consult with the counsel's office. White House staff members
should also consult with the Counsel's office before discussing
general policy matters, or administrative or legislative issues,
with an independent agency.
such consultation with the
Counsel's office can address broad areas of ongoing discussion.
(A list of independent agencies is set forth on page 2 of our
February 22 memorandum.)
2.
If an independent agency contacts a member of the
White House staff for information, it is normally appropriate for
the White House staff member to respond to such an inquiry. It
is important, however, that no such discussions occur if (a) the
White House staff member (or a relative, friend or business
associate) has a personal interest in the matter at issue; (b)
the inquiry relates to a particular rulemaking matter and the
White House staff member is aware the private parties have been
lobbying the White House with respect to that matter; (c) the
inquiry relates to a particular adjudicative or investigative
matter. Furthermore, in responding to such inquiries, it is
important that White House staff members respond only to the
specific inquiry, and not have discussions that would otherwise
be prohibited without prior Counsel's office approval.
3.
As a general rule, no member of the White House
staff should contact any executive branch agency (or its
components) with respect to any pending adjudicative or
investigative matter. In some circumstances, it may be
appropriate for White House staff to have discussions with
executive branch agencies concerning rulemaking; but prior to
doing so, White House staff members should first consult with the
Counsel's office. The purpose of such consultation is to ensure
that no private parties are receiving preferential treatment, or
having undue influence upon, the rulemaking process. (A list of
executive branch agencies with significant regulatory or
adjudicative functions is set forth on page 3 of our February 22
memorandum.)
4.
As a general rule, no clearance is necessary
before a member of the White House staff contacts an executive
branch agency to discuss general policy matters or
administrative, executive or legislative issues. Keep in mind,
however, that such discussions become inappropriate when (a) the
White House staff member (or a relative, friend or business
associate) has a personal financial interest in the matter being
discussed or (b) the White House staff member is, or appears to
be, acting on behalf of a private party that has a financial
interest in the matter being discussed.
2
�•
5.
White House staff should confer with the Counsel's
office before contacting independent or executive agencies with
respect to particular individuals. Moreover, White House staff
should be sensitive to the constraints placed on agencies by the
provisions of the Privacy Act of 1974.
6.
Agencies in the intelligence community should not
be contacted directly without first coordinating any such
contacts with the Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs. Where issues of individual privacy arise, the
Counsel to the President should also be contacted.
7.
No member of the White House staff should contact
any procurement officer about a contract in which that staff
member has a personal financial interest or in which a relative,
friend or business associate has a financial interest. Moreover,
if contacts are made in circumstances where no such financial
interests are present, (a) such contacts should, to the extent
possible, be made after the contracting procedure is completed
and (b) the lack of such financial interest should be made known
to those receiving the communication so that unintended
inferences do not arise. To avoid even the appearance of
impropriety in procurement, the Counsel's office should be
consulted prior to any White House staff contacts on procurement
matters.
8.
Special rules apply to contacts by White House
staff with the Department of Justice and with the Department of
the Treasury. Those rules are set forth on pages 5 and 6 of our
February 22 memorandum. Note that members of the White House
staff may communicate directly with either Department with
respect to policy, legislative or budgetary matters.
9.
The rules governing contacts with agencies apply
fully to matters concerning airlines and the airline industry.
Private parties attempting to solicit White House support on
domestic airline regulatory matters should generally be referred
to the agency with rulemaking or regulatory authority. In
addition, White House staff members must always refuse to discuss
with interested private parties cases subject to the President's
approval under Section 801 of the Federal Aviation Act
(concerning Presidential review of international aviation
decisions). The Counsel's office should be consulted before a
member of the White House staff has discussions with parties
interested in pending regulatory matters affecting an airline or
airlines.
3
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
February 22, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR WHITE HOUSE STAFF
BERNARD W. NUSSBAUM
;g,--COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT p
FROM:
STEPHEN R. NEUWIRTH?"
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
Prohibited Contacts with Agencies
RE:
It is important that all members of the Wbite House staff
recognize that there are significant restrictions on the kinds of
communications a member of the Wbite House staff may haye with
independent regulatory agencies. Exeggtiye agencies. and their
components. These restrictions apply with particular force where
agencies have an adjudicative, investigative, enforcement,
intelligence, or procurement function. Violations of these
restrictions may result not only in significant embarrassment to
the individual involved and the White House, but in legal
sanctions against the individual as well.
The following discussion sets forth the restrictions
applicable when staff are in contact with an agency. It is
critical that you review this material carefully. If you have
any questions, please consult the counsel's office before making
any contact with an agency.
A.
Contact with regulatory, investigative, intelligence, and
procurement agencies.
1.
Regulatory Agencies: The cases that come before these
agencies are of two general types: rulemaking and
adjudicative. Both normally involve high stakes, are
very complicated, and are extremely important to the
parties concerned.
There is generally no justification for any White House
involvement in particular adjudicative or rulemaking
proceedings at any agency. Therefore. as a general
rule. no member of the staff should contact Cal any
agency in regard to any adjudicative matter pending
before that agency. or Cbl any independent agency in
�- 2 -
regard to any rulemaking pending before that agency.
For rulemakinq proceedinqs at Executive aqencies, any
staff member considering contacting any agency about
such rulemakinq should first consult with the Counsel's
office. In all events, no such contacts with Executive
aqencies should be considered, nor will they be
approved, if they imply preferential treatment or undue
influence on the decision-makinq process.
Should you receive any inquiries with reqard to pendinq
regulatory or rulemaking matters, you should refer the
inquirinq party to the aqency involved and express n2
opinion on the issues raised. White House staff
members should avoid even the mere appearance of
interest or influence.
Should an occasion arise in the course of your duties
where it appears necessary to discuss general policy
matters with the staff of an independent regulatory
aqency, you should first consult with the counsel's
office to determine whether such contact would be
appropriate under the circumstances. such clearance is
not required before contacting Executive agencies on
administrative, or purely executive or legislative,
matters. But such clearance i§ required where any
adjudicative, regulatory or procurement action is
involved.
The followinq aqencies, while not an exhaustive
listinq, are reqarded by the Justice Department as
independent and should ngt be contacted by White House
staff (except for routine referrals of mail or
administrative matters) without prior clearance from
the counsel's office:
Commodity Futures Trading commission
Consumer Product Safety commission
Federal Communications Commission
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
Federal Election Commission
Federal Maritime Commission
Federal Reserve System
Federal Trade Commission
Interstate Commerce commission
National credit Union Administration
National Labor Relations Board
National Transportation Safety Board
Nuclear Regulatory Commission
Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission
Securities and Exchanqe commission
u.s. International Trade commission
�- 3 -
The following agencies, or components of Executive
departments or agencies, have significant regulatory or
adjudicative functions. Accordingly, they should not
be contacted with respect to the exercise of those
functions without prior clearance from the counsel's
office (which clearance generally will ngt be given for
adjudicative actions and will be considered only on a
case-by-case basis for regulatory actions):
Environmental Protection Agency
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
Federal Aviation Administration
(Transportation)
Federal Energy Regulatory commission
(Energy)
Federal Labor Relations Authority
Food and Drug Administration
(HHS)
Foreign Claims Settlement Commission
(Justice)
Immigration and Naturalization Service
(Justice)
Merit Systems Protection Board
Mine Safety and Health Administration
(Labor)
National Highway Traffic Safety Administration
(Transportation)
Occupational Safety and Health Administration
(Labor)
overseas Private Investment Corporation
Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation
Social Security Administration
(HHS)
u.s.
Parole commission
(Justice)
This list is merely illustrative. Many bureaus and
divisions of agencies have authority to issue binding
regulations or to decide specific claims, and the same
rules on prior clearance from the Counsel's office
apply for those entities as well.
You should be aware that the President and VicePresident are presently considering certain changes to
the regulatory review process, and further instructions
on contacts with regulatory agencies may be forthcoming
as those changes are adopted.
2.
Inyestigatiye and Intelligence Agencies: As set forth
in Part B of this section, the ban on agency contacts
extends to the litigating, investigative and
�- 4 -
adjudicatory divisions of the Department of Justice.
The same rules also apply to the Internal Revenue
Service, the Inspectors General, the Special Counsel of
the Merit systems Protection Board, and similar
components of departments and agencies with authority
to investigate charges of misconduct, to conduct audits
of specific programs, or to bring complaints before
courts or other adjudicative bodies.
White House staff should also confer with the Counsel's
office before contacting agencies with respect to
particular individuals. While the White House Office
is not bound by the provisions of the Privacy Act of
1974, 5 u.s.c. Sec. 552a, Federal agencies are
restricted by the Act from disclosing information about
individuals contained in their files. The White House
staff should be sensitive to these constraints.
Agencies in the intelligence community -- including the
CIA, NSA, DIA, the Intelligence Division of the FBI,
and the intelligence components of the military
services -- report to the President through his
Assistant for National Security Affairs. These
agencies should not be contacted directly without
coordinating first with the Assistant for National
security Affairs -- and, where issues of individual
privacy arise, with the Counsel to the President.
3.
Procurement Agencies: In recent years, the public has
become increasingly sensitive to allegations of
improper influence in the awarding of government
contracts. No member of the White House staff should
contact any procurement officer about a contract in
which he or she has a personal financial interest or in.
which a relatiye. friend. or business associate has a
financial interest. This is true not only with respect
to calls or contacts in which influence is directly
exerted, but also as to so-called "status" calls or
other communications which might direct the attention
of the procurement officer to the fact that a White
House staff member has an interest.
There may be occasions when the White House has a
legitimate interest in information about procurement
matters. In such instances, however, any communication.
should be made only by persons who have no direct
interest themselves, and whose friends or associates
have no such interests. It is advisable that the lack
of such interest be made known to those receiving the
communication so that unintended inferences do not
arise. Moreover, to the extent possible, information
�- 5 -
about a procurement matter should be obtained after the
contracting procedure is completed, or should be
obtained from persons not involved in the decisionmaking process. To avoid the appearance of conflict
and subsequent embarrassment, White House staff members
who feel they must contact procurement agencies with
regard to pending matters should first contact the
Office of the Counsel to the President.
B.
Communications with the Department of Justice
As we are all aware, it is imperative that there be public
confidence in the effective and impartial administration of
the laws. Political figures and others may seek White House
intervention in pending criminal and civil matters, but it
undermines the administration of justice if the White House
even appears to be interfering in such cases.
The following procedures have been established for
communications between the White House staff and the
Department of Justice.
C.
1.
Any written or oral communication to the White House
concerning particular pending Department of Justice
investigations or criminal or civil cases mY§t be
directed immediately to the counsel to the President.
If appropriate and necessary, the inquiry will then be
transmitted by the Counsel's office to the Office of
the Attorney General or the Deputy Attorney General.
No other member of the Wbite House staff should discuss
a pending criminal or ciyil matter with private
indiyiduals or organizations. or with the Department of
Justice.
2.
All requests for formal legal opinions from the
Department of Justice mY§t be directed to the counsel
to the President, who will in turn forward such
requests to the Office of the Attorney General or to
the Assistant Attorney General in charge of the Office
of Legal Counsel.
3.
Members of the the White House staff may communicate
directly with the Department of Justice with respect to
policy, legislation and budgeting matters.
Communications with the Department of the Treasury
In light of the sensitive nature of matters before some of
the component agencies of the Department of the Treasury
such as the Office of Comptroller of the currency, the
Internal Revenue Service, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and
�..
-
6 -
Firearms, and the Secret Service -- the following procedures
have been established for communications between the White
House staff and the Treasury Department:
D.
1.
Any written or oral communication to the White House
concerning pending investigations or cases must be
directed to the counsel to the President. If
appropriate and necessary, the inquiry will then be
transmitted to the Office of the Deputy Secretary of
the Treasury.
2.
All inquiries which concern or may concern rulings on
pending applications, regulatory actions or
adjudications must likewise be directed to the Counsel
to the President for transmittal, if appropriate and
necessary, to the Deputy secretary (although it is
unlikely that inquiries with respect to adjudications
or to so-called "private" rulings will be considered
appropriate or necessary).
3.
Other than for routine "tax checks" in personnel
matters, requests for tax return information generally
will not be favored. All requests involving tax return
information mYAt be directed to the Counsel to the
President. If the information is deemed essential and
if permitted by the Internal Revenue Code, such
requests will be forwarded to the Deputy Secretary of
the Treasury (except for routine "tax checks", which
will be processed under our existing procedures).
4.
Requests for information or statistical data of a
routine nature and comments regarding policy,
legislation and budgeting may continue to be handled
directly by White House staff and appropriate Treasury
officials.
Procedures Governing Presidential Review of
International Aviation pecisions
Executive Order 12547 (February 6, 1986) sets out procedures
for Presidential review of international aviation decisions
pursuant to Section 801 of the Federal Aviation Act, 49
u.s.c. sec. 1461. section 5 of the Executive Order
prohibits individuals within the Executive Office of the
President from discussing Section 801 cases -- those
involving international aviation -- with outside parties,
and requires such individuals to refer written
communications on Section 801 cases from outside parties to
the appropriate office outside the Executive Office of the
President. White House staff members should refuse to
discuss with interested private parties cases subject to the
�1
-
7 -
President's approval under section 801, and should refer
written communications concerninq such cases to the
counsel's office for appropriate referral.
~
Purely domestic aviation decisions not subject to
Presidential approval under Section 801 would typically be
qoverned by the qeneral policy aqainst White House
involvement in particular adjudicative matters. You should
consult with the Counsel's office before discussinq such
cases with interested private parties or Government
aqencies.
*
*
*
The matters covered in this memorandum are intended only to
improve the internal manaqement of the Executive Branch and are
not intended to create any riqht or benefit, substantive or
procedural, enforceable at law by a party aqainst the United
states, its aqencies, its officers, or any person.
Please cooperate in observinq the quidelines discussed
above. If you have any questions reqardinq these procedures,
please contact the Counsel's office.
�'
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 1, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR WHITE HOUSE OFFICE STAFF
BERNARD NUSSBAUM
COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
CHERYL MILLS (.t_-:'1-._
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Meals. Receptions. Dinners. and Eyents
This memorandum provides general guidance on the propriety of
accepting meals and invitations to receptions, dinners and other
events from outside domestic sources. The rules governing the
standards of Conduct for Executive Branch Employees are contained
in 5 c.F.R. Part 2635, which were issued by the Office of
Government Ethics ("OGE")• These rules are provided at every
ethics briefing for White House Office employees. Additional
copies of the rules are available from Counsel's Office (OEOB,
Room 128).
Under the ethics rules, White House employees may not accept a
gift in return for being influenced in the performance of an
official act nor may he or she solicit or coerce the offering of
a gift. Moreover, White House employees may not solicit or
accept a gift:
1.
from a prohibited source; or
2.
given because of the employee's official position.
A gift includes "any gratuity, favor, discount, entertainment,
hospitality, loan, forbearance, or other item having monetary
value. It includes services as well as gifts of training,
transportation, local travel, lodgings and meals." 5 C.F.R.
s 2635.203.
A prohibited source includes anyone who:
1. is seeking official action by the White House Office;
2. does business or seeks to do business with the White House
Office;
3. conducts activities regulated by the White House Office;
�4. has interests that may be substantially affected by the
performance or nonperformance of your official duties; or
5. is an organization composed of members who can be described
by the criteria set forth immediately above.
Under this policy, we generally are prohibited from accepting
meals (dinners, tickets to events) from virtually all sources
including, among others, contractors, regulated business groups,
and litigating parties.
With regard to the press, a 1987 OGE opinion determined that
reporters seeking information from, or an interview or ongoing
working relationship with, a government employee because of the
employee's official position are prohibited sources for the
official. Thus, members of the press are prohibited sources. As
a general rule, the 1987 OGE opinion stated that any individual
or organization that offers free food or refreshments to a
government employee simply because of the employee's official
position is considered a prohibited source.
Exceptions
There are exceptions under which gifts of meals or entertainment
--invitations to events, dinners, receptions and parties -- may
be accepted from a prohibited source, provided that doing so does
not otherwise create an appearance of impropriety. These
exceptions are summarized below:
a) Gifts of $20 or Less. You may accept an unsolicited
gift (other than cash or its equivalent) valued at $20 or less
per occasion. Typically, a two-hour Washington reception for
which no attendance fee is charged will meet this exception.
Although, you may accept a meal, book, or other item valued at
$20 or less, you may not go to dinner and pay for the amount by
which the dinner exceeds the $20 limitation. You also may not
keep any other type of gift valued over $20 by paying the
difference between the gift's market value and the $20
limitation. Moreover, you may not accept more than an aggregate
amount of $50 in gifts under this exception from any single
person in a calendar year.
b) Gift Based on a Personal Relationship. You may accept
an unsolicited gift from a prohibited source where it is clear
that the gift is motivated by a family relationship or close
personal friendship rather than your official position. In
assessing whether a gift meets this exception, the history of
your relationship (does it predate your government service?) and
the source of payment are important factors.
2
�c) Gifts Based on outside Business or £mployment
Relationships. You may accept meals, lodging, transportation and
other benefits from a prohibited source that results from the
business or employment relationships of a spouse, provided it is
clear that the gift has not been enhanced ~cause of your
official status. Thus, you can attend the opera with your spouse
(or significant other) where his or her employer provides him or
her with tickets to attend. You also may accept such gifts that
result from your own outside business or employment activities
provided it is cl$ar that such gifts also have not been offered
or enhanced because of your official position. Note, however,
that all.full-time White House officials paid above $27,789 are
prohibited from receiving income from any outside employment
activities.
d) £mployment-Related Speaking Engagements. When you are
speaking or presenting information on behalf of the White House
Office in your official capacity, you may accept meals and the
offer of free attendance at a conference, meeting or event on the
day of your speech or presentation when provided by the sponsor
of the event.
e) Widely-Attended-Gatherings. You may accept free
attendance and meals offered by the sponsor of a widelyattended-gathering of mutual interest to a number of parties,
provided Counsel's Office has determined it is in the interest of
the White House Office that you attend. Therefore, where the
sponsor of a dinner (~, the Gridiron Association) offers you
free attendance, you can attend if Counsel Office's determines it
is in the White House's interest that you attend. You cannot
attend this dinner as the guest of another organization that has
paid for your ticket.
f) Gifts from a Political Organization. Those White House
officials who are exempt from the Hatch Act may accept meals,
lodgings, transportation and other benefits, including free
attendance at events, when provided by a political organization
pursuant to 26 u.s.c. S 527(e) (~, the Democratic National
Committee, campaign committees for state, local and federal
candidates).
g) Social Invitations from Non-Prohibited Sources. You can
accept food and entertainment at a social event attended by
several persons where the person is not a prohibited source and
no fee is charged to any in attendance.
Assuming that the event, dinner or reception you would like to
attend does meet one of the above exceptions, you always should
consider whether your attendance at the event nevertheless would
lead a reasonable person to question your impartiality in
official matters affecting the host, attendees, etc. Where such
3
�an appearance question could be raised, you should consider
foregoing the event.
Finally, please remember that if you are required to file a
public financial disclosure form, all gifts (including meals that
are not received as personal hospitality) valued over $250 from
any one source (aggregating gifts over $100) must be reported
annually on your public disclosure form.
To summarize, except in limited circumstances, it generally is
prudent for White House Office staff to avoid accepting a free
meal or refreshments from any donor with government business. If
the meal, event, dinner or reception proffered by a prohibited
source does not meet any of the above exceptions, you may not
attend the event consistent with the Standards of Ethical
Conduct. You should perform your own analysis of an event you
wish to attend prior to contacting counsel's Office to seek
advice. If, after careful evaluation in light of this
memorandum, you have difficulty judging a particular situation,
please contact Counsel's Office.
4
�J
(
'
,I
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 1, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR WHITE HOUSE OFFICE STAFF
BERNARD NUSSBAUM
COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
CHERYL MILLS '(i:.?t-._
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
Meals. Receptions. Dinners. and Events
SUBJECT:
This memorandum provides general guidance on the propriety of
accepting meals and invitations to receptions, dinners and other
events from outside domestic sources. The rules governing the
standards of Conduct for Executive Branch Employees are contained
in 5 C.F.R. Part 2635, which were issued by the Office of
Government Ethics ("OGE"). These rules are provided at every
ethics briefing for White House Office employees. Additional
copies of the rules are available from Counsel's Office (OEOB,
Room 128).
Under the ethics rules, White House employees may not accept a
gift in return for being influenced in the performance of an
official act nor may he or she solicit or coerce the offering of
a gift. Moreover, White House employees may not solicit ar
accept a gift:
1.
from a prohibited source; or
2.
given because of the employee's official position.
A ~ includes "any gratuity, favor, discount, entertainment,
hospitality, loan, forbearance, or other item havinq monetary
value. It includes services as well as gifts of traininq,
transportation, local travel, lodgings and meals." 5 C.F.R.
§ 2635.203.
A prohibited source includes anyone who:
1. is seeking official action by the White House Office;
2. does business or seeks to do business with the White House
Office;
3. conducts activities regulated by the White House Office;
_________
___;_
_______________________
-------
�4. has interests that may be substantially affected by the
performance or nonperformance of your official duties; or
5. is an organization composed of members who can be described
by the criteria set forth immediately above.
Under this policy, we generally are prohibited from accepting
meals (dinners, tickets to events) from virtually all sources
including, among others, contractors, regulated business groups,
and litigating parties.
With regard to the press, a 1987 OGE opinion determined that
reporters seeking information from, or an interview or ongoing
working relationship with, a government employee because of the
employee's official position are prohibited sources for the
official. Thus, members of the press are prohibited sources. As
a general rule, the 1987 OGE opinion stated that any individual
or organization that offers free food or refreshments to a
government employee simply because of the employee's official
position is considered a prohibited source.
Exceptions
There are exceptions under which gifts of meals or entertainment
--invitations to events, dinners, receptions and parties -- may
be accepted from a prohibited source, provided that doing so does
not otherwise create an appearance of impropriety. These
exceptions are summarized below:
a) Gifts of $20 or Less. You may accept an unsolicited
gift (other than cash or its equivalent) valued at $20 or less
per occasion. Typically, a two-hour Washington reception for
which no attendance fee is charged will meet this exception.
Although, you may accept a meal, book, or other item valued at
$20 or less, you may not go to dinner and pay for the amount by
which the dinner exceeds the $20 limitation. You also may not
keep any other type of gift valued over $20 by paying the
difference between the gift's market value and the $20
limitation. Moreover, you may not accept more than an aggregate
amount of $50 in gifts under this exception from any single
person in a calendar year.
b) Gift Based on a Personal Relationship. You may accept
an unsolicited gift from a prohibited source where it is clear
that the gift is motivated by a family relationship or close
personal friendship rather than your official position. In
assessing whether a gift meets this exception, the history of
your relationship (does it predate your government service?) and
the source of payment are important factors.
2
�c) Gifts Based on outside Business or Employment
Relationships. You may accept meals, lodging, transportation and
other benefits from a prohibited source that results from the
business or employment relationships of a spouse, provided it is
clear that the gift has not been enhanced because of your
official status. Thus, you can attend the opera with your spouse
(or significant other) where his or her employer provides him or
her with tickets to attend. You also may accept such gifts that
result from your own outside business or employment activities
provided it is cl$ar that such gifts also have not been offered
or enhanced because of your official position. Note, however,
that all.full-time White House officials paid above $27,789 are
prohibited from receiving income from any outside employment
activities.
d) Employment-Related Speaking Engagements. When you are
speaking or presenting information on behalf of the White House
Office in your official capacity, you may accept meals and the
offer of free attendance at a conference, meeting or event on the
day of your speech or presentation when provided by the sponsor
of the event.
e) Widely-Attended-Gatherings. You may accept free
attendance and meals offered by the sponsor of a widelyattended-gathering of mutual interest to a number of parties,
provided Counsel's Office has determined it is in the interest of
the White House Office that you attend. Therefore, where the
sponsor of a dinner (~, the Gridiron Association) offers you
free attendance, you can attend if Counsel Office's determines it
is in the White House's interest that you attend. You cannot
attend this dinner as the guest of another organization that has
paid for your ticket.
f) Gifts from a Political Organization. Those White House
officials who are exempt from the Hatch Act may accept meals,
lodgings, transportation and other benefits, including free
attendance at events, when provided by a political organization
pursuant to 26 u.s.c. § 527(e) (~, the Democratic National
Committee, campaign committees for state, local and federal
candidates).
g) Social Invitations from Non-Prohibited Sources. You can
accept food and entertainment at a social event attended by
several persons where the person is not a prohibited source and
no fee is charged to any in attendance.
Assuming that the event, dinner or reception you would like to
attend does meet one of the above exceptions, you always should
consider whether your attendance at the event nevertheless would
lead a reasonable person to question your impartiality in
official matters affecting the host, attendees, etc. Where such
3
�'i
an appearance question could be raised, you should consider
foregoing the event.
Finally, please remember that if you are required to file a
public financial disclosure form, all gifts (including meals that
are not received as personal hospitality) valued over $250 from
any one source (aggregating gifts over $100) must be reported
annually on your public disclosure form.
To summarize, except in limited circumstances, it generally is
prudent for White House Office staff to avoid accepting a free
meal or refreshments from any donor with government business. If
the meal, event, dinner or reception proffered by a prohibited
source does not meet any of the above exceptions, you may not
attend the event consistent with the Standards of Ethical
Conduct. You should perform your own analysis of an event you
wish to attend prior to contacting counsel's Office to seek
advice. If, after careful evaluation in light of this
memorandum, you have difficulty judging a particular situation,
please contact Counsel's Office.
4
�501 372 1215
CLINTON FOR PRESIDENT
P.03
C:ODIZ Daa Die Myaa
For Immediate Release:
January 14, 1182
(501)-311-7175
THE MITE HOUSE STAFF
January 14, 1913
CHIEF.OF.STAFF
Thomaa F. McU.rtr. Chlef-of.Staff
.
Marie Clearan. Auiat8m to 1ha Praldam and DeputY Chlef-of.Statf
David Watkina, Aallaant ta 1he PnllideM for Office of Adminlan11on and Manapmant
Ctartadna Vamay, Deputy ~ to the Prelidam and Cabinet SecrMaf'Y
OFFICE OF PERSONNEL
Bruce Undsey. Aaaiatam to the Praaldant and Senior Aclvlaor and Director. Office of Personnel
STAFF SECRETARY
John Podeaul, Aulltant to 1he Praaldem anc1 Staff Sec:rnary
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR APPOINTMENTS AND SCHEDULING
Nancy Hemralch, Deputy Auimm to the Prealdem: tor Appolntrnams and Scheduling
NATIONAL SERVICE
.
Ell Segal. Aaimm to the Praaiclant and Director of the Office of Nedonal Service
OFFICE OF THE COUNSEL
Bernie Nussbaum, Auiatant to tha Prelldam and Collftlel
VInca Foater, Deputy Aulllant to the Preaident and Depury Counsel to the Pralldant
Ron ICialn, Auociata Couneel • the Pnleldent
Cheryl Mila, Alloc:lm Counael to the Prllldent
OFFICE OF THE FIRST LADY
Maggie WIAiama, Aulnam to die Pruident and Chlaf-of..Stllft, Mra. Clinton
Melanne Vervaer, Deputy Aallatam to the Pralldam and Deputy Chlaf..of..Suff
u.. C.pu10, Dap&ftY Alllllatam to tha PrMidam and Prau Secratary
Anna Stoc:lc, Spada& Aulmm • the Pralident and loclal Secretary
Paal SoDa. Special Aulat:ant to the Pralldarit and Director of ScheduUng for the Fira Lady
DOMESTIC POLICY COUNCIL
carol Raaco, Aaalsalm • dnr Pruldam for Domaatlc PoUcy
Bruce Read, DepUty Aulaam a. the Preaidant for DomMdc Polley
WilDam Gal1110n, Deputy Aalimm to the Praaldam for Dom.-c Polley
1
�501 372 1215
CLINTON FOR PRESIDENT
P.01
Shirley Sagawa, Special Aulatant to the Preeldant far D!ilmelllc policy
NATIONAL ECONOMIC COUNCIL
.
Bob Rubin, Aulalant ta the Pral•nt far Economic Pallay
Gene Sperling, Deputy Aulatlm to the President far Economic .Polley
W. lowman Cutter, DeiMY Asalstant 10 tha Pre~dent for Economic PoQcy
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
.
Anthony Lake, Aall8t.lnt ta the Pralldent for National Security Affaira
Sandy Berger, Deputy Auimm: to the Prulden~ tar National Security Affairs
Nancy Soderbarw. Speciet Aulaum to the President far Nldlonal SecuriiY Affairs and Staff
Director. Nadanll SecuriiY Council
SENIOR ADVISOR FOR POUCV DEVELOPMENT
Ira Magazlner
OFFICE OF COMMUNICATIONS
George l~ephanapouloa, Aulalnt to the President and Dlrectar of Communiclldana
Dee Dee Myers, Deputy Alala'lam to the Praaldent and Preu Secretary
Rlclci Seidman, Deputy Aulatam to the Pruidam and Deputy Director of Communtcationa
Davicl Dreyer, Deputy Aaalstant to the Ptelldem and Dlrec101 for Planning
Jeff Bier, Deputy Alliatant to the Prelldem and Director for Media Affair~
Bob Boomln. Special A..._nt to the President for Pallcy Coorcllnadon
Michael Waldman, Spacial Alai~Unt to me Praalclam for Poley Coordination
David Kuanet. Spacial A8111tant to the Prealdent for Speechwrldng
Anne Walker, Spacial A.._nt ta the Prui•nt and DlreCIOr of Re...rah
Keith Boyldn, Special Alllltant to the Prealdam and Dlrac:tor of Newa Analysis
LEGISLAnVE AFFAIRS
Howard Paster. Auilltllnt to the Prelldem and Director for Legialative Affeira
Suaan Brophy, Deputy Aaalmnt to the Praaldem and Daputy Director of Leglala~ve Affairs
Steve Rlcheai, Special Aulaant to the President for Legialatlve Aftelra
SCHEDUUNCI AND ADVANCE
Marcia Hale, Aaallll8nt to the Preaident end Director of Scheduling and AdVIInc:a
laabeDa Rodriguez Tapia, Deputy Aulst.lnt to lha Pruldent and Deputy Director
PUBUC UAISON
Alexia Harman, Aaalatant 10 the President and Dlrec:tar at Pub&c Uaiaon
Darla Mauaul. Dap&ftY Aaalatant to the Prulclent and Deputy Director of Public Ualaon
Mike Lux, Special Auilltllnt to the Prealclent for Public Ualaon
Amy Zlaook, Special Aaalllant to Ule Prealclent for Public Ualaon
POLITICAL AFFAIRS
Aahl'l'l Emanuel, Aaalaant to the Praaldant and Dlractar of Political Affllra
Joan Baggtm, Deputy Aulatllnt to tha Preliclent and Deputy Dlracwr of Polldc:al Afflllra
Elaine Walas. Spacial Aaallllllnt to the President of Political Affairs
2
�501 3?2 1215
CLINTON FOR PRESIDENT
P.02
INTERGOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS
Regina Momoya, Aullltlnt to the President and Director for lmergovemmemal Affairs
Jeff Wataon, Deputy Alllltant to the President and DepUlJ Director of lntergovemmamal
Affalra
OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT
Roy Neal, Chlef-of..Staff
Tt.qood Matlhlll, Jr., Legl..atlve Affairs Coordinator
Greg Sim011, Dorntldc Polley Advl10r to the Vlce•Ptuidant
Malta Romallh. Communlca1lone Director
Leon Fuerth. Aulmnt ta the Vlce·Prllidam for National Security Affalrs
Jack Quinn. Counael to the VIce President
Katie McGinty, Special Auidlnt to the Praildem tor the Environment
·31·30·30-
3
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
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41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Administrative Instructions [2]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-009-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/7fe22936d29b75c8e5c10850939e2e2f.pdf
947e67f04d37ca297e35ea8f791b175a
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker 'by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
't
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
;.;.
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
y
·.~
Subseries:
OA/ID Number:
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Administrative Instructions [ 1]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
OOla. memo
re: Parameters governing Presidential events (I page)
03/08/1994
b(7)(E)
OOlb. memo
re: Guidelines for sponsoring Presidential events (2 pages)
03/03/1994
b(7)(E)
00 Ic. list
re: Checklist for Presidential events ( l page)
n.d.
b(7)(E)
002. memo
re: Polices and procedures for use on White House grounds (partial)
(1 page)
04/22/1994
b(7)(E)
003. memo
re: Guest privelages (2 pages)
07/16/1993
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [ l]
2008-0699-F
'm48S
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Ad- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)[
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. SS2(b)[
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA[
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal ofllce [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors )a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified Information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA[
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�staff member/office:
inventory list
CARTER WILKIE
OFFICE OF SPEECHWRITING
COMMUNICATIONS DEPARTMENT
WHITE HOUSE
folders:
Administrative instructions
t NCWSUaES
FILED OVERSIZE ATTACHM ·
I~~ 1/u.fri~-n- .
. Inaugural week speeches
Inaugural address briefing book
State of the Union historical lessons
Speechwritingoffice
First ladies, roles. in history
-.
White House staff, size + budget
Letter to $tephanopoulos from the President
Geotge's speech at JFK.School
Early achievements
100 days document
Reagan team's first 100 days document
Accomplishments
Abort'ion
Middle class
.Archives project: best Clinton quotes
Clinton's top ten of 1993
Piece on JFK for LIFE magazine
State of the Uniori 1994
Clinton speeches pre 1993
Bill Clinton: personal references.
Bus trips clips
�-~---
.
-----
-
---~-
---- -----
----------~="'"""=,..-::----------------------------
·•
•i
I·
THE WHITE HOUSE
I
WASHINGTON
! ·•
June 27, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT STAFF
LLOYD N. CUTLER
SPECIAL COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
CHERYL MILLS~~
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
Reminder on Political Activity
SUBJECT:
This memorandum highlights guidance given to staff members in
response to recent questions this office has received regarding
permissible political activity by Federal employees and officers.
In light of the upcoming mid-term elections, it is important for
all staff to be aware of the rules governing political activity.
For a complete discussion of the Hatch Act Reform Amendments and
political activity, please review our memorandum, "Political
Activity" (April 6, 1994) (copies are available from our office).
Different limitations on political activity may apply to you
based on your employing office within the Executive Office of the
President (EOP). For example, individuals paid by the National
Security Council (NSC) are not permitted to engage in political
activity at any time in any place. Staff of the White House
Office (WHO), Office of Policy Development (OPD), and Office of
the Vice President (OVP) may engage in political activity during
duty hours and in a Federal building. However, persons,
including detailees, paid from monies for an Executive Agency or
Department may not engage in political activity during duty hours
or while in a federal building (which generally includes the
White House), unless they are Presidential appointees with Senate
confirmation. Similarly, many staff members in the Office of
Administration (OA), Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and
the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR), also
may not engage in political activity during duty hours or in a
Federal building.
Thus, who pays your salary affects the type of political
activity, if any, in which you may participate. Do not assume
because someone next door to you may engage in political
activity, that you may too. When in doubt, please consult your
agency counsel or the Counsel's Office as appropriate.
Listed below in question and answer form are examples of
frequently.raised issues relating to political activity.
- - -
- · - - - -
�,
Solicitation Questions
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Q:
May I solicit political contributions for a candidate,
political committee or political organization?
A:
No. Remember, contributions include cash and personal
(paid or unpaid) services. The only exception is
solicitation of another Federal employee who is your
equivalent or above for contributions to a Federal
labor or employee organization, provided you are both
members.
Q:
May I ask my friends to volunteer for a candidate's
campaign?
A:
No.
Q:
May I give a contribution to a candidate's campaign
committee or a political committee?
A:
Yes.
Q:
May I attend a political fundraiser?
A:
Yes. All staff, including NSC employees, may attend a
political fundraiser.
Q:
May I speak (as the keynote or guest speaker) at a
fundraiser?
A:
The answer varies according to your position and
Federal employer.
·
Q:
See example above.
Fundraisers
o
Political appointees with Senate confirmation
(PAS) may be the featured speaker at a fundraiser
at any time during the day or evening.
o
Individuals below the PAS level at Agencies and
Departments (including detailees to the White
House) may speak at a fundraiser, but only during
non-duty hours (i.e., after or before normal
agency work hours).
o
WHO, OPD, and OVP staff, but not NSC staff, may
speak at a fundraiser at any time during the day
or evening.
If I can be the featured speaker at a fundraiser, may
my name be on a fundraising invitation?
2
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
- - - - - - - -
�'
A:
Yes, provided that the invitation does not suggest or
intimate that you are soliciting a donation on behalf
of the political candidate, the host of the fundraiser,
or a political committee or organization -- in other
words, the invitation should say "special guest" or
"guest speaker" and not list you as part of the host
committee or the individuals giving the fundraiser who
are seeking contributions through the invitation.
When in doubt as to whether the use of your name on an
invitation may constitute solicitation, have the
Counsel's Office review a draft of the invitation
before it goes to print.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Q:
May my name be listed with others as part of the host
committee of a fundraising event?
A:
No.
Q:
May my title be used on an invitation?
A:
No. However, you may use "The Honorable" if
appropriate.
Q:
May I host a fundraiser at my house?
A:
No.
Q:
May my spouse or significant other host a fundraiser?
A:
Yes, provided your spouse or significant other truly is
the host and is not merely a foil for you hosting the
_fundraiser. There are several steps you should take to
reduce the appearance of being the de facto host: you
should not be a speaker at a fundraiser hosted by your
spouse; you should not participate in drafting the
invita~ion list; and, you should not personally invite
individuals to attend the fundraiser. You truly should
merely function only as a spouse for the fundraiser
(i.e., greet guests, help set up and clean up, etc.).
Volunteer Work on a Campaign
11.
Q:
May I volunteer to work on a campaign?
A:
The answer varies according to. your Federal employer
always check with your agency counsel or this office
before doing any volunteer work for a campaign.
o
NSC employees are not permitted to engage in any
political activity
even during off-duty hours;
3
�therefore, they may not do volunteer work for a
political campaign or political organization.
1
"'
12.
14.
EOP staff in OVP, OPD, and the WHO may volunteer
for a ·campaign.
o
EOP staff in OA, OMB, and USTR may volunteer for a
campaign; however, depending on your position, you
may be able to volunteer for a campaign only
during non-duty hours.
o
PAS in the EOP an Agencies and Departments may
volunteer for·a campaign.
May
A:
Yes, provided you not paid from appropriations for the
NSC.
I
use vacation time to volunteer for
a
Q:
o
13.
o
campaign?
Vacation time is considered "off-duty" time; thus, all
White House staff, with the exception of NSC employees,
may engage in political activity on vacation days.
Q:
May I take a leave of absence without pay and work on a
campaign?
A:
Yes, provided you are not employed by the NSC and your
absence is approved by your supervisor and your agency
counsel or this office, as appropriate.
Q:
May I miss two days of work in one week without taking
leave or using vacation time, assuming my supervisor
permits me to be away, to work on a candidate's
campaign?
A:
No. White House policy provides that staff members may
be away from their official duties for the purposes of
engaging in political activity only for one day during
any one work week. Furthermore, staff members still
must complete 40 hours of work during any work week in
which they are absent for one day to engage in
political activity.
o
Absences to engage in political activity must be
approved by your supervisor and your agency counsel
prior to missing a work day. Such memoranda should be
sent to your agency counsel's office (or the Counsel's
Office for WHO and OPD staff) at least one week before
a scheduled absence.
4
�.,
o
Assistants and many Deputy Assistants to the
Presidents are prohibited for five years by the
Ethics Pledges from making any communication to,
or appearance before, an EOP official on behalf of
another to seek official action (which includes
speaking at a fundraiser).
o
Senior appointees (persons paid more than
$los·, 200) also are prohibited from seeking
official action from any EOP employee or officer
for one year. The same restriction applies to PAS
with regard to their previous agency.
Political Travel
These questions assume that you may engage in political activity
consistent with your Federal employment.
25.
25.
Q:
May a political entity or a candidate campaign
committee pay for my travel to come speak at a
political event?
A:
Yes, provided your travel is approved by the Counsel's
Office (or your agency's counsel office). WHO and OPD
staff must submit a political travel form and a travel
voucher to the Counsel's Office and the Office of
Political Affairs for approval at least 3 days before
travelling.
Q:
May a political entity or candidate campaign committee
pay for my meals, lodging and ground transportation
during the trip?
A:
Yes, provided such accommodations are approved.
These questions are designed to highlight the "Political
Activity" memorandum, not replace it. Each staff member is
responsible for knowing the rules governing their ability to
participate in political activity. Accordingly, White House
staff members who potentially may engage in political activity
should carefully review the "Political Activity" memorandum and
direct any questions to our office.
7
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 12, 1994
MEMORANDUM· FOR EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT STAFF
FROM:
ABNER J. MIKVA
COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
I·
CHERYL MILLS~
"ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
New Hatcb Act <Political Actiyityl -Bequlations
SUBJECT:
New-regulations qovernlnq politicai activity· by federal employees
were recently issued. In liqht of. the _Hatch Act Reform
.·
.
Amendments of 1993, the rules qoverninq·political act~vity bave
changed. . This memorandum outlines key issues in a· ·question and
~nswer format.
In any instance where you have. a question. . ·
reqardiriq · permissible polit.ical activity, please contact our
office before you act. This advice supersedes advice· in,the June
27, ' 1994 Memoranda from counsel ("Reminder .on Political
· · ·
Activity").
·
Bnqaqinq in-Political Actiyity
1.
Q:
A:
May I enqaqe in political activity?
0
BSC employees may nQt enqaqe in ~iitical
activi~y;
0
0
may
no, ov., ' o•o.
staff.
&nCJaCJe. in political· .
.
activity durinCJ· duty and non-duty. hours ·(because · · ·
their duties continua. outside normal .duty-· hours.: ·
. and while away f~om their· duty station) ; .
OD, 0&1 usa employees·. uy engaCJe in political ·
,activity durinCJ non-duty hours; employees whoa~ .
duties continue outs14• ·normal duty hours . and · ·
while away from . their. duty station,. also· may ·
enqaCJa in political activity durinCJ.~uty hours;
0·.
·~••i4eat:la1 appoiat:e•• wiUl- a.aa; Ooafiaat:ioa ..
may enCJaCJe· 1D · polit~cal · ac:tivit~-- duriD9~ d~tY': and.:,· .: ·· . ·
rion-d~ty hoursr . · · :: ·. . ._:. . · ·
. ,_ · ."·._· ~· .· . _ . : :.. · :: · · .. ·. :.. ·
0
Most- a.alae4u1e ·a aftcli,_llOa~eu: ••· appobtee•·· at~·-~: ·.· .....
the. Agencies:· (imcl,: dataileea~.toi··tha Whi-.'Bouaet->· .-:.---:·.· :.· ..
may eJ:l98CJe·., in· political; ·acti:vity:' durili9;0noft-duty}:>_~·~.:.~.-.:·_:·. ·
hours ·(Justice··· Depar.taent'· employe.,,:·· \JilCIB;:; ita: ._o1ni\.·~·~~·-·:• · -. :. ·
rules, may not enC)age·
in political
·activity)'.
·
.... · · ·
.
'
.
.
'
\
_;~·. :• •
\
•
•
)
""~;.';'! ;•
' •
•
•·
\
''
I
I
�Solicitation and Contributions
'
.
2.
3.
Q:
May I solicit~ contributions fora candidate,
political committee or political orqanization?
A:
No.
Q:
May I ask an individual. to volunteer for a candidate-' a ...·
· campaiqn?
Yes, provided:
A:
.
'
I
I
no~
Your.
o
the individual. is
aqency;.
0
the individual is not a memb8r of. a-business
requlated by _your agency; AnSI,.
...
'
a' subordinate in
you ·do not .ask a company:: to ·. Iaake· this· iQdividua'l ,ava'ilable. to the campaign. (rem~,·. prohibited ·
contributions include the paid or unpaid:aervicea
of an indivi:dual if· requested through' their · · . ·
employing. company or organization) •.... · . . . . .
0.
4.
·{
.
.
a:
May I qive a. contribution to a. candidate's cuapaiqn ·.
committee or a political committee?
A:
Yes.
.-
.: '
'
:.....
· runstraisars ...
s.
Q:
A:
''·
Q:·
May
I
•tt•n4
a political
fundrai~er?
·Yea~ All staff,_ inc~uding. RSC: _employees,
political fundraiser. .
...· ._ .· . . . · -.
.ay I
. ,.
spaiak. c~: tile
fundraiser?:
· .-.
·. '':'.
-y.·at1;erld. a·
ke!nota. ~-put- ap8abz.)"~-.t: a
· _ : · - ,: . .
· . -
.
.
.
;
-~:
'
0. .
on,
. DO;
on~ staff
dur~, non~uty. and
·uy
sp8ak. ato a ~uftdraiae·
duty hours;·:-·. .·' . . ' _ · . . · .
. I
. i '
.
;
~· ·~
1.
\
..
·,
...,,
. '?' ••.
.·
. :.·
',
..
r•
.. r:
A:
..
.
~.~
.
�-
7.
o
NSC staff may not speak at a fundraiser;·
o
Prasi4ential appointees with senate confirmation
may speak at a fundraiser during. duty and non-duty
hours;
'
o
Most Sabe4ule c and noa-a~••~ SBS appointees at
Agencies (including detailees to the White House)·
,may speak at a fUndraiser, but OD17 4~iD9 DOD4uty bo~• (i...L.; before or after normal agency ·
work hours).
·
Q:.
If I can speak at a fundraiser, may my name be on the
fundraising invitation?
-
A:
Yes, provided that the invitation identifies you as a
•special quest•·or "quest speaker" and does not list
.YOU as part of·~e host. committee or·tha individuals
giving the fundraiser. ·
Because the use of your nama on an invitation may, in
soma instances,. constitute a solicitation, always have
the Counsel's Office review a draft of the invitation .
·
· before it goes to print.
. a.
9.
10.
Q:
May my title be used on an invitation?
A:
No. However, you may use "The Honorable" if
appropriate.
Q:
May JAy nama be listed with others as part of the host
committee of a fundraising avant?
'A:
No •.
Q:
May. I host a fundraisE at
A:
No.
11.' Q:
,·.
house?
May JAy spouse· or significant oth£ host a fundraisu in
my. house?
·
·
. ..
A:
JAy
.
.
Yes~ provided your spouse or ·s.ignificant othu truly is
.·the host.and' is not .merelY. hosting the fundraisar
· _because .you. cannot. .
. · . · .
· -
There are ~evarlil · steps. you·. should·. take- to reduce tile~·' ·
appearance of baing the a· fac;t;p, host: ' you ahould• not: .·
be a speaker at a· f~drais~- _hosted by. your apowla ancl~: •·. ,_
··
.-.
_,.,....,...,,
I
3
'
�you should not personally invite 'individuals to. attend
the fundraiser. You should function solely as a spouse
or.significant other at the fundraiser (.i..Jl.a., greet
quests, help set up and clean up, etc.).
'
·volunteer work on a Campa!qn
12.
Q:
May I volunteer to work on a campaign?
A:
The answer varies according to your Federal employer •always check with your agency counsel or this office·
before doing any.voluntaer work for a campaign. . .
o
RIC emPloyees may not volunta.er for ·a politioal.
campaign or politica·l organization;
,
o · .no,..
ani
\
o·
OPD staff. may· volunteer· for .. a campaign;
...
oa, OD, USB staff may volunta~ for· a .campaign:_
during non-duty hours; if- your duties continua . ·
outside. normal duty hours ancS·while·away,from,your
duty atation1 you also may provide volunteer
services during,duty hours;
.r':·
o
o
13.
Q:
May
A:
· Yes.,
. o'
Moat Sahec!ule c and. aoa-aare.- ••• eaplo7eea at.
the Agencies may volunteer for a campaign only
· during lion-duty hours. . ,
,
· .
. ··
•
I.
I· use vacation t~ to volunteer for a C:ampaign?
(unless you ·ar•,,not parlaittacl:·to. engage in
political activity, .L.a.., · employ•ea• of. the. HSC) •.
vacation ·time is ·coiulichrecl.~ •otf-cfiity.•'.. tiae;. th~·,., ·.all:· .. ·
White Bouse staff,· with•. the· exception··' of· HSC ·.-ploy-·/-...
· uy. · 8119a98< ill· politica1-·activity"
oil,.vacatton
days.c~ . <. ..
.
.
.
..
.
·.
.
. ·..·.· . .
.
14.
•raslc!aDtlal. appoilataeia wl'tJa SeDate aollfirllatloa
may volunteer for ,a campaign;
·
.
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�15.
Q:
A:
May I miss two days of work i.n one week without takinq
leave or usinq vacation time, a~suminq my supervisor
perm~ts me to be_ away~ to work on a candidate's
campaiqn?
No.
White House policy provides that staff members may
be away from their official. duties for the purposes of .
engaging in political activity only for one. day during
any one work week. Furthermo_re, staff members still
must complete 4 o hours c;»f work during any· work week in
which they are absent for one· day to engage in
political· activity.
Permissible cupaign Work
The following section applies only to those persons who are
perm!tted by law to engage in political activity. ..
.
16.
17.
18.
Q:
May I manage a campaign?
A:
Yes.
Q:
May I hc;»ld a .position within. a campaign (.L.L,, general.;:
counsel, deputy manager; press spokesperson)?
_
A:
Generally, yes (lmt
Q:
May I be a campaign treasurer?
A:
19. · Q:
A:
.
ua
.
below) •
No. In order to avoid· tbe appearance of solicitinq,
· acceptinq or receivinq political. contt'lbutions -- which
is expressly prohibited by law-- you·may not hold this
or any related position. in a campaign.
·
May I be tbe Volunteer outreach CoortSinator?
Yes.. RamambaZ"~ however,· Y01J· only may solicit tbe ·_ .. .
services of individuals; _ you. 'may not:solicit a colipany
to provide you with vol~teers·.
coimensa1;iQD fgr campaign Wgrk:'
.
'
This section; .applies only· to those. peraODS who are. permitted by
law to enqaqe in political activity •
·
.
. .
··
20.
Q.
. !
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l.
!: . ·_'- .. ~··---~--.. . . .. '
. ;. ,• ::
.. '. <:--··- "'\:,_
'. "..
.
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.
�A:
The answer varies with your salary level and Federal
employer:
o WHO, OPDi staff who are paid above $27,729 are
prohibited by Executive Order ~2674 from earninq
any outside income.
o
Presl4entla1 appoiDtees wit~ SeDate ooDfir.matioD.
are similarly prohibited from ·earninq outside
income.
o BoD-career 8B8 appoiDtee• employed at an Aqency
are prohibited from.eaz:ninq more than $20,04q in
outside income.
o
Pursuant to White' House policy, OVP staff paid
above $27,729 also are prohibited· from earninq any
outside income.
RemUber,· you must ~eceive couns~l Office or· your
aqency counsel' a approval before·. you properly· may
accept payment _from uy outside sourQet includinq
political entities.. ·
. Interaction b&tveen Government and campaign
-.
These questions and answers only apply if: · ·1)· you .. may enqaqe in: .
poli~ical_activity consistent with your. Federal employment, and.
2) yo~ are undertakinq the follpwing activities w~ile employed
by, or as a volunteer for, a candidate .campaign- committee~ ··
.
'
.
.
.
,.
2·1.
22.
Q:
May· I work on the calapaign from Jiy Federal office?
A:
No.
Q:
May I use. my Federal off~ca; pb~ne, · OJl\ dllya::· ·J: -... at my ..
Federal job, to place . long-:. ""-stance, or. local-calla for . ··
campaign. purposes -- · J.a.L.,'.. atrategizinv ;" coordinating .
events, --etc •.? ·
··· ·
,: ·
·
..
:
A:
No.. Obviously,. fqr;. 1~1--call&': t:h~a::i~, a·· 4a· ainimia,
level-- you·aay receive·or: place a:call,·for.·axample;
•to schedule'' 4: aaeting •.
I
_--::·:.
.
,
\
. 23.
Qi
: '"'·
.a;.
I .diacloa•· n011.;.publ~·, t.Df~tio~.-. ~ts:·:x. learn84·. in.-.;_..,::_ . .
my:· 4JoVermum1t· job:
ia., ..oi··,:.,::.·... · ... .tQ.:.th•~·Calapaipl·~· •••11111~! th•e~
A:.
..
...
.
I.
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.
_, . . . j
:'•
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.~t,~:t·~i-~~\~~i~2J~"::i ". ·. •. ".· •. \
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disclosing non-public information without express
authorization.
24.
25.
Q:
May I ask the President, Vice President or any of my
associates at the White House to sp~ak at a fundraiser
for the candidate for whom I work?
A:
No. AS an employee -- assuminq you take a leave of
absence without pay or v~cation time-- you may-notrepresent the intar.ests of another entity, includinq a.
campaiqn, before the. Federa-l qovernment (18' u•. s.c.
s 205). You also may not use your qovernment position
for the private gain of another -- including a
political campaign.
·
'
Q:
May I ask ·th• President,· vice President or ariy of my
A:
The answer varies with the laval of. your former.
position with the Federal qovar.nmant.
associates at. the White House to speak at a. fundrais~
·for the candidate for whom· I· work:· if· I am not,-~ I\ federal.- · ·
employee?
.
'
Assis~ants
and .many
Asslstants. to~- tile.:
Presidents are prohibited for fiva.yaars.by the
Ethics Pledges ~rom makinq any COJIDDUDicat;ion to,
or appearance before, an BOP official on behalf of
another to seek official action (which includes ·
speaking at a fundraiser_).
·
·
0
oeputy·
Senior appointees (persona paid it&re, than
$108,.200) also are prohib~ta4· from seeking.
official action from any BOP employ-· or· offieer.
for one year. The s ... restriction applia8- to . .
Presidential. ·apj)ointH&· :with Senate: co~ination· · -·
with. reqar4 to their previous·. aqency-,~<:..y::,<~ ·;.,_. _ · _: · ~
·
0
.
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.
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Politiga~ · ftayal\:;
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These questions· aa....e-- that you may anpg~:·_ la politiCil~;,_:~~Jt~•itYr. · ~:·:·:>·:·':. -_.:
consistent "ith- your· Federal employ118Dt:·~·:.: . ·· . . ... ·,.-_' · . ··· - , --·:..- >·. ~ ..:~;·.
'
21.
Q:.
.
·:--~:·a; pc)littcal entity 'o:&t ·a ~iCiat8,
.
. :
···.
,;=;~e«a ~-pay for· my travel. ·tc)'! ape.alc .· ..at:· a. ~-ol;-~>1•.....;ca...
.
; " :" ·1
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.
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.
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._.
_. ·Je.t; .. provided·: Your: t:r1ava.1.· ~~:=t=f~lilJIIZ:I.~~~
Offiota.: ( OZ't.y,~·- ·a·-~I&DlCIY:' 1a·> .~01~-~;f. q.~~~~~J:i
A:.
-, _ statt-: auat;:::inJbait. a. p·oljLtiC..~~;,~za·•~~lfi·,·~~I:ilti!Mil•
. and:.. -~ tr&V.1:'Vouch81:. to;' ......1'.:··-....
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27.
Q:
A:
May a political entity or candi~ate campaign committee
·pay for my meals, lodqinq and qround transport•tion
during the trip?
Yes, provided such accommodations·~· approved.
Remember, White House policy prohibits travel on
<::ompany aircraft ··unless .specifically· approved by the
Counsel's Office•
·
·
These questions are designed to hiqhliqht cbanqes in the Hatch ~
Act requlations; they are· not intended to replace quidance in .our·
comprehensive memorandum on. ·political .activity ( "P()litical
Activity Under the New Hatch Act Requlations,." october 3, 1994).
Staff members are responsible for· knowing the; rules goveming ·.
their ability to part~Qipate in political activity. If you
potentially may engage in.political activity, you should
..
carefully review the "Political Activity" mamorandua .and .direct
any questions·to our.office.
·
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Contact per~on~
Phone number:
Date of request:
.ACCEPTANCE OF POLmCAL TBAVEL ExrENSES FRQM OUTSIDE SOURCE
In order to ensure proper· acceptance of payment for your travel, subsistence and related . .
. expenses from a political collliDittee or organization, you must complete ~e information below.
Please attach a copy of. your itinerary;
received.
~o
include a copy of· the letter ~of invitation if one was
Your name alid position:
, Nature .or m~g or similar laDctlom
. Date and plaee(s) of tnvel:
Persou or entity making the piJIIlent: .
Nature of expense(s) to be p&lch
Method and approximate amollld olpaJIIlellt (p.,..at mast be made lither ID·kllld 0r bJcheck made payable to ,oa; provided ,011 penonaiiJ PBJ lor tilnel costs)a
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�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 7, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL WHITE HOUSE OFFICE STAFF
FROM:
Mack McLarty
Chief of Staff
SUBJECT:
compliance with Grand Jury Subpoena
Attached is a memorandum from Joel Klein, Deputy Counsel to
the President, specifyinq procedures to be taken by all staff to
comply with the qrand jury subpoena for documents issued by the ··
Office of the Special Counsel. It is imperative that all staff
read this memorandum thoroughly to understand the scope of the
request. Moreover, all staff must search their trash, burn baqs,
electronic files and other records and files immediately, so that
we can provide the qrand jury with all responsive documents by
Thursday, March 10 at 10 a.m., as the subpoena requires. As you
all are aware, the qrand jury subpoena creates a leqal obliqation
to produce any responsive documents.
To coordinate compliance, each desiqnated department
representative must collect siqned statements of compliance and
all possibly responsive documents from his or her staff members,
and provide these to the desiqnated liaison from the counsel's
Office no later tban 8 p.m. today. Each staff member's documents
should be submitted to the department representative in an
envelope with the staff member's siqnature clearly visible.
Should any staff member have any concerns or questions about the
scope of the request or any other related matter, he or she
should contact the appropriate liaison from the Counsel's Office.
Attached to this memorandum is a list of all White House
departments with desiqnated representatives as well as liaisons
from the Counsel's Office.
�counsel Liaison Telephone and Room Numbers:
Chris Cerf
6-7180
190 OEOB
Vicki Divoll
6-7181
190 OEOB
Marvin Krislov
6-7903
126 OEOB
Cheryl Mills
6-7900
128 OEOB
Office
Office Representative
Counsel Liaison
Cabinet Affairs
Christine Varney
Marvin Krislov
Chief of Staff
Thomas McLarty .
Cheryl Mills
Communications
Rahm Emmanuel
Cheryl Mills
Counsel's Office
Kathleen Whalen
Marvin Krislov
Domestic Policy
carol Rasco
Chris cerf
Envir. Policy
Katie McGuinty
Chris Cerf
First Lady Off.
Melanne Verveer
Cheryl Mills
Intergov. Aff.
Marcia Hale
Vicki Divoll
Legislative Aff.
Pat Griffin
Vicki Divoll
Man. & Admin.
David Watkins
Chris Cerf
Nat. Econ. Pol.
Bob Rubin
Chris Cerf
Office of Pres.
George Stephanopolous
Cheryl Mills
Political Aff.
Joan Baggett
Vicki Divoll
Pres. Personnel
Veronica Biggins
Vicki Divoll
Public Liaison
Alexis Herman
Vicki Divoll
Scheduling/Adv.
Ricki Seidman
Chris cerf
Social Secretary
Ann
Staff Secretary
John Podesta
Stock
Marvin Krislov
Chris cerf
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 7, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL WHITE HOUSE OFFICE STAFF
FROM:
JOEL I. KLEIN
DEPUTY COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
RE:
GRAND JURY SUBPOENA FOR DOCUMENTS
As my memorandum of March 4 explained, the White House has
received a grand jury subpoena requesting the production of
documents. Attached please find a copy of that memorandum
detailing the subpoena's requirements, which you should study
carefully and refer to when reviewing all your documents and
communications.
The subpoena calls for the documents to be produced no later
than 10 a.m. Thursday. March 10. 1994.
To respond to this
deadline, absolutely all members of the White House Office staff
immediately must search their files and all applicable documents
and records (as defined in the subpoena and set forth in the
March 4 memorandum at Paragraphs A and B and the accompanying
Definitions section).
To coordinate compliance, we have designated a
representative from all White House departments to be responsible
for ensuring that all his or her employees have complied fully
with the subpoena. These department representatives must collect
a signed statement from each staff member certifying compliance
with the subpoena, as well as provide any and all possibly
responsive documents and communications from all staff members.
Staff members should provide department representatives with all
responsive documents in appropriate envelopes or folders with
their signature clearly visible. These materials should be given
by department representatives to the designated liaison from the
Counsel's Office no later than 8 p.m. today. A complete list of
White House department representatives, as well as a list of the
liaisons from the Counsel's Office by White House department, is
attached to the Chief of Staff's memorandum.
Each staff member must take personal responsibility for
complying with this subpoena in full. If a staff member has
questions about the scope of the request or any other matters, he
or she should contact his or her liaison from the Counsel's
Office.
�I.
PROCEDURES FOR REVIEWING FILES
In order to ensure that each staff member conducts a
complete search of his or her files, the following procedures are
established:
1.
Trash Containers and Wastebaskets. Each staff member
must search his or her office wastebasket or trash containers and
retrieve any applicable documents, files or records no later than
2 p.m. today.
Each agency or department representative must
confirm that each staff member has searched his or her trash
containers no later than 4 p.m. today. If a staff member is
absent from the office today for any reason, the agency or
department representative must confirm that the absent staff
member's trash has been searched and any potentially responsive
documents removed and preserved. The time found and the
location, including room number, of any such documents should be
noted and the documents should be provided to the appropriate
liaison from the Counsel's Office no later than 8 p.m. today.
2.
Burn Bags. All burn bags in White House offices must
be searched no later than 2 p.m. today, and any potentially
responsive documents must be removed and preserved. Each agency
or department representative is responsible for ensuring that all
burn bags in his or her department are searched and that all
possibly responsive documents are removed and preserved. Any
such responsive document(s) should be provided to the author
and/or recipient, if apparent, who in turn should note the
location of any such document(s) and provide them to the
Counsel's Office as discussed below. If it is unclear as to the
identity of the author and/or recipient, the staff member
locating the document(s) should note the time found and location
of any such documents. These documents should be provided to the
appropriate liaison from the counsel's Office no later than 8
p.m. today.
3.
Electronic Mail. Each White House staff member should
search his or her electronic mail files by 2:00 p.m. today to
determine if there are any communications possibly responsive to
the subpoena that were either received, sent by, or forwarded to
the staff member. Any such communications, including any
attachments, should be printed out immediately, and provided to
the appropriate liaison from the Counsel's Office no later than 8
p.m. today.
4.
Records and Files. Each White House staff member must
ascertain whether his or her records and documents contain any
possibly responsive documents (as defined in the subpoena and set
forth in the March 4 memorandum at paragraphs A and B and in the
Definitions section).
Please consult the Definitions Section
carefully. Note that the Definitions of documents includes,
among other types of documents or communications, diaries,
2
�calendars, notes, summaries or records of conversations,
meetings, interviews or conversations, as well as documents that
may refer only in part to the subjects set forth in Paragraphs A
and B, or may refer to the preparation of other documents
relevant to the subjects set forth in Paragraphs A and B. The
definition of documents also includes earlier, preliminary drafts
of documents. Also note that any original documents in a staff
member's file should be provided, as well as any copies. Should
a staff member wish to make an additional copy of a document for
current use, he or she may do so but should notify the
appropriate liaison from the Counsel's Office. See further
instructions, below.
If, for any reason, you object to providing a possibly
responsive document or communication, you must notify your
liaison from the counsel's Office of the type of document or
communication no later than 8 p.m. today.
II.
RESPONSIVE DOCUMENTS
If your search reveals possibly responsive documents or
communications, please note that the subpoena specifies the
following instructions:
1. If any original document cannot be produced in full, you
must produce such document to the extent possible and indicate
specifically the reason for your inability to produce the
remainder.
2.
Documents shall be produced as they are kept in the
usual course of business, as organized in the files.
3.
File folders, labels and indices identifying documents
called for shall be produced intact with such documents.
Documents attached to each other should not be separated.
4.
The originals of all documents and communications must
be produced, as well as copies within your possession, custody or
control.
5.
In the event that any document called for by this
subpoena has been lost, destroyed, deleted, altered or otherwise
disposed of, you should identify that document in writing as
follows: a) author; b) position and title of the author; c)
addressee; d) the position or title of the addressee; e)
indicated or blind copies; f) date; g) brief description of the
subject matter of the document; h) number of pages; i)
attachments or appendices; j) all persons to whom the document,
its contents, or any portion thereof, had been disclosed,
distributed, shown or explained; k) the date of the loss,
destruction, deletion, alteration or disposal and the
circumstances thereof; 1) the reasons, if any, for the loss,
3
�destruction, deletion, alteration or disposal and the person or
persons responsible.
6.
If any information or data is withheld because such
information or data is stored electronically, it is to be
identifie~ by the subject matter of the information or data and
the place or places where such information is maintained.
III. COMPLIANCE RESPONSIBILITIES AND SIGNED STATEMENTS
If you have any doubts whatsoever about the responsiveness
of any document or record, it is your obligation to notify your
liaison from the Counsel's Office.
Each department representative must determine if any staff
member's absence from the office will not enable that staff
member to comply with these deadlines.
In such instances, each
department representative should notify your liaison from the
Counsel's Office to discuss appropriate procedures.
In addition to providing the original(s) and any copies of
any and all possibly responsive documents, each White House staff
member must return to your designated agency or department
representative a signed original of the statement found on the
next page no later than a p.m. today. This signed statement
should accompany any possibly responsive documents or
communications that you have identified.
Additionally, those department representatives must also
provide a signed statement certifying that they have canvassed
their staff members and ensured compliance.
Please note that we assume that this subpoena imposes a
continuing obligation to provide responsive documents to the
grand jury. Should you create, receive, or discover any possibly
responsive documents at any time in the future, you should notify
your Counsel liaison immediately.
4
�Statement for All White House Department Representatives
I hereby certify that I have canvassed all staff members in my
agency/department (choose one) and have provided their signed
statements as requested by the White House Counsel's Office.
I further ~ertify that I have received and provided any possibly
responsive documents and communications (as defined in Paragraphs
A and B of the subpoena, and the accompanying Definitions
Section), including, but not limited to, those documents found in
trash bags, burn bags, electronic files, and staff files and
records.
Signed:
Dated:
6
�March 4. 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR 1HE WHITE HOUSE STAFF
FROM:
JOEL I. KLEIN
DEPUTY COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
RE:
GRAND JURY SUBPOENA FOR DOCUMENTS
The White House has received a grand jury subpoena calling for the production
of documents. The description of the documents called for reads as follows:
A Any and all documents and/or communications referring or relating to any
contacts, meetings or conversations about or regarding Madison Guaranty Savings
& Lo~ its subsidiaries or affiliates, held between or among (1) any member of
the White House staff and (2) any official or employee of the Department of the
Treasury or the Resolution Trust Corporation. This includes, but is not limited to
any documents and/or communications:
1. referring or relating to the arrangement, existence, substance or circumstances
of any such meetings or conversations;
2. discussed or referred to in any such meetings or conversations;
3. exchanged between any member of the White House staff and any official or
employee of the Department of Treasury or the Resolution Trust Corporation at
or in connection with any such meetings or conversations;
4. constituting notes taken at or referring to any such meetings or conversations;
5. summarizing, documenting or referring to all or any part of any such meetings
or conversations.
B. Any and all documents and/or communications referring or relating to any
criminal referrals made by the Resolution Trust Corporation about or regarding
Madison Guaranty Savings & Lo~ its subsidiaries or affiliates.
�Definitions and Instructions
1. Definitions
a. The term "document" or "documents" as used in this subpoena means all
records of any nature whatsoever within your possession, custody or control or the
possession, custody or control of any agent, employee, representative, or other
person acting or purporting to act for or on your behalf or in concert with you,
including but not limited to memoranda, records, reports, notes, books, files,
summaries or records of conversations, meetings or interviews, summaries or
records of telephone conversations, diaries, calendars, datebooks, telegrams,
facsimiles, telexes, telefaxes, electronic mail, computerized records stored in the
form of magnetic or electronic coding on computer media or on media capable of
being read by computer or with the aid of computer related equipment, including
but not limited to floppy disks or diskettes. disks. diskettes, disk packs, fixed hard
drives, removable hard disk cartridges, mainframe computers. Bernoulli boxes,
optical disks, WORM disks, magneto/optical disks. floptical disks, magnetic tape,
tapes, laser disks, video cassettes, CO-ROMs and any other media capable of
storing magnetic coding, microfilm, microfiche and other storage devices,
voicemail recordings, and all other written, printed or recorded or photographic
matter or sound reproductions, however produced or reproduced.
The term "document" or "documents" also includes any earlier, preliminary,
preparatory or tentative version of all or part of a document, whether or not such
draft was superseded by a later draft and whether or not the terms of the draft
are the same as or different from the terms of the final document.
b. The term "communication" or "communications" is used herein in its broadest
sense to encompass any transmission or exchange of information, ideas, facts,
data, proposals, or any other matter, whether between individuals or between or
among the members of a group, whether face-to-face, by telephone or by means
of electronic or other medium.
c. "Possession, custody or control" means in your physical possession and/ or if
you have the right to secure or compel the production of the document or a copy
from another person or entity having physical possession.
d. The term "referring or relating" to any given subject means anything that
constitutes, contains, embodies, reflects, identifies, states, refers to, deals with, or
is in any manner whatsoever pertinent to that subject including, but not limited to,
~ocuments concerning the preparation of other documents.
Anyone who has any documents that fall within the foregoing description must
retain those documents. You must also retrieve and retain any responsive documents in
your wastepaper basket and your bum bag.
�If you have any doubt about whether a particular document is called for by the
above description, you must save it.
We will be back in touch with you next week to organize procedures for the
collection of all relevant documents.
The destruction of documents after receipt of this subpoena may constitute
obstruction of justice.
If you have any questions about this memorandum and what is expected of you,
please contact Deputy Counsel to the President. Joel I. Klein (6-6611).
�THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 4, 1994
At approximately 7:00 p.m. today, the FBI on behalf of the
Special Counsel served a grand jury subpoena on the White House
for the production of documents concerning conversations between
the White House and the Department of Treasury or Resolution
Trust Corporation with regard to the Madison Guaranty matter. In
addition, several individuals in the White House received
subpoenas requiring testimony. The White House will comply fully
and promptly with the subpoena. The Deputy Counsel has tonight
issued a memorandum to all employees requiring the preservation .
of all documents. Because these subpoenas concern a pending
investigation, the White House will have no further comment at
this time.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 7, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL WHITE HOUSE OFFICE AND
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT STAFF
FROM:
JOEL I. KLEIN~
Deputy Counsef!to the President
SUBJECT:
Retention of Documents and Communications
Today we have requested that White House Offic~ employees
produce any documents or communications related to contacts
between White House staff members and officials of the Department
of the Treasury and the Resolution Trust Corporation.
· ··
we are aware that staff may have other documents or
communications relating to Madison Guaranty, Whitewater
Development Corporation, and any related matters. While any such
documents or communications need not be produced at this time,
staff members should take all necessary measures to preserve and
maintain any such documents. Such documents should not, under
any circumstances, be discarded, altered or destroyed.
Additionally, all staff members should not remove or transport
documents or communications related to any of these matters from
their offices in the EOP or White House complex.
Should any staff member have questions about these
procedures, please contact one of the following liaisons in the
Office of White House Counsel:
Chris Cerf
Vicki Divoll
Marvin Krislov
Cheryl Mills
6-7180
6-7181
6-7903
6-7900
190
190
126
128
OEOB
OEOB
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House documents (as set forth in Paragraphs A and B) for
compliance as requested by the White House Counsel's Office.
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INFORMATION RESOURCES MANAGEMENT DIVISION
DIAL-IN ACCESS USER AGREEMENT
This agreement is issued under the authority of the Computer Security Act of
1987, Public Law 100-235; 101 Stat. 1724.
By signing this agreeme.nt, I signify my understanding and acceptance of the
policies and practices of the Office of Administration (OA), Executive Office
of the President (EOP), concerning access to the Executive Office of the
President Data Center (EOPDC) computer systems.
For the purposes of this agreement, the term "exceeds authorized access" is
taken directly from 18 U.S.C. § 1030, "Fraud and Related Activity in
Connection with Computers", and means to access a computer with
authorization and to use such access to obtain or alter information in the
computer that the accesser is not entitled to obtain or alter.
I hereby acknowledge that I have received a copy of 18 U.S.C. § 1030 which
in general terms provides criminal punishment for the following conduct:
a.
Anyone who intentionally accesses an EOPDC computer
without authorization and such conduct affects the use of the
government's operation of such computer.
b.
Anyone who knowingly with intent to defraud, accesses an
EOPDC computer without authorization, or exceeds authorized·
access, and by means of such conduct obtains anything of
value.
c.
Anyone who intentionally accesses an EOPDC computer
without authorization, and by means of such conduct alters,
damages, or destroys information in such computer or prevents
authorized tise of such computers or information and thereby
causes loss of a value aggregating $1,000 or more during any
one period.
d.
Anyone who knowingly and with intent to defraud, traffics in
any password or similar information through which an EOPDC
computer may be accessed without authorization.
I acknowledge that I may be held accountable for any unauthorized use of my
LogoniD or access control card for the purposes of accessing EOPDC
computer systems. Any such unauthorized access may subject me to a
violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1030. The first violation of this and related statutes
could subject me to termination of my employment, a fine, and/or
imprisonment (ranging from one to five years).
�'
I
Additionally, I hereby acknowledge the following:
1.
Dial-in access to the EOPDC is provided on a telephone number
established for that purpose. This telephone number is considered
sensitive, critical information and will not be disclosed to others.
2.
I will use only government owned equipment, as configured by the
government, to access the EOPDC systems.
3.
I will not enter classified information into the EOPDC computer
systems.
4.
I will create my own personal password the frrst time I logon to the
EOPDC. I will not use personal identifiers (eg., name, family
member's name, initials and/or date of birth, etc.) as a password.
5.
I will protect my personal password from disclosure. My password is
used to authenticate my identity and I will not allow its use by another
person, code it into programs or write it down where it will be
assessable to others.
6.
I will protect the access control card from physical abuse.
7.
I will not disclose information about the access control card and related
computer security procedures to personnel without a documented need
to know.
8.
I will logoff my terminal or personal computer when it is unattended.
9.
I will immediately relinquish the LogoniD and return the access
control card when access is no longer required or upon request by the
EOP/OA Information Security Officer, or designee.
10.
I will report immediately to the EOP/OA Client Services Help Desk at
(202) 395-7370 any of the following conditions:
o
Suspected or actual unauthorized use of my LogoniD or access
control card; .
o
A lost, stolen, damaged, or broken access control card; and
o
A change in my employment status. This includes termination
of employment, transfer to another group or leave of absence.
Pnnted Name
LogoniD/Card Serial #
Stgnature
Date
Orgaruzation
Phone
OA FORMtD
Oolllbor 1992
�.,
'
§
1030.
Fraud and related activity in connection with computers
(a) Whoever(1) knowinqly accesses a computer without authorization
or exceeds authorized access, and by means of such conduct
obtains information that has been determined by the United
States Government pursuant to an Executive order or statute
to require protection aqainst unauthorized disclosure for
reasons of national defense or foreiqn relations, or any
restricted data, as ·defined in paraqraph y of section 11 of
the Atomic Enerqy Act of 1954, with the intent or reason to
believe that such information so obtained is to be used to
the injury of the United states, or to the advantage of any
foreign nation;
(2) intentionally accesses a computer without authorization
or exceeds authorized access, and thereby obtains information contained in financial records of a financial
institution, or of a card issuer as defined in section
1602(n) of title 15, or contained in a file of a consumer
reportinq aqency on a consumer, as such terms are defined in
the Fair Credit Reporting Act (15 u.s.c. 1681 et seq.);
(3) jntentionally, without authorization to access any
computer of a department or aqency of the United States,
accesses such a computer of that department or aqency that
is exclusively for the use of the Government of the United
states or, in the case of a computer not exclusively for
such use, is used by or for the Government ·of the United
States and such conduct affects the use of the Government's
operation of such computer;
(4) knowinqly and with intent to defraud, accesses a
Federal interest computer without authorization, or exceeds
authorized access, and by means of such conduct furthers the
intended fraud and obtains anythinq of value, unless the
object of the fraud and the thing obtained consists only of
the use of the computer;
(5) intentionally·accesses a Federal interest computer
without authorization, and by means of one or more instances
of such conduct alters, damaqes, or destroys information in
any such Federal interest computer, or prevents authorized
use of any such computer or information, and thereby(A) causes loss to one or more others of a value
aqqregatinq $1,000 or more during any one year period;
or
(B) modifies or impairs, or potentially modifies or
impairs, the medical examination, medical diaqnosis,
medical treatment, or medical care of one or more
individuals; or
Paqe 1
�(6) knowingly and with intent to defraud traffics (as
defined section 1029) in any password or similar information
through which a computer may be accessed without
authorization, it(A) such trattickinq affects interstate or toreiqn
commerce; or
(B) such computer is used by or tor the Government of
the United States; shall be punished as provided in
subsection (c) of this section.
(b) Whoever attempts to commit an offense under subsection (a)
of this section shall be punished as provided in subsection (c)
of this section.
(c) The punishment tor an offense under subsection (a) or (b)
of this section is·
(1) (A) a fine under this title or imprisonment tor not
mora than ten years, or both, in the case of an offense
under subsection (a)(1) of this section which does not occur
attar a conviction tor another offense under such
subsection, or an attempt to commit an offense punishable
under this subparaqraph; and
(B) a fine under this title or imprisonment tor not more
than twenty years, or both, in the case of an offense under
subsection (a)(1) ot this section which occurs after a
conviction tor another offense under such subsection, or an
attempt to commit an offense punishable under this
subparaqraph; and
(2)(A) a tine under this title or imprisonment tor not more
than one year, or both, in the case ot an offense under
subsection (a) (2), (a)(l) or (a)(6) ot this section which
does not occur attar a conviction tor another offense under
such subsection, or an attempt to commit an offense
punishable under this subparaqraph; and
(B) a fine under this tit!a or imprisonment for not more
than tan years, or both, in the case ot an offense under
subsection (a) (2), (a) (3) or (a) (6) of this section which
occurs after a conviction for another offense under such
subsection, or an attempt to commit an offense punishable
under this aubparaqraph; and
(l)(A) a fine under this title or imprisonment tor not more
than five years, ·or both, in the case of an offense under
subsection (a)(4) or (a)(5) of this section which does not
occur after a conviction for another offense under such
subsection, or an attempt to commit an offense punishable
under this subparaqraph; and
(B) a tine under this title or imprisonment for not mora
than ten years, or both, in the case of an offense under
subsection (a)(4) or (a)(5) of this section which occurs
attar a conviction for another offense under such
subsection, or an attempt to commit an offense punishable
under this subparagraph.
Page 2
'
I
�j
\
(d) The United States Secret Service shall, in addition to any
other aqency havinq such authority,·have the authority to
investiqate offenses under this section. Such authority of the
United states Secret service shall be exercised in accordance
with an aqreement which shall be entered into by the Secretary ot
the Treasury and the Attorney General.
.
(e) As used in this section•
(1) the term •computer• means an electronic, maqnetic,
optical, electrochemical, or other high speed data
processing device performing logical, arithmetic, or storaqe
·functions, and includes any data storage facility or
communications facility directly related to or operatinq in
conjunction with such device, but such term does not include
an automated typewriter or typesetter, a portable hand held
calculator, or other similar device;
(2) the term •Federal interest computer• means a computer(A) exclusively tor the use of a financial institution
or the United States Government, or, in the.case of a
computer not exclusively for such use, used by or tor a
financial institution or the United States Government
and the conduct constituting the offense affects the
use of the financial institution's operation or the
Government's operation of such computer; or .
(B) which is one of two or more computers used in
committiriq the offense, not all which are located in
the same State;
·
(3) the term "State" includes the District of Columbia, the
commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and any other commonwealth,
possession or territory of the United States;
(4) the term "financial institution" means(A) an institution with deposits insured by the Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation;
(B) the Federal Reserve or a member of the Federal
Reserve includinq any Federal Reserve Bank;
(C) a credit union with accounts insured by the
National Credit Union Administration;
(D) a member of ·the Federal home loan bank system and
any home loan bank;
(E) any institution of the Farm Credit System under the
Farm Credit Act of 1971;
(F) a broker-dealer registered with the Securities and
Exchanqe Commission pursuant to section 15 of the
Securities Exchanqe Act of 1934;
·
(G) the Securities Investor Protection Corporation;
(H) a branch or agency of a foreiqn bank (as such terms
are defined in paraqraphs (1) and (3) of section l(b)
of the International Bankinq Acto of 1978); and
(I) an orqanization operatinq under section 25 or
section 25(a) of the Federal Reserve Act
Page 3
�(5) the tara •financial record• means information derived
from any record held by a financial institution pertaining
to a customer'• relationship with the financial institution;
(6) the term •exceeds authorized access• means to access a
computer with authorization and to use such access to obtain
or alter information in the computer that the accesser is
not entitled so to obtain or alter; and
(7) the term •department of the United States• means the
legislative or judicial branch of the Government or one of
the executive ~apartments enumerated in section 101 of title
s.
'
(f) This section does not prohibit any lawfully authorized
inv.estigative, protective, or intelligence activity of a law
enforcement agency of the United States, a State, or a political
subdivision of a State, or of an intelligence agency of the
United States.
Page 4
'I
l
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
OOla. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
re: Parameters governing Presidential events (l page)
03/08/1994
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [ l]
2008-0699-F
'm485
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
.P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA[
b(8) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
220I(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001b. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
re: Guidelines for sponsoring Presidential events (2 pages)
03/03/1994
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speech writing
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [ 1]
2008-0699-F
"m485
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)( I) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRA(
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA(
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined In accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
OOlc. list
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
re: Checklist for Presidential events ( 1 page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [ 1]
2008-0699-F
'm485
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)[
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b)J
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAJ
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRAJ
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) Of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA(
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. memo
DATE
SUBJECT!TITLE
re: Polices and procedures for use on White House grounds (partial)
(1 page)
04/22/1994
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [ 1]
2008-0699-F
'm485
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) ofthe PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRAJ
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information [(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial Institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 22, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL WHITE HOUSE STAFF
OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT STAFF
OFFICE OF POLICY DEVELOPMENT STAFF
~. {Jjr:J!P
FROM:
DAVID WATi<INs
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR
MANAGEMENT AND ADMINISTRATION
SUBJECT:
Policies and Procedures for Use of the White House
Tennis and Basketball Courts
With the onset of Spring and nice weather approaching, we would like to outline the
following procedures for using the White House tennis and basketball courts.
TENNIS COURT
•
•
•
•
•
Tennis court times are Monday through Friday from 5:00p.m. until dark and
Saturday and Sunday from 10:00 a.m. until 1:00 p.m.
Senior White House Staff may request a court time through the Office of Management
and Administration Monday through Friday at 456-2861 or fax to 456-1655.
A lottery will be held each Wednesday for White House Office (WHO), Office of the
Vice President (OVP) and Office of Policy Development (OPD) staff to randomly
select names for the following Saturday and Sunday. Please submit an index card
with your name, title and phone extension to OEOB 145 by Wednesday at 12:00 p.m.
Please provide the date and time you wish to play on the request or index card. We
suggest that you provide alternate times in case your preference has been previously
reserved.
Reservations will be confirmed by telephone and you will be notified at least four
hours in advance if it is necessary to reschedule.
BASKETBALL COURT
•
WHO, OVP and OPD staff may reserve the half-court basketball court Monday
through Friday from 5:00p.m. until dark and Saturday and Sunday from 8:00a.m.
until 1:00 p.m. Please call the Office of Management and Administration at 456-2861
to reserve a time.
The tennis and basketball courts may not be used when there are events on the South Lawn
or during Presidential arrivals and departures.
If you have any questions about the tennis and basketball court policies, please contact the
Office of Management and Administration at 456-2861.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 7, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR WHITE HOUSE OFFICE STAFF
FROM:
TERRY W. GOOD
DIRECTOR, OFFICE OF RECORDS MANAGEMENT
SUBJECT:
Records Responsibilities for Materials Maintained
on Personal Computers
This is to advise you that a number of personal computers in the
use of White House Office staff may be exchanged or moved from
one office to another within the White Rouse Office itse~f o~ the
Executive Office of the President.
using these computers
ite House Office are rinted out, if they have not previously
een preserve • Sue ma er1al may include Presidential records,
the preservation of which is required by the Presidential Records
Act. You should be particularly concerned with preservation of
records concerning the activities which relate to or have.an
effect on the carrying out of the constitutional, statutory, or
other official or ceremonial duties of the President which are
likely to include Presidential records as defined by the Act.
Comprehensive guidance on the Presidential Records Act will be
forthcoming in the near future.
In addition, at such time as a personal computer is being removed
from an office a staff member res onsible for usin it w1ii be
asked to cert1fy ·that materials have een saved. A c earing
procedure will subsequently be performed that will clean the hard
disc and make future retr~eval of any electronic data on the hard
drive impossible. As you can understand, this is necessary both
for good records management and computer security reasons.
stephen Neuwirth of the White House Counsel's Office (x7900) is
ava1iable to answer your guest1ons.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 22, 1993
MEMO~UM
FOR ALL WHITE HOUSE STAFF,
ALL OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT STAFF,
AND ALL OFFICE OF POUCY DEVELOPMENT STAFF
FROM:
OFFICE OF MANAGEMENT AND ADMINISTRATION
SUBJECT:
Equal Employment Qpportunit;y Statement
Attached you will find a copy of the Equal Employment Opportunity Statement for the
Executive Office of the President; after reviewing, please add it to your White House Staff
Manual for future reference.
Attachment
CARTER WILKIE
OEOB 158
�l
)
I
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
BQUAL BIIPLO'DUDIT OPPOR'l'Uitl:'l'Y S'l'A'l'BMBlf'l'
BXBCU'l'IVB OPPICB OP 'l'BB PRBSIDBB'l'
The President is committed to ensuring equal employment
opportunity for all Executive Office of the President (EOP)
employees. Equally as important, the President is committed to a
government that is free of discrimination and which reflects the
diversity of this nation.
This statement reaffirms the policy of the EOP prohibiting
unlawful discrimination and sexual harassment. The EOP does not
condone nor tolerate discrimination based on race, color,
national origin, sex (including sexual harassment), religion, age
(over 40), disability or sexual orientation, in any of its
personnel policies, practices, and operations.
All EOP agency heads and employees have a responsibility to
uphold this policy. Each employee must be personally accountable
for his or her performance in ensuring and promoting equal
opportunity principles and in recognizing diversity as a source
of strength for the EOP. Moreover, managers and employees alike
must work together to ensure a workplace free of discrimination
and sexual harassment.
In general terms, unlawful discrimination involves improperly
making employment decisions or carrying out actions based on the
factors listed above. Discrimination on the basis of sex
includes sexual harassment. Sexual harassment, as defined by the
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and for the purposes of
the EOP, is: unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual
favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature
when: (1) submission is made explicitly or implicitly a term or
condition of an individual's employment; (2) submission to or
rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as the basis
for employment decisions affecting such individual; or (3) such
conduct has the purpose or effect of unreasonably interfering
with an individual's work performance or creating an
intimidating, hostile, or offensive working environment.
While every EOP employee may raise claims of discrimination
andfor sexual harassment, employees' rights, responsibilities,
appeals, and remedies may vary. If you believe that you have
been discriminated against or sexually harassed, you may pursue
an equal employment opportunity claim. You should be aware that
the timeframes for raising claims vary for EOP employees from 45
to 180 calendar days from the alleged discriminatory event.
�\
!
If you have any questions about the process and timeframes for
raising a claim or would like more information, please contact
Sharon Solomon, Equal Employment Opportunity Manager, Office of
Administration, Executive Office of the President, at (202) 3953996/TDD: 395-1160.
'
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
07I 1611993
re: Guest privelages (2 pages)
RESTRICTION
b(7)(E)
'f.
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA!Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Administrative Instructions [ l]
2008-0699-F
'm485
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)(
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
Information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose Information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�-·,,
·I
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 12, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR
FROM:
ALL
WHITE HOUSE STAFF
BERNARD W. NUSSBAUM
~
COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT\J CHERYL MILLS~
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
POLITICAL ACTIVITY
This memorandum is to advise you of certain legal and policy
limitations on your political activity as a member of the White
House staff.
Generally, only those Executive Office of the President
("EOP") employees who are in the White House Office ("WHO")
itself or the Office of the Vice President ("OVP") may engage in
political activity. All others1 , except those_ appointed by the
President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, are
subject to the provisions of the Hatch Act and may not engage in
any partisan political activity. A discussion of the permissible
and impermissible activities of "hatched" and non-"hatched"
employees is set forth below.
It is important that you adhere strictly to these
guidelines. Please check with your supervising officer and with
counsel's Office to ascertain whether you are paid from White
House Office or the Office of the Vice President appropriations
and are exempt from certain of the Hatch Act restraints; do not
assume that because you have a White House pass you are not "hatched.n2
1 Employees of the following Executive Office of the
President agencies, unless they are appointed with the advice and
consent of the Senate, are subject to the Hatch Act: Office of
Policy Development, Office of Management and Budget, Office of
the United States Trade Representative, Office of Administration,
Office of National Drug Control Policy, National Security
Council, Council of Economic Advisers, National Space Council,
and the Office of Science and Technology Policy.
2 Detailees from other agencies maintain the status they
enjoy at their home agency. Thus, if an employee is subject to
the Hatch Act at their home agency -- which virtually all
detailees are -- they remain subject to the Hatch Act
�I.
HATCH ACT
All Hatch Act prohibitions, discussed below and found at 5
u.s.c. §§ 7321-7327, cover all EOP employees, with exceptions
principally for employees:
(a)
paid from the appropriations for the WHO, from the EOP
appropriation item for Special Assistance to the
President in Connection with Specially Assigned
Functions (OVP appropriation), or from the Senate
appropriation for the Office of· the Vice President; or
(b)
appointed to their current positions by the President
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate
(provided that such officials have nationwide or
foreign relations responsibilities, as all such
officials within the EOP do); or
(c)
serving as head or assistant head of an executive or
military department.
These exceptions have nat been interpreted to extend to
other EOP employees; such other employees including Office of
Management and Budget COM8l staff. Office of Policy Development
COPDl staff. and all Schedule cs and detailees should abide by
all Hatch Act prohibitions. The restrictions of the Hatch Act
are applicable to full-time employees 24 hours a day, regardless
of whether such employees are on annual or sick leave or leave
without pay; as long as a covered individual is on the employment
rolls of the Government, he or she is subject to the restrictions
of the Hatch Act.
Employees fully covered by the Hatch Act may not:
(1)
take an active part in the management of a political
campaign;
(2)
be a partisan candidate in an election for state or
national office;
(3)
serve as an officer of a political party, a member of a
national, state or local committee of a political
party, or an officer or member of a committee of a
partisan political club;
(4)
organize a political organization or club;
(5)
solicit, receive, handle, otherwise account for, or
disburse political contributions;
restrictions while serving at the White Rouse.
2
�•
(6)
sell tickets to, organize, or actively participate in
any political fundraising activity;
(7)
voluntary campaiqn work, such as addressing and
stuffing-envelopes;
(8)
solicit votes for or against a candidate;
(9)
serve as a party or candidate challenger or
pollwatcher;
(10) drive voters to the polls for a candidate or party;
(11) endorse or oppose a candidate in a political
advertisement, broadcast or campaign literature;
(12) serve as a delegate or alternate to a political
convention;
(13) organize or actively participate in the activities of a
political convention;
(14) serve on a standing committee of a political
convention;
(15) circulate a candidate-nominating petition;
(16) address a convention, rally, caucus or similar
gathering of a political party in support of or in
opposition to a partisan candidate for public office.
Employees covered by the Batch Act may:
(1)
register and vote;
(2)
make financial contributions to a party or candidate,
except that 18 u.s.c. S 603 .Precludes Federal employees
from contributing to their employer or 11 employinq
authority" (5 u.s.c. S 7323 also imposes other
restrictions on employees in Executive agencies,
namely, that such employees cannot give a thing of
value for political purposes to another employee, a
member of Conqress, or an officer in the uniformed
service);
(3)
express their opinion on political subjects;
(4)
wear campaiqn buttons or display bumper stickers;
(5)
be a member (but not an officer or committee member) of
a political party or organization, so lonq as they do
not actively engage in campaign activities;
3
�.l
(6)
attend (but not as a delegate) a political convention,
fundraising function or other political gathering, so
long as they do not organize or participate in the
proqram of such an activity; and
(7)
siqn a nominating petition.
Because the limitations of the Hatch Act apply 24 hours a
day, a "hatched" employee may not participate in political
activity, either on or off the job. That means, for example,
that a "hatched" employee may not draft a political speech.
Although it is possible for a "hatched" employee to draft a
speech concerning Administration issues that may be presented in
a political setting, the "hatched" employee may not prepare any
material containing statements of political advocacy, nor any
materials that will be used exclusively for a political purpose.
Similarly, "hatched" employees may not type or transcribe
political speeches; rather, the resources of a political
organization should support political undertakings. Very limited
ministerial activities, such as the typing of a brief political
endorsement in a speech that otherwise deals with official
matters or collating the brief political portion with the
remainder of the speech are not objectionable under the Hatch
Act.
Additionally, "hatched" employees may write briefing
materials on official Administration activities for use by
Administration officials, even when such materials will be
included in partisan political statements. However, "hatched"
employees may not write or prepare any materials that will be
used solely for political purposes (~, materials for the
platform of the Democratic Party) , nor may they prepare any
materials that contain statements of political advocacy.
Administration officials should be particularly sensitive to
the limitations on "hatched" employees in instances of mixed
political and official travel. Where a "hatched" employee
accompanies an exempted official on a trip, it remains essential
that no inappropriate political activities be performed by the
employee. 3 The "hatched" support staff of an exempted
Administration official may perform their normal clerical and
ministerial functions in connection with the political travel and
appearances or activities of their principal, provided that the
functions they perform are related to their official
responsibilities. Such employees, however, may not perform tasks
3
Because the discharge of official duties is the only
basis for a "hatched" employee to be accompanying his or her
principal on a political trip, the travel expenses of such an
employee must be paid from apprgpriated funds.
4
�/~
that are purely political in nature and which relate solely to
their principal's political activities.
Logistical arrangements for an exempted official's purely
political travel or appearances should be made where possible by
the appropriate political organization, but a "hatched" employee
customarily involved in such ministerial activities may make
limited scheduling arrangements for his or her principal's
political travel or appearances. Under no circumstances may a
"hatched" employee engage in any of the "management" activities
of a political event or convention (~, plan or sell tickets to
a political event or work on the activities of a committee, such
as the Platform or Rules Committees, of a political convention).
Again, if. you have any questions with respect to the
matters, please call the White House Counsel's Office before you
act.
II.
LIMITS ON POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF EXEMPT PERSONNEL4
Even staff members who are exempted from the Hatch Act's
prohibitions on partisan political activities are subject to
certain restrictions. For example, the Hatch Act prohibits all
Federal employees from using their official authority or
influence for the purpose of interfering with, or affecting, the
results of an election.
We have set forth below guidelines to help ensure that
political activities undertaken by exempt personnel are within
the limits prescribed by law and White House policy.
USE OF LEAVE
(1) Certain White House staff members are entitled to
specific amounts of annual leave. As discussed below, such leave
may be used for political purposes; however, one cannot take an
"advance" on annual leave to engage in political activities.
Those White House staff members not entitled to annual leave
(~, commissioned officers) may use a ceiling of 15 days of
compensatory leave (~, the equivalent of vacation time) for
political purposes.
4
It is important to understand that for purposes of this
section, the official responsibilities that customarily have been
performed by the Political Affairs Office constitute "official"
and not "political" activities, and the restraints cited here
therefore do not in general affect activities and office
maintenance or other costs undertaken or incurred in the
discharge of such responsibilities.
5
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I
•
(2) Non-"hatched" White House staff members must perform
their official duties for a minimum of 40 hours per week or 80
hours per two-week pay period in order to receive their full
Federal salary. If a staff member does not complete 40 hours of
official duty in any week, the difference between the number of
hours completed and 40 hours must be covered by annual leave,
leave without pay, official holidays or made up in the second
week of that pay period. The difference cannot be made up in a
subsequent pay period.
(3) Those non-"hatched" White House staff members who
complete a minimum of 40 hours of official duty during any full
week (Monday-Sunday) may be absent from their official duty
station for no more than one weekday (Monday-Friday) for the
purpose of engaging in political activity without taking annual
leave or leave without pay. If a staff member desires to be
absent for political purposes for more than one weekday in any
week, each additional weekday must be covered by annual leave or
leave without pay, regardless of the number of official hours
worked during that week. In other words, it is not permissible
for a staff member to put in 40 hours of official duty in the
first three days of the week and then take the remaining two
weekdays off for campaigning without using annual leave or leave
without pay.
(4) Sick leave cannot be used to cover an absence from
official duty for the purpose of enqaqing in political activity.
(5) Any White House staff member not subject to the Hatch
Act is permitted to take leave without pay to cover absences from
official duties for the purposes of enqaqinq in political
activity.
(6) When annual leave, compensatory leave or leave without
pay is used for political purposes:
(a) Staff members must submit a request for leave, in
advance of the leave period, to their White House department
supervisor. Following approval by the supervisor, the
request should be forwarded to Counsel's Office.
(b) Supervisors must forward to the Counsel's Office,
in advance of a leave period, a report of their intended use
of leave for political purposes.
(7) Staff members may use only eiqht hours of compensatory
leave for political activity during any 7-day period unless
additional leave is approved by Counsel's Office.
6
�USE OF VEHICLES AND MESSENGERS
White House vehicles may not be used for political purposes.
This means that White House cars may not be used to transport
staff members or materials to or from any political committee
office or event. Nor may White House vehicles be used to
transport staff members or political materials to airports or any
other location if the purpose of the trip is primarily political.
Because of the special requirements surroundinq departures
and arrivals from Andrews Air Force Base, White House vehicles
may be used to transport White House staff members to that
facility when they are accompanyinq the President, Vice
President, First Lady or Mrs. Gore on a political trip.
Additionally, where the President is participatinq in a political
event in the Washinqton, D.C. area or other location where White
House cars are available for official purposes, White House cars
may be used for the Presidential motorcade to the extent
essential to the security and support of the President.
White House messenqer should not be used to deliver or pick
up materials from the DNC or any other political committee.
USE OF COMMUNICATIONS SYSTEMS AND COPYING MACHINES
(1) In those limited circumstances in which qovernment
communication systems -- telephone, e-mail (which automatically
is backed up as a potential presidential record), teleqraph,
teletype, telecopy or radio~- are.used for campaign-related
purposes, appropriate reimbursement or payment at the "usual or
normal charqe," 15 C.F.R. S 100.7(a)(1)(B), must be made by a
proper political campaign committee.
(2) Because of the need for liaison between limited numbers
of White House staff members and a political committee,
telephones may be used for local calls. However, White House
telephones must not be used, even locally, for regular committee
activities such as recruitinq volunteers or fundraisinq.
(3) Government credit cards must not be used for campaignrelated or other political calls, whether made from within or
outside the White House.
(4) Government operators should not be used to place
campaign-related or other political lonq distance calls.
(5) Campaign-related or political lonq distance telephone
calls made from the White House may be made only if charqed to a
credit card issued by the proper campaign or political committee
(or on telephones installed and maintained by such committee for
exclusive use·in dealinq with campaign or political matters
should such phones be installed).
7
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�i
(6) The incominq WATS system (800 #) should not be used to
call into the White House on campaiqn or political matters.
(7) White House Communications Aqency (WHCA) facilities
provided outside the White. House in connection with travel may
continue to be used durinq mixed and wholly political trips.
These facilities must be used exclusively for communications
relating to trip planning and arrangements and not for direct
political purposes such as campaiqn fundraisinq and crowdbuildinq. The Government will be reimbursed for the use of these
facilities.
(8) Except in limited instances approved by the White House
Counsel's Office, Government copyinq machines may not be used to
reproduce materials for transmittal to a campaiqn or political
committee.
TRAVEL
Government funds must not be used for the political travel
of staff members. Principles qoverninq the allocation of travel
expenses will be set forth elsewhere.
Any political or "mixed• official.and political travel by
White House staff must be approved in advance by the Counsel's
Office. No reimbursements will be made for non-approved travel
expenses.
MEETtNGS tN GOVERNMENT BUXLDINGS
(1) Government buildinqs, includinq White House offices and
meetinq rooms, should not be used for meetinqs or events
orqanized by a campaiqn or political committee. Informal
meetinqs involvinq small numbers of campaiqn or political
officials and White House staff members may occasionally be held
in a White House staff member's office or, if it is a luncheon or
breakfast meetinq, in the White House Mess, provided that such
meetinqs do not interfere with the conduct of Government
business.
(2) Campaiqn fundraisinq activities of any kind are
prohibited in or from Government buildinqs.
(3) Campaiqn-sponsored or other political activities
(receptions, dinners, meetinqs, but ngt fundraisers) may be held
in the Executive Residence at the White Bouse provided that
either the President, Mrs. Clinton, or some other family member
attends the event. Campaign or other political events (qther
tban fun4raisers) also may be held at the Vice President's
Residence so lonq as the Vice President, Mrs. Gore, or same other
family member attends the event. The cost of campaign or
political events at either residence must be paid by the proper
8
�campaign or political committee in accordance with the guidelines
which have been established for the use of these residences for
nonofficial purposes.
USE OF PHOTOGRAPHS
(1) White House photographers may continue to photograph
all Presidential, First Lady, and Vice Presidential activities
for the purpose of creating an archival record of this
Administration. However, as a general rule, photographs taken by
White House photographers at political events may not be used for
distribution to individuals attending such events or for any
other political or campaign purpose.
(2)
Photographs taken at events in the Executive Residence
(other than political-sponsored events), at West Wing and East
Wing meetings, and at non-political events outside the White
House may be distributed consistent with regular practices.
(3)
A campaign or political committee will be expected to
provide a photographer at all campaign and political events for
which it desires to distribute photographs to the participants.
White House photographers will not photograph receiving lines or
greetings at campaign or political events, except to the extent
necessary for archival purposes.
(4)
A campaign or political committee may purchase, for its
use, photographs taken by White House photographers in those ·
limited circumstances where those photographs provide the only
source for a particular picture. All photograph purchase
requests from the campaign or political committee must be
directed to the Director of White House Photo Office. A record
of all campaign photo requests will be maintained by the Director
of the White House Photo Office, who will be responsible for
billinq the campaign or political committee for all photo orders
on a monthly basis at the normal rate and according to the
procedures established by the Government for the purchase of such
pictures.
COBRESPONDENCE
(1) Campaign and political correspondence must not be
produced at the White House, nor can White House stationery,
stamps or related supplies be used in the preparation of such
correspondence at another location.
(2) · Federal law prohibits the receipt of contributions in
Federal buildings. Occasionally, contributions intended for a
campaign committee may be addressed to the White Bouse and
delivered with other mail. Such contributions should be handled
by returning the contributions to the sender with an explanation
of the applicable Federal law and a statement of the appropriate
9
�recipient's address. (Appropriate language may be obtained from
the White House Counsel's Office.) There should be no
acknowledgement of receipt of a contribution from the White House
to the contributor. If the contribution is accompanied by a
letter that deals primarily with governmental issues, a response
dealing with those issues may be prepared and sent·from the White
House; however, there must be no reference to the contribution.
CRIMINAL STATYTES
A number of criminal statutes prohibit the use of Federal
programs, property, or employment for political purposes.
Violation of these criminal statutes is punishable by
imprisonment and/or the payment of a substantial fine. Certain
staff members may also be subject to investigation and possible
prosection by an Independent Counsel in connection with alleged
violations of these statutes.
Solicitation of campaign Contributions: Solicitation of
campaign contributions from Federal employees (except those
appointed by and with the· advice of the Senate) is prohibited, as
is the solicitation or receipt of contributions in Federal
buildings or on Federal property. Moreover, solicitation of
campaign contributions from a Member of Congress or an officer of
a uniformed service also is prohibited. Unless specifically
approved by the Counsel's Office and the Political Affairs
Office, no White House staff member shall sign a fundraising
letter on behalf of any Federal candidate.
Use of Official Authority: Criminal statues prohibit any
Federal employee, whether or not "hatched," from using his or her
"official authority for the purpose of interfering with, or
affecting, the nomination or the election of any candidate."
While there is no definitive statement by a court or other body
of what activities constitute such improper interference with
election results, the following types of activities are clearly
prohibited:
One Federal employee directly or indirectly soliciting
money from another Federal employee for a campaign contribution,
or making a contribution to the official responsible for his or
her employment.
-- Soliciting or receiving campaign contributions on Federal
property or in Federal buildings. This means that fundraising
events may ngt be held in the White House; that no fundraising
phone calls or mail may emanate from the White House or any other
Federal buildings; and that no campaign contributions may be
accepted at the White House or any other Federal building.
10
�-- Soliciting or accepting a campaign contribution or
campaign support in exchange for a promise to appoint someone to
a Federal job.
-- Promising or withholding Federal benefits (jobs, grants,
contracts, etc.) based on political support or nonsupport.
-- Favoring or penalizing employees or withholding
employment in order to induce someone to make a political
contribution or otherwise participate in political activity.
Violations of these statutes can, ·of course, have serious
consequences and I urge you, if you have any questions about the
legality or propriety of a proposed action, to consult the White
House Counsel's Office.
11
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 2, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR WHITE HOUSE STAFF
BERNARD W. NUSSBAUM
/?~
COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT3 '
FROM:
G
CLIFFORD M. SLOAN
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
Policy Regarding Investigations and Investigatory
Agencies
RE:
In prior memoranda of February 22, 1993 and March 9, 1993,
we set forth policies qoverninq communications between members of
the White House staff and independent requlatory aqencies,
executive branch aqencies, and their components. This memorandum
is intended to supplement our prior memoranda and to explain
White House policy reqardinq investiqations and investiqatory
aqencies.
(1) CONTACTS WITH INVJSTIGATORY AGENCIES
White House contacts with investiqatory aqencies may arise
in three circumstances: (1) contacts reqardinq the initiation of
an investiqation, (2) contacts reqardinq a pendinq investiqation
or case, and (3) contacts reqardinq administrative matters.
a.
The lBI
White House staff may have knowledqe of a possible violation
of law or wronqful activities involvinq White House facilities or
personnel. Such information should be communicated to the
Counsel to the President. If Counsel determines that contact
with the FBI is warranted, Counsel will initially contact the
Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney General, or the Associate
Attorney General. If continuinq contact is required, Counsel and
the senior Justice Department official with whom Counsel is
dealinq will desiqn and monitor the continuinq contact.
As stated in prior memoranda, with respect to pending
investiqations or cases, any written or oral communications
should be directed to the Counsel to the President. If
appropriate and necessary, Counsel will contact the Attorney
General,· the Deputy··Attorney-Genera·l·;-·-or-the-·:Assoc-late Attorney
�General. Here too, if continuing contact is required, counsel ·
and the senior Justice Department official with whom the Office
is dealing will design and monitor that continuing contact.
Finally, with respect to contacts regarding administrative
matters, White House personnel may have a need to communicate
with Justice Department and FBI personnel on a variety of issues.
These issues include policy, legislation, budgeting, and
appointments. Members of the White House staff may deal with the
appropriate persons in Justice and the FBI on such matters, just
as with other Departments and agencies. The Counsel to the
President has a need to communicate with FBI personnel about
background investigations and clearances of government officials,
and may communicate directly with appropriate FBI officials for
that purpose.
b. XRS
It is neyer appropriate for White House personnel to
initiate an investigation or audit by directly contacting the
Internal Revenue Service. To the extent that White House
officials believe that they have information regarding criminal
tax violations by federal employees, that information should be
communicated to the Counsel to the President. If appropriate and
necessary, Counsel will communicate that information to the
Attorney General.
As stated in prior memoranda, with respect to pending
Treasury or IRS investigations or cases, a policy similar to the
policy regarding the FBI is followed. White House personnel
should refer any written or oral communications about a pending
investigation or case to the Counsel to the President. If
appropriate and necessary, Counsel will communicate with the
Deputy Secretary of Treasury. If continuing contact is required
on particular matters, it will be left to Counsel and the Deputy
Secretary of Treasury to design and monitor that continuing
contact.
Finally, with respect to contacts regarding administrative
matters, White House personnel have a need to communicate with
Treasury and IRS personnel on issues such as policy, legislation,
budgeting, and appointments. White House personnel may deal with
the appropriate persons in Treasury and XRS about such matters,
just as with other Departments and agencies. The Counsel to the
President also has a need to communicate with IRS personnel about
routine "tax checks" of prospective government officials, and may
communicate directly with appropriate IRS officials for that
purpose.
�(2)
WHITE HOUSE PRESS OFFICE DISCLOSURE OF ONGOING
INVESTIGATIONS
The White House Press Office generally should not disclose
ongoing investigations. In extraordinary circumstances, it is
possible that a disclosure would be determined to serve the
public interest. Even in such extraordinary circumstances, Press
Office disclosure should be made only with the approval of (1)
the counsel to the President and (2) the Chief of Staff or Deputy
Chief of Staff. Such disclosure should be made, moreover, if
possible, only after consultation between the Counsel to the
President and senior officials of the investigative entity's
Department.
(3)
PBESS OFFICE CQNTACT WITH FBI
The White House Press Office responds to inquiries and
provides information. A routine administrative function of the
Office is consultation with spokespersons for Departments and
agencies regarding public statements and publicly available
information. Nevertheless, it is essential to avoid any possible
appearance of interference with the FBI. Accordingly, in the
future, if the Press Office desires to communicate with FBI
spokespersons concerning public statements about a pending case
or investigation, the Press Office should contact the Counsel to
the President. If the communication is appropriate, Counsel will
notify the Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney General, or the
Associate Attorney General before it takes place. If continuing
contact is required, Counsel and the senior Justice Department
official with whom Counsel is dealing will design and monitor the
continuing contact.
3
�f.'i
'
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
MAY 5, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL WHITE HOUSE AND OTHER EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE
PRESIDENT STAFF
FROM:
THOMAS F. MCLARTY, III
CHIEF OF STAFF
RE:
PRESIDENTIAL AND FEDERAL RECORDS
Attached are two memoranda concerninq Presidential and
federal records -- the records we create and receive in the
Executive Office of the President.
All personnel in the White House and other offices in the
Executive Office of the President should review these memoranda
carefully and comply with the quidance set forth therein.
Thank you for your cooperation.
Attachments
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 5, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT STAFF
FROM:
~trf?
JOHN D. PODESTA
Assistant to the
esident and
staff Secret ry ·
.
NEUWIRTH~
STEPHEN R.
Associate counsel to the President
RE:
Presidential Records
The offices within the Executive Office of the
President generate two categories of records: "Presidential
Records" and Federal Records." A separate memo·from David
Watkins and Bruce Overton has been circulated today concerning
"federal records."
This memorandum sets forth guidance on the creation,
maintenance and disposition of "Presidential records" -- records
"created or received by the President, his immediate staff, or a
unit or individual of the Executive Office of the President whose
function is to advise and assist the President, in the course of
conducting activities which relate to or have an effect upon the
carrying out of the constitutional, statutory, or other official
or ceremonial duties of the President."
It is important that all staff in the Executive Office
of the President review this memorandum carefully. ~be failure
to designate documents and other materials properly can have
serious implications, including possibly subjecting those
materials to public disclosure under the Freedom of Information
Act during the President's term of office.
I.
UNITS WITHIN THE EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
THAT GENERATE PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS
All records of the White House Office, the Office of
Policy Development, the National Economic Council, the Council of
Economic Advisors, the President's Intelligence Oversight Board
�and the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board are
Presidential records.
As discussed below, records of the Office of the Vice
President are Vice Presidential records and are treated under the
Presidential Records Act in the same manner as Presidential
records. The records of the Office of the Vice President are not
federal records.
The records of the National Security Council staff are
Presidential records if they were received or created by or for
the President, the Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs, the Deputy Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs, the White House Office, or a unit or
an individual within the NSC in advising or assisting the
President, and are not official records of the NSC. All other
NSC records are federal records.
Records produced or received by the Director of the
Office of Science and Technology Policy in his role as Science
Advisor to the President are Presidential records; all other OSTP
records are federal records.
Records of the Office of Management and Budget, the
Office of the United States Trade Representative, the Council on
Environmental Quality, and the Office of Administration are
federal, not Presidential, records.
II.
Types of Records Covered by the Act
The Presidential Records Act defines "documentary
materials" as "all books, correspondence, memorandums, documents,
papers, pamphlets, works of art, models, pictures, photographs,
plats, maps, films, and motion pictures, including, but not
limited to, audio, audio-visual, or other electronic or
mechanical recordations." 44 u.s.c. § 2201(1).
mean:
The Act defines "Presidential records," in turn, to
documentary materials, or any reasonably segregable
portion thereof, created or received by the President,
his immediate staff, or a unit or individual of the
Executive Office of the President whose function is to
advise and assist the President, in the course of
conducting activities which relate to or have an effect
upon the carrying out of the constitutional, statutory,
or other official or ceremonial duties of the
President. Such term -(A)
includes any documentary materials relating to the
political activities of the President or members
2
�I
. .J
of his staff, but only if such activities relate
to or have a direct effect upon the carrying out
of constitutional, statutory, or other official or
ceremonial duties of the President.
44
u.s.c.
§
2201(2).
Under this definition, Presidential records are
documentary materials that meet two tests. First, the materials
must have been created or receiyed by the President, his
immediate staff, or a unit or individuals (including volunteers)
in the EOP whose function it is to advise and assist the
President. Second, the records must relate to or have an effect
upon the carrying out of the constitutional, statutory, or other
official or ceremonial duties of the President. Presidential
records may be in any physical form; including paper, film and
disk. The method used to record information may be manual,
mechanical, photographic, electronic, or any combination of these
or other technologies.
A document created by personnel in a White House
office, or an EOP office that advises and assists the President,
normally is a Presidential record once it is circulated to others
in the course of conducting activities which relate to or have an
effect upon the carrying out of Presidential duties. Moreover,
even documents that are not circulated can be Presidential
records if, in the judgment of the office at issue, those
documents are needed to conduct business that relates to or has
an effect upon the carrying out of Presidential duties.
Materials received by personnel in the White House
office, or in EOP offices that advise and assist the President,
similarly become Presidential records when they are received in
the course of conducting activities which relate to or have an
effect upon the carrying out of Presidential duties. Materials
received may be Presidential records whether they have been
transmitted in person, by messenger, by mail, by electronic
communication, or by any other means.
At the same time, several types of documentary
materials are not subject to the Presidential Records Act. The
Act expressly excludes documentary materials that are (1)
official records of an agency; (2) stocks of publications and
stationery; and (3) extra copies of documents produced only for
convenience of reference, when such copies are clearly so
identified.
·
The Act also excludes "personal records," defined to
include all documentary materials, or any reasonably segregable
portion thereof, "of a purely private or nonpublic character
which do not relate to or have an effect upon the carrying out of
3
�the constitutional, statutory, or other official or ceremonial
duties of the President." Personal records may include:
diaries, journals, or other personal notes serving
as the functional equivalent of a diary or
journal, which are not prepared or utilized for,
or circulated or communicated in the course of,
transacting government business;
materials relating to private political
associations, and having no relation to or direct
effect upon the carrying out of constitutional,
statutory, or other official or ceremonial duties
of the President;
papers and other·materials accumulated by a staff
member before joining government service and not
used in the course of transacting government
business;
materials that relate to a staff member's private
affairs, such as personal financial records,
insurance forms, and materials relating to an
individual's professional activities and outside
business and political pursuits;
personal photographs;
materials relating exclusively to the President's
own election to the office of the Presidency; and
materials directly relating to the election of a
particular individual or individuals to Federal,
State, or local office, which have no relation to
or direct effect upon the carrying out of
constitutional, statutory, or other official or
ceremonial duties of the President.
Further examples of materials not covered by the
Presidential Records Act may include items such as those listed
below:
preliminary drafts, that are not circulated to any
other individual, of correspondence, reports, and
studies;
preliminary drafts, work sheets and informal notes
that contain information reflected in final
documents and that do not document policy
development or execution;
4
�tickler, follow-up or suspense copies of
correspondence, provided there are copies of such
documents in the official files;
newspaper clippings or news summaries, that have
not been annotated, or organized or arranged for
some official purpose;
copies of printed or processed materials, such as
operating and procedural manuals, directives, and
notices, distributed for the information and use
of office employees;
shorthand and other notes that have been
transcribed or converted to formal documents that
have been verified for accuracy and completeness;
and
catalogs, trade journals, and other publications
that are received from other government agencies,
commercial firms, or private institutions and that
are maintained for reference purposes.
It is important to remember, however, that certain
documents in the categories listed above may be Presidential
records -- particularly given that, in the White House, drafts,
working papers and other similar materials often document policy
development, significant decisions, or other matters related to
the carrying out of Presidential duties, as discussed below.
III. Requirements for creation and maintenance
of Presidential records
When advising or assisting the President in carrying
out his duties, White House and EOP employees are responsible for
complying with the Presidential Records Act and related
regulations.
The law imposes an affirmative obligation on staff
members to document adequately the performance of the President's
constitutional, statutory and ceremonial duties. Where
appropriate, staff members should document -- through notes,
minutes or memoranda -- meetings, conversations and other
business in connection with, or related to, the carrying out of
the President's duties.
Presidential records should be maintained in organized
files. Por offices creating both Presidential and federal
records, it is critical that staff members carefully segregate
Presidential and federal records. Federal records are subject to
5
�the Federal Records Act and may be subject to public disclosure
under the Freedom of Information Act during the President's term
of office. Presidential records, by contrast, are not subject to
the Federal Records Act and are not subject to the provisions of
the Freedom of Information Act during the President's term of
office. Those offices (such as the National Security Council)
that create or receive both Presidential records and federal
records should file them separately with a clear indication of
which records are Presidential and which are federal.
In addition, staff members should, to the extent
possible, ensure that any files containing particularly sensitive
records are clearly marked to reflect that fact. Designations
for files containing sensitive records may include:
classified·information 11 ; 1
(1)
11
(2)
"information the release of which may be
prejudicial to the maintenance of good relations
with foreign nations";
(3)
"sensitive personal information" (.L..b,
information the release of which may be
embarrassing to the individuals mentioned or to
their families);
(4)
"sensitive law enforcement materials";
(5)
"trade secrets or sensitive commercial or
financial information"; and
(6)
"information subject to attorney-client or
attorney work product privileges."
Finally, personal records should be clearly labeled,
kept apart from Presidential records (and federal records) and
not made available to other staff in connection with any official
purpose.
IV.
Electronic Presidential records
Increasingly, Presidential records may be created
electronically. Records may be generated on word processing or
electronic mail ("e-mail") systems, or on electronic databases.
1
Please note that nothing in this memorandum should be
construed to override existing Executive Orders setting forth who
may designate specific documents as classified and what terms
must be used in connection with such designations.
6
�j
Records generated electronically must be incorporated
into an official recordkeeping system. Thus, no word processing
or e-mail document that is a Presidential record should be
deleted unless it has been (a) printed and placed in an
appropriate file, or (brpreserved in an appropriate electronic
system. Questions concerning the record ·status of electronically
generated materials should be directed to the White House Records
Management Office. That office will periodically monitor
electronic systems to ensure that correct records status
determinations have been made.
As is the case for all record matters, the White House
Records Management Office will continue to work with the White
House Counsel's Office to coordinate policy and practices with
respect to electronic Presidential records.
v.
Disposition and destruction of Presidential records
Presidential records are the property of the United
States and may be disposed of only in accordance with procedures
established by the Archivist of the United States. The
Presidential Records Act prohibits the disposal of Presidential
records unless those records no longer have administrative,
historical, informational, or evidentiary value. Moreover,
before disposing of any Presidential records, the President must
notify the Archivist who, under certain clearly defined
circumstances, will notify appropriate Congressional committees.
The White House Records Management Office will provide
guidance concerning disposal of certain recurring types of
papers, including form letter public mail, unsolicited public
mail that is not reviewed by any person in the White House with
decision-making authority and not answered by any member of the
White House staff, anonymous public mail, and enclosures received
in public mail -- most of which may be destroyed after
notification to the Archivist of the United States or the
Archivist's representative.
Offices that have these recurring types of disposable
material should coordinate all disposal procedures through the
Office of Records Management. Under no circumstances should such
material be disposed of without prior approval of the White House
Records Management Office. (Prior approval is not necessary for
the destruction of exact duplicates of documents which are being
retained, or for unmarked copies of officially published
documents, such as printed reports.)
The White House Office of Records Management serves as
a central file for all Presidential records. Its primary role is
to manage, process, maintain and store records for the daily use
7
�of the President and all the policy units in the White House.
Concurrently, it preserves these same records to ensure a
comprehensive history of the Administration. All EOP staff
members are encouraged to consult with this office for guidance
on the creation and maintenance of files and on procedures for
appropriate and systematic filing of documents.
VI.
Legal control of Presidential records
Presidential records remain in the custody and control
of the President during his term of office and are not subject to
disclosure under the Freedom of Information Act during that term.
As noted above, federal records are, by contrast, subject to the
FOIA public disclosure provis·ions. ·
Upon completion of the Administration, the Archivist
acquires custody of Presidential records. Many of these records
will become available to the public under the FOIA five years
after the end of the President's term of office. The President,
however, may assert control over public access to certain
categories of information -- generally including classified
materials, documents related to appointments to federal offices,
items specifically exempted from disclosure by other statutes,
trade secrets or commercial information, confidential
communications requesting or submitting advice between the
President and his advisers (or between such advisers), and
information implicating personal privacy concerns -- for up to
twelve years after the end of the President's term. After twelve
years, public access to these categories of documents is governed
by the FOIA, subject to any Constitutional privilege against
disclosure.
VII. Records that may be retained by staff members
upon departure from office
Staff members may not remove Presidential records, or
copies of such records, from their offices at any time, except in
connection with an official function. Classified Presidential
records may not be removed from the office at any time without
compliance with the rules applicable to such materials. Records
used in an official capacity should be returned to proper files
immediately after such use.
When a staff member leaves the White House or another
office in the EOP, he or she must deliver all Presidential
records to the White House Records Management Office (or leave
records in his or her office for pick-up). Staff members are not
entitled to retain copies of any Presidential records for
8
�personal use, except copies of documents that have already been
publicly released.
Federal records should be left at the appropriate
agency, and disposed of in accordance with the advice set forth
in the federal records guidance memorandum from David Watkins and
Bruce Overton.
Purely personal, unclassified materials may be removed
from the office·by staff members at any time, subject to any
agency procedures regulating such removal. If, during the course
of service at the White House, a staff member wishes to store
personal (including private political) materials at the White
House Office of Records Management, the staff member must clearly
designate those materials as "personal."
VIII.
Records in the Office of the Vice President
The Presidential Records Act expressly provides that
records of the Office of the Vice President are Vice-Presidential
records and are to be treated under the Presidential Records Act
in the same manner as Presidential records. Thus, materials
created or received in the Office of the Vice President should be
treated in accordance with the guidance set forth above. The
Office of the Vice President has its own records management
staff, and personnel in the Office of the Vice President should
consult with that staff for additional guidance regarding the
filing and disposition of Vice President's Office records.
The Presidential Records Act further provides that
"[t]he authority of the Archivist with respect to VicePresidential records shall be the same as the authority of the
Archivist with respect to Presidential records, except that the
Archivist may, when the Archivist determines that it is in the
public interest, enter into an agreement for the deposit of VicePresidential records in a non-Federal archival depository."
IX.
Training
The White House Office of Records Management and other
appropriate personnel will be providing records management
training in the near future.
* * *
The foregoing is designed to provide general guidance
with respect to the Presidential Records Act. Specific questions
of coverage or interpretation should be addressed to the White
House Counsel's office. Assistance in records maintenance and
9
�disposition can be obtained from the White House Office of
Records Management (or, in the case of the Office of the Vice
President, from the Vice President's records management staff).
10
�.
\
·t
THE: WHITE: HOUSE:
WASHINGTON
May 5, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE
PRESIDENT ~:~~
FROM:
DAVID WATKINS ~~
Assistant to ~he President for
Management and Administration
BRUCE OVERTON
~A)
General Counsel, F~
Office of Administration
RE:
Federal Records
INTRODUCTION
The offices within the Executive Office of the
President generate two categories of records: "Presidential
Records" and "Federal Records."
Records are "Presidential" if they are "created or
received by the President, his immediate staff, or a unit or
individual of the Executive Office of the President whose
function is to advise and assist the President, in the course of
conducting activities which relate to or have an effect upon the
carrying out of the constitutional, statutory or other official
or ceremonial duties of the President." Such Presidential
records are subject to the provisions of the Presidential Records
Act, 44 u.s.c. § 2201. Presidential records remain in the
custody and control of the President during his term of office
and are not accessible to the public until five years after the
end of the Administration, at the earliest. The treatment of
Presidential records will be addressed in a separate memorandum
issued today by the White House Office.
It is the purpose of this memorandum to discuss the
identification, maintenance and disposition of "federal" records.
Materials are "federal records" if (1) the materials have been
created or received by agency personnel in connection with their
official duties in a federal agency, and (2) the materials are
appropriate for preservation as evidence of the agency's
activities or because they contain information of value. Federal
records are subject to the provisions of the Federal Records Act,
44 u.s.c. Chapters 29, 31 and 33. Unlike Presidential records,
federal records are accessible to the public during the
�Administration's term, unless exempt from disclosure under the
provisions of the Freedom of Information Act. 1
The Federal Records Act imposes certain legal
obligations with respect to the creation and receipt, custody and
maintenance, and disposition of federal records. The
responsibilities apply regardless of whether the records are
generated in paper form or by automated systems.
It is critical that staff members in offices, such as
the National Security Council, that create or receive both
federal and Presidential records, file those records separately
in clearly designated files. Once a document is filed as a
federal record, it becomes subject to the Federal Records Act and
may be subject to public disclosure under the Freedom of
Information Act. Presidential records, by contrast, are not
subject to the Federal Records Act and are not subject to the
provisions of the Freedom of Information Act during the
President's term of office. Personal records (defined and
discussed below) also should be segregated, and filed separately,
from official records.
1
All records of the White House Office, the Office of
Policy Development, the National Economic council, the Council of
Economic Advisers, the President's Intelligence Oversight Board
and the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board are
Presidential records.
·
The records of the Office of the Vice President are
treated in the same manner as Presidential records under the
Presidential Records Act. The records of the Office of the Vice
President are not federal records.
Records of the National Security Council staff are
Presidential Records if they were received or created by or for
the President, the Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs, the Deputy Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs, the White House office, or a unit or
an individual within the NSC in advising or assisting the
President, and not official records of the NSC.
Records produced or received by the Director of the
Office of Science and Technology Policy in his role as Science
Advisor to the President are Presidential records and should be
segregated as such. Other records of the OSTP are federal
records.
Records of the Office of Management and Budget, the
Office of the United States Trade Representative, the Council on
Environmental Quality, and the Office of Administration are
federal, not Presidential records.
2
�·..
···.'::I
~·
The guidance that follows will assist EOP staff in
complying with the Federal Records Act, which is designed to
ensure that documentation of official activities is adequately
created and preserved. See 44 u.s.c. § 3101. As explained
below, not every document that you create or receive will be
subject to the Federal Records Act, and it is therefore important
to review this guidance to understand when Federal Records Act
obligations do apply. In preparing this guidance, we have
consulted with officials of the National Archives and Records
Administration.
DEFINITION OF FEPERAL RECORDS
The Federal Records Act defines federal records as:
[A]ll books, papers, maps, photographs, machine
readable materials, or other documentary materials,
regardless of physical form or characteristics, made or
received by an agency of the United States under
Federal law or in connection with the transaction of
public business and preserved or appropriate for
preservation by that agency or its legitimate successor
as evidence of the organization, functions, policies,
decisions, procedures, operations, or other activities
of the Government or because of the informational value
of data in them.
44
u.s.c.
§
3301.
Under this definition, federal records are documentary
materials that meet two tests. First, the materials must have
been created or received by agency personnel in connection with
their official duties in a federal agency. Second, the materials
must be appropriate for preservation as evidence of the agency's
activities or because they contain information of value. Federal
records may be in any physical form, including paper, film and
disk. The method used to record information may be manual,
mechanical, photographic, electronic, or any combination of these
or other technologies.
A document created in any agency normally becomes a
federal record once it is circulated to others in the course of
conducting agency business, or once it is placed in files
accessible to others. Moreover, even documents that are not
circulated can become federal records if, in the judgment of the
agency, those documents are needed to conduct agency business -and whether or not those documents are accommodated by current
filing systems employed by the agency.
3
�Materials received by agency personnel are federal
records when they are received in the course of official
business. Materials received can become federal records whether
they have been transmitted in person, by messenger, by mail, by
electronic communication., or by any other means.
At the same time, certain types of documentary
materials are not subject to the Federal Records Act. The Act
specifically excludes (1) library and museum materials created,
or acquired and preserved, solely for reference or exhibit
purposes; (2) extra copies of documents kept only for convenience
of reference; and (3) stocks of publications and processed
documents. These and other types of transitory or duplicate
records are considered 11 nonrecord 11 because they are not
"appropriate for preservation" as defined in the Act. Such
materials are not needed to·provide full and accurate
documentation of an agency's policies, decisions, procedures, and
program activities. These materials need not be maintained in
official files, and, unlike federal records, may be destroyed
when no longer needed and without prior approval of the National
Archives and Records Administration.
Other examples of 11 nonrecord 11 materials not covered by
the Federal Records Act may include:
Preliminary drafts, that are not circulated to any
other indiv1dual, of correspondence, reports, and
studies.
Preliminary drafts, work sheets and informal
written notes that contain information reflected
in final documents and that do not document policy
development or execution.
Tickler, follow-up or suspense copies of
correspondence, provided there are copies of
documents in the official files.
Newspaper clippings or news summaries,
particularly if they are not annotated.
Copies of printed or processed agency materials,
such as operating and procedural manuals,
directives, and notices, distributed for the
information or use of agency employees.
Shorthand and other notes that have been
transcribed or converted to formal documents that
have been verified for accuracy and completeness.
Catalogs, trade journals, and other publications
that are received from other government agencies,
4
'
�commercial firms, or private institutions and that
are maintained for reference purposes.
In addition, certain "personal papers" fall outside the
scope of the Federal Records Act. Personal papers are
documentary materials that are not used in the transaction of
agency business. Examples include:
Papers and other materials accumulated by a staff
member before joining government service.
Materials that relate to a staff member's private
affairs, such as personal financial records,
insurance forms, and materials relating to an
individual's professional activities and outside
business and political pursuits.
Personal photographs.
Materials that may refer to official duties but
are not directly used to carry out those duties.
These include diaries, personal calendars,
journals, and notes intended for an individual's
personal use (memory aids and personal
observations on work-related matters). 2
It is important to remember, however, that certain
informal documents may be federal records. In the Executive
Office of the President, to a greater extent than in many other
government offices, drafts, notes, background materials or
working papers can be considered federal records because they
document policy development, significant decisions, major
activities, or other matters basic to an understanding of the
office and its role in government operations. Such materials
should be treated as federal records and maintained in official
files if they were circulated for review or clearance, and if
they have been modified substantively.
When it is difficult to determine whether documents or
other records should be treated as federal records, you should
tentatively treat them as federal records and contact the
appropriate EOP agency records management office for a final
determination. Legal questions will be referred by the records
management office to appropriate counsel.
2
For further information on personal papers, consult
Personal Papers of Executive Branch Officials: A Management
Guide, published by the National Archives and Records
Administration. Copies are available in the Office of
Administration, Records Management Office.
5
�RECORDS CREATION AND MAINTENANCE REQUIREMENTS
When acting in their capacity as employees of a federal
agency, such agency employees are responsible for complying with
the Federal Records Act and related regulations.
The law requires that adequate and proper records be
created and preserved to document the organization, functions,
policies, decisions, procedures and essential transactions of the
agency. The law also specifically requires that records be kept
for appropriate periods if they can be used to protect the legal
and financial rights of the Government or individuals directly
affected by the agency's activities.
In order to ensure that agency records contain an
adequate and proper account of policy development, implementation
and decision-making, each employee must document those
discussions, meetings and telephone conversations that are
necessary to understand these functions. Where appropriate, in
formal settings, minutes or notes should be taken for the purpose
of including them in official files.
All staff members are responsible for complying with
procedures that result in adequate and proper records creation
and maintenance. All materials meeting federal records criteria
must be incorporated into appropriate agency files or records
systems. EOP staff members should consult with the appropriate
EOP agency records management office to address any questions
concerning the creation and maintenance of federal records.
ELECTRONIC FEDERAL RECORDS
Increasingly, federal records may be created
electronically. Records may be generated on word processing, or
electronic mail ("e-mail"), systems or other computer
applications.
Records generated electronically must be incorporated
into an official recordkeeping system. Thus, no word processing
or e-mail document that is a federal record should be deleted
unless it has been (a) printed and placed in an appropriate file,
or (b) preserved in an appropriate electronic system.
On January 6 and 11, 1993, in the case of Armstrong v.
Executive Office of the President, United States District Judge
Charles R. Richey directed the National Archives and Records
Administration to work with components of the EOP to develop
further recordkeeping guidance both for e-mail communications in
the EOP and for disposition of EOP electronic federal records
generally. Pursuant to these orders, and until further
6
�instructions, the following special rules should be observed by
components of the EOP that generate federal records:
1.
Material may not be deleted from any e-mail file
unless (a) the material has been retained in full
on a back-up tape or other comparable medium, and
(b) the retained version includes both full text
and all available transmittal information; and
2.
EOP staff members with records management
responsibility must monitor the implementation of
guidance on federal records (including the status
of records) to ensure consistent application of
the court's order.
Questions concerning the status of electronic records,
or the application of these rules to particular computer systems,
should be directed to the appropriate EOP agency records
management office. Those offices will periodically monitor
electronic records systems to ensure that correct records status
determinations have been made.
DESTRUCTION OR REMOVAL OF FEDERAL RECORDS
Federal records, as defined by the Federal Records Act,
may not be destroyed, or permanently removed from appropriate
official files, without the prior approval of the National
Archives and Records Administration.
Federal records should be maintained in organized files
and may not be damaged or altered by any staff member. Nor may
federal records be temporarily removed from official files except
for official purposes, and only if returned to the official files
upon completion of that official function.
Policies and procedures governing the disposition of
federal records are prescribed by the National Archives and
Records Administration and are incorporated into the EOP records
management program. Further information concerning these
policies and procedures should be obtained from the appropriate
EOP records management office.
REMOVAL OF NONBECORD AND PERSONAL MATERIALS
Purely personal, unclassified materials may be removed
from the office by staff members at any time, subject to any
agency procedures regulating such removal.
7
�Unclassified nonrecord materials, with the exception of
copies of records, may be removed with the prior approval of an
agency official with records management responsibility.
Except where expressly authorized by appropriate agency
officials, copies of federal records, regardless of the reason
for which they have been duplicated, may not be taken by staff
members for any purpose other than an official purpose related to
the staff members' official duties and responsibilities.
No classified materials may be removed from the office
at any time, without compliance with the rules applicable to such
materials.
TRAINING
EOP agency records management offices and other
appropriate personnel will be providing records management
training for all employees who generate or receive federal
records.
8
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Administrative Instructions [1]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-008-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/d48ae9a611a164b233af5a3eb9650d54.pdf
e7aba59c4ca64b40fca59395b0f81161
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative ·marker. by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidentia!., Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
w
·i
Subseries:
,
OAIID Number:
..
4273
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Accomplishments
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Stan Greenberg to Clinton Communications re: Accomplishments:
1993 (6 pages)
12/07/1993
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Accomplishments
2008-0699-F
riO
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
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August 22, 1994
I
MEMORANDUM FOR DISTRI~UT~~N
I
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FROM:
MARK GEARAN ~
SUBJECT:
ACCOMPLISHMENTS
Attached is the Administration's accomplishments document we plan
to distribute to the Hill this week. Please use it and
distribute it to your staff. All corrections or additions should
be directetl to Paul Meyer x65710.
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•·.·
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POLITICAL REFORM;
•
•
•
•
•
Passed Campaign Finance Reform bill in both Houses.
Passed Lobbying Disclosure Bill in both Houses.
Signed the National Voter Registration Act (Motor-Voter).
Eliminated the tax deduction for lobbying expenses.
Imposed strictest Administration ethies guideliDes in history.
COMMVNITY & ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT;
•
•
•
•
•
•
Expanded the Eanaed Income Tu Credit by $21 billion over five years.
Created nine Economic Empowerment Zona and 9S Enterprise Communities.
Passed the Community Development Bankin1 BiD.
Introduced the Housin1 and Community Development Aet of 1993.
Instituted the Defense Reinvestment and Convenion Initiative.
Delivered over $9.S billion in Federal aid for California earthquake retief.
REINVENTING GOVERNMENT;
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Conducted a National Performanee Review of the Federal Government.
On track to cut the Federal Workforce by 272,000.
Signed the Goverament Performanee and Resulti·Act of 1993.
Appointed the most divene Cabinet and Administration in history.
Signed the Federal Workforce Restructuring Act of 1994.
Eliminated 284 federal advisory committees.
Initiated thoro~gh review of human radiation e:r.perimeuta.
ENVIRONMENT;
•
•
•
•
•
.·
Introduced a Climate Change Action Plan.
Developed a Forest Management Plan for the Pacific Northwest.
Signed environmental executive orden to ensure a "green" federal government.
Signed the Biodivenity Convention.
Issued an Executive Order on environmental justice.
FOREIGN POLICY/NATIONAL SECURITY;
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Led international support for democracy and market reform in Ru11ia and former Soviet states.
Established a NATO Partnenhip for Peace with East & Central European and former-Soviet states.
Signed trilateral accords with Ukraine and Ru11ia initiating the denuclearization of Ukraine.
Proposed the most comprehensive restructuring of foreign aid since the Kennedy Administration.
Took a tough stand on achieving a nuclear-free North Korean peninsul~
Supported South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy.
Reinvigorated the Middle East peace process.
Strengthened international efforts to restore democracy in Haiti.
Completed a "Bottom Up Review"of national security needs for the post-Cold War era
Secured landmark commitments to eliminate nuclear weapons in Ukraine, Belanas and Kazakhstan.
Led massive and effective response to humanitarian crisis in Rwanda.
..,.. ..,
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�', 'The flecord NobodY ~Knows
.. ··:. Even witho~~ealth
care, Clinton's
doing well don1estically
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ment:refonn. The press sa)os: z:z:z:i:l. ... Budhis ~ill totally
support him. The slice of the public that approves of his overhauls the way the-government does business. The era of theHaiti ·policy. for instance, ·largely credits Jimmy Carter S500 hammer or toilet seat is over: now' bureaucrats are authorfor it. The press is hostile. the comedians merciler,s, the · ized to go buy them without the asinine paperwork:-a· refortn ~
.
voters primed to turn November into a Democratic dung Americans hav~ been demanding for years.
.
·
· ·
heap. Much of the abuse is justified: American foreign policy is a
. Clinton and his advisers hiwe been abnost comicallv out ·to
· feckless mess, and its helmsman ·an amateur in the essential art lunch on the. political dividends of ''reinventing goveliunent."
of projecting~. ·.
.
For a total of one week in 1999, he emphasized it. His.numbers
But there's a slilht problem with this Ce&seless rap: in less thaq shot up, and he promptly dropped it. But· despite much -~.,
.two years, BiQ Clinton has already achieVed more domesti~ dragging in COngress, AI Gore's project ii already a big success.than John. F. ~~'-......a... Gerald Ford. Jimmy Carter and Geoige So &r. more than 70,000 federal jobs have been eliminated (weD
Bush ~~QUgb Richard Nixon and Bouald Beapn ~ route to· 25.2,000, at a projectecf savings Of more than 140
often had their ·way with Congress, CongressioDal ~erly billion). By 1997, the federal work force will be smaller than-at
says it's Clinton who has had the most
. any time since Johnson. Yet nearly
legislative suceesi of any president
78 pm:ent Of voters in a recent Washington_· Post poD thought Clinton had ,·
since Lyndon Johnson. Inhale that one. .
Kennedy built the Peaee Corps and
· made, ~e ot no progress.. in ·
cut taxes. Ford· mostly vetoed. Carter
this area:
·
·
.
I
turned education into a cabinet-level
, 8aad. ·111111: · Journalists shouldn't :
department· and made adjustments in
. gush. But guarding agaiilst gUshing has ~l
energy policy and civil ser\'ice. Bush
often kept valid accomplishments from
won a new Clean Air Act. Those are
: being fullY reported. For instance,
their highlights on the domestic side. ·
· the rare stories on Clinton's nationalClinton~:with .. help from. Hil,lary
· .ilerViceplan~featuredmO&tlxjibes I
.·and Congress-bungled · health-care .
that it is ·smaller than he promised. ·
reform, his biggest initiative. But he's
Fair · enough. Clinton hyped· it. But .
.right to assert that, his domestic record
with .20.000 Volunteers-, AmeriCorps is I
the Peace Corps already bigier than the ~-q,rps at I
is much stronger than the public
1Qlow5. The standard for measuring re'
. its PeaL .By. 1997,· it
~ Six times .
suits domestically should not be·the coherence of the
The sta'ndaTd bigger than the Peace ~· ·How ~ people
know that? How ID8JlY bow that. the. ~g··new
process but how actual -lives are touched and
. changed. By that standard. he's doing weD.
·
should be how . structure of the student-loan :p1'0Srian save& money:
Let's stipulate that the relative strength of the
the lives of 1 eases debt .F.fiSUI'8 and . aU~!' .Students . to
economy is beyond Clinton's' control. though he
•
,
choose low-paying community work the country
would certainly be_,blamed were it weak. Let's as·
Amencans
needs?· This will dect more· than 2 million
sume that he missed a historic chance to restrain
are torii::hed . young Americans. ·But becaUse these c:ban&es are
entitlements and cut the budget· deficit deeply,
d ha ,...;_, uncontroversial, they are defined by the press .as
though he cut it more deeply. than any of his hypoan C nge:u i.Jlsigni1icant.
.
. ·..
critical GOP predecessors (the deficit will go down
.
.
Consider the doubling of the ·Earned lneome Tax
three years in a row for~ first ~e since the.1950s). Let's set Credit. a program whose iJame.is &0 boring. that fe\v·have bothaside NAFI'A. though it provides real evidence that be's no old· ered to figure out that it is.the most importiDt income transfer in
style Democrat. Let's concede ~:by going_ slmy on campaign-: . a generation. Most of the blame here rests with th~ White House;
fmance mform ·Clinton mis~;a:~ to co-opt the ·Perot whichcouldnever·renamethethingorotheJ;Wisecom-eYthatthe ·
agenda •. though a plan to cra.clt: d~ hard on ,lobbyists was president i$ in the ~.of pulling 14 pDl]ion DU)re working
poised for passage last week. I.At's even agree that the huge poor families. (mostly ·under 120.000 a year) out pf poverty.
crime bill won't ilccomplish much. though Clinton-the m8n There's no incentive anymore to live up a low-income job to ·go
repea~edly accused·of ha,ing no core convictions-is the first
on welfare-a huge -ge.. Because it bad bipartisan\suppo~
president ever to stand up to the NatioiuU Rifle Association.
and no new bureaucracy (it's done by the IRS). the EITC never
Instead. cast a glance at what lire· known unfortunately as became a political story and thus was barely defined as="news.':
"second tier" issues. They don't get the media attention of health But it's a hell of alot' more relevant to assessing Gllnton's real
care or welfare reform I some· form of Clinton's proposed ·two- !' record than. say. gays in the military.
. · _·
·· .
year welfare limit. by the way. will almost certainl:.'· be approved · A few good bills don't make a presideJtt. Cliritori's thematics
in 1995). But less-noticed changes -like allowing American I are weak. an~ themes ...:..consistently. applietl. compellingly ex·
workers tin1e off to care· tor sick relatives without being fired- .,. · plained-are· the sine~ of presidential. leadership: But the e!t'ss
also affect ~ons of people.
.
· ·has endlessl)~. covered communication. character; tone. style:
Last week a tiriy news brief announCed the passage of procure., running shorts. Now how about a look at. the record? . . -· ·
VEN THE · PRESIDE!I."T's SUPPOJ\ttRs DON'T llEALL'I' .
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�·Why ·
Bill Clinton
Is a .
Great
American
President
No, Really
By Jacob Weisberg
SEEMS FAIR TO SAY BILL CLINTON IS HAVING A LOUSY YEAR. THE PRES·
,ident's personal losing streak began around the holidays, with the
somewhat dubious set of allegations known as Troopergate. The
slump continued through January and February, thanks to the
· trickle of details about a -failed real-estate investment called
Whitewater. This was the backdrop in March, when the New
York Times div
e history of Hillary's lucrative commodity
specu~ations. nd.tbe pre · ential past was beginning to look like
· a tragic curse-Aeschylus · Arkansas-by early May, when the
cartoonish Pauhr Jones_e rged from an Ozark hollow to tell the
country about what really went on at all those policy conferences.
Political catastrophes picked up where &he personal ones left
off. Time's "incredible shrinking president" got reinflated when
Congress passed his budget and NAFTA last year. bu~ the triumpha·
lism didn't last long. As Haitian refugees aimed their leaky flotilla
at the coast of Aorida, the president's elaborately wrought healthcare plan sank without a trace. On June 27, he had to fire as chief
of staff his well-meaning but ineffectual best friend. Mack
McLarty: Congressional. Whitewater hearings got much uglier
than expected and cost the ,president Roger Altman, one of the
more effective members of his administration.
Just as those hearings wound down, the attorney general called
.....................................
-~.~~-~
�~··
for a special counsel· to investigate illegal to do him the kindness of a bullet in the
gifts to secretary of Agriculture Mike Espy head. His article argued that Clinton was
from Tyson Foods, a poultry company an originally idealistic person who had
with close ties to Clinton. That same been corrupted by politics to the point
week, a leaked memo revealed that the · where he, like Nixon, had no real sense of
president"s pollster, Stanley Greenberg,· right and wrong. "There is a hollowness
was suggesting Democratic candidates to the Clinton presidency, a sense that it
run on Clinton's policies while distancing lacks a center because the man at its .centhemselves from the man himself. Robert ter lacks one of his own," Kelly wrote.
Fiske was unexpectedly replaced as The.piece judged Clinton not just an inadWhitewater special counsel by a more equate leader but a failed human being.
partisan Republican who announced he "The president's essential character flaw
would start investigating again from isn't dishonesty so much as a-honesty,"
scratch. By early August, setbacks like Kelly concluded. "It isn't that Clinton
these were arriving at the rate of one every. means to say things that are not true, or
four days. And just when it seemed the that he cannot make true, but that everypresident had hit bottom, the House unex- thing is true for him when he says it, bepectedly nuked his crime bill.
cause he says it." This crystallized .the
This was "tantamount to a vote of no . emerging conventional wisdom: The presconfidence in the presideni and his ability ident's unpopularity was explained by his
to govern," wrote Jeffrey Birnbaum, in a being a hopeless liar.
Wall Street Journal story that ran under
the heading BURIED ALIVE. PronounceELL, IT MAY SEEM THE
ments of this sort have been standard latesheerest act of heresy
ly-in the news columns, not just the edito say so, but far from
torial pages. By all accounts, Clinton faces
being pathologically
a massive repudiation in the November'
dishonest, Bill Clinton
ele~tion. White House correspondents
has been more faithful
have also been underscoring poll numbers
to his word than any
that show the president's approval rating
other chief· executive
in the dismal low forties despite the rude
in recent memory. He
health of the economy. According to the
may have skirted the
traditional foimula, presidents are popu- truth about the draft, Gennifer Rowers,
Jar when economic times are good. By this Paula Iones. and so on .. But Clinton has
standard, Clinton should be soaring into kept his contract with voters. On policy
the sixties. The ·missing twenty points is ·, issues. he has done almost exactly what he
known as the Clinton gap.
said he was going to do, despite setbacks
It is hard to imagine, though. that the and enormous obstacles. And by 5o doing,
Clinton gap doesn't have something to do he has made himself an excellent presiwith the pounding administered by the dent. The irony is that Americans are
press; In May, Joe Klein unleashed a ob.livious to most ofhis kept promises beNewsweek story called "The Politics of cause the accomplishments lack political
Promiscuity," which equated Clinton's conflict. Clinton gets bashed in the press
casual affairs with women like Paula Iones when he loses a close fight, as with the
to his vacillating Bosnia policy. Clinton, House ambush on the crime bill. He gets
Klein argued. was always making commit- credit when he wins a close victory, as
ments he couldn't keep; he was foiled by with last year's budget, NAFTA, and the
·.. an inability to settle. to stand, to com- .subsequent passage of an amended crime
mit"; he was "railing about in a narcissis- bill. But he's ignored when he does what
tic. existential quest for self-discovery.'' he said he was going to do without proThe publication the following month of voking a dramatic showdown.
Bob Woodward's The Agenda compoundDuring the 1992 campaign, Bill Clinton
ed perceptions of vaguely adolescent Clin- did something extraordinary~some
Ionian incompetence .. Woodward typical- thought extraordinarily stupid. He publy made no point of his own, but his lished a book-length political treatise
details were widely disseminated by' oth- called Putting People First. This was the
ers who concluded that Clinton and his platform he ran on; it offered detailed postaff were inept. flailing. R. W. Apple of sitions on a wide range of issues. As he
the New York Times recently describe~ approaches the midway mark in his first
the president's attention as wandering term. it serves as a benchmark to evaluate
"like a teen-ager's on Saturday night." his performance.
The Economist testified to "the sense that
The book stressed five themes above
Mr Clinton mav be congenitally feeble on others. In order of importance. they were
foreign policy imd incorrigibly indecisive the economy, work and welfare. educaat home.·· Peter Boyer of The New Yorker tion and training, health care, and governcalled him "a compromise in a suit."
mental reform. Clinton said he would get
The journalistic coup de grace, howev- the economy moving and create 8 million
er, was delivered in a 13,000-word cover new jobs, in part by reducing the deficit.
story by Michael Kelly in The .New York He promised to transform the culture o~
Times Magazine a couple of weeks ago. welfare by obliging recipients to work afKelly saw a president wounded and came ter two years on the dole. He called for
18
NEW YORK/SEPTEMBER
5· 1994
controlling the cost or neann can; au....,.
guaranteeing a basic benefits package to
every American. He declared support for
an education-and-training agenda he.
·called "lifetime learning." Last.Jy, he
pledged to make government smaller,
cheaper, and more efficient.
The first of these promises he has unequivocally delivered upon. When Clinton
took office, economists were musing
about a new phenomenon: the jobless recovery. Republican senators Gramm,
Dole, and D'Amato, among others, predieted that if the administration's budget
were to pass, it would divert the economic
comeback altogether. Newt Gingrich, the
soon-to-be House minority leader1 said
the president's plan would fail to reduce
.the deficit, while provoking a "job-killing
recession."
Four million new jobs later, Newt has
yet to take credit for his mistake. Remember the Republicans' Carter-bashing"misery index "-unemployment plus inflation? It averaged twelve during the
Reagan years. When Bush left office, it
was eleven; under Clinton it's nine. The
. consensus among economists is that the
country is at its "natural" unemployment
level-the functional equivalent of full
employment. The debate now is whether
the economy is growing so fast that the
Federal Reserve is justified in raising interest rates to forestall inflation. So far.
however, there are no signs of it. Other
economic indicators are favorable. too ..
Long-term interest rates art: still relatively
low. The economy continues to grow at
nearly 4 percent, generating more than
250,000 new jobs a month. ,At this 'pace,
. Clinton will easily fulfill his campaign
promise of 8 million jobs by the end of his
first term. Meanwhile, the Congressional
Budget Office's deficit projection for ·
1995 is $171 billion, down from $284 billion before the budget bill passed. Clinton
has another key promise-to cut the deficit by half in four years-within his sights.
Does the president deserve credit for
the present strength of the economy? His
detractors point out that the recovery was
under way by the time he took office.
True, but few economists believe it would
have been equally robust without the
president's plan. By addressing the deficit.
Clinton reduced long-term rates and freed
additional capital for private investment.
This was the so-called bond-market strategy that Woodward implicitly criticizes
the White House for adopting. "We
would have somewhat higher interest
rates, especially long-term. had there not
been a deficit-reduction package.·· says
Paul Krugman. an economist at Stanford.
"We have more productive investment
going on than we would otherwise. And
future growth prospects are better than
we would have otherwise."
There has been far less urgency about
welfare reform. After the election, Clinton
made a clear political mistake by choosing .
' ""
\.
�His task tions allowed to operate outside regular tide people over_ with income temporarily
force has. however. since unveiled de- bureaucratic constraints. Clinton is also until they got their old job back again,"
tailed legislative proposal for breaking the fighting to redirect so-called Chapter One says Reich. "But what has happened gradcycle of dependency. There are some money-the most significant federal re- ually over the last 50 years is that people
quibbles about. the plan, but it is surely sources that go to education. The money don't get the old. job back."
what Clinton promised. After two years was originally intended to support disadThe president has been subjected to se·on welfare, you have to take a private-sec-. vantaged children, but over time. rich dis- vere criticism on health care. Much is de-·
tor or p~:~blic-service job. And as Donna tricts have grabbed much of the action. . served: his plan was flawed in substance
Shillala. the secretary of Health and Hu- ' For young adults, there are two pro- and was based on a profound misreading
man Services, put it in Senate testimony a grams that matter. The first is a national of the political climate. Because he made
ifew weeks ago. "If you don't work. you service program that began this summer no effort to include Republicans in the
don't get paid." Shalala, who was unfairly by putting 7.000 young people into pub- drafting of his bill, it never had any seristereotyped as a liberal softie, has also lic-safety jobs. Beginning this fall, Ameri- ous chance of passing the Senate. But the
adopted a policy of granting waivers to Corps will'hire 20.000 idealistic youths to Health Security Act was entirely consisstates that are pursuing reform efforts of perform community work in education. tent with the kind of reform Clinton said
their own. even where those efforts are public safety, social services. and the envi- he would push if elected. He promised to
not in line with the Clinton plan. The re- ronment. More Americans will participate push it. not to pass it, because passing it is
·
sult has been a boom in experin:Jentation than served in the Peace · Corps at its not within his )ower.
at the· state level.
·
Most of the presid.ent's critics. howevmuch-romanticized Camelot height. They
But the best idea is still Clinton's plan. will also earn $4.725 a year for college. er, are trying' to have it both ways~ They
As originally outlined. it restructures the The other initiative is a program of_direct don't like his plan but are ready to blast
system to "make work pay." If you move lending to college students. This saves him for breaking his word if he signs
from welfare to a low-wage job, you won't participants money by cutting out the something that. falls short of universal
lose Medicaid benefits, as is curcoverage. William Safire last
rentlv the case. Child care· will
week advised Clinton to veto
,i.. ·"· f: :; '"! '!''
also be provided. And thanks to
anything that falls short of the
ttt-t;~_~t~ilt
the expimsion of the Earned lnMitchell Bill, though he thinks
. co~e Tax_ Credit that was part of
the Mitchell Bill would mean
last year's budget, people who
disaster. This is attempted saboforsake 'welfare for minimumtage.
It was foolish for· Clinton to
wage jobs will not live belqw the
draw a line in the sand. But whatpoverty line. The proposal also
delivers components Clinton has
ever .passes will still be his
long talked about: child-support
accomplishment: he brought
health-care reform to the fore. In
enforcement and a campaign
fact. a less ambitious bill that
against teen pregnancy. Congress
begins a proce~s of sound. increwill probably not take up welfare
mental reform may come to be
reform until after. the fall elecregarded as a great achievement.
tion. But if it passes in anything
But even if the result is no bill. or
like its proposed form; it will
a vetoed bill. Clinton will deserve
amount to a revolution in the
· much credit. The reason is that
way the federal government apl
f:
t'he health-care industrv has
proaches the problem of income
responded to the threat of radical
support.
~H t
rt
governmental reform by reformWelfare reform has had a fair
ing itself. The health-care-infla·
amount of coverage. thanks to
occasional outbursts by Senator Moyni- middlewoman known as Sallie Mae. By a)- tion rate. which once ran in the double
han and assorted Republicans. But be- lowing loans to be paid back as a propor- digits. is now around 5 percent. the
cause it has not been the locus of any tion of income. it will have the added ad- lowest level in twenty .years. And it's
great political clash, Clinton's education · vantage of forcing fewer good kids to dropping still.
and training ideas have had practically become lawyers. Lastly, it is expected to
N THE fll\i,\L ELEMENT I!' HIS
none. White House domestic-policy ad vis- save. the federal government some $4.3big five-cutting the size
er William Galston calls this· Clinton's billion over five years. ·
.
·
and cost of government-,
"stealth agenda." since most of it has acTwo other initiatives developed by the
Clinton has outdone himtually crept inio Jaw without notice.
Department of Labor bear mentioning.
self. In Putting People
There is in the "lifetime reaming" plan The first is an apprenticeship program for
first. he talked about re- ·
something for almost every ~ge group. For teenagers who aren't planning to go to
ducing 'the government ,
toddlers there is a significa'nt reform and college. This passed last year and is a)work force by 100,000. In
expansion of Head Start. Clinton didn't ready being implemented. And the final ·
less than two vears. he's aljust raise funding for this popular pro- part of "lifetime learning," which Conready d,gne it." or nearly so ..
grain: he is improving it. by setting na- gress has yet to pass. is Labor secretary
tiona) standards and making it possible to Robert Reich's ambitious plan for a new with the help of a buy-out program.
decommission programs that don't con- unemployment·af!d-training system. The Thanks to AI Gore's '"re-inventing govform. For school-age children. there are idea is to consolidate the government's ernment." plan. the tally will be down by
many significant changes in the Goals confusing and largely ineffective panoply 273.000 in five vears. to the lowest level
2000 bill. which passed in March, and in · of training and job-search programs by sine~! Kennedy was president. This is truly
the Elementary and Secondary Education creating one-step centers for people who amazing. The Executive payroll. grew
Act. which is currently before Congress. lose their jobs. These centers might be through the years when Ronald Reagan
These include a program of national edu- public or private but would have to com- promised to get government off our
cation standards and funding for state ex- pete for customers. "The old system was backs. an~ through the Bush years despite
pcriments with charter schools, institu- designed for cyclical unemployment-to the military build-down. Partly as a result
a
The '' 3_. . ~
of the
new political
journalism is much
like the opening
f"pnol~~~e~_,Q,n the
~a 8 ._ n ~1 r ~- L t :;· . :;\.
writing~)
~ •·§
u"li',,s
iv
~
SEPTEMBER ;. 19'94/NEW YORI\
19
�I
~
I
i
of Clinton's downsizing, the cost of government is now shrinking as a share.of
gross domestic product.
There have, of course, ~disappoint
ments. Through the campaign, Clinton
talked about changing the culture of
Washington. Though he has supported
lobbying and campaign-finance reform,
and tightened the rules for Executivebranch employees, he has set a poor example. By naming influence peddlers like
Ron Brown to his Cabinet, and by tolerating the revolving-door profiteering of exaides, Clinton has undermined this moral
crusade.
But there are other bright spots .. too.
Consider international trade. Early in the
campaign, Clinton was. like many of his
fellow Democrats. at best an agnostic on
NAFTA. After examining the issue more
closely, however, he became convinced
.that the benefits overrode the objections
of two key Democratic constituencies: organized labor and environmentalists. But
his achievement here was not just pass;ng
NAFTA against the odds. It was developing
a bi-partisan coalition in Congress to support free trade. Though a majority of
Democrats voted against NAFTA. and
though many will surely vote against
GAlT. which is even more important, Clinton has essentially relegated protection·
ism to the political margin.
Clinton's Supreme Court appointments
have been superb. Many feared he would
try to counter the rightward drift of the
Rehnquist colirt.by making liberal ideology and youth <thus longevity) his litmus
tests. Instead, he has named distinguished
middle-aged moderates: Ruth Bader
Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer. He has
raised the great neglected issue of gun
control for the first time. The Brady Bill
and the assault-;weapons ban included in
·the crime bill aren't very important in
themselves. But as symbolic victories over
the National Rifle Association they mean
something. Clinton's Interior secretary,
Bruce Babbitt, has moved beyond a stale
debate on endangered species to an ap.proach that emphasizes the protection of
whole ecosystems. The secretary of Housing and Urban Development. Henry Cisneros, has tried to direct federal resources
toward scatter-site public housing. instead of pouring it down the sieve of highrise projects in the ghetto.
None of these are minor matters. Indeed. assuming health-care and welfare
reform pass in some form. Clinton's legislative agenda will be 'more or less complete around the halfway point in his first
term. What will he do for an encore?
George Stephanopoulos says the administration will concentrate less on legislation
and more on making sure the first.-half initiatives work. Expect a total news blac~
out if implementation goes smoothly.
Bill Clinton is somewhat harder to defend as a foreign-policy president. He has
to feel foolish for the way he has changed
20
NEW YORK/SEPTEMBER
5, 1994
his positions on China, Bosnia, and, most
dramatically, Haiti. The case for Clinton,
however, is that while flip-flopping 'on
these issues, he has actually gotten the big
things mostly right. "The obsession with
Haiti-a country that is cruel and horrible
but strategically totally insignificant-obscures the broader gains," says Adrian
Karatnycky, president of the humanrights group Freedom House.
.
What are those gains? First and foremost, Clinton's policy toward Russia. "An
unceasing chorus has been saying Clinton
has been nai've about the course of the
events or too pro-reform." says Jeremy
Rosner. who recently left the National Security Council for a perch at the Carnegie
Endowment .for International Peace. "But·
the truth is, he has had it just about right.
He has clearly advanced.our interests in the
region." The president wins high marks for
getting Ukraine and Belarus to give up their
nuclear weapons, and for supJ>orting the
cause of reform. Ewen Richard Pipes, a Russian scholar at Harvard and a hard-line con,
servative. credits Clinton with being a
strong advocate for Boris Yeltsin. Where
Pipes faults Clinton is in allowing Russia
too free a hand to intervene in the former
Soviet republics. He acknowledges, however. that the policy would probably be the
same had George Bush been re-elected.
Clinton's foreign policy has been crypto-Bushite in other areas as well. He did a
brilliant job as moderator in the IsraeliPalestinian and lsraeli-Jordanian dialogues. thanks in part to the work of Dennis Ross. a former aide to James Baker
who stayed on. Clinton has managed the
North Korean nuclear crisis deftly. His
Partnership for Peace, an alternative to offering .22 Eastern European nations full
membership in NATO, was a smart compromise. And he has resisted the excessive
cuts in defense some on the left advocate.
Clinton has also done a few good things
Bush· would probably never have done.
like reestablishing.relations with Vietnam.
Clinton can surely be faulted for attending to his doniestie'agenda to the exclusion
of foreign policy. This is, of course. the mirror image of Bush, who barely tolerated the
need to deal with domestic issues for the
sake of the opportunity to act abroad; Unfortunately. the president has not done
enough.to compensate for his own lack of
interest. Clinton of all presidents needs a
forceful secretary of State. Jnstea9. he has
surrounded himself at the top level with vision-impaired officials. It can only be hoped
that after the fall election he will elevate
some of the excellent people who populate
his foreign-policy ranks at the secondary
level and take their advice.
But Clinton's relative weakness on foreign policy hardiy explains the strikingly
low esteem in which tie is generally held.
Since the end of the Cold War, alas. most
Americans don't care much about the rest
of the world either. Clin'ton 'selection was
partly a reaction to Bush's bias in· favor of
toretgn poncy . .,o wmu :s '-muu.. " ..,• .,•...lem? Most analysts contend that, like Nixon's, it is one of visceral trust: The, public
now reflexively doubts him. There is, to
be sure, an element of truth in this. But
there is also .an. elemeni of self-fulfilling
prophecy: Voters mistrust Clinton in part
because the ·media keep telling them not
to trust him.
ANY HAVE REMARKED ON
Clinton's being the first.
president to face extensive muckraking into his
prepresidential past
while in office. This is
true. but it's only part of
the story. The new political journalism isn't investigative in nature ..
though it draws upon dirt-digging. Rather. it is based on an evolution from reporting to analysis to psychoanalysis. Saturation coverage has driven the more
prestigious outlets toward a kind of political movie-reviewing. "It's a three-step
process." says StephanoJ>oulos. "CN~
has replaced the wires. And even though
no one watches CNN. the nightly news
feels it has to put an edge of judgment on.
And the papers have to take it a step
farther."
Thus the new political journalism has
more in common with the opening monologues of late-night talk shows than with
what reporters used to do. The Washing·
ton Post toppled Nixon with it~ reporting.
It's bringing Clinton down with "attitude
writing." In newspapers, this form was
largely invented by Maureen Dowd. when
she was writing about George Bush for
the New York Titnes. Unfortunatelv. few
of Dowd's manv imitators are as shrewd
or felicitous or. observant as she is. In·
stead. they indulge in a 'self-satisfied
mockery that passes for "edge" and pan·
ders to the popular prejudice that all poli·
ticians are scoundrels.
According to some sort of G.resham's
law of media. this sort of criticism seems
to have crowded out the work of examining programs and policies. Noisy. only occasionally relevant· questions of character
replace those of more meaningful democratic substance. One reporter tells· the
president to his face that he reminds him
of his daughter's excuses for not doing her
homework: another notes his telltale signs
of sexual frustration.
This kind of journalism is a lot easier
than traditional reporting: you hardly
have to leave the oiftce. It also elevates the
press to a godlike position: instead of
journalist as gumsl\be. we get the journalist as Savonarola .. as Saint Peter. The
problem is that moral judgment is not always the most valuable kind. Sure. honesty matters in politics. but it's not all· that
matters. Consider our last totally trustworthy president. His name was Jimmy
Carter.
-
�Securing Amerlca•s Interests Abroad.
From wenare to Work.
The President's international efforts have advancedAmerica's interests
abroad. He led international support for democ~
racy and market reform in
Russia and other former
Soviet states; supported South Africa's transition from
apartheid to democracy; reinvigorated the Middle East
peace process; established a NATO "Partnership for
Peace" with Russia and other Eastern European nations;
signed trilateral accords with Ukraine initiating the withdrawal of Ukraine's nuclear arsenal; and ended the Vietc
nam trade embargo. The President proposed the most
comprehensive restructuring of foreign aid since the
Kennedy Administration, leaving behind Cold War baggage and promoting economic growth, democracy, peace,
sustainable development and humanitarian relief.
President Clinton unveiled his welfare reform plan - a plan that
is about a paycheck, not a welfare check. Based on work and
responsibility, the plan is designed to help people help themselves,
transforming the welfare system into an employment system. The
plan sets a two year lifetime limit on benefits. After that, anyone
who can work, must work -in the private sector, or if necessary,
in a temporary subsidized job. The combination of employment
opportunities, an expanded Earned Income Tax Credit, health care
reform, additional child care services, tough child support enforcement and a teen pregnancy prevention plan will dramatically alter the current welfare system and improve the lives of
millions of women and children.
Reforming the Political System.
Last May, the President introduced a strong campaign finance reform plan that, when enacted,
will clean up the way campaigns are fmanced
and limifthe role of special interests. His plan
bans "soft money", limits campaign spending,
restricts the role of Political Action Committees
(PACs) and opens up the airwaves to all candidates. A lobbying bill has passed in both Houses and the
tax deduction for lobbying expenses has been eliminated.
Within twenty-four hours of taking office, the President
imposed the strictest Administration ethics guidelines in
history.
Reinventing Government.
~
~
The President ordered the National
Performance Review of the Federal
Government. This intensive six-month
study by the Vice President recommended ways to
make the federal government work better and cost less.
It's already working. With the 1995 budget expected to
reduce Federal government employment by 118,000 jobs,
the Administration is ahead of schedule in reaching its
target as outlined by the National Performance Review.
M
ru
Breaking the Cycle of Homelessness.
With 600,000 homeless people in America and more
than seven million Americans who have been homeless at some time in the last five years, President Clinton
announced the Priority: Home! Federal Plan to Break
the Cycle of Homelessness. This innovative plan moves from
merely providing emergency assistance to the homeless to promoting long-term independence and self-sufficiency.
SUpporting AIDS Research, Prevention and
Services.
The Clinton Administration is confronting the AIDS epidemic in
several ways. President Clinton created the position of National
AIDS Policy Coordinator to coordinate Federal government efforts; created the National Task Force on AIDS Drug Development that is charged with expediting the search for new therapies
against AIDS and IDV; increased funding for the Ryan White
CARE Act for outpatient AIDS care; increased the National Institutes of Health's spending for AIDS research and increased the
funding for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. In
total, the President's fiscal year 1995 budget increased AIDSrelated spending by $600 million over the 1994 budget.
i i We've made real progress toward
renewing the American dream
AComprehensive Health care Reform
Plan.
Because of President Clinton's leadership, health care
reform is at the top of the national agenda. Congress is
considering legislation that makes good on the President's
commitment to comprehensive health care reform. The
Democratic approach guarantees all Americans private insurance that can never be taken away; provides all Americans with a choice of doctors and health plans; guarantees
health benefits at work; makes it illegal for insurance companies to raise rates when a person becomes ill or grows old;
and preserves and improves benefits for senior citizens.
Protecting Amerlca•s Workers:
The Family I Medical Leave Act.
American families are no longer forced to choose between
the job they need and caring for a sick family member or
loved one. Because of Family & Medical Leave, 44 million workers have job protection in the form of unpaid leave
during a family crisis.
Protecting Women•s ReproductiVe Health.
The President is safeguarding women's reproductive rights.
He repealed the "Gag Rule" that restricted abortion counseling at federally funded family planning clinics; revoked
the import ban on RU-486; reversed the ban on abortion
services at military hospitals; repealed the Mexico City
Policy that banned funding to international organizations
that promoted comprehensive family planning; signed the
Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act; and signed the
National Institutes of Health Revitalization Act which,
among other things, created the Office of Research on
Women's Health.
�--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Putting More Pollee on the Streets:
Getting Criminals on ·Em.
ASoDd Record ol AccompDshment.
President Clinton and Democrats in Congress are
putting the country back on the right track, after more
than a decade of trickle-down economics and inac·
tion on the major challenges facing the country. With
President Clinton leading the way, Democrats are
working to make our streets safer, create real economic opportunity for aU Americans, strengthen our
educational system and ensure that every American
has guaranteed private health insurance. The last
year and ahalfhave been a refreshing change- and
perhaps even more important - a period of extra·
ordinary accomplishment.
The President's crime bill balances punishment with prevention. It is tough on criminals, strengthens community
anti-crime efforts, and supports proven prevention programs. Criminals are kept off the streets with tougher penalties,
military-style boot camps for non-violent, first-time offenders
and a clear message to repeat, violent criminals of "three strikes"
and you're in jail for life. Already passed by both houses of
Congress, it includes:
• Putting I00,000 more police officers on the street.
• Funding for the SAFE Schools Initiative.
• Efforts to reduce gang violence.
• Additional drug treatment programs.
Creating a Sater America:
The Brady Law and the Assault Weapons Ban.
Back on the Job.
Since President Clinton took office, the economy has created over three and a half million new private sector jobs
- over two million more than were created in the entire
four years of the Bush Administration. The Clinton Administration is well on its way toward meeting its goal of
creating eight million jobs in four years.
The Brady Law, passed after being blocked for years by Republican Administrations, imposes a five-day waiting period so that
a background check can be run before an individual purchases a
handgun. And the House and Senate have passed a ban on the
sale, manufacture and possession of 19 assault weapons -guns
that are not used by hunters and sportsmen, but by criminals.
X
Cutting the Deficit Down to Size.
ffistoric deficit reduction in the President's economic plan
put the economy on the road to renewal. The plan reduces
the deficit by more than $500 billion over five years - cutting
the deficit in half. And the strength of the economy has increased
overall deficit.reduction to nearly $700 billion. The 1995 budget is now projected to be 40 percent lower than when President
Clinton took office in January 1993. And, after growing for years,
the deficit is projected to go down three years in a row - for the
first time since Harry Truman was in the White House.
0 Tax CUts lor Low-Income Working Famines.
High-Paying Private Sector Jobs.
Over 60 percent of the new jobs pay 45 percent above
median wages. Many of these quality jobs are in the construction and manufacturing fields. For instance, June of
1994 marked the twelfth straight month of construction
job gains, restoring more than half of the construction
jobs lost under George Bush. Fifty-seven percent of all
industries are reporting expanded employment.
The President expanded the Earned Income Tax Credit
(EITC) so that no child whose parents work full-time will
have to grow up in poverty. Thanks to the expanded EITC,
15 million Americans will receive a tax cut when they
file their returns in April.
.
'
f-r:-rt Strong Economic Renewal.
Strengthening Environmental PoDcy.
' If
_!uilding a foundation for growth, the President has
strengthened the nation's economic infrastructure in a
number of ways. The Clinton Administration created nine Economic Empowerment Zones and 95 Enterprise Communities that
give struggling urban regions a boost toward economic renewal.
The Administration is investing in new technologies and industries with the National Information Infrastructure Initiative. And
the President instituted the Defense Reinvestment and Conversion Initiative that reinvests in workers, communities, and companies hit hardest by the defense cuts brought about by the end of the
Cold War.
-Spurring Small Business Development.
I
~ The President introduced a program to improve credit
availability for small businesses - easing the credit
crunch. He signed the Small Business Guaranteed Credit Enhancement Act and made new tax cuts available for over 90 percent of small businesses. The incentives include a targeted capital gains tax cut for investment in small businesses and the threeyear extension of the Research & Development credit. ~
Promoting a Uletime ol Learning.
!!!!!!!!
The President's deep commitment to education is reflected in a
number of Administration initiatives.
• His dramatic increase of Head Start funding will
allow 840,000 children to participate in this preschool education program next year, up from
621,000 in 1992.
• The Goals 2000: Educate America Act sets worldclass education standards and helps implement
comprehensive education reforms.
• The Student Loan Reform Act greatly increases access to higher education- 20 million students can
take advantage of low-interest loans and better repayment terms.
• National Service also helps students further their
education; those who want to contribute to their
communities through public service can receive
college tuition assistance.
• The School-to-Work Act and the Reemployment
Act (before Congress) empower Americans with
training and education programs so American workers have the skills and experience they need to compete in the changing global economy.
Working to ensure that the children of America's
future have a healthier planet, the President and
Vice President have moved the nation beyond the
false choice of environmental protection or economic
growth. The President:
• Introduced a Climate Change Action Plan a comprehensive national strategy for reducing
greenhouse gas emissions to 1990 levels by
the year 2000.
• Developed a Forest Management Plan for the
Pacific Northwest.
• Signed environmental executive orders to
ensure a "green" federal government.
• Signed the Biodiversity Convention Treaty.
• Issued the Executive Order on Environmental
Justice that focuses attention on the
environmental and human conditions in
minority and low-income communities.
Expanding Access to Democracy:
The National Voter Registration Act.
In 1993, the President signed The National Voter Registration Act (or the Motor Voter Bill). Opening the doors
of democracy to millions of disenfranchised Americans,
Motor Voter increases the number of eligib~e voters, improves the accuracy of registration rolls and will spur increased voter participation in elections. Motor Voter will
increase the percentage of Americans registered to vote
from 60% to over 90% in the next four years.
c
Taking Care ol OUr Children.
M
President Clinton signed the comprehensive Child Immunization Plan that will immunize at least 90 percent of
our nation's two-year-olds by 1996. And, by the end of
1996, all eligible children between the ages of one and
four will be served by the Women, Infants and Children
program (WIC). That means an additional two million
children will have access to the WIC program, a nutrition
program that serves pregnant and postpartum women and
their children.
�~·.
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THE WHITE HOUSE
'.
Office: of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
August 2, 1994
REMARKS BY THE ~RE.S!IDENT
IN ANNOUNCEMENT OF U.S. SHIPBUILDING INDUSTRY
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Roosevelt Room
11:36 A.M. EDT
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THE ·PRES IDEl'JT: Thank you. Secretary ·Pena, Secretary Brown,
Ambassador Karttor,. ''Admiral Herberger; John Dane ahd Doug Ballis. Thanks
for saving the sign.
..
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I'd like to introduce the members of the House who .are. here who
supported this initiative and who have made a major contribution to what
we're· doing, and obviously, will be needed in the months and years ahead
·--'and whose distriqts will be affected by the announcements· we make
today. c;:ongressman Gene Taylor from Mis·sissippi; Congressman Billy
Tauzin from Louisiana; Congressman Bobby Scott from Virginia; and
Congresswoman Lynn Schenk and.Congressman Bob Filner from California.
Thank you for your help. Would you stand? (Applause.)
·
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I'd like to begin ·.bY thanking Doug and Richard Vortman, . NASSCO' s
CEO,·who is also here, because they gave me one of those seminal
experiences you hci-ve once in a while in'life that takes an idea'from
your head to .your heart. ·When you know something and you know you ought
to do it, that's one thing. But when you feel it, it's.another thing
altogether.
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They stopped work one day in May of 1992, before I was even the
nominee of my·party for president, so that I could speak to nearly 4,000
of their people, and so that I could· listen to them~- I could see .them.
working together, struggling together, trying to compete in the global
economy, building the only commercial ship then being built anywhere in
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the United States 'of. America.. They made me feel welcome, but they also ·
made sure I was aware of what the stakes were ~nd what 'the issue was,
and how this·was yet one more example of how we could compete and win in
an area critical to our future if only we had the policies, the tools
and the drive to do it.
.\
I wish all the people that I met that day could be in this room
today.· I'm afraid the fire marshall would evict us all if I had tried •
to· achieve that. But they are the people who really taught me about·
this issue, and they are the people-- they artd the millions like them.
for whom I fought both before. I got here and for whom I· try to fight
every day· in this office·.
·
This is a great day for our American, jobs, for our economy, for
our shipbuilding industry. It's a great day for the idea that if we all
work together we can figure out how to. solve our problems even in
difficult buagetary times .
. Two years ago, every ship in America, under construction except
one was destined for defense. -- every one. And now we know that while
our United States naval power is ·still unsurpassed in the world, and
must remain so, we c_annot allow that one commercial vessel .I saw under
.construction
in San·oiego become a symbol of the past.
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We know 1:ha1: one of the things. that we ne~ded m9st in 1992 .··and
one o.f the things ·we're ··trying most to do today is to have a s.trategy
for restructuring our defense industry s.o that. they can fulfill a dual
purpose --. let me .·say, not' so they can get out of defense work, because
we·will continue to need major investments in defense technologies for
the foreseeable future,. but so that with defense being scaled back,
.those kinds of folks can stay in business by being successful
commercially· as. well.··
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When I ran for. this job, when the economy was going down and the· . L.
deficit was going up, it was obvious to. me that .there were many reasons
for that, but one of them was that the government had no strategy .. What
was our strategy to preserve aerospace,· our biggest export? What·was
our strategy when it 'came to the shipbuilding industry? What was our
'·
strategy to help support our automakers when they had made radical
'-·
''changes all through the' 1980s, so that they could be more competitive
again? What .was our strategy?
·
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And the truth is, we didn't have one.. Well, now, we do have
one. We have strategies for those industries and. for others, and for
our economy. We-'ve concluded trade agreements that expanded.the.
barriers of. world trade, and enabled us t_o do more. NAFTA, the GATT
we're trying to pass in Congress now -- all designed to help hardworking middle-class Americans get ahead because.they'l;t. have the
economic opportunities to do it.
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I've,:.~~p- this many times, but I want .to repeat it again:
The
mission of t~-Hnited States at .the- close of • the 20th. century must be· to
keep the Amer~a-n Dream alive :in the 21st century. .And to do it,_ we .
have to restore the economy, rebuild our cdmmunities·at home, empower.
individuals to take responsibilities for themselves, put government back
Oil the side·Of ordinary people; create a world of greater peace and
pro·sperity. That is what we must do.
And that is exactly what we are celebrating here-today, not just
four projec~s for four worthy companies with several t~ousand worthy
American workers. In .the last 19 months, we have dramatically reduced
the deficit. We'' re on the verge of getting three years of deficit
reduct·ion in a row for t~e first time since Truman was President. We
have seen 3.8 million new jobs come into this economy, even as we are
scaling back the federal work force so-that by the end of this budget
cycle .it will be the smallest it's been since President Kennedy was here
in the White House.
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The unemployment rate has go11e down by. 1. 5 percent, and we are
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making real progress· in bringing manufacturing back. Between 1989 ,and
:.:
1992, .we lost 1. 4 million manufacturing jobs. Now we have 104,000 ,more
than we had on the day I was inaugurated. -I am proud of these
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accomplishments of the American people. Getting the American economy in
order by getting our ecb11omic house in order, by institl;lting lifetime
education a:nd training programs t·hat will' have tq embrace all of our
people from the first. day ?f .preschool . t9 the la,st day they work.
.!;
Two years ago,.Doug and a lot of other people in.NASS~O said,
this has been a great day, but don't forget.us if you're_elected~ And
we haven't forgotten you, but we've got to keep following through. And
we have. to think of this· as a permanent partnership.· I·believe that if
you look at the America that we're moving toward; the. gove.rnment will
adopt a less regulatory role, the government will become a smaller
percentage of.our gross national product-in the amount of money we
spend. But the government will have to be there in the competition in
the global economy of the 21st century in partnership·with the private
sector to make. sure that· our people, when they're doing the right
things, have a·chance to compete and win and have a chance to seize the
technologies _of the 21st century.
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Let ~::just make a couple of other remarks about that.
Secretary Percy could not be here today with our other Cabipetmembers.
But I do want to say that the Defense Department, I think, . has done an _
exemplary job in promoting defense conversion. Secretary Perry has
recently awarded the first $30 mi_llion in matching grants. out of a total ·
of $220 million we'll invest over the next five years to apply advanced ·
technologies to make our shipbuilding industry even more competitive.
We're spending hundreds of millionsof dollars more in other areas to
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�as well.
I al
to join Secretary Pena in complimenting our trade
representati ·
our ambassador, Mickey Kantor for.the work he did in the
· OECD negotiations with.the European countries on shipbuilding subsidies.
They draggeq on for. five years, .and his work will bring an end to unfair
foreign shipbuilding subsidies that has kept us out of world markets too
long.
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He did a good job with th~t; he did a good job with the GATT; he
did a superb job with NAFTA. And we're selling rice to Japan for the
first .time -- (laughter) --_which makes my. people happy back home in
· Arkansas. And I thank you, sir.
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I also want to say a special word·· of thanks to the. Secretary of. . ·. . ·J'
Commerce. He was here not very long ago when we announced $6 billion in ·
aircraft. exports. ~e had an announcement the other day of $4 billion in.
telecommunication$ exports, and there are more in other, hi.9"h-wage
manufacturing industries.
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The next step, as Secretary Pena said, in our cothprehensiv~;·
.<;
. maritime reform is to sustain the u·. S ~ Flag Merchant Fleet. And this
week, as the House considers that Maritime and Security. an~' Trade Ac:t, .I
hope that you all' will help us see that the Congress passes. a bill·. ;·
similar to the ~::m_e.. the administration ·.has propos~d:.
.· . ·· · ;
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Let me.say·again, this is a pa.rtne~ship.; ahd·:thi~· is·a, good··
beginning. And we're going in the right direction· with"the economy as a\;~.
whole and· with shipbuilding in pa.rticular with government. and business . .'\i1 ·'
and workers walking hand in hand i.nto the . 21st cent~ry;. '\ ·Bt?-t· we ·have to · ·':.~:f.!
make this a part of the permanent process of doing· bueiiriE!ss for America~ . :.:.;
I as.k all of you to support that, to rededicate ·yo~rself: to·: .these.
objectives. This is a good. day; 'as my. daughter says, this··:·~is. a big .
. ':·\·'··. :
deal.
(Laughter.) But it is just a beginning. Let;.s keep it going.
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(Applause. )
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. END11:46 A.M. EDT
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Thank you very much.
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Stan Greenberg to Clinton Communications re: Accomplishments:
1993 (6 pages)
12/07/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
ONBox Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
Accomplishments
2008-0699-F
riO
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2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�CLINTON ADMINISTRATION'S ACCOMPLISHMENTS
DRAFT
APPOINTMENTS
•
Appointed the most diverse Cabinet and Administration in
history.
•
The Clinton Cabinet is 22% African-American and 11%
Hispanic.
•
Women make up nearly half of all Clinton Administration
appointees.
•
Confirmed a new Supreme Court Justice, Ruth Bader Ginsburg,
in less time than any Justice since John Paul Stevens was
confirmed in 1975.
•
Nominated well over 300 and confirmed nearly 250 individuals
to Senate-confirmed jobs in the Administration so far.
•
Nominated more Federal judges before the August recess than
any previous administration (14).
BUDGET
•
Passed the single largest deficit-cutting plan in history -$496 billion over five years.
•
Created a Deficit Reduction Trust Fund which locks up $496
billion for the sole purpose of deficit reduction over the
next five years.
•
Issued an Executive Order to control the growth of
entitlement spending while allowing for increasing
caseloads.
CREDIT CRUNCH
•
Initiated aggressive action to alleviate the credit crunch.
Issued more than ten regulatory initiatives to provide small
businesses with more capital at lower interest rates.
CRIME
•
Announced a tough new crime plan that marks the first big
step toward putting 100,000 more police officers on the
streets, a Clinton campaign promise.
•
Ordered the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms to
tighten Federal licensing rules for gun dealers and to ban
imports of foreign assault rifles such as the Israeli-made
Uzi.
�•
Announced support for the Brady Bill.
DEFENSE CONVERSION
•
Announced a comprehensive five-year package to ensure that
those people and communities that helped fight and win the
cold war are not left out in the cold. This effort includes
a joint program of the Defense Department and the National
Economic Council to provide economic development assistance
to hard-hit communities, worker training to dislocated
defense workers, and a new emphasis on dual-use
technologies.
EDUCATION
•
Passed the Student Loan Reform Act of 1993 which will make
college more affordable and save taxpayer money through
direct Federal lending.
•
Budgeted $3.2 billion over five years for "Goals 2000:
Educate America Act," a comprehensive national educational
reform program which embraces new, world-class learning
standards, underscores the link between education and
employment, and encourages bottom-up, not top-down,
educational reform.
•
Expanded funding for a SAFE Schools initiative.
•
Introduced the School-to-Work Act.
ECONOMIC STATISTICS
•
In the first seven months of the Clinton Administration,
over one million payroll employment jobs were created,
including 940,000 private sector jobs.
•
Mortgage rates are at a 21-year low.
•
July unemployment figures dropped to 6.8%, the lowest rate
in 22 months.
ENERGY
•
Extended moratorium on nuclear testing through at least
September 1994.
�ENVIRONMENT
•
Established the President's Council on Sustainable
Development to promote economic growth, job creation, and
environmental protection.
•
Established a White House Office of Environmental Policy to
consolidate, streamline and strengthen environmental policymaking.
•
Signed the Convention on Biological Diversity.
•
Held a break-through Forest Conference in Portland with
groups on both sides of the timber issue.
•
Begun implementation of the Forest Conservation Plan, a
balanced program aimed at strengthening the long-term
economic and environmental health of the Pacific Northwest.
•
Ordered Federal facilities to reduce toxic emissions by half
by 1999.
•
Committed to reducing carbon-dioxide emissions to their 1990
levels by the year 2000.
•
Restricted Government purchases of ozone-depleting
substances.
•
Ordered increased Government purchasing of alternativefueled vehicles.
FOREIGN POLICY
•
Secured a $2.1 billion Russian aid package to promote
democracy and market economics.
•
Negotiated the restoration of Haiti's democratic government
and the return of President Aristide.
•
Led U.S. forces in a successful military strike against
Iraq's major intelligence facility in response to the Iraqi
government's plot to assassinate President Bush.
•
Brokered a successful cease-fire between Israel and the
Hezbollah, opening the door for resuming the Middle-East
Peace Talks.
•
Building international consensus on NATO airstrikes in
Bosnia.
•
Successfully negotiated a delay in North Korea's withdrawal
from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
�•
Transferred peacekeeping duties in Somalia to UN Forces,
thus reducing U.S. troop presence there by more than twothirds.
·
•
Ordered airdrops of food and humanitarian aid over BosniaHerzegovina.
HEALTH
•
Established the Health Care Reform Task Force, chaired by
Hillary Rodham Clinton, and charged with developing a
comprehensive national health-care reform plan.
•
Revoked the Reagan/Bush restrictions on abortion counseling
("the gag rule".), fetal-tissue research, abortions in
military hospitals, and RU-486 imports.
•
Signed the Family and Medical Leave Act, breaking seven
years of gridlock.
•
Named the first ever White House AIDS "czar."
•
Signed into law the National Institutes of Health
Revitalization Act, removing the federal ban on fetal-tissue
transplants and research, creating the Offices of Women's
Health Research, Minority Health Research and Alternative
Medicine, and consolidating the direction and the budget of
AIDS research.
•
Streamlined the Health Care Financing Administration, making
the delivery of Medicaid and Medicare services more
accessible and more user-friendly.
•
Passed a comprehensive child immunization plan which
includes a 96% increase in funding to the Centers for
Disease Control to administer immunizations.
IMMIGRATION
•
Introduced a bold new plan to fight illegal immigration
which calls for stiffer penalties for alien smugglers,
stricter rules of asylum, an international computer network
for tracking undesirable asylum-seekers, an expedited
expulsion process, and up to 600 additional Border Patrol
officers.
LABOR
•
Introduceq the School-to-Work Opportunities Act, which helps
set up state programs to ease the transition from school to
the workplace for young people.
•
Rescinded Ronald Reagan's Executive Order prohibiting the
rehiring of fired PATCO air-traffic controllers.
�•
Reversed the Bush Administration's suspension of Davis-Bacon
labor provisions in areas affected by Hurricanes Andrew and
Iniki.
MIDWESTERN FLOOD
•
Passed a $6.3 billion aid package for flood relief.
•
Convened a conference in St. Louis to coordinate a swift and
effective federal response to the flooding, and to develop a
long-term plan for the region's economic recovery.
MOTOR-VOTER BILL
•
Signed a Motor-Voter Bill which greatly advances voting
rights for the young, the poor and the dispossessed.
NATIONAL SERVICE
•
Crafted a National Service Plan that will give tens of
thousands of young Americans a chance to contribute to their
communities and th~ir country while they earn a credit
toward their higher education. Versions of the National
Service Bill have already passed both houses of Congress.
•
Creating a new Corporation for National and Community
Service by consolidating ACTION Agency and the Commission on
National and Community Service.
POLITICAL REFORM
•
Passed a lobbying disclosure bill in the Senate designed to
provide full accounting of lobbyist working to influence
government policy. The bill creates a new Office of
Lobbying Registration and Public Disclosure, and requires
anyone paid to lobby the Executive branch or Congress to
register.
•
Cut the lobbying expense deduction for corporations from
this year's budget.
•
Broke gridlock and passed a campaign finance reform bill in
the Senate which limits the influence of special interests
in campaigns.
REINVENTING GOVERNMENT
•
Named Vice President Al Gore to head the National
Performance Review, an intensive six-month study on how to
make the federal government work better and cost less. The
Vice President will present the plan on September 7.
�•
Signed into law the Government Performance and Results Act
of 1993, improving Federal program effectiveness and public
accountability.
•
Ordered a 100,000 reduction in Federal personnel through
attrition, and the slashing of $9 billion or 12% in
administrative costs over four years.
•
Ordered the abolition of unnecessary Federal advisory
boards, commissions and committees for a savings of $150
million per year.
•
Called for a modified line-item veto in order to slash
unnecessary spending before signing bills.
•
Reduced Federal perks, including the use of executive dining
rooms, Government aircraft and Government vehicles.
•
Ordered, within minutes of taking office, the strictest
Executive appointee ethics code in history.
SMALL BUSINESS
•
Passed a targeted capital gains tax cut for investments in
small businesses held over 5 years; increased by 75% the
investment that small businesses will be able to expense;
and retroactively extended the 25% deduction for health
insurance premiums for the self-employed.
TECHNOLOGY
•
Announced a comprehensive technology initiative, Technology
for America's Economic Growth.
•
Signed National Cooperative Production Amendments Act
providing anti-trust relief for joint manufacturing.
•
Made the Research and Experimentation Tax Credit retroactive
to its July '92 expiration date and extended it for 2 more
years.
•
Created an Information Infrastructure Task Force to develop
an implementation plan for a nation-wide information
superhighway network.
TRADE
•
Negotiated tough NAFTA side agreements on environmental
standards and worker safety with Canadian and Mexican trade
ministers.
�•
Achieved a GATT Uruguay Round break-through on market
access. Leaders of G-7 nations in Tokyo agreed on
developing a comprehensive market access package to reduce
tariffs on a wide variety of products.
•
Agreed to a framework for future bilateral trade
negotiations with Japan, a strong step toward balancing
trade relations.
•
Took steps toward expanding market access in China and
conditioned further extension of China's Most Favored Nation
status on improvements in human rights, expanded trade, and
weapons non-proliferation.
TRANSPORTATION
•
Appointed National Commission to Ensure a Strong Competitive
Airline Industry which delivers its report August 19.
•
Redirected the Department of Transportation's R&D programs
to explore the application of defense technologies to the
transportation sector.
UNEMPLOYMENT
•
Passed the Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act of
1993, providing $4 billion in emergency unemployment
compensation to approximately 1.9 million unemployed
American workers.
URBAN DEVELOPMENT
•
Delivered to Congress the Housing and Community Development
Act of 1993, which will significantly change rent policy for
public housing tenants and make home ownership easier for
low income Americans.
•
Developed plan for creating nine Economic Empowerment Zones
and 100 Enterprize Communities. The plan gives local
communities the incentives and regulatory flexibility to
work with the private sector in developing comprehensive
economic development strategies.
•
Extended low-income housing credit permanently, increasing
opportunities for affordable housing development by the
private sector.
•
Began reforming the Community Reinvestment Act to encourage
banks to reinvest and loan money in targeted neighborhoods.
•
Passed the Targeted Jobs Tax Credit, making it more
attractive for enterprises that regularly hire lower
workers to hire people from distressed communities.
incom~
�WELFARE
•
Established a· working group on Welfare Reform to develop a
comprehensive plan to end welfare as we know it.
•
Expanded the Earned Income Tax Credit to lift working
families out of poverty with incentives to work. When fully
implemented, over 20 million households with incomes of up
to $27,000 dollars will benefit.
•
Achieved $1 billion in funding for the Family Preservation
and Support Initiative which would help prevent child abuse
and help parents learn the skills and tools they need to
raise their children.
•
Fully funded the special supplemental food program for
Women, Infants and Children so that, by the end of FY 1996,
all eligible children between 1 and 4 are served.
�THE 1993 CONGRESSIONAL SESSION :A WRAP-UP
"If we work hard an-d if we work together, if we re-dedicate ourselves to creating
jobs, to rewarding work, to strengthening our families, to reinventing our
government, we can lift our country's fortunes again. Tonight I ask everyone in
this chamber and every American to look simply into your own heart, to spark
your own hopes, to fire your own imagination. There's 80 much good, 80 much
possibility, so much excitement in this country now that if we act boldly and
honestly as leaders should, our legacy will be one of prosperity and progress.
This must be America's new direction. Let us summon the courage to seize it.• ··
President Clinton in his Joint Session Add.resa on February 17, 1993.
•
ENDING GRIDLOCK. From day one, President Clinton and Vice President
Gore have worked with Congresa to break the gridlock that paralyzed
Washington, D.C. for years. In one year, they have accomplished many of the
President's main priorities:
The Economic Package. Signed into law on August 10, 1993
National Service. Signed into law on September 21, 1993
Family and Medical Leave Act. Signed into law on February 6, 1993
NAFTA Pasaed both Houses by November 20, 1998
Campaign Finance. Pasaed both Housea by November 22, 1993
Crime Bill. Pasaed both Houses by November 19, 1993
The Brady Bill. Passed both Housea by November 22, 1993
Health Care Reform. Introduced on October 22, 1993
•
LEGISLATIVE SUCCESS: Even before the tough vote on the NAFTA, studies
showed that the president had a remarkable legislative record. Coa~nsstoDAI
Quarterly found that legialation on which the preaide~t took a atand paaaed
88.6 percent of the time: the highest first-year succe11 rate since Eisenhower in
1953. A Fordham University study found that the president won tough votea at
a higher rate: 91.3 percent of the tough votes in the Bouae and 92.6 percent in
the Senate, better than the record of President Johnson iD 1986.
•
BI-PARTISANSHIP, NO VETOES, MORE DEBATE, OPEN LINES OF
COMMUNICATION. Republicana have delivered Cl"Ucial aupport for National
Service, the NAFTA, the Family and Medical Leave Act and flood relief. Far
only the second time in 60 years, there haa been no Presidential veto. Important
legislation that had fallen to President Bush's vetoea - the Family and Medical
Leave Act, Motor-Voter·· waa aiped into law. Conll'888 hu spent 40 pucent
more time •• 1,920 houra •• conaideriDglecislatioD than durm1 BeaPD's Drat
year. lD the spirit of open communication, the preaident baa made 16 trips to
Capitol Bill thia year.
�~ovember
23, 1993
.REBUILDING THE ECONOl\lY
"Our nation needs a new direction. Tonight, I present to you a comprehensive
plan to set our nation on that new course. I believe we will find our new
direction in the basic old values that brought us here over the last two centuries,
a commitment to opportunity, to individual responsibility, to community, to
work, to family, and to faith. We must now break the habita of both political
parties and say there can be no more something for nothing, and admit, frankly,
that we are all in this together." ··President Clinton in his Joint Session
Address on February 17, 1993.
•
HISTORIC DEFICIT REDUCTION. Working with Congress, we have taken
bold and serious steps to bring down the federal budget deficit. We passed a
budget bill that will reduce the deficit by nearly $500 billion over five years, the
largest deficit cutting plan in history.
•
TARGETED INVESTMENTS. Congress provided nearly 70 percent of the
President's investment propoaala for Fiscal Year 1994, including funding for new
programs such as National Service, Goala 2000, and School to Work. These
included a 66 percent increase for the Ryan White Act; a 12 percent increase !or
the Women, Infanta, and Children (WIC) feeding program; a 20 peJ'Cint increase
for Head Start, an 11 percent increase for highways; a 116 percent increase for
dialocated worker assistance; and a 58 percent increase for immUDization grant..
•
LARGE SPENDING CUTS AND A SPENDING FREEZE. The deficit
reduction package that Congress passed included $255 billion in spending cuta
and an unprecedented "hard freeze" •• a 12 percent real reduction •• on all
discretionary spending. The House also passed the President's additional
spending reduction bill that will cut $37 billion in spending.
•
HELPING SMALL BUSINESS. The economic package increases by 75 percent
the maximum expensing of investment and provides a new targeted capital piDa
cut for long-term investments in small businesses •• tu incentives that will
create hundreds of thousands of jobs in the next five years.
•
EXPANDING MARKETS FOR US EXPORTS. The President has worked
with Concreaa to expand markets for US exports, exports that support high·
paying American jobs. The President has worked with Congreaia to relu export
controls on $37 billion worth of American goods.
•
MORE JOBS. Job creation ia up in the first year of the administration •• more
than 1.2 million new private sector jobs, 200,000 more than were created during
the. entire four years of the Bush administration.
•
LOWER INTEREST RATES. American conaumera are bene6tting from
bi.atorically low interest and mortgage rates that make buying a home easier and
easing the burden on thoae who already pay their mortgagu.
•
UNEMPLOYMENT DROPPING. Unemployment hu dropped to jut 6.8
percent in October, down from an average 7.4 percent last year.
·,
.
�..
~ovember
23, 1993
SAFE STREETS
"I ask you to help to protect our families against the violent crime which
terrorizes our people and which tears our communities apart. We must pass a
tough crime bill. ... I support ... an initiative to put 100,000 more police officers
on the street ·· to provide boot camps for first-time non-violent offenders, for
more space for the hardened criminal8 in jail and I support an initiative to do
what we can to keep guns out o£ the hands o£ criminals. I will make you this
bargain. If you'll pass the Brady Bill, I'll sure sign it." •• President Clinton in his
Joint Session Address on February 17, 1993.
THE BRADY BILL. The President is ready to sign the Brady Bill, which will
make it more difficult for criminals to purchase handguns.
•
100,000 NEW POLICE OFFICERS. The President will sign Congress' tough,
new crime bill that will help put 100,000 police officers on the street and give
local and state officials the tools they need to atop crime.
•
MORE PRISONS. The crime bill will fund the conatruction of new prisons to
make sure that criminals stay behind bars.
•
SAFE SCHOOLS. The President proposed and the Senab;t pasaecl strong new
measures as part of the crime bill to make our nation's schools aaler.
HELPING FAMILIES
•
FAMILY AND MEDICAL LEAVE. The President signed the Family and
Medical Leave Act. That law pvea American workers job aecurity by providing
them with. up to 13 weeks per year of unpaid leave £or child-birth, adoption. a
personal illnesa or an illnesa in the family. Thanks to Con11"888 and the
President, Americana no longer have to face the d.iflicult choice between caring
for their families or keeping their jobs.
•
MAKING STUDENT LOANS MORE AFFORDABLE. Congreaa paaaed and
the President signed the Student Loan Reform Act, which will make college more
affordable, lower interest rates and save taxpayer money throurh direct federal
lendinr.
·
•
NATIONAL SERVICE. Congress passed and the President signed a National
Service Act that will enable over 100,000 young Americana to serve their
communities and to earn credit toward hirher education.
•
TAX CUTS FOR WORKING FAMILIES WITH INCOMES BELOW 127,000.
The tu plan Congresa paaaed wu fair. It uked wealthy Americana to pay their
fair share, whlle giving more thaD 20 mmion American famiJiet a tu cut
throurh the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC.)
·,
.
�November 23, 1993
REFORMING GOVERNMENT
"I think it is clear to every American including every member of Congress of
both parties that the confidence of the people who pay our bills and our
institutions in Washington is not high. We must restore it. We must begin
again to make government work for ordinary taxpayers, not simply for organized
interest groups ... I believe lobby reform and campaign finance reform are a sure
path to increased popularity for Republicans and Democrats alike because it says
to the voters back home, This ia your House, this ia your Senate. We're your
hired hands and every penny we draw ia your money."'·· President Clinton in
his Joint Session Addresa on February 17, 1993.
•
REINVENTING GOVERNMENT. The President and Vice President Gore have.
launched a major effort to reinvent government. The National Performance
Review report was released on September 7, 1993, containing over 1200
recommendations to make government work better and coat le88, These
initiatives will trim the government's payroll by 250,000 jobs and streamline
government operations. NPR will cut red tape, abandon the obsolete, eliminate
duplications and end special privileges. The administration has introduced more
than 40 of NPR's major propoaala: eliminating special interests Uke the wool and
mohair subsidies; moving forward on procurement reform; moving from a paper·
based system to an automated-electronic one. The House incorporated some of
thoae recommendations in a rescission bill the President is ready to sign.
•
MOTOR VOTER. The President signed the National Voter Registration Act,
which will make it easier for millions of Americana to register to vote.
•
CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM. Both houses have passed a campaign
finance reform bill that will reduce the influence ofPACs and level the playing
field between cballengera and incumbents. The President will sign the toughest
campaign finance reform bill Concreaa can paaa.
•
LOBBYING REFORM. Aa part of the President's budget package, Congreaa
eHminated the tu deduction for lobbying ezpenaea.
DEMOCRATIC INTERNATIONALISM
•
FREE TRADE. Congreaa and the President have worked together to break
down trade barriers and to paaa the NAFTA. an historic agreement that will
, create jobs and markets for Americana and protect the environment on both
sides of the border. The President looka forward to continued cooperation from
Congre88 as he completes the GATT negotiations in Geneva and the initiatives
he began in at the G-7 summit in Tokyo and the APEC conference in Seattle.
•
AID TO DEMOCRATIC STATES. Congress has supported the President's
package of $2.5 billion in Ruaai•n aid to bolater democracy in the former
Communist state and to lend stability to the new Rnaaian free market economy.
•
MIDEAST PEACE. The President appreciates the support Congress baa pven
him aa he brok81'8 u agreement that will brin1laatin1 peace to the Mideast.
�.
November 23, 1993
COMPREHENSIVE HEALTH CARE REFORM
"I believe if there is any chance that Republicans and Democrats who disagree on
taxes and spending ... could agree on one thing, surely we can all look at these
numbers and go home and teJ our people the truth. We cannot continue these
spending patterns in public or private dollars for health care for less and less
and less every year. We can do better." ··President Clinton in his Joint Session
Address on February 17, 1993.
•
HEALTH CARE SECURITY. The President is committed to passing
comprehensive health care legislation in the 103rd Congress. For more than 60
years, Presidents and Congress have worked to enact a national health care
plan. Next year, Congress and the President will deliver.
•
IMPROVING MEDICAL RESEARCH. Congress passed and President Clinton
signed a National Institutes of Health bill that will help keep America at the
forefront of biomedical research in key areaa like cancer, heart diseases, women's
health, AIDS, and fetal tissue transplantation.
PROTECTING THE ENVIRONMENT
"Backed by an effective national defense and a atronger economy, our nation will
· be prepared to lead a world challenged aa it is everywhere by. ethnic conflict, by
the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, by the global democratic
revolution, and by challenges to the health of our global environment.
"This (economic) plan... provides the most ambitious environmental clean-up in
partnership with state and local government of our time to put people to work
and to preserve the environment for our future. • •• President Clinton in hia
Joint Session Address on February 17, 1993.
•
EPA CABINET STATUS. The President is poised to sip into law legialation
that would elevate the Environmental Protection Agency to Cabinet atatua. Thia
law will strengthen the agency's efl'ectiveness and enhance its ability to execute
national and international environmental policy.
•
FOREST PLAN. After a break-through Forest Conference iD POrtland. Oregon
with groups on both sides of the issue, the President announced a Forest Plan,
ending contradictory policies from feuding agencies concerning legialation
banning the export of unproceaaed timber.
•
··--
:,..
.l
·-.
�November 23, 1993
SWIFT REACTION TO EMERGENCIES
The President and Congress have moved swiftly this year to address emergencies that
affected the lives of millions of Americans.
HELPING THE UNEMPLOYED. Last March, Congress approved and the
President signed extended unemployment benefits for up to 26 weeks for victims
of the recession. Quick action on the unemployment benefits bill kept 250,000 to
300,000 unemployed Americana from ialli.ng through the safety net each week.
•
NATURAL DISASTERS. Congress and the President moved quickly to provide
$6.3 billion in emergency assistance to victims of the flooding in the Midwest and
$207 million to people affected by hurricanes. The President and Congress also
moved quickly to put federal resources in the hands of those fighting the fires in
southern California.
- - - -
~-~
----
�THE \\'lUTE HOU:SE
Office of the Press Secretary
November 23, 1993
For Immediate Release
PRESIDENT NAMES C.F.O. AND INSPECTOR GENERAL
AT DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
The President announced today that he has nominated Richard F.
Keevey to be the Chief Financial Officer of the Department of Defense and
Stephen M. Ryan to be the Department's Inspector General.
"We must ensure that our nation's defense dollars are spent frugally,
and that the vast operations of the Pentagon are managed in the most
efficient manner possible," said the President. "Under Secretary Aspin's
leadership, great strides have been taken towards eliminating waste and
fraud, and ensuring the most cost-effective procurement and management
processes possible. With a seasoned manager like Richard Keevey and an
experienced investigator like Stephen Ryan on board, those efforts will
progress even further."
Richard Keevey has spent the last four years as the state of New
Jersey's Director of Management and Budget, responsible for the planning,
preparation, justification, and control of the state's $19 billion annual
budget. He was appointed to that position after more than twenty years'
service in the state's Office of Management and Budget, Department of the
Treasury, and Office of Community Affairs. Among the other positions that.
he has held have been Deputy Budget Director, Deputy Comptroller, and
Supervisor of the Bureau of the Budget. In addition, Keevey has taught
courses in financial management at Rider College and Rutgers University,
and is active in a wide range of community activities. An Army veteran, he
holds a bachelor's degree from LaSalle College, and master's from the
Wharton School of Finance at the University of Pennsylvania. Keevey, 51,
lives in Cinnaminson, NJ with his wife and three children.
Stephen M. Ryan, an attorney with thirteen years of experience in the
judicial, legislative and executive branches of government, is a partner in
the Washington law firm of Brand & Lowell, where he heads the
government contracts practice. Before joining the frrm in 1990, he spent
three years as general counsel to the Senate Committee on Governmental
Affairs. From 1984-87, he was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in Washington,
D.C., from 1984-86, he was deputy counsel to the President's Commission on
Organized Crime. He had previously been an associate in a large
Washington law frrm, and a clerk to U.S. District Judge Robert A. Grant of
the Northern District of Indiana. Ryan holds a B.S. from Cornell University
and a J.D. from Notre Dame Law School. He is married, has three sons,
and is 37 years old.
# # #
�THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 23, 1993
EXCERPTS FROM RAW TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS BRIEFING
BY
MARK GEARAN, COMMUNICATIONS DIRECTOR
AND
HOWARD PASTER,
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR LEGISLATIVE AFFAIRS
The Briefing Room
3:24P.M. EST
MR. GEARAN: Let me just, in introducing Howard, also note that during the
course of this we'll be distributing-- any questions from the back of the room?
Q
Yes, why is he leaving?
MR. GEARAN: Howard can speak to that better than anyone, but I think for
those of us who know the kind of hours and demands on his job and some of the personal
reasons that he can speak to better than anyone for his family. And he discussed this with
the President and the Chief of Staff earlier. So we will be distributing to you a wrap-up of
the congressional legislative efforts that does not include some of the executive orders and
other administration year-end summaries, but does provide a summary of the congressional
activity vis-a-vis the administration that during the course of this briefing by Howard will be
distributed for you.
Howard Paster, Assistant to the President for Congressional Relations.
MR. PASTER: Precisely a year ago, that is the Wednesday before
Thanksgiving, off by a day, I went to Little Rock and met with the then President-Elect and
discussed the possibility of taking the job I subsequently held and which I will leave on the
15th of December. At that time, he talked about his view of congressional relations and how
he felt he would want to work with Congress. We obviously saw eye to eye on that. He
talked about what he hoped to accomplish in his first year. I have to say, my breath was
taken away by his list; he has delivered on that list. He has done an extraordinary job. I
think those of us that have been in the city and on Capitol Hill for any period of time
recognize that this is far and away the most successful legislative session in modem memory.
I'd be happy to discuss the specifics of it, but I'll just make one additional
comment. The President adopted during the transition-- I joined the transition December 1st
last year, worked on the Cabinet confirmation -- adopted a view he would work with the
Congress constructively to achieve the kinds of change that he had promised during the
------~~
�.·
2-
campaign. And I think that his relations with the Hill were marked by the confmnation of
the Cabinet; the swearing-in ceremony was in the East Room less than 48 hours after the
Inaugural. He had the greatest success in Cabinet confmnation. And he set the tone, I
think, for what was the rest of the year in legislative success.
I have many lists and many factoids about the Congress and the President, but
why don't I try to answer your questions.
Helen, what's your question?
Q
Why are you leaving?
MR. PASTER: I'm leaving for very simple reasons, very uncomplicated
reasons. I've had calls from several of you today trying to ascribe one or a different motive
to why I'm leaving. I'm leaving because it is difficult in our system where we have to deal
with the Senate schedule and the House schedule -- and they seem to have alternative late
nights all through the year, and of course, the White House administration schedule. To do
well this job and also to do well and to meet well one's responsibilities at home. And I told
the President yesterday that I was very sad about leaving and I am. I also told him that I
was grateful to him for having given me the chance to be here, but that I made a difficult
and very simple choice, that I would prefer not to spend another year absent from my
family. It is no more complicated than that. Any attempt to ascribe any other motive or
find any other reason is, frankly, wasted energy.
Q
How do you respond to critics who say that on the big legislation, the
President's actual initiatives, that the lobbying was slow off the mark and did not serve him
well, particularly in the first months of the administration when the stimulus package went
down and when he had so much trouble getting his budget package reconciliation through the
House?
MR. PASTER: Well, certainly as to the stimulus package you're right, we lost
it. But it was the only thing that was lost all year.
I'm not sure I agree with the rest of the question. We're better in November and
we were better in October than we were in January and February. And if that weren't the
case, then that would be an interesting question. So I think it's evident that we are.
The fact of the matter is that the President's budget resolution actually passed
earlier than any budget resolution since the budget act was passed in 1974. It wasn't slow
off the mark. It was the all-time earliest passage. Our reconciliation conference took a
while and it was tough, and he only got about 85 percent of what he sought in his economic
stimulus package, which is a phenomenal record by any reasonable standard. And the fact
that he did it without a single Republican vote either the first time through the House, the
first time through the Senate, the conference vote both times is an extraordinary tribute to
him and to his ability to work on the Hill. And so I would say that the economic package
having been passed, the data on job creation is very simple: There are 1.2 million more
private sector jobs now than there were when Bill Clinton became President -- fact. And he
had an economic plan in place, he promised it and he delivered it.
Q
Did you or the President make a mistake in freezing out Republicans
early in the budget process?
�:?>
MR. PASTER: We did not freeze out Republicans early on in the budget
process. The President made a decision early on in the budget process that he would send
forth the largest deficit reduction package in history, that that deficit reduction package in
order to be credible would have to deal with revenues. And the Rq1ublicans took advantage
of the opportunity to oppose him unanimously. We would have been delighted to have
Republican votes. But a judgement was made -- not our judgement, their judgement -- not to
participate.
Q
You said that you all have improved your performance -- from
January-February-- in October-November. Where have you improved and what were the
problems that you had to improve in -MR. PASTER: I think that one of the things that had to happen was the
administration had to get to know each other better. And all the people who worked on this,
including the President and everybody from the President down had to establish where our
strengths were, where we should use certain people and deploy them to different objectives
on the Hill. One of the things that made us successful yesterday in defeating Penny-Kasich
made us successful last week in passing NAFfA and going back through all the successes
from family medical leave up to present had to do with knowing which resources to use in
which places. We've learned a lot about that.
I think the other thing is that we had to get through the budget on a partisan basis
-- not by our choice, but because that was the choice of the Republican Party. Once having
done that, the kind of bipartisan cooperation which was always the President's intention,
which was manifest beginning last year in the Cabinet confirmation process, which continued
on a range of bills, was able to come to the floor. And I think it's useful to know that we
had significant Republican support against Penny-Kasich again last night. And I think that
we have shown that Bill Clinton can meet his objectives and bring about the kind of change
he wants and do it without going on a straight party line.
Q
A lot of people have been saying for a couple months now that the
way this place is set up, a number of things that you're tf¥ing to do was going inevitably to
lead to a lot of early burnout-- too many 11:00 p.m. at rught meetings, seven days a week.
You're leaving, Roy Neel's leaving. Are we starting to see the sort of burnout that people
were predicting and is there, from your experience, something that has to be done differently
around here to keep this White House from suffering an unacceptably high level of attrition?
MR. PASTER: I can't speak for Roy. I think that probably the lesson in my
case is that the President shouldn't have hired a chief lobbyist older than he is.
Q
Is there someone qualified for the job who's younger than he is?
Q
There was a lot of back-biting and recrimination from organized labor
after the NAFTA vote, some speculation that perhaps the President's entrance into the airline
strike had something to do with mending fences. Organized labor would like very much the
President's help to end the filibuster on strike replacement in the Senate. Is that something
you think the President should be doing, or have you written that issue off} And are there
other ways in which you can make amends to labor after the NAFTA fight?
MR. PASTER: Well, during the campaign in 1992 and on several occasions
since then, the President has stated his support for the legislation which just passed the
�.f
House which does face a Senate filibuster. There's been no diminution of his support for it.
And I think when and if the bill is taken before the Senate, he'll be in the fray.
Q
Yes, but of the three -- by the last count you were three votes short,
two of those votes for breaking the filibuster with the two senators from Arkansas. And
labor says that if the President was more active in the fight, he'd be more help and they're
not happy with the level of cooperation.
MR. PASTER: I think that the presumption that the President can always count
on getting the votes from the Senators Pryor and Bumpers is unfair to both Senator Pryor
and Senator Bumpers.
Q
What's your prediction on how health care reform is going to play
out? And how does the President keep health care reform from getting tangled up in next
year's election politics?
MR. PASTER: There is a body of opinion that suggests that election politics will
help pass health care reform, that the American people are so much anxious to have this job
done that in fact the greater likelihood is that as we get closer to election, the Congress will
understand the imperative of finishing the task. So I don't think it's a question of getting
entangled so much as providing a prod.
If one takes into account the way the Congress works, we're going to talk about
House well into the spring, Senate into the summer and a conference that's going to take you
close to the end of the session. That's an inevitable pattern of how the Congress does its
business. I think the President would like to see a faster schedule, and I think he'll be out
there encouraging it to go as quick as possible. But I think that's a fairly fair reflection on
how the Congress does its business.
Q
he introduced?
And when all is said and done, how much is it going to look like what
MR. PASTER: . I think the principles that were outlined in some detail in the
September 22nd speech I think will be met. I think if one looks at the alternatives that are
out there now, there is clearly the possibility of developing majorities around those
principles. And I suspect the President will have a significant success.
Q
Just to go back to David's question-- despite the fact that you've
racked up a lot of successes, the process have been very chaotic and sometimes the kind of
perils-of-Pauline aspects of how you've eked out these wins, or won them a little bigger,
have detracted from the result. In other words, people still don't see Clinton as a strong
leader. You don't seem to develop political capital from fight to fight that you can use down
the road. In terms of advice that you might give to your successor, how would you say the
White House can avoid that in the future? What do they go about -MR. PASTER: I'm not sure that it can be significantly avoided. It's a result not
just of the fact that the President has an ambitious agenda, and that's fine to have an
ambitious agenda. But it's also a result of how the institutions work on the Hill. The
schedules they keep which are not consistent. There's no reason why the House should
follow the Senate schedule or vice versa. Nobody can reasonably ask them to. And I think
that the nature of the process is that when you are trying to get the kind of change in
----~-------
----
---------------··-----------~
�~
economic policy and trying to achieve the kinds of breakthroughs that you have in the areas
like national service and crime, that inevitably you're going to face some difficult votes.
Likely that as the President does this more and more, there might be some smoothing out.
But I think it's unrealistic to expect. And I suggest if you go back to the early Reagan years,
we didn't write any major legislation on the back of used envelopes; that's what David
Stockman did.
Q
Have you not established a precedent in which even the most junior
members have incentives to hold out as long as possible to determine their votes, wait and
see what they can get out of this White House?
MR. PASTER: I don't think that it is illogical for members of Congress to try to
defend their constituency. I don't think it matters whether they're junior or senior when they
try and do that. The fact of the matter is that the President has, according to analyses that
were done outside the White House, the highest supports from his party of any president in
modern history. We've seen the analysis that was done by Congressional Quarterly, I read
about an analysis which I haven't read that was done by two professors at Fordham that
show him with the highest success rates of any president in one case since Eisenhower and
the other case since Roosevelt.
We have a president who is ending the year without a veto. It will be the second
time in 60 years that a year ended without a presidential veto. And so the fact that we have
close votes and think 218 is a big number or 50 plus Al Gore is a big number, it doesn't
diminish from the success the President's had.
Q
Howard, you mentioned health care. What are the other major
proposals that you realistically think you can get through Congress next year?
MR. PASTER: The crime bill is in conference, the campaign finance bill is in
conference, and they will clearly be high on the agenda and be priorities for early in the new
year. In addition, the President has spoken repeatedly about the dislocated workers' bill that
Secretary Reich is developing at the Labor Department which is designed to replace the
unemployment system with what the Secretary describes as reemployment. It will revamp
job trainmg programs and unemployment compensation programs. It is something that will
be at the centerpiece of 1994. There will be a welfare initiative in 1994; the President has
spoken of that.
The agenda of the Clinton administration is not going to diminish. The President
came to office having very clearly promised major change. He's done that in the case of
administration of government, to reinventing government, he's done it in democratization of
government motor voter and the Hatch Act changes. The first bill he's signed in the Rose
Garden ceremony on a warm day in February with family medical leave, and he's going to
continue having an ambitious agenda.
Q
Howard, when did you frrst decide you were going to leave? When
did you first tell the President? Did he try to talk you out of it, and -MR. PASTER: But I told you no to that -- it would be horrible. (Laughter.)
Q
When did you first decide to leave?
�(p
MR. PASTER: I made my final decision over last weekend.
Q
You decided-- you never mentioned it to him before then?
MR. PASTER: I didn't say that. I said I made my final decision over the
weekend. I'm not going to be specific about my conversations with the President. I did
discuss it with him prior to yesterday, and I made a final decision over the weekend and told
him yesterday.
Q
was going to be?
And are you saying that the job was more hours than you thought it
MR. PASTER: It isn't a question of hours. I knew that the job was long hours.
The job doesn't end when one leaves the building. There are no recesses or weekends. The
beeper and the phone do not respect any private time, and maybe I should have, after being
an old man in the city, appreciated all of that, but I have a feeling that we have set a new
standards of intensity for which, by the way, I think is, in certain respects, an asset. I think
the President is trying very hard to deliver on his promises, and it keeps the pace and the
intensity going.
I think the Congress also, bear in mind, had an enormous, pent-up demand. The
majority in the Congress coming after 12 years of Republican administrations, was anxious
to work with a Democratic President, and that increased the intensity.
I've been here too long in this city and around and know too many people who
have had my job to claim that I was naive. But I think it was, in this year, even more than
one might have guessed.
Q
You said that once the budget was out of the way, the President will
return to the pattern that he had always hoped to establish, which is more cooperation with
Republicans. On the NAFfA vote, there was an unusual degree of cooperation, particularly
with the leadership, like Gingrich, who you had been at odds with on many issues. What do
you expect to happen to some of these other issues coming down the line? Do you foresee
more like the NAFfA vote, or more like the budget vote?
.
MR. PASTER: Yes, before there was a budget vote, there was a vote on foreign
aid in the House. Majority Leader Gephardt went to Russia in April at the same time the
President was meeting with Yeltsin in Vancouver, and Mr. Michel and Mr. Gingrich went
with him. And while people were watching this partisan budget vote, there were more than
300 bipartisan House votes for the foreign aid bill, before there was a budget vote, that the
President had achieved, and didn't kind of get noticed a lot, and people didn't make much
about it, but I remember many years ago -- and those of you that covered the Hill for many
years -- will remember that the foreign aid fights in the House were often the most
miserable, contentious, partisan divisions.
They were the ones that often went unti12:00 a.m. or 3:00a.m. in the morning
like we did last night, and that was a bipartisan success that, frankly, got little noticed earlier
in the year. And I think that NAFTA was in that pattern. It was the budget vote in August,
August 5th and 6th in the House and the Senate respectively that was more of an aberration.
Q
Howard, you were saying that some of these fights, that they can't be
�~
any other way because he's trying to do tough things. But do you think this White House
has to operate in the way that you've described? I mean, you know, the incredible late
nights, the meetings that go on without end. I mean, are all of those things contributing in
some substantial way to a better product?
MR. PASTER: The success of the administration up to what, today, November
23rd, is evident. And fortunately, it's a success that we don't have to ballyhoo because it's
being reported widely now, and the academicians are reporting their own studies. It's kind
of difficult for me to know if we did this or that differently would we have that same
success. I don't know. I just think that it is a system that seems to be working and Bill
Clinton seems to be comfortable with it, and I know that some would say order it and run it
more rigidly. I think that tampering with success has risks attached to it.
Q
On the upcoming health care debate, do you foresee universal
coverage as possibly being a negotiable item?
MR. PASTER: It's one of the principles the President asserted in September
26th. It's not a negotiable item.
Q
Could it possibly be notched down to universal access where it would
be up to the individual to obtain the health insurance -MR. PASTER: That is not the President's suggestion.
Q
Although you all defeated the Penny-Kasich effort, there are some
members who supported that who think that that outspoken opposition was a tactical mistake
and that the Prestdent will pay for that next year in other initiatives like health care reform
or the '95 budget in which you have a tough time getting under the caps. Do you see that
you'll have some trouble down the road, the administration will have some trouble because
of that?
MR. PASTER: No. On the contrary, I think that working with Speaker Foley,
with Mr. Gephardt and Mr. Bonior and the chief deputy whips in the entire structure are up
there. In defeating Penny-Kasich yesterday, just as the President has worked with the
Democratic leaders in the House and the Senate consistently through the year and had
enormous support from them, probably helped affirm some of the relationships. Of the fact
that we had the margin of victory from a public-- in defeating Penny-Kasich is also a very,
very good augur for health care reform. And, so, no, I think that there is a lot in that vote
that provides some comfort.
One of the reasons Penny-Kasich was defeated was that there were a number of
people who care about defense spending who realize that that bill would hurt seriously
Pentagon budget. Those people are potential allies as we do health care.
No, I think that these kinds of successes do breed on themselves, and I think the
President's success on the Hill, sustained success-- and I stress no losses in the House, one
loss in the Senate back in the spring-- really help each other. I think that going forward to
health care after defeating Penny-Kasich and protecting that revenue which was attacked
there for health care and going back to last week in NAFTA sets the President up right
where he wants to be for health care.
�8
Q
It's been suggested that you ambitious agenda creates a situation in
which the President can only lobby to a certain strength because he's going to need whoever
he's lobbying for something later on, whether it's health care or whatever is coming up next
year, and that therefore he can't put as much pressure on members of Congress to do what
he wants him to do. Is that accurate does it really not apply?
MR. PASTER: I think that success doing personal lobbying on Penny-Kasich
yesterday belies that notion. It's evident that the coalitions are changing on different issues.
There were a number of people who supported us on NAFrA, who were very much on the
other side of Penny-Kasich, vise versa. And so his personal lobbying efforts, which are
very, very successful -- he has a very high percentage rate -- I think can continue as needed
on 1mportant issues because I think he's not necessarily going to the same people each time.
He's building a different coalition around different issues. I don't think that's a problem.
He's worked closely with Speaker Foley and the two majority leaders, Mr.
Gephardt and Mr. Mitchell. And very often when he has to get involved and personally in
these campaigns, he relies of them to decide where he or the Vice President should be
deployed. There's a tremendous amount of respect that he has with them. And we tend to
take their judgment.
There have been times, and this is the reason I raise that question -- there have
been times when they've said, we don't need the President, and they've delivered every time
they've said that. Their record is superb. So we rely on them to help us make those
judgments.
Q
Have there been any times when ever said, we don't want the
President?
MR. PASTER: No.
Q
Well, there have been times when the President has been accused of
not really going to the mat on a certain issue -- has not given it his all. He did fmally go all
out for NAFTA and so forth. Do you think that was valid?
MR. PASTER: No, I don't think it's valid. Beginning really in February, we
had to get cloture votes in February. And he was talking to Republican senators about
family and medical leave in February. And he hasn't stopped talking to them yet. He's
been to the Hill 15 times. He's done all these bill signing ceremonies down here. No, I
don't-- I've heard and read the criticism and I guess that's the nature of the system. But my
experience has been that he actually enjoys engaging the Hill.
Q
Done everything about right?
MR. PASTER: I think he's done an phenomenal job. I'm going to miss him.
MR. GEARAN: Let me -Q
Let us know where you're going.
MR. GEARAN: Let me just tell you a couple of things here. Kathy is going to
�q
be distributing this legislative wrap-up. And as you can see, it summarizes, as I mentioned
earlier, an awful lot of what's gone on-- certainly what Howard's been a part of is to work
with the President and Vice President in breaking some of the gridlock here. The economic
package, national service, family and medical leave, NAFfA, campaign fmance passing
through both Houses, the crime bill, the Brady bill passing through Houses, and the
introduction of health care reform. It's an impressive scorecard by any measure.
I'm reminded of the story of Ted Williams from the Boston Red Sox, who on his
last time at bat, he hit a home run, and he never came out of the dugout again to bat again.
And after this record, I think we would all agree that Howard can leave the White House
certainly with the respect of his colleagues here.
END3:55 P.M. EST
�~
...
\
linton's Rough Start May
Warn of Bumps Ahead,"
headlined the Los Angeles
Times. The date of this
front page story was
·February 1, but it might
as well have been recycled
from February of last
year, when the "bumps"
were Gennifer Flowers and draft-dodging rather than Nannygate and the
lavender menace to military morale.
The stampede to condemn Clinton
as a failure when he'd been in office
less than two weeks was breathtaking.
Why fault Clinton for losing control of
the gays-in-the-military issue when the
media flurry started with the leak of a
confidential memo reporting high level
military opposition-presumabiy by an
opponent of Clinton's new policy? Why
the griping about his failure to accomplish a 100-day agenda of reconstruction within 100 hours after 12 unbroken years of Republican rule? And why
not give Clinton even a modicum of the
respect and, indeed, deference, afforded
Ronald Reagan when he took office in
1981?
Were the reporters who gave
Clinton up for lost in early February
talking about the same president-elect
whose mastery of the election campaign, they had recently informed us;
was unprecedented in its brilliance?
The same president-elect, that is,
whose campaign, before it became brilliant, had been hopelessly beset by
miscalculation in the days of Gennifer
Flowers and draft-dodging not long after the candidate had been declared
"anointed," if memory serves?
And if the press was so thoroughly deceived when they told us
that the Man from Hope was destined
to inaugurate a new era in American
politics, what shall we make of them a
few weeks later when he became the
Boy Who Can't Cope, "embarrassingly
unprepared for battle," in the words of
the Los Angeles Times' Paul Richter,
who must "tighten [his] grip or risk
disaster."
You can get whiplash from
reading Clinton reportage, as was
the case during the campaign.
When I wrote about campaign coverage in these pages ("Who's
Afraid of the National Press,"
June 1992), I attributed the manic-depressive treatment of Clinton in part to
the dynamics of overcompensation.
Having risked losing independence
with kindness, the press corps proceeds
to prove its independence with a thousand cuts. Whomever reporters have
built up, they have to prove they can
also take down. The magnitude of the
mania accounts for the depth of the
subsequent depression-and thus the
high temperature of the Gotcha! fever ...
that greeted the gays-in-the-military is- r
sue, Zoe Baird and Kimba Wood.
Clinton as president-elect and as
president suffers from more than one
media syndrome. The last time a
Democrat strode out of the South on a
rescue mission, in 1976, the press heralded Jimmy Carter as the Man from
Plains walking on water to clean the
bad, corrupt guys out of Washington.
Carter had run as an outsider, but once
in the White House he was quickly depicted as a drowning incompetent, excoriated for bringing his entourage of
outsiders-Georgia rubes-to Washington. Clinton ran as an outsider, too,
only to be excoriated for welcoming
more battalions of insiders through the
portals of power.
In either case, when the new president disappoints his minstrels, they
Tile media portrait of the recently elected Bill Clinton
changed overnight from master politician to hopeless
incompetent. Twelve years before, Ronald Reagan
enjoyed a free ride.
By Todd Gitlin
April 1993
"-----------
3&
- - - - -
--~--
-----
~--
�,;-
. ar~ disposed to turn on him with
alacrity because he is a Southerner and
a Democrat. As former governors of
Southern states, Carter and Clinton
were, to a degree, automatic outsiders
in Washington. Thus, in a certain
sense, they were interlopers to a press
corps that thinks of itself as the permanent headquarters of America's civilized, i.e. Northern, values.
Here, by contrast to Carter, Clinton has cultural advantages: He can
wail on the sax, invite Warren Beatty
and Jack Nicholson to Washington,
and read Walter Mosley, all of which
win him reportorial points for hipness.
Moreover, he's done his time in Washington. Georgetown is not a bad credential. Even more impressive, Clinton is comfortable in crowds and a
master of unrehearsed television. So
once the bumps are passed-if the
bumps are passed-we should expect
him to fare better than Carter did. All
of these are pluses Clinton can count
on in coming years, at least if he
avoids a hostage crisis.
But why should reporters, most of
them Democrats in their voting lives,
lean harder on Democrats than on
their natural nemeses? Why, by contrast, did they fall all over each other
in their eagerness to spray Teflon on
Ronald Reagan, especially in his early
years redecorating the White House?
Compare, for example, coverage
of President Reagan's first month in
office with Clinton's. Leave aside Clinton's undeniable blunder in nominating Zoe Baird. Grant Reagan a technically smooth transition and wellscripted opening days in office. The release of the hostages from Tehran on
Reagan's inauguration day also put
President Clinton with ZOe Baird
the press in an uncritical feel-good
mood. This helps explain the following
shocking fact: Having read all the own agenda with gay soldiers or Zoe
New York Times and Washington Post Baird or Kimba Wood; and Clinton
coverage of Reagan's first month, I faces terrible challenges in the rest of
found a grand total of two front page the world.
articles-both in the Times-containExcept for perhaps the gay soling any significant criticism of his diers tempest, the second genre can lepolicies, speeches, appointments or de- gitimately be pinned on Clinton. But
meanor. On February 7, 1981, liberals the third type of story is a curious one.
were reported objecting to Reagan's Since when has an incoming president
use of statistics in his economic not· faced tremendous challenges? In
.~speech. On February 17, Rep. Jack
his first month, Reagan received virtu·: Kemp (R-N.Y.) was quoted as propos- ally none of this sort of reminder. Did
. ing that Reagan cut income taxes on . he not face challenges? Were there not
the rich still more radically than he stagnation, inflation, debt, unemploywas planning. That was that.
ment and poverty at home? Were there
By contrast, during Clinton's first not American-supported "low-intensity
month, the front pages of the New York conflicts" in play in El Salvador, CamTimes, Washington Post, Chicago Tri- bodia, Angola and a dozen other places
bune and Los Angeles Times have been around the world? Were American-supdominated by three kinds of stories; ported regimes not torturing in ArClinton is about to make an announce- gentina and massacring in Guatemala?
ment; Clinton has shot himself in his Were these not challenges?
most of them
Democrats in their
voting lives, lean
harder on Democrats
than on their natural
nemeses?
38
Or have Clinton and his team cunningly called attention to the weight of
their burdens in order to set expectations low? If they had deduced that,
whatever they say, American decline is
not going to be arrested, and that there
isn't that much that the United States
can do to set the rest of the rickety
world right, then if the challenges are
made to look formidable enough, an
inch of improvement might later come
in for celebration.
One would be impressed by such
micromanagerial trickiness, if such it
were. But it seems unlikely that Clinton would want to advertise his impotence, at least so early. It isn't the
right spirit in which to invite general
sacrifice. And it doesn't seem consistent with his expansive rhetorical
style. No, when they write about the
rough world Clinton finds himself in,
reporters are not simply taking cues
from the White House.
Rather, the likelihood has to be entertained that reporters have stressed
the challenges precisely because they
are, disproportionately, Democrats. They
are underwhelmed by Clinton's election
plurality, and eager to prove they can
be, in the lingo, "objective."
Moreover, for all their occupational cynicism, they are overloading
the new president with pent-up hopes,
expectations of new beginnings, breakthroughs, rebirths. At the same time,
the cynical editors who write the headlines and decide which stories go on
the front page, and the equally cynical
producers who arrange the sequence of
the evening news, are less likely to be
Democrats-and publishers are less
likely still. The wishful reporters and
their higher-ups have a dovetailing interest: They're all riveted by the manicdepressive melodrama of new beginnings. The drama of national rebirth is
·
a national mystique.
Public opinion increasingly suspects and loathes the press-and depends on it at the same time. The polls
therefore tend to reproduce the manicdepressive cycle. Or is part of the public opting out of the loop? During the
1992 campaign, plenty of people voice4
disgust at the media obsession with
petty scandal. The media pack is barking again, with considerable effect, but
perhaps fewer people are pricking up
their ears. •
Todd Gitlin is a columnist for the New
York Observer and a professor of sociology and director of the mass communications program at the University of
California, Berkeley. AJR News Aide
Ellen Lyon assisted with research for
this article.
American Journalism Review
�
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Carter Wilkie
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Carter Wilkie
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1993-1995
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Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
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'•
·t·
:~:
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4273
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Folder Title:
Abortion
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s
91
5
8
3
�'
p
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
From George Stephanopoulos
�~
.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE
~DENT
FROM: George Stephanopoulos
October 5, 1993
Church Arguments on Abortion
You asked me on Sunday to find some early church teachings on
when life begins. As you know, the idea that life begins at
conception is a relatively modern idea. There were great debates
in the early church about when the body is "ensouled."
Gary Wills has written a couple of articles on abortion in the
New York Review of Books which address some of these early
debates, including the teachings of Augustine. We can come up
with a more extensive discussion if you'd like.
I've also asked Carter Wilkie to prepare an analysis of the
latest Papal Encyclical for your review.
---
---------····--
···-
---------------------- ---
�I
Mario
Cuo~no's
Trouble with Abortion
Carl')' Wills
Catholics. 25 percent of the papulation,
and Jews. only 3 pcrccnt, have had a
powerful influence on America's Prot·
cstanl majority. Both groups have 1
highly developed tradition, strongly in·
culcated, that was brought to America.
Each resisted for a long time the dilu·
lion of its communities by intermar·
rlaae. American Protestantism, indivld·
ualist and improvisational, diffuses ill
impact in sectarian rivalries. II lives by
revivals, starting over from scratch. The
strength of Catholicism and Judaism
lies, by contrast, in their continuity.
Of these two, Catholics have the
stronaer structure of authority, prompt·
Ina Lenny Bruce to call Catholicism the
church. This church innuences Ameri·
can politics In two ways, on separate
tracb. It addresses outsiders, "men [sic)
of good will," with well formulated ar·
gumcniS from a long natural-law tradi·
lion, while delivering doctrinal fiats to
Its own members, who are upected to
act from them in the public arena. Thus
arauments arc used aaainst contracep·
lion in public debate, while those argu·
mcnll Dnd Church tradition are held to
bind Catholics.
This double approach has been taken
even when the strict teaching authority
Of the Church (its mDgisttrium) is not iD·
valved. Thus Catholic authorities ar·
gucd in the public realm, mainly through
lay people, for the Hollywood Produc·
lion Code, as a matter of civil decency;
and, at the same time, bishops enlisted
Catholics in the Legion of Decency, condemning movies with moral authority.'
In the same way, the Catholic bishops
In America say that abortion Is not a re·
ligiou$ issue when addressing the public
at large. In that forum, they rely on
natural law, common sense, and proba·
bllist araumcnts (even if the fetus is only
probDbly human, one should not kill
what might qualify as a live human
being). But Catholics arc told that they
must hold to the Church's position out
or loyalty to their ecclesiastical rulen.
The two tracks were clearly marked in
1990 when the hierarchy paid millions of
dollan to a public-relations firm to make
Its public case, whUe bishops in New York
state said that the eai'holic governor or
New York, Mario Cuomo, was endan·
gering his soul and could not i.pcak in
diocesan institutions because he did not
support a legal ban on abortion.
In earlier presidential campaitns, Ed·
ward Kennedy"s in 1980 and Geraldine
Ferraro's as the running mate for Walter
Mondalc in 19M, Catholics were partic·
ularly punitive to their own on the abor·
lion Issue. Kennedy's position, for in·
stance, did not differ from Jimmy
Carter's during the Democratic pri·
maries of 1980; nor, obviously, did
Geraldine Ferraro's differ from Walter
Mondale's In 19M. But Catholics pick·
eted and appealed to their bishops
against Kennedy and Ferraro while
'Technically Catholics annually took a
pledge in their parishes to observe the
Legion or Decency ratinss. so that what
bound them was their word-as happened In "taldng the pledge• not to drink
before age eighteen (or twenty-one). But
the Impression given In parochial schools
was that the Church condemned movies,
and going to a "condemned" one was a
mortal sin to be confessed.
largely Ignoring the stands of Carter and
Mondale. Partly, of course, this was just
a matter of striking where one could
have the most impact. But the situation
that made that impact possible was the
double standard by which Catholics arc
reachable-not only by the arguments
made to all political candidates but by a
special bond that Is supposed to limit
Catholics in what they can do while
claiming membenhip in good standina
with their fellow believers.
Mario Cuomo was not new to these
pressures when, in 1990, Bishop Austin
Vaughan publicly opined that he might be
on his way to hell. Cardinal Johri O'Con·
nor, Vaughan's superior In the Archdiocese of New York, had entertained and
not rejected a public call for cxcommunl·
eating Cuomo in 1984, at the lime when
pressures were being brought to bear on
Conaresswoman Ferraro. Cuomo was
1Vatthing O'Connor on television when
·this· occurred. So was his fourteen-year·
old son Olristophcr, who asked if his fa·
ther wis about to be dischurched. Mario
Cuomo is a very sincere Catholic, an in·
tensely devoted family man, proud, tom·
petltive, and thin-skinned. His wife said.
after watching him react to this public
challenge: "Boy, did he [the Cardinal) pick
on the wrona penon.·•
Three months later. at a widely publl·
cized event al Notre Dame University,
Cuomo delivered his answer to the Car·
dina I. a speech he had drafted very care·
fully. His biographer calls this •a brll·
llanlly argued answer.•• Wben, four
yean later, the Catholic former aovcr·
nor of Arizona ran for president, he was
able to answer questions about abortion
by subscribing to "the Cuomo position. •
Bruce Babbitt told reporters: "Ocral·
'Roben S. McEivalnc, MGrio Cuomo: A
Biography (Scribner's, 1988), pp. 92-93.
'McEivainc, MDrlo Cuomo, p 94.
dine (Ferraro) &ot Into trouble on the
Issue because she didn 'I have her facts
straight. Mario got it ri&ht. • Cuomo had
cleared the way for other Catholics.
Some compared Cuomo's Notre
Dame speech, ·which was published In
these paaes,' with John Kennedy"s 1960
address to the Protestant ministen in
Houston. But In some Wl)'l Cuomo was
in a tighter bind. Kennedy was address·
ina non-Catholics, who might be op·
posed to him but would observe certain
restraints of our pluralist code. He bad
tl)e Catholic community rallying behind
him, even if he went farther than some
bisbops would have preferred. He
aranted the existence or the two different claims on Catholic loyalty but said
that if the private exertion of authority
conflicted with the public appeal to nat·
ural reason, he y.-ould resign before
pulling the purely Catholic appeal
above public arguments from the com·
mon good. The- cteallllg house, ·in ·any
case, was his conscience. The only hold
the Church had on him was his own free
acceptance or Church authority. That
was enough for most critics in 1960.
More was demanded of Cuomo in
1984, though he did not really deliver
more. The surface difference lay in his
exposed position as a Catholic argu·.
···in& nof onlf.whli- otiler· catholics but
with his ecclesiastical superion. Mary
McGrory, a columnist for 171t WDSiring·
ton Post, wrote at the time:
Cuomo is the fint Catholic politician
to pick a fight with a prelate. Not so
Ions ago, such an initiative on the
part or a Catholic politician would
have been nothing less than suicide.'
J
I was a dose call, even so. Cuomo's
speech, kept under careful embargo and
'171t New York Revltw, October 25,
1984, p. 34.
'Quoted in McEivalnc, Marill Cuomo,
p.93.
worked on to the last minute, was
rushed ahead for Father lfesburgh, the
Notre Dame president, to read before
he would risk lntroduclns the sovernor.
Then the president played a characterit·
tically careful same by welcomins
Cuomo to the campus in the name of
free exchanae yet rushlns a criticism of
the speech out throush a specially syndicated column alven national release.
Some conservatives on the Notre Dame
campus &filled Cuomo at the press con·
ference before his talk. He bad arrived
late after a harrowina night through
storms In bis smallaovernor's airplane.
(Jokes about divine disfavor were
bounced about the cabin.) Orange juice
joslled onto the one corrected copy of
his speech made Its pases stick as
Cuomo delivered. his talk, prylna at the
edaes or the next paae as he read the
one just uncaked from its fellows. In
movina from the press conference to the
site of the speech, be was bumped by
picketen, one of whom called him a
murderer. It was a severe test of the ,
combative man's equanimity.
Yet he was Irenic in the tone of his ad·
dress. He stood his around; but he made
no advance on the Kennedy position of
1960. He, too, admitted there were sepa·
rate claims on his conscience. As a Cath·
olic, he accepted "Church doctrine• on
abortion (I.e., that It is impermissible).
Yet, as a public official, he accepts the
political sense of the community. as ar·
liculated in the law. If the law allows
abortion, and he Is elected to uphold the
law, he Is not himself committing abor·
tioiiS-this preserved his conscience on
the matter -but he Is also not overriding
the majority vote of the authorized legis·
lators: not, that is. fortin& his conscience
on othen. who do not have his reason
for submission to his church. He. too,
would resian if his lcaaJ performance
made It Impossible to recoanize the
Church '1 claim on his conscience. The
Church can continue to make Its public
case to the legislature •. hoping to per·
suade where It cannot command. If be
plays a double role, it is because Church
authorities distinguish between the two
"tracks."
Wby was that position, satisfactory in
1960, felt to be inadequate in 1984?
Some objected that, for one who recog·
niza the evil of abortion, Cuomo was
doing very. Jillle-~o ~rsuade··othen of"--::·:·::c-: ..
that view-as he would do, say, if slavery
were the issue. He might, like Uncoln in
1860, have to administer a political entity
with slavery lcgaUy Ia place; but he could
speak out against slavery, express a hope
to see Its abolition, lobby and argue and
maneuver toward that-none of which
Cuomo was doing, at least visibly, for tht:
abolition ·orabo'riioa.• .
But, more important, a vast change
had occurred in Catholic atiitudcs to·
ward authority, especially in sexual
matters, since John Kennedy spoke in
'Cuomo made a neat retort to this anal·
ogy, so far as his clerical critics arc con·
cemed, by pointing out that the Catholic
bishops or America did not speak out
against slavery before Emancipation. In
this matter Forrest G. Wood spells out
the bad record or America's bishops
(who wcr.c themselves slavcholden): in
171e A"ogance of Faith: Christianity Gild
RDu In AmtrlcD From lite ColoniDI ErD
10 lht Twtntieth Ctnlllry (Knopf, 1990),
pp. 3S6-361.
9
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10
Houston. The Second Vatican U!uncn
redefined the Church In public waysn
a "people of Ood" rather than a aovern·
mcnt of Jlrtlatcs. and, at the same time,
POJIC John XXIII set up a commission
of that people (clerical and lay) to recon·
aider the traditional position on birth
control. When the commission reported
agalnsr the old ban on artificial means
of contraception, the penuuivc ap·
proach was clearly moving apart from
the authoritative apJiroach, even within
the Church's own councils. The commis·
sion wu made up of responsible Cath·
olics, all raised under the old norms.
Paul VI, after he succeeded to the pa·
pacy in I963, e1panded the commission,
adding bishops and noted theologians
(who should have made il a more pre·
dlctable body). Yet in 1966 a majority of
the commission reported in favor of af·
lering the ban on contraceptives. The
majority Included respected professors
like Joseph Fuchs, SJ., of the Gregorian
University in Rome. Yet Paul VI, In a
momentous step, overruled bis own
commission by issuing in I 968 the encyclical HumQ/Uit Vitae, opposing all
forms of anlficial birth control This was
a question, the Pope wrote, !bat could
only be answered by "Oursclr (Per Nos·
mttil3os Humtu~ae Virat, parapaph sl1).
It Is importanllo see just wby this ac·
lion manercd so much. II •oaned to
sheer Church authorit where
niii.
sron had fa·
a matte
t
v lation but of natura rca·
DIJ n"'u-.. --·-- --- - _
_
and the discipline of the confeuional.
This system bred a skepticism about
Cburch authority thai manifests itself in
waysaoing far beyond the issue of con·
traception itself. Some seminarians re·
fused to dissemble as the price of beina
ordained. Others went through lhc mo·
tionsln a way that destroyed respect lor
the process. The need for outer compli·
ancc Is one of the many things that has
destroyed morale In lhc priesthood,
leading to unprecedented defections
and low recruiting.' It also helped to de·
stroy the credibility of the nun'slifc as a
submission lo Church diKiplinc, drain·
ing away the teaching pool al Catholic
Khools. The sudden unprcdicted falloff
of Catholic regard for and usc of lhc
confessional was affected by the rules
priests were supposed to Impose and
uphold there. Eilber they observed
these rules or they refused to-In either
case, the moral authority of this Intimate tribuaal was damaged.
The papacy had lricd to usc doctrinal
aulbority for an essentially ascetic pur·
pose-the rhetoric of Roman prelates
held lbal coatraceplion was a yielding to
modem hedonism and sen~uality. This
argumcnl has great force for people
whose celibate vocation calls for resistance to evca normal sexual feelings. It
is out of place In married and secular
life. The ban on Contraception was pan '
of a whole conslellation of rulings lhat
show clerical preoccupation with se1ual
matten-lbe mainlenance of a celibate
and all-male priesthood, the policing of
reproductive processes (not only as re·
gards contraception and abonion but in
bans on sterilization and anificial insem·
ination), the nonlcgitimacy of any sexual
pleasure not "open lo"· reproduction
(not only masturbation, indulgence in
pornography, fomicaiion, and adultery,
but even intercourse in marriage that is
interrupted, blocked by contraception,
or conducted alter deliberate sterilize·
lion), and censonbip of cxplidt sex.
Those maucn of faith-the nature of
the Incarnation, the Trinity. saving
grace, etc.-arc inlimatcly involved
with the Christian revelation. By the
logic of the Church's lwo forms of
address in American politics, those
mauen should be the principal concern
Most Catholics bave concluded that
of authoritalive pronouncement. Mat·
their clerical leaden are unhinged on
ten of natural ethics are beuer suited to
the subject of sex. Thus a stand~aken to
the "track· of open discourse with all
defy the world's permlsslvcn~ has
people concerned about morality. For
backfired and introduced a whole-new
the Pope to use Church authority
se1ual ethic among Catholics. Until the
(though not infallible "defining• au·
1960s, Catholics were measurably more
thority) to maintain Church discipline
ascetic In their se1ual altitudes. Since
on an ethical issue, while confessing that
then, they h_avc become more tolerant
he could not convince Catholics, underthan the national average-accepting
mined the very powcn invoked.
premarital se1, for instance, in twice the
It Is quite wrong to say tbc laity •re·
numben reponed for Protestants.• This
belled· against a clerical ban on contra·
tolerance bas undermined even teach·
ccption contained in Pope Paul VI's
ings tbat liberaf priests once thought
1968 encyclical, Huma11ae Vitae. Fcnil·
unchangeable (e.g., lbc bans on divorce
ity studies had shown !\'i~~cad11se of
and.homasexualii)'J..On al!onloo•.Calb·
contraceptives by Calholics -u-·early u · olics· arc no longer very dilfcrcnt.rroru
the Fifties, and in I 963, fi~c yean be·
most of tbelr fellow Americans, either
fore the Pope's encyclical, !'0 percent of
in belief or in practice." Cuomo was
Catholics told pollsters that contracep·
able to use the IaUer fact In his Notre
tivcs were not immoral.' Even in the
Dame speech, noling lhal the bishops
Depression or the I 930s, C.atbolic birtb
were calling for a law that would forhid
rates had indicated a turn to contracep·
abortion not only for non-Catholics,
lives (though observant Cath~li~....r11.aY,.•...!Vho find nothing wrong with it, but ror
still have been conrcssing that as a sin).
Catholics as well. Where thcir"owti
What changed in 1968 Vo"U not the obteaching has railed with their own peo·
servance of the ban bul the attitude topic, they would rcson to slate coercion,
ward aut~ori~y expressed in il. P~ests
'A sociological study of the "clerical rc·
and semonanans, no more convmced
bellion· Is in John Seidler and Kathcr·
than other Catholics by the papal arguinc Meyer. Conflict and Cha11gt In rltt
ments, were forced to tcac:fl what they
Catholic Church (Rulgcn University
did not believe. They had to accept
Press, 1989), pp. 94-95, 109-127.
external compliance as a condition of Of·
'Orcclcy. The Calhollc Myth p. 9.
dina lion. m~intain!ng ~ system or mutual
"'Catholic views have chan~cd raJiidly
pretense Wttb lhcu btshops-all to sat·
on abonion (if Hispanic Catholics arc
1
Polls reported in Andrew Oreclcy, T7te
separated out). Sec Ocorgc Oallup, Jr ..
Catlro/ic Myth: Tire Btltarior and Be·
and Jim Castelli. The People"s Rtligiwr:
fiefs of Calholics (Scribner's, I 990), pp.
American Faith in lhe 90s (Macmillan.
92-93.
1989) pp. 167-179.
Tire Ntw York Rt••ir,.
(
.
.
-·-
�juu .; they tried to use papal coercion
to forbid contraception:
required lo insist that all our rcli·
&ioUS VIIUCS be the law of the land.
the death penalty, on whkll be llu "1011&
personal convictions.
Despite the teachina in our home1
and schools and pulpits, despite the
sermons and pleadinas of parents
and priests and prelates, despite ell
the effort at defining our opposition
to the sin of abortion, collectively
we Catholics apparently believe
-and perhaps act-little dirlcrently
from those who don't share our
commitment. Ar~_11skina LOY·
erpment tp make criminal what we
bclis•·e !o be sinlul because we o~r·
~ pn't Slop committing
sin?
Cuomo wu not challcnaina the
"Church" doctrine on contraception or
divorce, just pointlna out that the appli·
cation or one's beliefs to political de·
bate- what he called the job or pruden·
tially "translallna Catholic teachinas
Into public policy" -varies accord ina lo
circumstance.
Cuomo's position wu bound to be un·
utisfaciory. By accepllna a "Church
teachina" valid for him as a Catholic. he
makes some wonder why he docs not
show enthusiasm for that teachina in
public debate. He merely rtctlvu it pas·
sively in his own case-despite the fast
that this particular teaching Indicates that
murder Is beina committed. (Abortion is
like acnocide lo those who think human
persons are beina killed-not a lhlna
one can witness without moral protest.)
On the other hand, for those who ques·
tion the c:rcdibility of derical decreet on
ethics, CUomo's docility Is the frustratina
aspect .or his speech. Why should he ac·
ccpl "doctrine" in this case (or in that or
contraception, the parallel he invokes)?
After all, popes have no special expertise
or tcllina when life bealns. 11aty are not
applyina• the Bible or some theoloaical
ruth. If they have a aood case to make,
nc that convinces even Catholics ·In the
ubllc discourse that failed on contraception. If they have a beller case on
abortion, they must make it, and CUomo
should lend these araumcnts his eloquence. But he does not arauc the mal·
tcr; he merely accepts (privately) and sets
aside (in public) the datum that a Ictus Is
to be treated as a human life from con·
ccption. This is very dirferenl from his
eloquence and enthusiasm In opposina
What this muns, of course, Is that
Cw>mn d•lms In believe th!, Church'a
""bins on abortion, but acts 11 .JL he
c&isi...D!II.Pro-choice critics arc inlunated
by his belid; pro-life believers arc just
as Indianan! at his actions (or lack of
them). Since most of the public is not
simply classifiable as pro-life or prochoice, this may be 1 shrewd political
position; but II damages Cuomo In his
claim to be a Catholic Intellectual who
reaches his conclusions from a well·
trained conscience and not as a mallcr
or political expediency.
If popes have no sure answer to the
question, When docs life beain?, neither
docs modern science. It depends on
what one means by human life. Chris·
. tian theoloalans have Ions said what
thtj mean by that term-they mean tbe
soulthatls uved by Jesus's redemption;
but that acts one no nearer an answer to
the question when that soul comet into
existence. In feet, it was preciaely be·
cauae of a' I
tine's thcolcil)' of
the soul t
e re atcd , Ia
• hjs perjod of epjscopal teac ns, t a,J.be
did
know when or how the soUl was
f!l
Yet CUomo reasserted his sincere be·
lief that abortion is sin. He still accepted
"Cburc:h doctrine• as his own personal
discipline, even on a matter not directly
revealed. He spoke of the Church'•
leachia& as if "the people of Ood" were
not tbe Church but only the leaching
autboritiet In that Church. He spoke
like John Kennedy, thouab the contra·
cepllon dispute had chanacd Catholic
attitudCI toward "Church teachina" on
ae1ual mattsra.
In fact, as a ploy against the bishops,
he stressed the Jimilor/ty of the bin on
conlncsptlon and that on abortion, and
reminded the bishops that ihey have
given up their effort lo change the law
for everyone on the sale and usc of
contncsptlves:
On divorce and birth control, with·
out chanaina its moral tcachina.
the Church (by which he means
leaders or the Church) abides by
the ciVil law as it now stands,
thereby acceptlna-without mak·
Ina much of a point of it-that in
our pluralistic society we arc not
~
I
~--
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' -¥rllll~tlitiUIDW~ •I
~~----·
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201
lgjo alp the bQdy.
..
Saint Auaustlne's thcoJoaical concerns
made him ask most urgently not when life
beafns but when guilt docs. He was ccr·
lain of two revealed truths -that the
saerillce of Jesus redeems the baptiz.cd
soul, and that orisinal sin made that redemption necessary. But when and how
does the soul join the human race In its
communal experience of historical auilt?
If Ood creates each soul directly, can He
be blamed for producins dcfcstivc aoods
(the soul Oawcd by oriainal sin)? If the
E
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EIIZ/Ibtlb Fox~
'~Saint Auaustine, Epistle J'IJ.JS. Cath·
olic thcoloaian Bernard Harina used the
number or fertilized ew that do not
achieve nidation (perhaps half) to sua·
acst, as recently as 1970,thatlife cannot
beain at fcn.ilizatl?n~hn !~·
J.!. cd.. Z1!( Mqcolilx bq ., · I
and H/Jtoriul Pmprstlru <Harvard
"University Prea, 1970) p.l30. Goa
. "Saint Auaustinc, Eristlc 166.12.
,
"Robert J. O'Connell, SJ., argues that
Auaustlne always Inclined to Ori~n's
view. At any rate, he shows how that
view puuled and tempted and returned
to Auaustlne In his lona and unsuccess·
lui search for the mode by which souls
enter bodies. Sec Tlae Origin oftht Soul
In St. Augustine's lAter Wor.b (Ford·
ham University Press, 1987).
"Saini Auaustinc, Epistle 166.22.
s. . . .:·;i
··.:···.··.
4
HAMLETS
M0111ERAND
tour 11 one W1\D 1\UIUJI, ~ u••• '"~an "
descends from hil soul as wen as his
body? But bow? Aristotle said animal
souls were carried in male semen, but In
the Christian scheme this would mean
souls arc somehow Jolt when SCR)Cll docs
not lmpreanate.11 Did Ood acate a kind
of bank (lhuGUflll) or SOUl SlUff, from
which he could draw In supplyina later
bodies?" If so, then the soul stuff in that
· treasure house must have sinned In soli·
darity with the two embodied human
souls (Adam and Eve). Bafned by thest
difficulties, Auaustlne kept Oirtina with
the suspect view or Orisen that the lndi·
vidual soul had already sinned before
beina conslancd to the dcath·pronc bod·
iss derived from Adam." In aaonics of in·
acnuity, Auaustine even made up his own
berctical-souodina hypothesls~that the
soul of an unbaptized child miaht return
lo Ood whUe the body socs out or existence forever ("I bave not bcaJd of this
opinion or read it elsewhere")." After
Geadn:le'IICII blslootallr
.... a1llallr ........ lids
IJimry and
uGsllc""""
AD~ lids
"""' dells wtdl sunalisnl'l
hplnaioas and hli1Dfr,
J>llllosophJal. ltSd>dlc
IIIII J'Siddoclal underpinnlnp; ""' ..........
COGCqiiS""' pncllca.
"Appnsllht too 11noj11o
lnoqt "'sunallsno •
lcoooc:bsllc, Jaaiueliat
Olmlrm-Gtftdroa bas
oondaulcao 1 now ddinllloa
d i l l e - · m1lrll
coocqocs. She mncos a.
llistoric ..... to..wrlllnalbm'llnaaslooc
tbtortzatiarL.
-l.tllltm41
l.,_.
COWMBIAUNIVERSriYPRESs m.oo
fmp«<toe
11IE DIALOGIC
SPECIES
a
.,. .......... lundamool!al
t".:.!.=·":::
.. - --bf cbanctatzool
_,.. CID
..,IIDII)ina ....... bodl
llllllqut .._, lacullr ....
ISDIIIIfosaallonscldds
focaiiJ Jllls •urk, I bts!·
adla .... lnnlw-111
France, nplooe sucll quo.
lloas bow IIIIICII cl Jm.
oocqulted ... ..._,
""'"as:b
bowdoesMde..loplllll
wori<!and'Ailaloloosl
...... _,.,Aha.,......
coovtlutt 10~
lrl&allllllslled dororybt
dlscussa bls ...............
anaoa&t
.........."'.._,.._..
timan a
•• Is clest ..... a.udo
HW-Iarandlllclo...
b.isanalpeslft.....,.
lhouclol......,.....
-l.tiiONII
l,.,...l'mp«ttoa
1n.oo
Depl104, ll6 Soudl8n>oofwar. fnlnalool, NY tom· 0Ml S91.1Jlll
t.-*tcd ..... ~c:w6 . . . . .
II
�listina the only four h)1101heses he could
support. Augustine wu artful 110( to
favor or exclude any of them (even one
approlimatlna Oriaen's) b«ause
Ul diSCO\'tf iD
~ks of Scrietull
anl!hin& at all ce[lain on the orign
:or rb, •OYI.· .. And when a thin&
obscure in Itself defeats our capac·
ity. and nothin~ else In Scri~ture
l.bi!S eot been ·~Is
.J,b' l"'lll'd
&Qmcs
•n:Pur ,,. Q
h IS not sa 1 lor
humans to presume that they can
pronounce on it. 11
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FUENTES
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VIRGINS
"A visionary new work or flcUon •••
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stories delight In language. yet
avoid selr·fndulgence!'
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fty, the metaphor Cor something
whose name we have lost but
whJch we know exJsts and represents a truth!'
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FarTar • Straus • Giroux
Available at bookatorca CYef}'Wbcre.
or call HIOCH31-8571.
12
When Saint Thomas Aquinas ad·
dressed the problem of the fctus"s hu·
manily, he followed Aristotle In think·
ing there are successive animations
(cn50ulmcniS) of a fetus-a vital soul
(anima) when the embryo crows like a
plant In the woman's body (the umblli·
cus is the "root" planted In the woman's
body), an animal soul when the fetus
Initiates .Jts own moves, a rational ~ul
when It renecls on what it does." Evi·
dence of rationality occun only after
binh, 50 Aquinas Is nDI sure when God
infuses the hilmonal 50UI. But it is
clearly not In the early stages or vital
and animal cnsoulment-lhat is wh )'
Saint 'IJ!omas opposed the doctrine o r
the Virgin Mary's "immaculate concep·
tlon." Her alnless aoul would not have
been infused at con~plion."
The evidence or Church belief deriv·
able"itffm banbsm shows a llm!§!fack
or~rtltUde about when there II a SOUl
lg §aQgze. TGomas was •&••nsl ::!!ptizing th:Tctus while it was still
WOMb. Where 411 cannot
be
1n
tli'c
su6]!c1 10
'llic .,P:ralion of the ministers of the
Church, or it is not known to men" (or,
presumably, capable or a kno..·in& re·
sponsc)." There was a wide varietx.o
beliefs and Dl:l'li~~D blgliling
r-aboned fetuses and baotism even a(Jc
o~rlh was sometimes ~elaved to wililo
Clear si2ns o
c~~=~~~~~1~~~:;~:~
fused at the moment of conception
....
,-,;ey were mhuenced io pan bY lhe
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception.
This is the hodgepodge or considers
tions Mario Cuomo Is bowina to when
he accepts without que$tion the "doc
trine or the Church" on abonion. He
does not advance arguments of his own
to repeal, enfor~. or explain that doc
trine. He simply deposits it in his own
little rllrsarmu or faith, not to be c1
pended outside his home.
There are elements in this theologica
. history thalaruugestive.. Saint .Augus
tine thinks or the beginning of life as th e
entry into the social nuus with histo ry
''Saint Augustine, Epistle 190.5. Eve n
when Augustine was taunted for his ig
norance on the point, he refused to give
up his dubiety (concrario), suucsting
that it ma¥ be sinful to a!l'irc to
knowledge noJ _o~!:.c.a m SCt1r-Aur
-"{The· Sour and /u Ori11in 4.S}. Wfie hc
did lean toward one hypothesis (the rllt·
saunu one), II was In the way of sug
gcstion, not conclusion ( Gtnuis Taken
Ureral/y, 10:23). ~uf(jstjpe condemiiFd
"'nlraception an a nion, but not on
lhf>
at the alter was llolltici
dal since be did not taow wlifllll!t
numan soul was involved in dcstrUc:tion
- ~tus. See Noonan. Tilt Moraliry
rrion, pp. IS-16.
"Aristotle, AninUJI Gtntrarion 2. 2
(736a-737a).
''Noonan, The Mora/ily of Aborrion
p.23.
"Noonan, Tilt Mora/if'! of Aborrion
p.23.
.
•
called oriainalsin. You become an indi·
vidual by becoming Adam's child, one of
the people destined to inhabit the City of
God or the Earthly City. Saint Thomas's
stress on the lack of Interaction with
other humans in the cnwombcd fetus
points In the same direction. Saint Au·
austine argues In Tilt. Triniry that per·
sons uist only In Interaction with other
per50ns, even in the triune divinity.
Modern theorists treat the human com·
poncnl as c:oming to expression when it
acquires a historically apecific languace
systcm-includingthe gestures and body
lancuagc Augustine observed In his baby
50D Adeodatus and desen'bes with sucb
empathy in Book I of the Conftuiofll.
To say this is not to declare the fetus
outside the human community. We hu·
manizc each other by our willingness to
/ncfude othen within that basic fellow·
ship -the sick, the deformed, the rc·
larded, tbc old. We have not become
fully human unless we recognize their
humanity. II js a mark gf the humqt
ftlsnd jta gwa gblieatjpnt-cycg IQ
mdness toward animals. The lheol
gian Cuomo likes to cite, Teilhard
Chardin, thought all of evolution w
working toward a general "penonaliza
lion" or the unlvene.
A stress on human community would
contrast not only with the biological·
mechanic approach that 50me Catholics
think or as "natural law," but with the
extreme pro-<hoice position that says a
woman can do anything with the body
she "owns. • This view of private
e,DP·}
ertx, as givil1g the oW per lpj'KiJifre
ris.!lt~ is al odds with liberal .a~d le,tl
Qg51h9Df QQ prgperty 'I $0111hpo social responsjbili~-as something ~ld
•::,rhm a commumty, pan of a nexus of
mutual commitments.
William Buckley, in his early defense
of an ab501utcly private right in propeny, used to say that he.could, with per·
feet morality, build a creal palace on a
mountain top and blow It up. If it 'l&S
his, he could do anything he wanted
with it. That was Ronald Reagan's' alii·
tude toward the Panama Canal In the
1970s: •we bought it, we paid for it, it's
oun." 10 We can keep II, do what we
want with It-blow It up, presumably, if
. that is bow we mcao to dispose or the
thing we bought ab501utely.
John Locke treats the self as a ~nne
propeny• (proprium ), but even he said
II was given in trust by God-which
means one cannot reject the girt unilal·
crally by suicide.• When 50Ciety condemns suicide, it says that even the ri&ht
to one'a body Is not ab501ute. Disposal
or that item affecll . others-parents,
spouses, friends. children, the political
community-for whom a person, so
lone as he or she remains responsible,
must have regard. Even the apparently
lone person must not be encouraged to
give up hopes or claims on the commu·
nity as if his or her loss were to be con·
sidered or no wider concern. Among
other things; this would make it too easy
for the community to accept nd rcspon·
sibility for the lonely or disaffected.
Those who treat the fetus simply as
propeny 50metimes take a proprietary
air toward the very discwsion of abor·
lion. They say that only women can de·
cide, not only In tbe specific case of
their own actions but on the general
values to be upheld. Logically, this
should mean that only women who arc
10
William J. Jordan, PanalfUI Odysuy
(Univcnity of Tuas Press, 1984),
p. 316.
•John Locke, The Second Trtarist of
Govtmmtnl, Number 23.
Tilt Ntw York Rrvitw
�lion Is not so evil as to justify over·
throw-as the slave system or Nazi
regime was-then allrmpls to coerce.
ralhcr than penuadc violate the hu·
mane concerns of the communily. That
Is why pro·life comparisons of abortion
to slavery or the Uolocaust arc
misguided.
·
Some religious extremists do, In facl,
think modern society Is basically evil
and corrupt-godless In Its aov·
crnmenl, pagan in its scnsuality,
morally unresponsive to divine signals.
For them, overthrowing the communal
arrangements Is desirable, though few
would usc force. But lhcir focus on
abonion as merely one symptom of the
pervasive evil should have no lnnuence
on those who, however uncertain them·
selves on the abortion Issue, do not
doubt the good faith of those debatlna
lt. II also shows bad faith for religious
extremists to usc a corrupt aovernmcnt
to suppress one practice. They are rc·
sortlna to tactics meant to undermine
the regime ltaelf and not the sln&lc
practice.
This Is not an araument for the dis·
posabillty of a human life. ~·
cisely because we do not tnow-ap
1iiore than the Pope does 1 or science,
·'iii Salnt Au ustlnc-when the r1on
e& ns 1 to treat I e guest ona.Jc
Guman as havln mort 1111111 nor
or have been presnant can form the
mean the state must slvc full ~ijQ!il.
moral discourse on this topic. In their J.O lbc fetus, cvfii'1II1!U[111
c ,
own odd way, such feminists recreate _by shelterln& I! rrom dama&ln& •awes·
the separate "woman's sphere" that
sions"like maternal smoking, drlnkl~,
Tocqucvillc described In nineteenth· J!ru& use. poor health practic51. I
century America. Both forms of thJ.a
would mean mothen must be r.n!,to
c 1ve
cs w ose humanity they
separatism arc at
es o re ublicanism, whe every·
and the most trusted anociatcs doubt
ne 1n 1 e community is invited ~ pon·
or firmly deny. Anli·abortion activlsis
,.er together all moral iWJCS. e do
take the enforcement of this r!&hl Into
1 not say, in a republic, tha~y the mil·
their own hahds when, in the name of
ltary can decide on the role of the mill·
the fetus, they mount assaults on the
Jary In public life-that only the
fetus's mother In her attempt to reach
academy can rramc educational lnucs,
an abortion clinic.
that only believers can frame rclisious
Issues, and so forth. Cuomo seems to .4.....lf the prcsnant woman has toliial
be taklna an cnlishtcncd stand whe~esponsibility, it Is asemctricalto~vc
he apoloJizes, as a man, for speakin&
the fetus all of tl'i"elonned ~n~'s
on abortion; but it is a nonrepublica
!fl;man rjrb!S and no rcspaniihbilies.
position."
e woman Is called on to be selr-sacrl·
Yet, btcllust the communitr. has its
ficing In certain social circumstancess~Pims.lbji retys abould have $o iijU
e.g., protection of her family or country.
absolute a ri ht to life tha h w
o
The fetus, It given human rights, does
as an absolute ri ht to her • ro
y. •
not (cannot) balance those with rcspon·
ro-hfc amp1ons who treat an act
sibllltles. The mother can deny hcnelr
for) the fetus at every stage as a full
for the fetus's sake. The fetus cannot re·
person, with all the rishts of one, have
clprocate. If we could lmaainc for i mo·
their own form of possessive Individual·
ment,ptr lmposslblt,thc fetus as having
Ism: the putative baby's rights are equal
any moral claims against II as a respon·
to t~e mother's, scaled orf within It, to
siblc person, It would have to recognize
be played off aaainst the mother's
thatiiJ right to ltselr Is no more absolute
-hardly a communal arranaemcnt.
than the mother's, thalli would have to
ncrlnce ltscll for othen, for the com·
Thlt, II loslcally followed up, would
.
mon good, for the country.
·
Trying to pit the rights of the fetus
· "Marlo Cuomo, • Joining the debate;
Commonwt•l (March 23, 1990), p. 196:
against those of its own mother and her
"In Tucson. I said I felt presumptuous
helpcn nlises problems not only of en·
talltlna about the terrible, bard juda·
forceability-Cuomo says it would be
mcnt women malte with regard to abor·
tlon. 1 do. 1 am very uncomfortable with
like tryinato enforce Prohibition-but
havlnf 10 malte decisions about abor·
of communal morality. Where there Ia
lion. do think there is an clement of
disagreement on whether an object has
Jhe absurd or 'Incongruous in men mat·
entered the language system of recoa·
Ina laws about something they can
nized mutual responsibilities, and that
lanauagc system of debate and cxhorta·
never experience-pregnancy.•
SEXUALRY AND
Cosmos and Psyche In the
Bourgeois World VIew
Harvie Ferguson
Symbob ollove, Power
Edward J. Te)lrlan
PresenHng a particular oose where a young
• ... on Inspiring and Indeed
pleasurable
experience ... a perfeclly
aocompllshed b9<*o
N
-Gionfronco Poggi
288 pp $29.95/clolh
man was c:onvlnced he was possessed by Satan.
Tejlrlan focuses on mole psychology In 1e1ms o1
sexual symbols, and examines the function o1
symbols In cultural Dfe.
272 pp $29.95/clolh
BETWEEN REDEMPTION AND
PERDmON
·
GOVERNING THE SOUL
Technologies ol Human
SublecHvfty
.---------.
Modern onllsemlftsm and Jewish tdenllty
Robert S. Wlatrfoh
Wlslrlch explores lhe meaning ollhe Jewish
experience from lhe tragic Enllghlenment
dream of assimilation In Central Europe to lhe
dllflcuH relationship between Jews and lhe
European left, olf811ng brilliant lnslghllnlo lhe
lost century's agonizing climax ol Jewish history.
272 pp $32 .SO/cloth
Hlkolaa Roae
Rose argues lhollhe
recent rise o1 a psycholheropeuHcs promising
each ol us freedom,
autonomy, ord fulflllment
1:s lnllmolely linked to lhe
emergence ol o new
form ol pollllool
roHonoRiy grounded In
lhe entrepreneurial sell.
288 pp S25.001clolh
UNIVERSES
.........
John Lealie
Given enflrely lo exploring lhe theme o1
whelher several universes exist, this Is lhe first
boot by a professional ph~ which
considers recent claims thai our universe Is
"'ffne tuned fOf prOducing Ute.•
256 pp S25.001clolh
lunt 18, 1990 ·
There Is. nothina In tbe approach I
have recommended that connicts with
Catholic: faith, 10 far as I am aware. II
may even. be more consonant with
Augustine's theology of the penon-a
theology that made II impossible for
him to find a single line of demarcation
for the joinina of the human commu·
nity. It certainly does connict with the
discipline the Pope and bishops would
liltc to Impose on. the subject of abor·
tion. Butthislsthe same discipline they
have. tried to impose on .the subject of
contraception; and most Catholics, c:lcr:O
ieal and lay, now recognize that disci·
plinc as an elaborate sham. The Church
"line• on abonlon Is also absolute. It Is
a useful fiction for the bishops. For
Mario Cuomo, il is more like a political
dodge. I ltnow it Ia unrealistic to expect
a Catholic politician to defy the bishops;
but I am not considering the man's ca·
recr, just his argument. Those who lhink
.with former Governor Bruce Babbitt of
Arizona, that •Mario got it right• arc
probably too sanguine.
0
THE SCIENCE OF PLEASURE
THEDML
and Fear In Male
Psychology
preservina.
MY BROTHER'S KEEPER?
Recent Polish Deboles on lhe Holooo\111
Edit~ by Antony Polonsky
Polonsky has translated and edlled a maJor
contribution to lhe history o1 the Holocaust
which reveals lhe distress many Poles feel about
their lock ol action clurlng WOfld War a.
224 pp S25.00lclolh
13
�I
Evangels of Abortion
Carry Willa
Overnight fame can unsteady a twenty·
nine-year-old, est>«ially when the fame
stirs as much resentment as admiration.
Randall Terry Is bcwmina famous for
leadina allacks on abortion clinics
throuahout the US. "Why de you think I
don't read most of the thinas wrillen
about me?" Terry asks after I have jull
watched him read and reread with ferocious auentl-.ness an unfavorable article
about him In • California paper. The
question, he shows by waltina for an
answer, is not rhetorical but almost In·
quisltorial. "I don't know," I answer.
"Perhaps to prcK~ your equanimity."
He looks blank. "What's equanimity?"
He docs not go into the storm of publicity ballastcd by much knowledge. '
We have been talking on a plane about
to land In Long Beach, California, where
Terry and his associates will lead what
they call "rescues• at scveral abortion
clinics, scaling all entrances with layer
upon layer of their bodies. A member of
the crew comes from the niaht deck to
tell Terry there arc demonstrators against
him massed outside the airport; the air~
part security will meet him at the plane,
take his luuaac orr. and spirit him out a
side fence. He nods agreement to this,
then worries that the demonstrators wiU
think him and his associates "wimps,"
and discusses the ·idea of returning to the
demonstrators from the outside. He does·
not nee from anent ion, even or the most
hostile sort.
There arc no casual encounters with
Randall Terr)'. He turns them all into
contests of some sort -clashes of moral
standards. aamn. probings. BuyinJ a
ticket In an airport, he asks the airline
employee to remove a travel poster show.
ing (from the back) a woman in Hawaii
wearina nothina but a hula skirt. "It is
demeanlnt to women." The man takes it
down. On the plane, he lets a Oighl II·
tendant know that he is aoing to be on
television and asb if there is a brush to
remove the lint from his suit. She ends up
removina the lint herself, b) dabbin&
Scotch tape at it. With another Oighl at·
tendant he banter• over gelling extra
food. He asb a third If she i• wearin1
tinted contact lense~ (she is). None or
them will foraet Randall Terry was on
her plane. In a depo1ition beina taken by
a woman lawyer for the National Oraanl·
zatlon for Women. when ·questioned
about his wife's name, Terry asked the
lawyer If her last name Is her husband's
(as It ouaht to be).
He Interview' hi' interviewers. Asked
what I do when I am not writing articles
about him, I tell him I teach American
history. "Do yol• thinl: the American
Revolution wL' innuenced more b)' the
Renaissance or b) the Reformation?" I
am nOI aware it WL' the product Of
either. "Do you believe in providence In
history?~ Not, I reply, In a manifest
providence. "What does that meari?"
Adoptlna terms I thought would make
sense In hi~ world, I point out that Saint
Auausdne denied that Ood's inteni could
bt read 111 hlstorleal developments. "'h,
weD, Saint Auaustine was a forerunner of
the Renaissance." His tone tei!J me that
this Is a bad thin& to be, a point soon
conOrmed: •J despise the Renaissance."
Onl) later, after readinp the works of
the AIJ\ericafl evanaelical writet Fnnds
Schaerrer, did I r~liu that Terrl was
111M
U.
/~
J/1/~PJ~~
confusina Augustine with Aquinu.
Aquinas u a harbinacr of the Rcnais·
lance Is one of Schaeffer's trademark nO•
lions. ('T'M twin to that concept Is that
Kierkcaaard is the MOIInient of the
Renaissance In all Ill evil.)
"You have to read Schaeffer's Clrrls·
tum Monifuto if you want to undentand
Opcratlon Rescue (Terry's anti-abortion
oraanlzationJ." It seems odd that a man
Uke Schaeffer, who before he died In
1984 Uved obscurely In Switzerland
tidcl or theolosical liberalism, and espc·
clally of biblical criticism, defeated the
Princetonl•n• on their own around at the
beainnin& Of the 19~, I decade that 18'1\'
the more populist form• or evanaclical
belief put to night by Mencken'1 as~aulu,
the Scope~ trial, and the death of William
Jenninas Bryan.
·
Presbyterlanl1m, "splintery" in the best
of cases, bred competitively purist rcac·
tiona to the defeat at Princeton, formin1
new enclaves of resistance, each with a
RondoU Ter17 bdlflmmtd qfler G dtmoiUiror/011 Ill Mldrowrr Hosplttd Ill Atllllllo, All,..., IJIU
writlna what he fondly hoped was a phi·
losophy of culture, could produce so
many voluntccn blockading the doon of
abortion clinics; but one does not need to
be a profound thinker In order to have an
impaCt on society. Schaeffer, toward the
end of hi' life, emerged as a prophetic
vo~ for younJ evangelicals just when
Terry and hL• contemporaries enlered
Bible ~ehool in the late Seventies. Their
Amerit:11..was. quite. dlffcrcn~ from the one
Schaeffer had encoimtcred forty year~
earlier durin1 evangelidsm's darkest
pcriod in modem America.
Evanaelical Protestantism -the "born
again" belief fed, ecumenically,. from
revivals in all the pietistic ("low churchi
denominations- was the relanin& religious
fora- In nlnetecnth-ccntur)· Ameri!=ll. Its
scholar!)· base w& larsely Presbyterian,
because of the eminence of the Princeton
Theolosical Seminary, which upheld the
onhodo) "Princeton Thcoloay" for over
a ccntul') (1812-1921).' But the rlsin(l
'See T1w Princctorr Tlwotov. 18/:JI!IZI, edited b)· Mark A. Noll (Presby-
new. name to signify the true old faith.
Schaeffer was a Presbyterian trained In
tbe biller Thirties, and he followed the·
"separatist" Carl Mcintire, later famous
for his savaae anticommunism durln1 the
19SOa. By the late Fifties, however,
Schaeffer had broken with Mcintire
(breaklnr with whom, and with each
other, became his foliowen' favorite ac·
tivity).' Schaeffer, reverslna the direction
or other missionaries, wanted to so back
to Europe and re·Chrillianiu that
place- which involved SludyinJ the
culture of the "natives" in the way that
terian and Reformed Publishins Co .•
J9g)).
.
'Schaeffer'• later admirers do not like to
remember his lon1 time or service with
Mcintire. In the misnamed Complt"
Worb of Frtlllcls Sclr~~tl/tr, prcten·
tiously pubU1hed In five large volumes in
1982 (b)· Croisway Books. Westchester.
Illinois). hi• mentor't name doa not
occur. One looks for Mcintire U. the
index and Ondl. Mcluhan. Marshall,
with seven entries.
evanaelicall approached South Sea
islanders.
He arrived In Europc In 1947, when
postwar demoralization convinced him or
the aodleuness or modcrn civilization.
But unlike other evanaellcals. who had
withdrawn from worldly culture in the
web of their setback• In the 1920s.
Schaeffer thouaht Europcan culture
should be studied, If only to allack it. He
treated modern art and philosophy as a
search for Ood or a confession of emptiness without OOd. Uvina amona Cath·
olics In Switmland, and clashina with
them, he nonetheless tried an approach
rescmblina that of Jacques Marltain or
Etienne Oil10n, who were fashionin1 ·a
Christian uistentiali•m that would ad·
dress postwar problems: No fOrfTIS of ClL•
lstentialism were welcomed by Schaeffer,
who made Kierkegaard the demon riJure
behind modern despair, but Schaeffer set
up a Christian retreat and study house
called l'Abrl, where he talked with
vlsitina adolescents at their own level
about modern movies and spiritual fads.
He developed a glib outline of the whola.
of ·western culture's history, one he
would later offer to Americans In ti ntm
series called How Shoulrl Wt 71rrn Li~?
(1977). Leftover "Jesus pcople" thouaht
this reprt~tnted the 101id wisdom of a
man who was still "with it." In the brief
(seven-page) chronolou of major cui·
lura! events that accompanies the wrillen
version of the ntm, 1970 is marked as the
year Jlmi Hendrix died.
The yeu that ntm. came out was the
year or Randall Terry's conversion (at ase
seventeen). The IOn of schooheac~
perfunctory in their religion, Terry &rA
up In Rochester, New York, and ran
away from home 11o>hen he wu sixteen to
live on the road, a Kerouac from the
wrong .decade scckina druw beatitude.
He was back home wilhin three months,
after ,a supcrfidal acquaintance with
Oriental and other mystical writings, hav.
Ina talked a areal deal and read a lillie
about compctins spiritualities. He went
throu&h the Bible with the awe or some·
ODe dlscoverina the obvious and •·as
"born again. • He joined a chatismatic
church, one that believes in apostolic
"gifll" (chdrismdtll) like faith healina,
and was devout enouah lor his pastor to
assure Elim Bible Institute on the school's
most important entry re(\uirell)ef!!, that. ___ .. _. _
· ·terry h·icl.been· "borri aaain" at least a
year before his enrollment In 197g,
Elim (the word comes from an •oasis"
Moses stopped at in the desert) stands on
a height above the crossroad~ township
of Uma. New York. Handsome classical
buildinss on campus housed, in the nine·
teenth century, the Genesee Wesleyan
Seminlry. which spawned Genesee Col·
Jc:ae. which later moved to become pan
ol SyracuK University. The colleae had
for ill women's preceptres• the famous
nineteenth-century reformer · Frances
Willard, and ill graduates include Henry
Raymond. founder of 71rt Nt•· Yort
Tima, and Senator Kenneth Keatins.
lima's most famous 10n. The abandon·
ment of the areal seminary In this century
is emblematic or the fall of evanaelical>
from their days of innuencc. The campu'
became a home in 19SJ for the modesr
missionary·trainina Khool that had been
movinf from place to place since 192A,
(contlnutd on polf 18}
·~
�. (ro11tl11utd from Pfllt IJJ
::; ...· .
•.
~
.
.
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I
,
.
i ·:~;
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.
•
. . . . -..~~
·. t.
··.. ··•·.·... ··
.
:.. -THE NORMAL.::
-·:'AND THE:.:.. : .
"PATHOLOGICAL
CeOrtn ~them : ·
JnlrWuc/lon &j Mlcllel R>uet~ull
lnuuldtH lly CGrvlyn J, FaiDCttt
·r._.: Canaullhem ana~ lhe radl• ~ .
:~ .tally new waj In which heahh •
.. ;, -'early 191h ~nlury, shOwln&lhll .
· ,.
{ the ernerclnc ~lteories orthe ·,
.... ·•. ;. /. :· normal ancllhe paJholoclcal were .
.·· :.: . : ...... ~ •' rar from belnc objecthe sclenllfic •
.: . concepts. Di11ributed ror WN£ ·
'.Boob. .
. '
~
~-·
...
,•'
•: ··and disease weie ctelined In lhe ··
:. $24.50
.'
Yet Terry'conllnun to think Schaerrer
Schaefrer had toyed with the Idea or
when I.Q. Spencer 11arted ualnina peo"'he arealnl modern Christian phllosptomotlna widespread dvll djsobedicn.r
pie to ao 10 the Oricnl.
opher, • and nol only for the 11andiosc . over !he Issue or rernovlna Ood rrom
About I quarter or lhe araduales or
Intellectual hlllory orrered him on the
American schools; but !hat would hsre
Elim's three-yea~ proaram still JO lo
cheap. Attcr makinJ his movie series on
uodercul the lleady arowth or pri•atc
rorelan miulons, and Randall Terry had
the history of Weslern 1hou1h1, Schadler
Chrlsli&ll schoob (and •home schools"
planned to 10 to Medea, improvlna hit
teamed up wllh an evanaeDc:al doctor .·wltb Christian curricula). ln"A Christum
Spanish while he concentrated on the one
named C. Evercll Koop lo mate another
Mtml/tsto, published three yeari bcrorc
·major of(ered al the sdfool, Bible. FuU·
nlm series called WMtt- Happtlltd to
his death, Schaerrer made abortion the
time sludcills or the three,year course are · th1 Hum1111 R«t1 (1979). This wort
subject on whlcb evanaelicals could
required 10 Uvc on campus, 10 talc part
takes u the-symbol or modern culture's · challmae the entire le&llimacy or rhe
In the prayer nrc that aoes on all day, In
aodless hedonism the abordna or babies.
secular modem 11a1e, wlthholdina aile·
and oul or clw. I asked a student to
"Schaerrer, In hls lui yean, bad rutened ·. aJuce unlll the nation returns to its
direct me 10 the library, and he took .me · on abortloa u the mosllmporl&llt syrnprelialous rooll In 'maucn like public
there, whisptTina occuionaUy under bls · tom or the aae, the lhlna that ml&hl
prayer &lid rcPalous educalion. This is
breath, •Jesus. • So II il npl merely ·a · prompt Chrbtlans to tbe uerdse or dvll
the bOot Terry takes u charter ror his
private quirt that Terry wiD, in the midst . ·:. disobedience. He ·had .resu"ccttcl .Ill · Operallon Rescue. (lhouah even Terry
·or conversation on a plane or elsewhere, : '· obicure -IC\'allemtho(ltrllu!J Scottish · tames down so-;ne claims loan udt,isi•cly
Interject a aroaned "Help us, Jesus• Into .". ·rr---....:....,.-._,_.=...:..-::::71'-.,.,--:----:-:---:-=-:-:-"---:--"-.:...___:..,
even the mosl banlcrina convenallo,n.
: -·
R•NI•B r,P,· ··: ·
. ·Terry aradualed rourtb Ia bls dw'or.",~I
thlrty~nlne seniors, but more emphuls II
placed on spiritual development tban on
academic proncimcy at Elira. A recent •
presidml of the school told a Chrlsliu •
maaazJnc: -nls b not to-d!Jparaae ac:a-, •·
demlc achievement, but I( a lludcnl iJ : ~·
eamlna As and we detect ···weakliess' ..
morally or spiritually, thai student wiD -: ·
not'aradOate until that weakness is dealt ·.;..
with •.•. And there have been limes when ."' ·~
' Ellm hu bteD obUiod lo be racrcirul 10 ~· .
those who were ilisquallned elsewhere :r-:
\lccause lbe Jludeilll desperately needed . : · , .
someone:• .- ·.
···
· This imdemandiil& approach 10 things :
. or the mind hclpe explain the .a•PI In
Terry's knowled&c. (He told me he wu
reading a lire or Lincoln "wriucn ·by
. COlDNESS AND CRUELTY
someone at the tum or the ~ntury"
Gille. Delerue
whose aame wu "Si.nd-somcthina. • .
lra111/tJied lly .letJn McNeil
When I susacsied the author ·might be
· VENUS IN FURS ·
Carl Sandbura, he aareed that wai prob. Leopold von
ably II, but the name meant nothlna lei
him.) Terry bas a quick mind ror puns .
Sacher-Muodl .
.
..
troiUblltd lly Aude_ Wlllm .
and quips and debuers' replies; he.
. .··
dropped OUI or hi&h school ID his junior ;
These ~rtalnly lhe mOll
· year, ,.;11h mouah credits to have araduprofound sludiea )-et produced
•. ~... : ....
altd a year ahead·or lime. (He took his
on lhe relalloll$ belween sadism
equivaleqcy dearee that summ~, after hii
and muochlsm, and pn lhe
conversion.) Thill unbaUasted, ai ·EUm he
!heme love. Dlstribuled
round hb .&ill suddenly nllina with tlie
ZONE Boob.
bluster or Franels Schaerrer. A homllelies
$22.50
teacher wi&DCd three or Schacrrer•s
books, and ':'The film made a areal lm·
:pact on me.•
-:- .
'·
II wu a beady expcrlCnce, to be dealIna wltli the world's·areat thinkers Ia a
conndent and urbane way,,Ji,Yina srades
to Aristotle and Picasso In "terms or their
Normund Fon111 oftbe
bibUc:al aeceptabillt)'. adler studenll
theologian, "Samuel Rulherrord, aild
basli. ror the stale-he prders
Social Envlronmeot
tban Terry have testlrltd to the liberalina
made quite unsllll&inabie dalms about
the term •Jud~llan-, •.
Paul Rablnot.D
errect Schaerrer had on the cramped au·
bls. lmport_ancc 1o the American Revolu-he graduated rr~m Elim,ln 1981,
."ricul6in: or disputes ,over the exact
lion. (John Witherspoon bad somehow:'Thls'palh·breaklns book opens···: ......itliedule· o( ibc bibU~ '•en(l"lima.•'Ar--aecteled·-Jtutberford'i-tad!laa Into Ills · TtrrJ married a bom-aaaln. ei-bartender
up topics ror some new, COI!IemlUI American evanaeUcals had their own
works; aind spread 1\ .suneplidously to
wbora be bad met·at church. Cindy, as
porary anal)'sls modemlly lhal .
C. S. LeWis, an author Schaeffer idmired
other rounders.) Rutbmord, 11 Cove- · devout u •Randy,• planned-to ao to the
co "well beyond lis Immediate ·
and ·whose popularity ·with evanaclicals
nanler who de ned the -Stuart monarchs,
llllssions wilb him and wu rcturnina to
octaslon In lhe colonial city. • • •
grew alona with· his. An entire book or. had wriuen a 11eallse jusliryloa resistance . · her biab·ICboOI Spanish. But just as
h Is a stlmulalln& and exclllnl
esways hu been composed by evanaelicals , to civil authority~ Lu Ru, which Terry
Scliaerrer · bad dedded ·I hal Europe
·
·
·
performance."- Fredric R.
needed Cbrblianlzins more than· did the
Jameson, William A. Lane Jr.
who were Inspired by Schaerrer but have • and his roUowen die Yiflhoul bavlna read
come, with bener llainina, 10 see how · the rare boot. •
Orient, Terry beUeved_ there was a more
. Professor or Comparalive IJieraempty were hb claims or Camiliarity l"ilh
.;_
_;._'""-'-'""""
.,
uraeat· mission· at home. than abroad,
lure, Duke UnlveniiJ :
the authors whose names be tossed
csPedaUy In the muter or abonion. He
'E~angeUcal
scholars
have
demolished
aU
around.' Schadrer, they maintain, wu a
$35.00 ·
driRed about In the evanaelical ctrcuit or
variants or "1bc Rutherrord Thesii• in
hc:allhy lnnucnce on evanaeUcals, but one
pastoral workers near Binghamton, New
Mark A. NoD, .Nalhaa 0. Haith, and
thai" should be quickly outarown. Thai
York, anached to one church or another,
Oeorge Manden, 77w Starch /rN CluVseems 10 have happentd even 11 EUm.
doina odd jobs, onea for members or the
IIoll A tMrlcil (Crossway BOob,- 1983).
The school's bookstore 11111 hu most or
But a Schaerterile lawyer 1\&med John W.
church be wu scmna (8.1 youth counSchaeffer's works ror sale, bul racully
Whitehead hu lei up a RulherCord lnselor or sinalna director). For nve yean
members leU me he b not much ... uaht ID .. sdtute ihat de rends those who ~Ueve the
·be worked u a rue-food distributor, a
.Ani!rlean Constllulion estabUshed a
duses anymore.
·
traveDna lire salesman, a Sears clerk, a
.Christian aallon. An alloraey ror the Jo.
car salesman 81 various loll (he II In.. 'R(/TtetlottS 011 Fn111di Sclulqf.r, ~iled · · stilutc appeued wilb Operadoa Rescue's
variably called- •a used car salesman• In
by Ronald W. Rueaseaaer (Zondervan
accountant when she save a deposllloa ID
sumiaary llealmenl or these years).
Publishlna House, 1986). For a collection
the c:ase brouabt asalnst Operation ResIn 1983 he and bls wire beaan picker11r essays by those who remain disciples,
cue by the National Orcaalzalion ror
Ina, toaetber and separately. an abortion
cf. Fra11dl A. ~MQ!u: Portralu of the
Women. CL lolui W. Whitehead, All
Mall twl. Hu· Wed (CrOIIWay Boob,
c:ilnlc In Binghamton. tn time some
Amtrlalll ' Drtt~m (Crossway Boob,
.·
MASOCHISM.
'·
.·
are
or
rar
.. ...
•.'
FRENCH '
MODERN
·when
or
__ _
liiOj.
tl
••
im).
........... . .
.
m~Girs
:or. thci:-thure.=i. join= ti-~m.
· ·f1ri.~''lork Rtvitw
�Thry orcntd a "Crisis Prranancy Crnrrr"
10 counsrl aaainsl aborrion and hdp Ond
people ro rakr unwanrrd children. (The
Tcrrys, br•ides one child or rhcir own,
ha•• lhrcc rosier children rrom a woman
her rcrsuaded nor ro aborl her lasr
hild.) Orhcr rcople around rhe narion,
mainly Carholics, were already demon·
suarina ar some clinics, usina rhc ractics
or sir-in and symbolic proresr rhar rhc
Bcrriaan brolhers and orher acrivisrs had
used aaainsr rhe Viernam War. (I quortd
Philip Bcrrisan. ro Tcrrr and he could
not, al Orsr, place rhe name.) Thc Ttrr)'S
look parlin their Orsl sil·in in 1984. Ran·
dalltaprd an audio sermon and sona con·
demnina abonion. He was acquirina
some local fame, debatina proponenh of
abc:inlon 11 the SUNY campus in
Binahamron.
n.e Carbolic leftists who ustd non·
violent protests against abonion worked
from the "seamless aarment" argumenl of
Cllicaao's Cardinal Bcmudin, who II)'S
that prorccrion for life should extend
from abortion to such matters as opposi·
lion to capital punishment, nuclear
weapons, and neglect or children once
they are born. These "peace Carholics"
would show up at Nellie Gray's annual
Washington march asainsl abortion with
signs like "Keep Babies, Not Bombs. •
JuU Loesch Wiley, an activist who besan
her Ufe of proresl workina for Cesar
Cllavez, says, "It would gel some puzzltd
srares and quesrlons like, 'Whal are you
doina here?' But we got real hoslility
when we rook rhr samr signs ro praec
dcmonstrarions. Wr really blew lheir
minds.•
These left acrivists are a minority
among Carholics, whrrr rnose milirantly
opposed to aborrion rend ro be reac·
tionary. Thr major lob b)· ins body, I he
National Righi to Lirr Comminrr, Is op·
posed ro surrt prorest or civil dis·
obtdirnce. Right·wing activisrs were lrrry
of Bernardin's "seamless garment" apnrgech
lgscgh §sheid1er, an exBcntdictinc monk now married and rhc
father of seven children, a man wirh the
' blustery manner or a monsignor ar whose
jokes the nuns always laushtd, says, "I
don' have time, when savina babies, to
Ond out If everyone who will help mr is
opposed to capital punishmenr. That Is
just a way of doing norhina. • Scheidler
harassed womrn going inro clinics wirh a
bullhorn and hired a privare delectivc to
uack down a black reen-ager who was
rrying 10 arrange for an aborrion. He has
published a book listing ninrly-nine "'I)'S
to dose abortion clinics- e.g., by Jun·
mlna an lhe doors' locks with glue.
When some crazed opponenrs or abor·
tion srarttd bombing clinics, rhc· non~·· · ·
violent demonsuarors c:alltd for rhe
formarlon of a grnrral metring 10 coor·
dinate lhrir acrivitirs and adopl srand·
ards or behavior. Randall Terf)' showed
up at one such metring in 1986; memories ·
of him arrhar sarhering arc vasue, bur he
was obviously obscrvins rhc range or
problems and opporrunilin open for a
national effort againsr aborrion. When
he •·enr to rhe 1987 mecrins, it was wirh
an ambirious plan for drawing on larger
aroups of acrivisrs rhan local church
organizers had been able lo lurn our al
rhcir neiahboring clinics. He even wanred
to mount a dcmonsrration "rescue,• as he
was now calling his acrions, at the Democratic Narional Convcnrion. He had be&un
to collect a group or dtdic:artd oraanizcrs
from rvanaclical circles- people who had
been involved in campus ministf)' or other
scmipastoral work like his own, most of
them wllh some Bible trainina but wllh·
out conareaarions to tic them down.
}liM
IS, 1989
In February or 1988, he ran a series of
trial acliona in New York City rhal
helped lrain his Orst cadres in rhe non·
vlolenr approach thai Carholics had
pioneered. His own conuiburion ro rhe
crron was not only his oraanilina on a
large scale but his disciplinina of the
movemcnr by adoprion or common lac·
tics for all rhe demonsrralions, which had
been lmprovlstd and unprcdicrablc (in
rhe Scheidler manner) up to rhis poinl.
Terry formed Oprrarion Rescue as a
pronr.reporlina acriviry, but irs srarr was
largely volunlecr and rhosc who worked
for the promise of pay were not yet
receivlna rhelr checks reaularly.
Sit-<lown demonslrations in Arlanra
durin& last year's Dcmocrllic Narional
Convention chanaed all that. Monrhly in·
come for the aroup was about SS,OOO In
the summer leadina up to the convention •.
After lhe mass arrests and prolonaed jail
sta)'S in Atlanta, staff was addtd, dona·
lions Oowcd in, and rhc monrhly Income
by the end or the yur was $60,000.'
Terry now had nine fellow oraanllCrs, ail
In rheir lhinies, seven men and rwo
women, ciahl evanaclicals and one Calh·
ollc, two ordaintd minisrcrs, the rest
laypersons. Some of rhem are better
educarcd rhan Terry, but mosr of rhrm
arc broadly Schacffcrirn- and some
hold the even odder views or Rousal John
Rushdoony, who haa lona mainraintd
that America's "Christian Rcconstruc·
tlon" would Involve 1 pallial rerurn 10
Mosaic Law.' Thou&h "OR" leaders
avoid rille and orr.cial po~irions-in parr
10 thwart leaal atrcmpu to enjoin rhcir
actlvilin and seize I heir properly, in parr
because of evanaclical dislike of hier·
archin -lhC)' are ulr~ordinarily disci·
plincd and committtd. The)' hold days or
prayer and fasrlna at rheir Binshamron
headquarters and IChedule confercncn
with whar pass for ~eholars in !heir circle.
(I was in Binahamron while rhey held a
series of seminars wirh Oeorae Oranl, rhe
author or I dcnunciaiOr)' hislory of
Planned Parenthood- Oranr'a works
'lnformarlon on the srructure and
nnances of Operarlon Rescue Ia taken
rrom the deposition made by the aroup'a
accounlant, Lynn Parker Schopf, on
January S, 1989, as put or a suit brouaht
aaalnst Terry and otbm by NOW and
olhcr complainants. I am aratcrul to Jeff
Davis of the Blnahunron 1'ml rmd
Srm-811/ltt/n for dircctlna me to this
deposition, as well as to the one made by
Terry himself on July 7, 1988.
'Rushdoony, 1 poii·Mclnrirc lnOuence
on Schurra, has also disappeutd from
the Index or lhe master's •complete
works." Cf. Ronald A. Wells, "Schaeffer
on America, • In Rt/lectlolll 011 Fronds
Sclult//tr, edlred by Ronald w. Rueasea·
aer, pp. nc-ns.
~dalena
A Cultural History
of the French Revolution
am[Balthasar
.A11 lllli1uu hrtnlit II{Lift;,. SiKtmttb·
Cm1JD7 btrPpl Rnuld;,. lht Lntm
Enwct ICmncdy
PubUshed on the bkCntmnial or the
French Rnolution., t:his monumcnral
and beautiful book off'cn the first j:Oift•
prchensivc cultunl histOry or the
Rmllution and its times. Discussing a
vast uray o( culrural acti\'ities-(rom
painting, music, fiction, theater, and fcs·
tivals to philosophy, science, education,
and religion-~ennedy provides a (asci·
nating new perspective on the grandcu~
of the era.
"Kmnedy has scr himself an almost
boundless task, and succeeded in it vrry
wcU. Showing 10 whal extent a culrural
moolution occurred in conjunction with
the political and social changes of the
French ~lurion, he mccs the ck·
menu of continuity and chan$.< ..• in
religion and the church, in daily habiu
and amusements., in aesthetic sensibility,
in lilerary production, rhe !heater, music,
painting, sCulprurc., and archirecture. It
Ia a rid\ feast to which we ate Invited."
-R. R. Palmer 9S iUus. $Jl.oo
rf•~Htul.tJ.MWifi
SICYCn Ozment
This moving .,d beguiling study or lb.c
correspondCnce or a Nuremberg mer·
chant and his wife provides us wirh an
intimate., insighd'ul accoun1 orlife in
sixtcenrh<entury Ocrmany. This is a
story oflovc., faith, and hope thai iUumi·
nates the world ofearly modem Europe.
The Count-Duke
of Olivares
'l'IIIStllllmiAII ;,.,.,Aatr(lkdw
J. H. Elliott
"One of the outstanding worts~
Spanish historical schobnhip written
this century." -Henry Kamm. 7111
• A precious soun:e on the quality of
compassionalc marr~e in sixteenth·
century Ocrmany. Stcvm Ozment'l
COINDCIItai'J ••• helps us unclentand
(MagdalcU and Bai'dwar'a) times and
mala as think a1'resh about our own."
-Naralic Zanon Davis S9.9S
TiMli~S..PP"-
Spain
and Its World
~
•A monumcn1 of scholanhip olmoSl
unique in our time•••• ProrEIIlon has written what murt i'iill:u ··· ·
the &nest blographt nu writteu on a
Heaven:
A History
Spanish statesman. -Raymond Can,
7'bt NrtP Tori RrN1P II{&oils
Colleen McDanncU and Bernhard Lang
IJI)0-17f10
Stlutttl bsiiJI
J, H. Elliott
, ~l'rofcssor El~ott is ow.mosl distin·
suished historian of the imperial age of
Sp.tin, and in Sp<Un IUIIi lo KWU he has
coUectcd twelve essays which illustrate
SCYCral o( rhc great and continuing
problcmsofrhar hislory: the impact or
the New World, the challcngc or the
European empire, the srrucrure of the
monarchy and court, and rhe problem
of its decline.... Thesr arc wOnderful
essays, erudite and yet lucid, widt·rang·
ing bur Nil or fascinating ddail, by •
ma11cr of the subject. they are bcautl•
fully written and a dc¥t to read.•
-Hugh Trevor· Roper, 1'111 s..u.,
Ttllpirph 26 iUus. S&?.$0
A whistle-stop lour, thoroughly
researched and engagingly wrinen,
or the cxtnordinary rhin"' Ouis1ians
· Arid Oihci's h.i.ii: t;;;lfaiCI ~l;oui lire ancs
death.• -John Barton, 1'111 Lmdmt
M
Rnirwr(Bdl
•Fascinating•••• A rich, provocative
subject." -Michiko Kuurani, 1'111 Nnll
Tort Timlr BooUnU. 6S iUus. S19.9S
Atfillll~.
Yale University Press
!':tv:~
.
New""-. cr 06SJO
•
FAX (JOJ) 4J1~
19
�A Treatise
on Lovesickness
JACQUES FEI~RAND
Tr.1nsl,1ll•d .md •·dih•d with ,,
crilk.1l intw.tu,·tiun ,,n,f null'S
bv Dur1o1ld A. ll•·••cht•r .tnd
t.-f.ts~inw Ci,wull'll.t
"A n1o1jur •·n•nt. ... This
l>u.•k is indi~p•·n~.•bl•• ''' hislu·
rians of ilfl'ol~. ,,n.t parlicul.uly
lo those inll'rt•sll'd in ml'lan·
choly." -J. Pig••aud, Univer·
sill! de N.mtt•s
··A valu01bll' rl'ierence work
nut ••nl\' fur Renaissance
!ICholars but oliSll fur medieval·
isis inlerl'sl•·d in a varielv of
lopics."-MMy Wack. Sian·
ford Unh·er~ity
"This new tr.tnslation,
·scholarly pr.·~ented. shows
Rl'naissance medidne olS part
••f society, lrl'aling 01likl' thl'
sick budv .111d the fl'Vl'red
~~·ul. Its ih,•me fore~hadows
Rubl'rt 8urtun, but Ills 11 slg·
nlfic.tnl tr.•,tlise In Its own
ri~ht, nut 1,.,,~1 bt•caus•• uf its
summ.U\' uf '"''' tlwus.tnd
,.,•,us ••f i~l.-01s un lm·l'."- Viv·
i.m Nulton, Wdkome ln~li·
lull' for thl' Historv ••f
Medicine. L••ndun
·
Ori~inally
published in Paris
in French in 16Hl, FNrand's
treatise is a writable summ.1
on lhe topk of l'rutomania in
the late Rl'niliss.tnn•:
A\'llilable in August
75:! P<'ll•'s. indl'Xl'~
Nc'il'
i11
lri~/1 Slr11li,·~
~~~- 95
.
The Selected
Poems of
Padraic Colum
Edited, with an lntruduction, bv
SANFORD STERN LICHT .
This tille complett's a three·
volume work, l'diled bv Pro·
fessor Sternlicht. which also
includes lhe selecled short stu·
ries and pl11ys uf Culum.
120 r•~es
SIB.95
Crimes Against
Fecundity
/t•yt'<'llllrl PrtJtlllnlirm Ctmlrol
MARY LOWE-EVANS
"An ambitiuus pruject, intelli·
gently dnnl' .... II shr1ws
huw much wnlt!mporary lit·
erarv the~~rv has to offer in
ht'lping u~ ~.. things in Joyce
afresh."-Rkhard Fallis, Syra·
cuse Universily
128 pages. indt'X
S22.9S
SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY PRESS
),}.:' Syracuse, New York
S.\Y 13244·5160
Include A CllriJtltJn Rapo~~M to Dun&tolll
ond DrDIOIIS.)
Alllhtst luden arc marrlfd, and most
have youna children; ycr lhcy arc ready
lo risk Ions prison sentences and rhe lou
o( all lhfir properly In rhe work rhcy
have SCI (oc themselves. They Ileal Tccry
alf«lionatcly bur wirh liulc ddccrnce.
He Is fcequenrly kidded for aeuina rhc
sporlicht, and cemindfd lhar he Is rakina
cisks alona wilh rhe applause.
Terry's "enemies, • the term he applies
wilh relish lo all his critics, rend 10 Ileal
him as a uoublemaker who has single·
handedly escalarfd rhc aborrlon Issue 10
new levels or acrimony. AI Ihe "rescue"
conducrfd by his aroup In Los Anselcs,
many placards were directed al him
("Why Didn't Terry's Morhcr Have 111
Abortlon71 and rhc sisn wavers Oockfd
aboul him whenever he moved from one
scaled croup or "rescuers" 10 anolhcr.
Gloria Allred, rhc local (emlniSI lawyer,
used her bullhorn 10 raunr Terry, likcnlna
his rcarurcs ro those or rhc (cruses shown
on rhc slsns or Rescue supporters. He
was frequcnrl, addressed as •Ayatollah."
A ·chant, rcpcalfd 11 intervals, went:·
"Randy Terry go away. We don't want
you in L.A."
Thoush his critics bridle when his
followers compare Terry 10 Or. King,
rheir own conccnuadon on him as an
•ouuldc asharor" r«alls rhc auacks
made on civil rlghu leaders as nor really
inrercued in rhe cause or blacks, bur promolina rhcmselves or somclhins darkercommunism In Kina's case. AI Terry's
rescue, a journalist asked, "What docs he
really want?" She was unable ro credillhc
pro1es1cn wirh sincerity. Qur il is hard 10
look ar normally conformist churchaocrs
crinsina inside a rina or shourlna
counrerdcmonsrrarors, then drasafd past
rhe shufnina hoofs or mounted police,
and doubt thai tllty Mlitvt! they are In
rhis to save lives. II Is rruc rhal Schaeffer
and his followers sculfd on abortion as a
rallyina symbol ror all the lhinss
cvanselicals dtsplsc In a &odless society.
Bur rhcy chose rhc symbol because il was
rhc mosl convincing one, arleasllo lhcm.
For those who read Iheir Bible ahlllor·
ically, like rhc cvansclicals, 'ICriprurc
seems run or evidence Ihal a human being
exists from lhc moment or conceplion.'
Catholics used 10 argue from a notion or
"narural law" lhal forbade lampcrina
with Ihe procrcarlvc prOCCII- a concepl
rhal was discrfdilfd by irs application ro
contraception 111d sterilization, even 10
coitus Interruptus and maslurbation: all
sell had ro be funcdonally procrcalivc.
The evangelicals think rhcy have simpler
arsumcnrs 10 usc. They do nor reOcct
·rhal · ·i palrilincar society like thai
depicted In Jcwi>h scripture was hound to
celebrate rhc parriarch's seed. When
Onan spills his sent on rhc around, his
crime (for which God kills him) is nor
masrurbalion, as lhc Enallsh word
"onanism" rarhcr simplcmindedly sus·
&C\IS. II was Onan's duly 10 keep alive his
dead-brolher~s- seed-(ceror!),-nol· IO· spill
thai seed (;:cr11') on Ihe sround burro sive
it 10 his brolhcr's wife as olfsprins
(:rra'). The same word is used three rimes
In rwo verses 10 emphasize lhc family
duly or concepcion (Ocnrsis 38:8-9). 1
11 is Abraham's seed rhar will be blessed,
passins on rhc promise. This cull or rhc
parriarchal seed leads 10 cclcbralion or
'For a typical 11a1emcn1 of rhls biblical
case, ICC Paul B. Fowler, Abortion:
Toward an Evangelical CoiiUIISVS
(Mullnomah Press, 1987).
'See E. A. Speiser, 771~ Ancllor Bib/~:
a~n~s/s (Doubleday, 1964), p. 297.
lhc momrnl when II Is lodaed In lhc car·
rkr or another family's hopes. Prrsonsln
rhe Bible. dare rhcir belna from rhc mo·
mcnl or concrpllon (fulms U·ij or
rrom rhelr lire In rhe womb £lrrcml~h
Py(ms 22;11. Sl~ The cvanac ·
Ieaia' favorilc verses, recited al almost all
rhcir rallies, arc Pw 1ms J!G·I~a dif·
ncuh passasc rendered rhis way n rhc
New Enalish Bible:
Ja'
IJ. Tllou II was wllo didsrfoslllon
my lnwt~rd pt~rrs; tllou didsl A:n/1 mt
to&ttlltr in my motlltr'J womb.
U. /will praiJt tllu,for tllou dost
fill me witII awt; wondtrfultllou ""·
and wonderful tlly worb. 71tou
A:nowes/ me tlrrou&ll and tlrroutll:
IS. my body Is no myst~ry to tim,
llow I IWII scattly lcnN<hd Into
rook from this his nefd for Cod as an Intermediary In comins lo know c•en himself, since Ood Is "more lmmedi-lc lo me
rhan I am 10 mysclr ("intilfrior inrimo
mto," Cofl/tulo/11 3.6). The Prolnlanl
Reformers usfd the same passaacs 10
build rhclr case for prfdesrinarion. The
cvansclicals arc dealina whh rhrolosically
rich but cxplosl•c material when rhey
shurnc these rcxrs. To lhosc who read rhc
Bible crlllcally, such passaaes raise as
"many quesllons as they answer. Bur II is
easy 10 ICC why those who lake a simpler
approach 10 scripture would nnd in rhem
a clear reaching rhar the lodafd sctd is a
human person. "David• could dare his
personal tendency ro evil from lhat moment. Jesus became a human belns at his
mothcr'l acccprina word, and Elizabeth
concclvcd ancr the anacl'a comm111d to
J
J
§:
Q
I
Anli-Gbon/olt oN/ pN><It~ ,ott:Sim Dla_ffl/tJ' br Atlonta, l•n111117 Iliff
sll11~ and ptllltrn«lln tire d~ptM of ·
tile tartll.
16. 71rou liidst see my limbs unform«/ In tile womb, and In tlly
book they an all r«ard«l; day by
day tllty wtrt fashlontd, nor ont of
tlltm was lore In growlna.
Zachariah. Evangcli~ls Ute 10 say thai
the first public acknowlfdsemcnr or
Jesus came from one
us to another,
when John the Baprlst kicked in his
molhcr'a womb (Luke I :40).
ret
S
·
o convinced arc cvanselicals or rhc
Those who use this 1cx1 do not seem ro
rlshrnesa of their cause rhal they rend to
notice that It proves more than Is coavesee nolhina but ·evil lnlcnl In opposition
nienl ror rhcm. Verse 15 susacsts Oocl's
to them. They repeat moral appeals In·
superinlendcnce or the primordial clellcad or making pcnuasl•c arguments.
And like all militant movcmcnls, Ihe ani I·
mcnrs our of which mankind Is shapfdrhe clay, as it were, or Adam's formlna. 1
abortion cause has devclopfd a tcr·
mlnoloay of lis own. lis members rdcr 10
Arc all life's componenll- nol only rhc
seed and csa nor ycl cnga8fd wilh each
themselves as pro-lire: bur rhcy consider
pro~holce a euphemism, and rdcr to
olher. bur every cell or possible parcnll'
bodies-to be Irca ted as scparale human
Iheir opposite numbers as "pro-aborts. •
lives? The same problem arises wilh
Their •rescues• lake place •• "killing
Jcrcmjab 1·a, rhc second hatr or whose
ccnrcn• or "aborruaries." which arc conTostich serves the anll-aborlionlsts' pur·· · · ·rrasred wllh lheir own "cris~ pregnancy·
ccnlcrs" SCI up for counsclin& "mol hers."
pose L"Bdorc YOU "·ere bo[p I con;.
oJ£1i"IW
while lhc nnr half goes,
Doctors per(ormlns aborrlons arc called
•killers•; and, though lht leaden
again, 100 ar· "BcWrc I Cormg! rou in
xli),
tJ!e womb I kpcw ypy Cpr
md"
:q
This biblical conccnlrarlo
God's
foreknowledge or his own people ltd
Saini Aususrinc ro a psycholoalcal (asci·
nation wilh his own earlier self, nor
known to him bur known 10 God, in
childhood as "·ell as In rhc womb. He
'Unless, wilh Milchell Dahood, one nnds
an e•cn more disconccnln& reference to
Individuals' prccxisrcnce In Shcol (77te
Antllor Bible: PSIIIms, Doubleday, 1970,
Vol. Ill, p. 295).
discouraae catlin& the doctor1 "'butchers,"
some In rhc movement keep using thai
term. Some or the lansuagc is simply
mllirary- "hilS." for rhc occuparion or
abortion sires: "dccapllalion," for rhc arrest of leaders before followers; "llrikc
forces." for ad•ancc reams scnl our rrom
secret launching areas lo reach doorways
before "pro-aborts• can secure lhem. The
lansuaac dehumanizes opponcnll- as
earlier dcmonstralors ustd lhe terms
"pia." or "whllcy," or "war criminal."
T1tt Ntw Yorlc
R~vitw
�with other opponents of abortion spcal
• Tbollah Julian Bond and others have
!he rroccss, already notlctd by sociol·
dcnouncrd any comparison of Operation
Rescue to the civil rights drmonSirators,
oalsts, whereby cvanaclism has been los·
Ina Its hostility to Jews, Catholin,
the dynamiC< of demonstration art If•
blacks, and Hispanics. • Terry's three
marhbly similar. Anyone who wu at
fo"cr children are black.
dnccreJalion or antiwar rallin rccoe·
nlus the reel in the air. the tension or
It would be 1 mistake, moreover, to
think of this u a one-person mo,·cmcnt.
competina bullhorns, polict: squads
maneuver ina closer, with hrlicopters
On the day I visited Elim Dible ln$1ilute,
some or the fac:vlty and studcnll ....,.orr
overhead to sec Into the crush of orpos·
on a local rnc:ve. That was natural
ina crowds. One woman with a pro·
enough, I said to the dean or $1udenll,
choice placatd said, "This is the first time
sinct: this was Terry's -chool. "I think
I wu rvrr at a demonstration when the
they would be there even If there had
cops were not coming for us. • Here, too,
never been a Randy Terry,• he answcrtd.
the upcrirncc or beina arresttd is
It is true that many othen respondtd to
radicali1.ina. People who, for the first
Francis Schaeffer's vision of a crusade
time, sec the pollee as possible orpre55ors
organiud around the issue or abortion,
brain ro feel some kinship with others
lncludina Schaeffer's son "Franky; who
who miaht be mistreated by the police.
trite! to put himself at the head or such a
T1lc cvanaelicals now Invoking civil rights
movement. And there were local sit-Ins
prec-cdmts arc the sons and daughters of
people who denounct:d "rioting• blacks
going on Ions before Terry arrivtd on the
scene. In fact, the mMe·nent's most ad·
In the Sixties and calltd for law and
order.
mirtd "martyr" Is the ('aoholic Joan An·
drcws, who scrvtd two and a half years
If these thirty-year-old demonstrators
or a nve-ycar term for trying to dismanlle
did not exemplify a new kind of evangel·
a sudion machine used in abortion. All
leal movement when they went into such
that occ:vrred Ions before Terry SCI up
activities, they arc cmcraing from them
Operation Rescue. Terry's Imparlance is
with drastically new attitudes. While pay·
that he caught the wave or evangelical in·
Ina their respect to elders who hclptd
volvement jus! ash began to cresl.
evangelicals act engaged In politics -to
Jerry Falwell, for Instance, and Pat
The cvanaelicals were, for most of
Robertson -the "OR" lcadus arc also
acntly dismissive of them as armchair
American history, the m~r religious
force In this country. ThlifJr•prraljllc,
wanlors, people rcstlna on their laurels,
not taking the heat or today's battle. This ._the revival waa the charact!!jslic
wu the attitude, once upon a time, or
10
Thc growth or Protestant tolerance was
SNCC leaders to the NAACP. Terry's peo.
one or the more famous findings of the
pic talk or the televangelists as titd down
"Middletown Ill" survey made in
to their assets, like bishops in their
1976-1981. cr. All FGitliful P~opl~:
diOCCiCS. They sec themselves u rovinc
ChGn&~ Gnd Continuity in Middl~town'J
carriers of a burnlna menage, like
Rtligion, by Theodore Caplow ct al.
Wesley on horseback, with the Bible in
(Uni\·ersity of Minnesota Press, 19gJ),
pp. 9g-99.
his saddlebag. And the ties they form
NEW FROM
American contribution to spirltU..I life.
• llic11 cnerar lucltd -mony ref!l'ms
throughout the nineteenth and urly
twentieth centuries, from abolitionism to
prohibition. After the setbacks or the
1920s, mo•t or thcrn slunk orr to nurture
various scenarios for Christ's second
comina, but Terry's acncration de·
nouncn those cschatoloaical disputes
about the sequenct: or "rapture• and
"tribulation• as "playina church games•
,.·hen the lord's business is to be done in
the real world or struulc.
Even evangelicals len militant than
Terry ha,·c been encouraaed by recent
events. There have been a strina of
"born-aeain" Christians In the White
House- not only Jimmy Carter and
Ronald Reagan; even Gerald Ford and
Ocorae Bush have claimed to be born
a&ain to the proper audiences. Bush,
listcnina to his vote counters, courttd
Jerry Falwell and Jim Bakker (before the
crash of the latter's empire)- Barbara
Bush had Tammy Faye Bakker up to
lunch in the vice-president's mansion.
Dan and Marilyn Quayle have given a
sympathetic hearing to one of the nercer
evangelists on the fringe of Texas belli·
cosily, Robert Thieme. Ronald Reagan
listened to •premillennial" prophecies
of the sort Randall Terry now makes run
of In his speeches. Seen aaainst the
backdrop of this White House, the
groaning, slnaina, praying clusters of
Operation Rescue look almost moderate.
When the logic of separation between
Church and llatc was carritd throuah In
recent decisions aaainst prayer In schools,
religious symbols in public places, and
religious concepts in textbooks, the
"mainline• reliaions acquiesct:d in this
development, in effect abandoning their
old "de facto• establishment of a national
rcliaioui style. Tile cvanactists were not
so accommodatina, and they have pro·
ntoted their "low church" rerlacement of
the old "hlah church" ci•il reliaion to the
point where an Andover product like
Rush talks about bclna "born again" the
way he affects pork rinds and Stetsons.
Since abortion does not lend it'flr to
compromise, like moll political i"u"· it
thrutens to ln"casc the militancy on
both sldrs. Ou! cvanaelical militancy ;,
not a single-Issue mancr. The Terry ,.·ho
asked an airline employee to removo tho
poster "demeaning to women" rogularly
denounces "child pornosraphy" in hi•
talks at pro-life rallies. He praises tho..
dcCyina the law to tducate their children
at home, and advocates a voucher systern
for religious schools. His tcctotalina crew
or associates is harshly critical or the drug
culture. As Michael Dukakls learned to
his cost, these people speak to an
America that thinks or the Pledge of
Allealance u the last prayer allowed In
schools. They have an audience on many
Issues that go beyond abortion. Terry
knows that, and so do the people around
him.
On the plane to long Beach, Terry
candidly told me how he gcu the allen·
lion or nigh! attendants from the begin·
nina of a trip. When the announcement is
made that, In case or dnct:nt over water,
one's scat cushion Is a notation device, he
picks his cushion up and waves It in. the
air. AI moments like this, the child in
him almost diverts one from the zealot.
But the ualot is there. On the same trip,
he told me: "'ur time or withdrawal is
over. We've joined the banle, and are
prepartd to make serious sacrifices
before it's too late. This is a winner-take·
aU battle for the very soul or the
country."
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. ·'I
21
�Mario CuoJDo's Trouble with Abortion
Garry Wills·
Catholics, 25 percent of the population,
and Jews, only 3 percent, have had a
powerful influence on America's Protestant majority. Both groups have a
highly developed tradition, strongly inculcated, that was brought to America.
Each resisted for a long time the dilution of its communities by intermarriage. American Protestantism, individualist and improvisational, diffuses its
impact in sectarian rivalries. It lives by
revivals, starting over from scratch. The
strength of Catholicism and Judaism
lies, by contrast, in their continuity.
Of these two, Catholics have the
stronger structure of authority, prompting Lenny Bruce to call Catholicism the
church. This church influences American politics in two ways, on separate
tracks. It addresses outsiders, "men [sic]
of good wiil," with well formulated arguments from a long natural-law tradition, while delivering doctrinal fiats to
its own members, who are expected to
act from them in the public arena. Thus
arguments are used against contraception in public debate, while those arguments and Church tradition are held to
bind Catholics.
This double approach has been taken
even when the strict teaching authority
of the Church (its magisterium) is not involved. Thus Catholic authorities argued in the public realm, mainly through
lay people, for the Hollywood Production Code, .as a matter of civil decency;
and, at the same time, bishops enlisted
Catholics in the Legion of Decency, condemning movies with moral authority.'
In the same way, the Catholic bishops
in America say that abortion is not a religious issue when addressing the public
at large. In that forum, they rely on
natural law, common sense, and probabilist arguments (even if the fetus is only
probably human, one should not kill
what might qualify as a live human
being). But Catholics are told that they
must hold to the Church's position out
of loyalty to their ecclesiastical rulers.
The two tracks were clearly marked in
1990 when the hierarchy paid millions of
dollars to a public-relations firm to make
its public case, while bishops in New York
state said that the Catholic governor of
New York, Mario Cuomo, was endangering his soul and could not speak in
diocesan institutions because he did not
support a legal ban on abortion.
In earlier presidential campaigns, Edward Kennedy's in 1980 and Geraldine
Ferraro's as the running mate for Walter
Mondale in 1984, Catholics were particularly punitive to their own on the abortion issUe. Kennedy's position, for in~
stance, did not differ from Jimmy
Carter's during the Democratic primaries of 1980; nor, obviously, did
Geraldine Ferraro's differ from Walter
Mondale's in 1984. But Catholics picketed and appealed to their bishops
against Kennedy and Ferraro while
'Technically Catholics annually took a
pledge in their parishes to observe the
Legion of Decency ratings, so that what
bound them was their word-as happened in "taking the pledge" not to drink
before age eighteen (or twenty-one). But
the impression given in parochial schools
was that the Church condemned movies,
and going to a "condemned" one was a
mortal sin to be confessed.
largely ignoring the stands of Carter and
Mondale. Partly, of course, this was just
a matter of striking where one could
have the most impact. But the situation
that made that impact possible was the
double standard by which Catholics are
reachable-not only by the arguments
made to all political candidates but by a
special bond that is supposed to limit
Catholics in what they can do while
claiming membership in good standing
with their fellow believers.
Mario Cuomo was not new to these
pressures when, in 1990, Bishop Austin
Vaughan publicly opined that he might be
on his way to hell. Cardinal Johri O'Connor, Vaughan's superior in the Archdiocese of New York, had entertained and
not rejected a public call for excommunicating Cuomo in 1984, at the time when
pressures were being brought to bear on
Congres.•woman Ferraro. Cuomo was
watching O'Connor on television when
this occurred. So was his fourteen-yearold son Christopher, who asked if his father was about to be dischurched. Mario
Cuomo is a very sincere Catholic, an intensely devoted family man, proud, competitive, and thin-skinned. His wife said,
after watching him react to this public
challenge: "Boy, did he [the Cardinal) pick
on the wrong person."'
Three months later, at a widely publicized event at Notre Dame University,
Cuomo delivered his answer to the Cardinal, a speech he had drafted very carefully. His biographer calls this "a brilliantly argued answer."' When, four
years later, the Catholic former governor of Arizona ran for president, he was
able to answer questions about abortion
by subscribing to "the Cuomo position."
Bruce Babbitt told reporters: "Geral'Robert S. McElvaine, Mario Cuomo: A
Biography (Scribner's, 1988), pp. 92-93.
'McEivaine, Mario Cuomo, p 94.
June 28, 1990
Alf~~~
dine [Ferraro] got into trouble on the
issue because she dido 't have her facts
straight. Mario got it right." Cuomo had
cleared the way for other Catholics.
Some compared Cuomo's Notre
Dame speech, ·which was published in
these pages.' with John Kennedy's 1960
address to the Protestant ministers in
Houston. But in some ways Cuomo was
in a tighter bind. Kennedy was addressing non-Catholics, who might be opposed to him but would observe certain
restraints of our pluralist code. He had
tl!e Catholic community rallying behind
him, even if he went farther than some
bishops would have preferred. He
granted the existence of the two differ- .
ent claims on Catholic loyalty but said
that if the private exertion of authority
conflicted with the public appeal to natural reason, he would resign before
putting the pur~ly Catholic appeal
above public arguments from the common good. The clearing house, in any
case, was his conscience. The only hold
the Church had on him was his own free
acceptance of Church authority. That
was enough for most critics in 1960.
More was demanded of Cuomo in
1984, though he did not really deliver
more. The surface difference lay in his.
exposed position as a Catholic arguing not only with other Catholics but
with his ecclesiastical superiors. Mary
McGrory, a columnist for The Washingron Post, wrote at the time:
Cuomo is the first Catholic politician
to pick a fight with a prelate. Not so
long ago, such an initiative on the
part of a Catholic politician would
have been nothing less than suicide.'
It was a close call, even so. Cuomo's
speech, kept under careful embargo and
'The New York Review, October 25,
1984, p. 34.
'Quoted in McEivaine, Mario Cuomo,
p. 93.
worked on to the last minute, was
rushed ahead for Father Hesburgh, the
Notre Danie president, to read before
he would risk introducing the governor.
.Then the president played a characteristically careful game by welcoming
Cuomo to the campus in the name of
free exchange yet rushing a criticism of
the speech out through a specially syndicated column given national release.
Some conservatives on the Notre Dame
campus grilled Cuomo at the press conference before his talk. He had arrived
late after a harrowing flight through
storms in his small governor's airplane.
(Jokes about divine disfavor were
bounced about the cabin.) Orange juice
jostled onto the one corrected copy of
his speech made its pages stick as
Cuomo delivered. his talk, prying at the
edges of the next page as he read the
one just uncaked from its fellows. In
moving from the press conference to the
site of the speech, he was bumped by
picketers, one of whom called him a
murderer. It was a severe test of the ..
combative man's equanimity.
Yet he was irenic in the tone of his address. He stood his ground; but he made
no advance on the Kennedy position of
1960. He. too, admitted there were separate claims on his conscience. As a Catholic, he accepted "Church doctrine" on
abortion (i.e., that it is impermissible).
Yet, as a public official, he accepts the
political sense of the community, as articulated in the law. If the law allows
abortion, and he is elected to uphold the
law, he is not himself committing abortions-this preserved his conscience on
the matter-but he is also not overriding
the majority vote of the authorized legislators: not, that is, forcing his conscience
on others, who do not have his reason
for submission to his church. He, too,
would resign if his legal performance
made it impossible to recognize the
Church's claim on his conscience. The
Church can continue to make its public
case to the legislature •. hoping to persuade where it cannot command. If he
plays a double role, it is because Church
authorities distinguish between the two
"tracks."
Why was that position, satisfactory in
1960, felt to be inadequate in 1984?
Some objected that, for one who recognizes the evil of abortion, Cuomo was
doing very little to persuade others of
that view-as he would do, say, if slavery
were the issue. He might, like Lincoln in
1860, have to administer a political entity
with slavery legally in place; but he could
speak out against slavery, express a hope
to see its abolition, lobby and argue and
maneuver toward that-none of which
Cuomo was doing, at least visibly, for the
abolition of abortion.'
But, more important, a vast change
had occurred in Catholic atiitudes toward authority, especially in sexual
matters, since John Kennedy spoke in
'Cuomo made a neat retort to this analogy, so far as his clerical critics are concerned, by pointing out that the Catholic
bishops of America did not speak out
against slavery before Emancipation. In
this matter Forrest G. Wood spells out
the bad record of America's bishops
(who were themselves slaveholders): in
The Arrogance of Faith: Christianity and
Race In America From the Colonial Era
to the Twentieth Century (Knopf, 1990),
pp. 356-361.
9
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Houston. The Second Vatican Council
redefined the Church in public ways as
a "people of God" rather than a govern-.
ment of prelates, and, at the same time,
Pope John XXIII set up a commission
of that people (clerical and lay) to reconsider the traditional position on birth
control. When the commission reported
against the old ban on artificial means
of contraception, the persuasive approach was clearly moving apart from
the authoritative approach, even within
the Church's own councils. The commission was made up of responsible Catholics, aft raised under the old norms.
Paul VI, after he succeeded to the papacy in 1963, expanded the commission,
adding bishops and noted theologians
(who should have made it a more predictable body). Yet in 1966 a majority of
the commission reported in favor of altering the ban on contraceptives. The
majority included respected professors
like Joseph Fuchs, S.J., of the Gregorian
University in Rome. Yet Paul VI, in a
momentous step, overruled his own
commission by issuing in 1968 the encyclical Humanae Virae, opposing aft
forms of artificial birth control. This was
a question, the Pope wrote, that. could
only be answered by "Ourselr' (Per Nosmetitsos Humanae Virae, paragraph six).
It is important to see just why this action mattered so much. It resorted to
sheer Church authority where persuasion had failed-and this in a matter not
of direct revelation but of natural reason. Contraception is never mentioned
in scripture. Church authorities had differed on the subject in the past. This
was not a matter that belonged to "the
deposit of faith" as preserved in ancient
creeds or the purely theological conclusions of doctrine-shaping councils.
Those matters of faith-the nature of
the Incarnation, the Trinity. saving
grace, etc.~are intimately involved
with the Christian revelation. By the
logic of the Church's two forms of
address in American politics, those
matters should be the principal concern
of authoritative pronouncement. Matters of natural ethics are better suited to
the "track" of open discourse with aft
people concerned about morality. For
the Pope to use Church authority
(though not infallible "defining" authority) to maintain Church discipline
on an ethical issue, while confessing that
he could not convince Catholics, undermined the very powers invoked.
It is quite wrong to say the laity "rebelled" against a clerical ban on contraception contained in Pope Paul VI's
1968 encyclical. Huma11ae Vitae. Fertility studies had shown widespread use of
contraceptives by Catholics as early as
the Fifties, and in 1963. five years before the Pope's encyclical. 50 percent of
Catholics told pollsters that contraceptives were not immoral.' Even in the
Depression of the 1930s, Catholic birth
rates had indicated a turn to contraceptives {though observant Catholics may
still have been confessing that as a sin).
What changed in t 968 was not the observance of the ban but the attitude toward authority expressed in it. Priests
and seminarians, no more convinced
than other Catholics by the papal arguments, were forced to teach what they
did not believe. They had to accept
external compliance as a condition of ordination, maintaining a system of mutual
pretense with their bishops-aft to satPolls reported in Andrew Greeley, Tire
Catholic Myrh: The Behavior a11<l Beliefs of Catholics {Scribner's, 1990), pp.
92-93.
isfy Roman edicts ·on· semtnary trammg
and the discipline of the confessional.
This system bred a skepticism about
Church authority that manifests itself in
ways going far beyond the issue of contraception itself. Some seminarians refused to dissemble as the price of being
ordained. Others went through the motions in a way that destroyed respect for
the process. The need for outer compliance is one of the many things that has
destroyed morale in the priesthood,
leading to unprecedented defections
and low recruiting.' It also helped to destroy the credibility of the nun's life as a
submission to Church discipline, draining away the teaching pool at Catholic
schools. The sudden unpredicted falloff
of Catholic regard for and use of the
confessional was affected by the rules
priests were supposed to impose and
uphold there. Either they observed
these rules or they refused to-in either
case, the moral authority of this intimate tribunal was damaged.
The papacy had tried to use doctrinal
authority for an essentially ascetic purpose-the rhetoric of Roman prelates
held that contraception was a yielding to
modern hedonism and sen~uality. This
argument has great force for people
whose celibate vocation calls for resistance to even normal sexual feelings. It
is out of place in married and secular
life. The ban on contraception was part '
of a whole constellation of rulings that
show clerical preoccupation with sexual
matters-the maintenance of a celibate
and all-male priesthood, the policing of
reproductive processes {not only as regards contraception and abortion but in
bans on sterilization and artificial insemination), the nonlegitimacy of any sexual
pleasure not "open to"' reproduction
{not only masturbation, indulgence in
pornography, fornicaiion, and adultery,
but even intercourse in marriage that is
interrupted, blocked by contraception,
or conducted after deliberate sterilization), and censorship of explicit sex.
Most Catholics have concluded that
their clerical leaders are unhinged on
the subject of sex. Thus a stand taken to
defy the world's permissiveness has
backfired and introduced a whole new
sexual ethic among Catholics. Until the
1960s, Catholics were measurably more
ascetic in their sexual attitudes. Since
then, they have become more tolerant
than the mitionaf average-accepting
premarital sex. for instance, in twice the
numbers reported for Protestants.' This
tolerance has undermined even teachings that liberal· priests once thought
unchangeable (e.g., the bans on divorce
and homosexuality). On abortion, Catholics are no longer very different from
most of their fellow Americans, either
in belief or in practice. 10 Cuomo was
able to use the latter fact in his Notre
Dame speech, noting that the bishops
were calling for a law that would forbid
abortion not only for non-Catholics,
who find nothing wrong with it, but for
Catholics as well. Where their own
teaching has failed with their own people, they would resort to state coercion,
'A sociological study of the "clerical rebellion" is in John Seidler and Katherine Meyer. Conflict and Change in rlre
Catholic Churclr (Rutgers University
Press, 1989), pp. 94-95, 109-127.
'Greeley. The Carholic Myth, p. 9.
••catholic views have changed rapidly
on abortion (if Hispanic Catholics arc
separated out). See George Gallup. Jr ..
and Jim Castelli, Tire People's Religion:
American Fairll in rile 90s (Macmillan.
1989) pp. 167-179.
The New Ynrk Rel'it·w
�jusi as they iried to use papa1 coercion
to forbid contraception:
Despite the teaching in our homes
and schools and pulpits, despite the
sermons and pleadings of parents
and priests and prelates, despite all
the effort at defining our opposition
to the sin of abortion, collectively
we Catholics apparently believe
-and perhaps act-little differently
from those who don't share our
commitment. Are we asking government to make criminal what we
believe to be sinful because we ourselves can't slop committing the sin?
Yet Cuomo reasserted his sincere belief that abortion is sin. He still accepted
"Church doctrine" as his own personal
discipline, even on a matter not directly
revealed. He spoke of the Church's
teaching as if "the people of God" were
not the Church but only the teaching
authorities in that Church. He spoke
like John Kennedy, though the contraception dispute had changed Catholic
attitudes toward "Church teaching" on
sexual matters.
In fact, as a ploy against the bishops,
he stressed the similarity of the ban on
contraception and that on abortion, and
reminded the bishops that ihey have
given up their effort to change the law
for everyone on the sale and use of
contraceptives:
On divorce and birth control, without changing its moral teaching,
the Church [by which he means
leaders of the Church) abides by
the civil law as it now stands,
thereby accepting-without making much of a point of it-that in
our pluralistic society we are not
required to insist .that all our religious values be the law of the land.
the death penalty, on which be bas strong
penonal convictions.
Cuomo was not challenging the
. "Church" doctrine on contraception or
divorce, just pointing out that the application of one's beliefs to political debate-what he called the job of prudentially "translating Catholic teachings
into public policy" -varies according to
circumstance.
Cuomo's position was bound to be unsatisfaciory. By accepting a "Church
teaching" valid for him as a Catholic, he
makes some wonder why he does not
show enthusiasm for that teaching in
public debate. He merely receives it passively in his own case-despite the fact
that this particular teaching indicates that
murder is being committed. (Abortion is
like genocide to those who think human
persons are being killed-not a thing
one can witness without moral protest.)
On the other hand, for those who question the credibility of clerical decrees on
ethics, Cuomo's docility is the frustrating
aspect of his speech. Why ·should he ac·
cept "doctrine" in this case (or in that of
contraception, the parallel he invokes)?
After all, popes have no special expertise
for telling when life begins. They are not
"applying" the Bible or some theological
truth. If they have a good case to make,
one that convinces even Catholics ·in the
public discourse that failed on contraception. If they have a better case on
abortion, they must make it, and Cuomo
should lend these arguments his eloquence. But he does not argue the matter; he merely accepts (privately) and sets
aside (in public) the datum that a fetus is
lo be treated as a human life from conception. This is very different from his
eloquence and enthusiasm in opposing
What this means, of course, is that
Cuomo claims· to believe the Church's
teaching on abortion, but acts as if he
did not. Pro-choice critics are infuriated
by his belief; pro-life believers are just
as indignant at his actions (or lack of
them). Since most of the public is not
simply classifiable as pro-life or prochoice, this may be a shrewd political
position; but it damages Cuomo in his
claim to be a Catholic intellectual who
reaches his conclusions from a well-.
trained conscience and not as ·a matter
of political expediency.
If popes have no sure answer to the
question, When does life begin?, neither
does modern science. It depends on
what one means by human life. Chris. tian theologians have long said what
they mean by that term-they mean the
soul that is saved by Jesus's redemption;
but that gets one no nearer an answer to
the question when that soul comes into
existence. In fact, it was precisely because of Saint Augustine's theology of
the soul that he confessed repeatedly, in
his period of episcopal teaching, that he
did qot know when or how the soul was
joined to the body.
Saint Augustine's theological concerns
made him ask most urgently not when life
begins but when guilt does. He was certain of two revealed truths-that the
sacrifice of Jesus redeems the baptized
soul, and that original sin made that redemption necessary. But when and how
does the soul join the human race in its
communal experience of historical guilt?
If God creates each soul directly, can He
be blamed for producing defective goods
(the soul flawed by original sin)? If the
soul is one with Adam, does that mean it
descends from his soul as well as his
body? But how? Aristotle said animal
souls were carried in male semen, but in
the Christian scheme this would mean
souls are somehow lost when semen does
not impregnate." Did God create a kind
of bank (thesaurus) of soul stuff, from
which he coUld draw in supplying later
bodies?" If so, then the soul stuff in that
· treasure house must have sinned in solidarity with the two embodied human
souls (Adam and Eve). Baffled by these
difficulties, Augustine kept flirting with
the suspect view of Origen that the individual soul had already sinned before
being consigned to the death-prone bodies derived from Adam." In agonies of ingenuity, Augustine even made up his own
heretical-sounding hypolliesis-that the
soul of an unbaptized child might return
to God white the body goes out of existence forever ("I have not heard of this
opinion or read it elsewhere")." After
"Saint Augustine, Epistle 19.15. Catholic theologian Bernard Haring used the
number of fertilized eggs that do not
achieve nidation (perhaps half) to suggest, as recently as 1970, that life cannot
begin at fertilization. John T. Noonan,
Jr., ed., The Morality of Abortion: Legal
and Historical Perspectives (Harvard
University Press, 1970) p. 130.
· "Saint Augustine, Epistle 166.12.
-.
"Robert J. O'Connell, S.J., argues that
Augustine always inclined to Origtn 's
view. At any rate, he shows how that
view puzzled and tempted and returned
to Augustine in his long and unsuccessful search for the mode by which souls
enter bodies. See The Origin of the Soul
in St. Augustine's Later Works (Fordham University Press, 1987).
"Saint Augustine, Epistle 166.22.
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12
When Saint Thomas Aquinas addressed the problem of the fetus's humanity, he followed Aristotle in thinking there are successive animations
(ensoulments) of a fetus-a vital soul
(anima) when the embryo grows like a
plant in the woman's body (the umbilicus is the "root" planted in the woman's
body), an animal soul when the fetus
initiates its own moves, a rational soul
when it reflects on what it does." Evidence of rationality occurs only after
birth, so Aquinas is not sure when Ood
infuses the immortal soul. But it is
clearly not in the early stages of vital
and animal ensoulment-that is why
Saint 'J:homas opposed the doctrine of
the Virgin Mary's "immaculate conception." Her sinless soul would not have
been infused at conception."
The evidence of Church belief derivable from baptism shows a similar lack
of certitude about when there is a soul
to baptize. Thomas was against baptizing the fetus while it was still in the
womb, where "it cannot be subject to
the operation of the ministers of the
Church, or it is not known to men" (or.
presumably, capable of a knowing response)." There was a wide variety of
beliefs and practice on baptizing
aborted fetuses, and baptism even after
birth was sometimes delayed to wait for
clear signs of rationality.
.
Church authorities have more recently argued that the rational soul is infused at the moment of conception.
They were influenced in part by the
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception.
This is the hodgepodge of considerations Mario Cuomo is bowing to when
he accepts without question the "doctrine of the Church" on abortion. He
does not advance arguments of his own
to repeat, enforce, or explain that doctrine. He simply deposits it in his own
little thesaurus of faith, not to be expended outside his home.
There are elements in this theological
history that are suggestive. Saint Augustine thinks of the beginning of life as the
entry into the social nexus with history
"Saint Augustine, Epistle 190.5. Even
when Augustine was taunted for his ignorance on the point, he refused to give
up his dubiety (conctatio), suggesting
that it may be sinful to aspire to a
knowledge not offered in Scripture
(The Soul and Its Origin 4.5). When he
did lean toward one hypothesis (the tire·
saurus one), it was in the way of suggestion, not conclusion (Genesis Taken
l.iterally, 10:23). Augustine condemned
contraception and abortion, but not on
the grounds that the latter was homicidal, since he did not know whether a
human soul was involved in destruction
of the fetus. See Noonan, The Morality
of Abortion, pp. 15-16.
"Aristotle, Animal Generation 2.2
(736a-737a).
11
Noonan, The Morality of Abortion,
p. 23.
11
Noonan, The Morality o.f Abortion,
p. 23.
called original sin. You become an individual by becoming Adam's child, one of
the people destined to inhabit the City of
· God or the Earthly City. Saint Thomas's
stress on the lack of interaction with
other humans in the enwombed fetus
points in the same direction. Saint Augustine argues in The. Trinity that persons exist only in interaction with other
persons, even in the triune divinity.
Modern theorists treat the human component as coming to expression when it
acquires a historically specific language
system-including the gestures and body
language Augustine observed in his baby
son Adeodatus and describes with such
empathy in Book I of the Confessions.
To say this is not to declare the fetus
outside the human community. We humanize each other by our willingness to
include others within that basic fellowship-the sick, the deformed, the retarded, the old. We have not become
fully human unless we recognize their
humanity. It is a mark of the human to
extend its own obligations-even to a
kindness toward animals. The theologian Cuomo likes to cite, Teilhard de
Chardin, thought all of evolution was
working toward a general "personalization" of the universe.
A stress on human community would
contrast not only with the biologicalmechanic approach that some Catholics
think. of as "natural law," but with the
extreme pro-choice position that says a
woman can do anything with the body
she "owns." This view of private property as giving the owner laisscz-faire
rights is at odds with liberal and left
positions on property as entailing social responsibility-as something held
within a community. part of a nexus of
mutual commitments.
William Buckley, in his early defense
of an absolutely private right in property, used to say that he could, with perfect morality, build a great palace on a
mountain top and blow it up. If it 'Y.as
his, he could do anything be wanted
with it. That was Ronald Reagan's. attitude toward the Panama Canal in the
1970s: "We bought it, we paid for it, it's
ours."" We can keep it, do what we
want with it-blow it up, presumably, if
. that is how we mean to dispose of the
thing we bought absolutely.
John Locke treats the self as a "first
property" (proprium ), but even he said
it was given in trust by God-which
means one cannot reject the gift unilaterally by suicide."' When society condemns suicide, it says that even the right
to one's body is not absolute. Disposal
of that item affects others-parents,
spouses, friends, children, the political
community-for whom a person, so
long as he or she remains responsible,
must have regard. Even the apparently
lone person must not be encouraged to
give up hopes or claims on the community as if his or her loss were to be considered of no wider concern. Among
other things, this would make it too easy
for the community to accept no responsibility for the lonely or disaffected.
Those who treat the fetus simply as
property sometimes take a proprietary
air toward the very discussion of abortion. They say that only women can decide, not only in the specific case of
their own actions but on the general
values to be upheld. Logically, this
should mean that only wom·en who are
"William J. Jordan, Panama Odyssey
(University of Texas Press, 1984),
p. 316.
20
John Locke, The Second Treatise of
Government, Number 23.
The New York Review
�or have been pregnant can form the
moral discourse on this topic. In their
own odd way, such feminists recreate
the separate "woman's sphere" that
Tocqueville described in nineteenthcentury America. Both forms of this
separatism are at odds with the citizen
values of republicanism, where everyone in the community is invited to ponder together all moral issues. We do
not say, in a republic, that only the military can decide on the role of the military in public life-that only the
academy can frame educational issues,
that only believers can frame religious
issues, and so forth. Cuomo seems to
be taking an enlightened stand when
he apologizes, as a man, for speaking
on abortion; but it is a nonrepublican
position."
Yet, because the community has its
claims, the fetus should have no more
absolute a right to life than the woman
has an absolute right to her "property."
Pro-life champions who treat (and act
for) the fetus at every stage as a full
person, with all the rights of one, have
their own form of possessive individualism: the putative baby's rights are equal
to the mother's, sealed off within it, to
be played off against the mother's
-hardly a communal arrangement.
Thla, If logically followed up, would
·"Marlo Cuomo, "Joining the debate,"
Commonweal (March 23, 1990), p. 196:
"In Tucson, I said I felt presumptuous
talking about the terrible, hard judgment women make with regard to abortion. I do. I am very uncomfortable with
having Jo make decisions about abortion. I do think there is an element of
the absurd or'incongruous in men making laws about something they can
never experience- pregnancy."
mean the state must give full protection
to the fetus, even against the mother,
by sheltering it from damaging "aggressions" like maternal smoking, drinking,
drug use, poor health practices. It
would mean mothers must be forced to
deliver fetuses whose humanity they
and their most trusted associates doubt
or firmly deny. Anti-abortion activists
take the enforcement of this right into
their own hands when, in the name of
the fetus, they mount assaults on the
fetus's mother. In her attempt to reach
an abortion clinic.
If the pregnant woman has · social
responsibility, it is asymmetrical to give
the fetus all of the formed person's
human rights and no responsibilities.
The woman is called on to be self-sacrificing in certain social circumstancese.g., protection of her family or country.
The fetus, if given human rights, does
oot (cannot) balance those with responsibilities. The mother can deny herself
for the fetus's sake. The fetus cannot reciprocate. If we could imagine for moment, per impossible, the fetus as having
any moral claims against it as a responsible person, it would have to recognize
that its right to itself is no more absolut~:
than the mother's, that it would have to
sacrifice Itself for others, for the common good, for the country.
Trying to pit the rights of the fetus
against those of its own mother and her
helpers niises problems not only of enforceability-Cuomo says it would be
like trying to enforce Prohibition-but
of communal morality. Where there is
disagreement on whether an object bas
entered the language system of recognized mutual responsibilities, and that
language system of debate and exhorta-
SEXUALITY AND
THE DEVIL
Symbols of love, Power
and Fear In Male
Psychology
Edward J. TeJirlan
Presenting a particular case where a young
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Tejlrlon focuses on mole psychology In terms of
sexual symbols. and examines the function of
symbols In cultural life.
272 pp $29.95/cloth
a
lion is not so evil as to justify overthrow-as the slave system or Nazi
regime was-then attempts to coerce,
rather ·than persuade violate the humane concerns of the community. That
is why pro-life comparisons of abortion
to slavery or the Holocaust are
misguided.
Some religious extremists do, in fact,
think modern society is basically evil
and corrupt-godless in its government, pagan in its sensuality,
morally unresponsive to divine signals.
For them, overthrowing the communal
arrangements is desirable, though few
would use· force. But their focus on
abortion as merely one symptom of the
pervasive evil should have no influence
on those who, however uncertain tbems·elves on the abortion issue, do not
doubt the good faith of those debating
it. It also shows bad faith for religious
extremists to use a corrupt government .
to suppress one practice. They are resorting to tactics meant to undermine
the regime itself and not the single
practice.
·
This is not an argument for the disposability of a human life. But precisely because we do not know-any
more than the Pope does, or science,
or Saint Augustine-when the person
begins, to treat the questionable
human as having more than normal
human immunities and exemptions is
morally absurd. It is especially dubious
to assume a full partner-to-contract relationship between the individuum in
the womb and that part of the human
community, the mother, which is its
mode of passage into partnership with
others.
If Cuomo were to take a communal
approach to abortion, little in his
~}.!~.~~ge
~
\ . New York, NY 10001-2291
June 28, 1990 ·
There Is nothing in the approach I
have recommended that conflicts with
Catholic faith, so far as I am aware. It
may even. be more consonant with
Augustine's theology of the person-a
theology that made it impossible for
him to find a single line of demarcation
for the joining of the human community. It certainly does conflict with the
discipline the Pope and bishops would
like to impose on the subject of abor.tion. But this is the same discipline they
have. tried to impose on .the subject of
contraception; and most Catholics, cler:ical and lay, now recognize that discipline as an elaborate sham. The Church
"line" on abortion is also absolute. It is
a useful fiction for the bishops. For
Mario Cuomo, it is more like a political
dodge. I know it is unrealistic to expect
a Catholic politician to defy the bishops;
but I am not considering the man's career, just his argument. Those who think
.with former Governor Bruce Babbitt of
Arizona, that "Mario got it right" arc
probably too sanguine.
0
THE SCIENCE OF PLEASURE
Cosmos and Psyche In the
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Harvie Ferguson
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288 pp $29.95/clolh
BETWEEN REDEMPI'ION AND
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GOVERNING THE SOUL
Technologies ol Human
.----------.
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Nlkolas Rose
GOVERNING THE SOUL ·
Rose argues that the
Tho !hoping o1 ""' private ..tf
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each of us freedom,
autonomy. and fulfillment
Is Intimately linked to the
emergence of a new
form of political
rationality grounded In
the entrepreneurial self.
288 pp $25.00/cloth
practical recommendations would
have to change (counseling, adoption.
support of mothers and their babies,
better social services after birth)
-though some things would be different because "Church doctrine" would
not ·be deferred to: better education
on contraception would be a Cuomo
cause, along with wider distribution of
free condoms. The real difference
would be a consonance between his
practice and his profession that would
free him to use argument and rhetoric
with a passion and consistency that he
has stored in the deposit box with that
"Church doctrine" he claims to be
preserving.
Modern antisemitism and Jewish Identity
Roberts. Wlllrloh
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difficult relationship between Jews and the
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lost century's agonizing climax of Jewish history.
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John Leslie
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MY BROTHER'S KEEPER?
Recent Polish Debates on lhe Holocaust
Edlle<j by Antony Polonsky
Polonsky has lronsloted and edited a major
contribution to the history of lhe Holocaust
which reveals the distress many Poles feel about
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224 pp S25.00/clolh
13
�• '!.'
, • ., ..... , •.... .-• • ~~('llll'!lf't•
Evangels of Abortion
Garry Wills
Overnight fame can unsteady a twentynine-year-old, especially when the fame
stirs as much resentment as admiration.
Randall Terry is becoming famous ·for
leading attacks on abortion clinics
throughout the US. "Why do you think I
don't read most of ·the things written
about me?" Terry asks after I have just
watched him read and reread with ferocious attentiveness an unfavorable article
about him in a California paper. The
question, he shows by waiting for an
answer, is not rhetorical but almost inquisitorial. "I don't know," I answer.
"Perhaps to preserve your equanimity."
He looks blank. "What's equanimity?"
He does not go into the storm of publicity ballasted by much knowledge.
We have been talking on a plane about
to land in Long Beach, California, where
Terry and his associates will lead what
they call "rescues" at several abortion
clinics, sealing all entrances with layer
upon layer of their bodies. A member of
the crew comes from the night deck to
tell Terry there are demonstrators against
him massed outside the airport; the alrc
port security will meet him at the plane,
take his luggage off, and spirit him out a
side fence. He nods agreement to this,
then worries that the demonstrators will
think him and his associates "wimps,"
and discusses the ·idea of returning to the
demonstrators from the outside. He does·
not nee from attention, even of the most
hostile sort.
There are no casual encounters with
Randall Terry. He turns them all into
contests of some sort -clashes of moral
standards, games, probings. Buying a
ticket in an airport, he asks the airline
employee to remove a travel poster showing (from the back) a woman in Hawaii
wearing nothing but a hula skirt. "It is
demeaning to women." The man takes it
down. On the plane, he lets a night attendant know that he is going to be on
television and asks if there is a brush to
remove the lint from his suit. She erids up
removing the lint herself, by dabbing
Scotch tape at it. With another night attendant he banter> over getting extra
food. He ash a third if she is wearing
tinted contact lenses (she is). None of
them will forget Randall Terry was on
her plane. In a deposition being taken by
a woman lawyer for the National Organization for Women, when ·questioned
about his wife's name, Terry asked the
lawyer if her last name is her husband's
(as it ought to be).
He interviews his interviewers. Asked
what I do when I am not writing anicles
about him, I tell him I teach American
history. "Do ym1 thinl. the American
Revolution was influenced more by the
Renaissance or b> the Reformation?" I
am not aware it was the product of
either. "Do you believe in providence in
history?'' Not, I reply, in a manifest
providence. 11 What does that mean'?"
Adopting terms I thought would make
sense in his world, I point out that Saint
Augustine denied that God's intent could
be read in historical developments. "Oh,
well, Saint Augustine was a forerunner of
the Renaissance." His tone tells me that
this is a bad thing to be, a point soon
confirmed: "I despise the Renaissance."
Onl) later, afteo reading the works of
the American evangelical writeo Francis
Schaeffer, did I realize that Terry wa~
·June 15. /98Y
confusing Augustine with Aquinas.
Aquinas as a harbinger of the Renaissance is one of Schaeffer's trademark notions. (The twin to that concept is that
Kierkegaard is the fulfillment of the
Renaissance in all its evil.)
"You have to read Schaeffer's Christian Manifesto if you want to understand
Operation Rescue [Terry's anti-abortion
organization)." It seems odd that a man
like Schaeffer, who before he died in
1984 lived · obscurely in Switzerland
tides of theological liberalism, and especially of biblical criticism, defeated the
Princetonians on their own ground at the
beginning of the 1920!;, a decade that saw
the more populist forms of evangelical
belief put to night by Mencken's assa.ults,
the Scopes trial, and the death of Wi.itiam
Jennings Bryan.
··
Presbyterianism, "splintery" in the best ·.
of cases, bred competitively purist reactions to the defeat at Princeton, forming
new enclaves of resistance, each with a
Randall Terry
writing what he fondly hoped was a philosophy of culture, could produce so
many volunteers blockading the doors of
abortion clinics; but one does not need to
be a profound thinker in order to have an
impact on •ociety. Schaeffer, toward the
end of his life, emerged as a prophetic
voice for young evangelicals just when
Terry and his contemporaries entered
Bible school in the late Seventies. Their
America was quite different from the one
Schaeffer had encountered forty year>
earlie1 during evangelicism's darkes1
period in modern America.
Evangelical Protestantism- the "born
again" belief fed, ecumenically,. from
revivals in all the pietistic ("low church")
denominations- was the reigning religious
forcr in nineteenth-century America. Its
scholarly base was largely Presbyierian.
because of the eminence of the Princeton
Theological Seminary. which upheld the
orthodo' "Princeton Theology" fm ovet
a centur) (1812-1921).' But the rising
Th~ Princeton Theology. /812-1921, edited by Mark A. Noll (Presby-
'See
new. name to signify the true old faith.
Schaeffer was a Presbyterian trained in
the bitter Thirties, and he followed the
"separatist" Carl Mcintire, later famous
for his savage anticommunism during the
19SOs. By the late Fifties, however,
Schaeffer had broken with Mcintire
(breakin¥ with whom, and with each
other, became his followers' favorite activity).' Schaeffer, reversing the direction
of other missionaries, wanted to go back
to Europe and re-Christianize that
place- which involved studying the
culture of the "natives" in the way that
terian and Reformed Publishing Co.,
1983).
'Schaeffer's later admirers do not like to
remember his long time of service with
Mcintire. In the misnamed Complete
Work.! of Francis Schaeffer, pretentiously published in five large volumes in
1982 (by Crossway Books, Westchester.
lllinois). his mentor's name does not
occur. One looks for Mcintire in tht·
index and finds McLuhan. Marshall,
with seven entries.
evangelicals approached South Sea
islanders.
He arrived in Europe in 1947, when
postwar demoralization convinced him of
the godlessness of modern civilization.
But unlike other evangelicals. who had
withdrawn from worldly culture in the
wake of their setbacks in the 1920s.
Schaeffer thought European culture
should be studied, if only to attack it. He
treated modern art and philosophy as 8
search for God or a confession of emptiness without God. Living among Cath- ·
olics in Switzerland, and clashing with
them, he nonetheless tried an approach
. resembling that of Jacques Maritain or
Etienne Gilson, who were fashioning ·8
Christian existentialism that would address postwar problems: No for111s of exIstentialism were welcomed by Schaeffer,
who made Kierkegaard the demon figure
behind modern despair, but Schaeffer set
up a Christian retreat and study house
called L'Abri, where he talked with
visiting adolescents at their own level
about modern movies and spiritual fads.
He developed a glib outline of the whole.
of ·western culture's history, one he
would later offer to Americans in a film
series called How Should We Then Live?
(1977). Leftover "Jesus people" thought
this represented the solid wisdom of a
man who was still "with it." In the brief
(seven-page) chronology of major cultural events that accompanies the written
version of the film, 1970 is marked as the
year Jimi Hendrix died.
The year that film came out was the
year of Randall Terry's conversion (at age
seventeen). The son of schoolteache"
perfunctory in their religion, Terry gre\\
up in Rochester, New York, and ran
away from home when he was sixteen to
lfve on the road, a Kerouac from the
wrong .decade seeking druggy beatitude.
He was back home within three months.
after ,a superficial acquaintance with
Orienial and other mystical writings, having talked a great deal and read a little
about competing spiritualities. He went
through the Bible with the awe of someone discovering the obvious and was
"born again." He joined a charismatic
church, one that believes in apostolic
"gifts" (charismata) like faith healing,
and was devout enough for his pastor to
assure Elim Bible Institute on the school's
most important entry requirement, that
Terry had been "born again" at least a
year before his enrollment in 1978.
Elim (the word comes from an "oasis"
Moses stopped at in the desert) stands on
a height above the crossroads township
of Lima, New York. Handsome classical
buildings on campus housed, in the nineteenth century, the Genesee Wesleyan
Seminary. which spawned Genesee Collc;ge. which later moved to become part
of Syracuse University. The college had
for its women's preceptress the famous
nineteenth-century reformer · Frances
Willard, and its graduates include Henry
Raymond, founder of The New York
Times, and Senator Kenneth Keating,
Lima's most famous son. The abandonment of the great seminary in this century
is emblematic of the fall of evangelicals
from their days of influence. The campm
became 8 home in 195 I for the modest
missionary-training school that had been
moving from place to place since 1924,
(continued on page 18)
I~
�·(continued from pt1ge /$)
when I. Q. Spencer started uainins peo- ·.
•!
Yet Terry'continues to think Schaeffer.
. Schaeffer had toyed with the idea of
"the sreatest modern Christian philospromotiDB widespread civil djsobedience
·
.·
., opher," and not only for the srandiose
over the. issue of· removins God from
pie to so to the Orient.
' About a ·quarter of the· sraduates of · intellectual histof}' offered him on. the
·American schools; but that would have
Elim's three-yea~ program. still go to · cheap. After makins his movie series on
undercut the. steady growth of private
. foreisn missions, and. Randall Terry had
the history of Western thought, Sehaeffer
'Christian schools (and "home schools"
·. planned to go to Mexico, improving his
teamed. up with an evangelical doctor.... -with Christian curricula). In.·A Christian
; Spanish while he concentrated on the one.
named C. Everett Koop to make another
M~nifesto, published three years before
··major offered at the sclf'ool, Bible. Full.". .film series called Whatever Happened to
his death, Schaeffer made abortion the
·subject on · whicti· evangelicals could
time students of the three, year course are~ · .the .Human Race? (1979). This work
required to live on campus, to tale part · · takes as the- symbol of modern culture's : challeOBe the entire le8itimacy of the
godless hedonism the abortlns of babies.
secular modem state, withholding ailein the prayer life that soes on all day, .in
and out of' class. I asked a student to· __ .. 'Schaeffer, in hiS last.years, had fastened
8iance ·until the· nation returns 'to its
direct·. me to the library; and· he took me' :: on abortloa ils the most important.symp- · religious roots in 'matters like public
· there,' whispering occas_ionlllly under ·his :· ·tom of· the qe, the thins that might .- .. · prayer and reliSious education. This is
breath, "Jesus." So it is not merely ·a · prompt Christiansto the exercise of dvil ·,:.the bOok Terry takes as charter for his
private quirk that Terry will,' in the "inidst . :: ·. disobedience. He had ·resu~Wcted an ·•/: Operation Rescue (though even Terry
·or conversation ·on a pl!llle oi: elsewhere,·:~:,~-: obscure
Scottish·: .. tames d!)Wn so~e claims to an exclusively
interject a groaned "Help us, Jesus" int~ ·~;:_:
. even the most bantering conversatiq_n. ·. ~ :.
. TerrY graduated fourth In his class'of,:~ .• thirty~nine seniC?ri, but more emphasii is . .
placed on spiritual development than on
.academic proficiency. at· Elim. A recent
president of ihe school. told a Christian .;:
· mqazine: "This is not _to. disparqe aca- ,: ~· ·
demic achievement, but if. a student.' Is . ·
c!alning As and we detect •a ':wealtnes's: ,
niorally or spirltualiy, that student will·'.:'~:',
noi'grlidilate until that weakness is dealt -;;;.
with .... Atid tberehave.beeil times when_·;~_';
Eli.m has
obllied lo be merciful to ~:,._:
thoae .who ~ere dlaquallfi.ed eliiwhere
beCause tile, studeiits desperate!~ needed ,.' ·.
:•
.. :-~~!' ~1·,
'0;:!{\\!''~~'-·1 .,., . . . .-..
.~j(:·. ;,~ ~ ': .: . ~ ·.
.·.:f:.:, . :::~-~ '
i/~~: ;· ',1:,··•.'·
l*n
someone:".·:_-· ·
; ',
-~
.
·
· · .. ,~
~
MASOCHISM.·
COLDNESS AND CRUELTY
. Gilles Delerue
tratUiated by Jean McNeil
VENUS IN FURS
· Leopold von
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.
trtuulllted by Aude_ W11Jm , .
These are certainly the most
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This undeiitandihg .approach .to things . I •.
of the mind helps explain the gaps in .
·Terry's knowled8e. (He told me he was
reading a life of Lincoln "wiinen . by
someone ai · the 'tum of the century"
whose name was "sBnd-seimething." . , .
When I suggested the author ·might be
Carl· Sandburg, he agreed that was prob-.
ably it, but·the name meant nothing to
him.) Terry has a quick mind for puns.
and quips and debaters' · replies; he.
. •'
dropped out of high school In his junior' ;
·:···:
. year. with enough credits to have gradu-· .': .
·.. ·.··
a ted a year ahead· of· time. (He took his ·,
equivaleqcy degree that summer. after his ..
conversion.) Thus unballasted, at·Eiim he
found his silils suddenly nlling with ttie
bluster. of Francis Schaeffer. A homiletics
teacher assisned three of Schaeffer's
books, and ~The film made a great lm·
pact on me."
It .was a heady experience, to be deal.:_,
·
big with the world's ·great thinkers in a·
confident and urbane way, _gi.ving si-ades ·
to Aristotle and Picasso in 'terms of their ·
biblical acceptability. Better studenis · theologian, ·Samuel Rutherford, and
Christian basis. for the state- he prefers
than Terry have testined to the liberaliDB
made quite unsustainabie claims about'
the term "Judeo-Chrlstian").
effect Schaeffer had on the cramPed cilr·· · · . his importance ·to the American Revolu-·
riculuin · of disputes _over the exact
·lion. (Jolin Witherspoon had somehow. :'When he graduated from Elim.in 1981.
Terry married a. born-again ex-bartender
schedule of the biblicill "end times. • M
secreted Rutherford's teaching into his
last American evangelicals had iheir own
works; and spread 11 .surreptitiously to
whom be had met· at church. Cindy, as
C.S. LeWis, an author Schaeffer admired
other founders.) Rutherford, 11 Cove-·
devout as "Randy," planned to go to the
and whose popularity .with evangelicals
nanter who defied the ·Stuart monarchs,
missions with him and was returning to
had written a treatise justifyins resistance . her high-school Spanish. But just as
grew along with· his. ·An entire book of·
essays has been comi>osCd by evangelicals , to civil authority; lex Rex, which Terry
Schaeffer· had decided that Europe
who were inspired by Schaeffer bat have·. : and his foUowen cite withoui having read
needed ChriStianizinjl more than· did the
come, with better training, to see how ··the rare book;'
·
Orient, Terry believed. there was a more
empty were his claims of familiarity with.
urgent mission· at home than ahroad,
the authors whose names he tossed
esPecially in the matter of abortion. lie
'Evangelical
scholars
have
demolished
all
around. 1 Schaeffer, they maintain, was a
drifted about in the evangelical cin:uit of
variants of "The Rutherford Thesis" in
healthy influence on evangelicals, but one : Mark A. Noll, . Nathan 0. Hatch, and
pastoral workers near Binghamton. New
that should be quickly outgrown. That
York, attached to one church or another.
George Marsden, The Search for Chris~
seem's to have happenect even at Elim.
doing odd jobs, often for members of the
tian America (Crossway BOoks,- 1983).
The school's bookstore still has most of
church he was serVing (as youth counBut a Schaefferlte lawyer n.amed John W.
Schaeffer's works for sale, but faculty
Whitehead has set up a Rutherford Inselor or singing director). For five years
members tell me he is ·not much tausht in. ' stitute ·that defends those who ~lieve the
he worked as a fast-food distributor, a
American Constitution established a
classes anymore.
"
. traveling tire salesman, a Sears clerk,. a
·Christian nation. An attorney for the incar salesman at various lots (he is in1
RqlectioiiS on FranciS Schaeffer, ~dited · . stitute appeared with Openition Rescue's
variably called "a Used car salesman" in
by Ronald W. Ruessegger (Zondervan
accountant when she gave a deposition in
suminary Ueatment of these years).
Publishing House, ·1986). For a collection
the case brousht qainst Operation ResIn 1983 he and his wife began picket!If essays by those who remain disciples,
cue by the National Organization for
ing; tosether and separately, an abortion
cr. Franc/$ A. _Schaeffe;: Portraits of the
Women. «;:r. Jolui W. Whitehead, An
Man and. His Work (Crossway Books,
American .. Dream (Crossway Books, · ciinlt _In _Binghamton. In time some
...
...
I'
.
i936). -.
C!l
·I::·:·
· ··
18
.
iiiii7j.
.
-m~mGm.:of-th~~hUFi:-il-juirttd
them.
�They opened a "Crisis Pregnancy Cen!er"
to counsel against abortion and help find
people to take unwan!ed children. (The
Terrys, besides one child of their own,
have three foster children from a woman
they persuaded not to abort her last
child.) Other people around the nation,
mainly Catholics, were already demon·
strating at some clinics, using the tactics
of sit-in and symbolic protest that the
Berrigan brothers and other activists had
used against the Vietnam War. (I quoted
Philip Berrigan. to Terry and he could
not, at first, place the name.) The Terrys
took part in their first sit-in in 1984. Randall taped an audio sermon and song condemning abortion. He was acquiring
some local fame, debating proponenls of
abortion at the SUNY campus in
Binghamton.
The Catholic leftists who used nonviolent protests against abortion worked
from the "seamless garment" argument of
Chicago's Cardinal Bernardin, who says
that protection for life should extend
from abortion to such matters as opposition to capital punishment, nuclear
weapons, and neglect of. children · once
they are born. These "peace Catholics"
would show up at Nellie Gray's annual
Washington march against abortion with
signs like "Keep Babies, Not Bombs."
Juli Loesch Wiley, an activist who began
her life of protest working for Cesar
Chavez, says, "It would get some puzzled
stares and questions like, 'What are you
doing here?' But we got real hostility
when we took the same signs to peace
demonstrations. We really blew their
minds."
These ·left activists are a minority
among Catholics, where those militantly
opposed to abortion tend to be reactionary. The major lobbying body, the
National Right to Life Committee, is opposed to street protest or civil disobedience. Right-wing activists were leery
of Bernardin's "seamless garment" ap·
proach. Joseph Scheidler, an exBenedictine monk now married and the
father of seven children, a man with the
blustery manner of a monsignor at whose
jokes the nuns always laughed, says, "I
don't have time, when saving babies, to
find out if everyone who will help me is
opposed to capital punishment. That is
just a way of doing nothing." Scheidler
harassed women going into clinics with a
bullhorn and hired a private detective to
track down a black teen-ager who was
trying to arrange for an abortion. He has
published a book listing ninety-nine ways
to close abortion clinics- e.g., by jamming all the doors' locks with glue.
When some crazed opponents of abortion started bombing clinics, the nonviolent demonstrators called for the
formation of a general meeting to coordinate their activities and adopt standards of behavior. Randall Terry showed
up at one such meeting in 1986; memories
of him at that gathering are vague, but he
was obviously observing the range of
problems and opportunities open for a
national effort against abortion. When
he went to the 1987 meeting, it was with
an ambitious plan for drawing on larger
groups of activists than local church
organizers had been able to turn out at
their neighboring clinics. He even wanted
to mount a demonstration "rescue," as he
was now calling his actions, at the Democratic National Convention. He had begun
to collect a group of dedicated organizers
from evangelical circles-people who had
been involved in campus ministry or other
semipastoral work like his own, most of
them with some Bible training but without congregations to tie them down.
June 15, 1989
In February of 1988, he ran a series of
trial actions in New York City that
helped train his first cadres in the nonviolen! approach that Catholics had
pioneered. His own contribution to the
effort was not only his organizing on a
large scale but his disciplining of the
movement by adoption of common tactics for all the demonstrations, which had
been improvised and unpredictable (in
the Scheidler manner) up to this point.
Terry formed Operation Rescue as a
profit-reporting activity, but its staff was
largely volunteer and those who worked
for the promise of pay were not yet
receiving their checks regularly.
Sit-down demonstrations in Atlanta
during last year's Democratic National
Convention changed all that. Monthly income for the group was about SS,OOO in
the summer leading up to the convention ..
After the mass arrests and prolonged jail
stays in Atlanta, staff was added, ·dona-
lions flowed in, and the monthly income
by the end of the year was $60,000.'
Terry now had nine fellow organizers, all
in their ·thirties, seven men and two
women, eight evangelicals and one Catholic, two ordained ministers, the rest
laypersons. Some of them are better
educated than Terry, but most of them
are broadly Schaefferites- and some
hold the even odder views of Rousal John
Rushdoony, who has long maintained
that America's "Christian Reconstruc'Information on the structure and
finances of Operation Rescue is taken
from the deposition made by the group's
accountant, Lynn Parker Schopf, on
January S, 1989, as part of a suit brought
against Terry and others by NOW and
other complainants. I am grateful to Jeff
Davis of the Binghamton Press and
Sun-Bulletin for directing me to this
deposition, as well as to the one made by
Terry him5elf on July 7, 1988.
A Cultural History
of the French RevOlution
tion" would involve a partial return to
Mosaic Law.' Though "OR" leaders
avoid title and official positions- in part
to thwart legal attempts to enjoin their
activities and seize their property, in part
because of evangelical dislike of hier. archies- they are extraordinarily disciplined and committed. Theyhold days of
prayer and fasting at their Binghamton
headquarters and schedule conferences
with what pass for scholars in their circle.
(i was in Binghamton while they held a
series of seminars with George Grant, the
author of a denunciatory history of
Planned Parenthood- Grant's works
'Rushdoony, a post-Mclntire influence
on Schaeffer, has also disappeared from
the index of the master's "complete
works." Cf. Ronald A. Wells, "Schaeffer
on America," in Reflections on Francis
Schaeffer, edited by Ronald W. Ruegsegger, pp. 234-235.
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All these leaders are married, and most
have young children; yet they are ready
to risk long prison sentences and the loss
of all their property in the work they
have set for themselves. They treat Terry
affectionately but with little deference.
He is frequently kidded for getting the
spotlight, and reminded that he is taking
risks along with the applause.
Terry's uenemies," the term he applies
with relish to all his critics, tend to treat
him as a troublemaker who has singlehandedly escalated the abortion issue to
new levels of acrimony. At the "rescue"
conducted by his group in Los Angeles,
many placards were directed at him
("Why Didn't Terry's Mother Have an
Abortion?") and the sign wavers flocked
about him whenever he moved from one
seated group of "rescuers" to another.
Gloria Allred, the local feminist lawyer,
used her bullhorn to taunt Terry, likening
his features to those of the fetuses shown
on the signs· of Rescue supporters. He
was frequent!~ addressed as "Ayatollah."
A ·chant, repeated at intervals, went:
"Randy Terry go away. We don't want
you in L.A."
Though his critics bridle when his
followers compare Terry to Dr. King,
their own concentration on him as an
''outside agitator" recalls the attacks
made on civil rights leaders as not really
imerested in the cause of blacks, but promoting themselves or something darker-
the moment when it is lodged in the carrier of another family's hopes. Persons in
the Bible. date their being from the moment of conception (Psalms 5I :7) or
from their life in the womb (Jeremiah
I :5, Psalms 22: II, 58:4). The evangelicals' favorite verses, recited at almost all
their rallies, are Psalms 139:13-16, a dif·
ficult passage rendered this way in the
New English Bible:
IJ. Thou it was who didst fashion
my inward parts; thou didst knit me
together in my mother's womb.
14. I will praise thee, for .thou dost
fill me with awe; wonderful thou art,
and wonderful thy works. Thou
knowest me through and through:
15. my body is no mystery to thee,
how I was. S«l'f!tly kneaded Into
took from this his need for God as an intermediary in coming to know even himself, since God is "more immediate to me
than I am to myselr' ("intimior intimo
meo," Confessions 3.6). The Protestant
Reformers used the same passages to
build their case for predestination. The
evangelicals are dealing with theologically
rich but explosive material when they
shuffle these texts. To those who read the
Bible critically, such passages raise as
·many questions as they answer. _But it is
easy to see why those who take a simpler
approach to scripture would find in them
a clear teaching that the lodged seed is a
human person. "David" could date his
personal tendency to evil from that moment. Jesus became a human being at his
mother's accepting· word, and Elizabeth
conceived after the angel's command to
communism in King's case. At Terry's
rescue, a journalist asked, "What does he
really want?" She was unable to credit the
protesters with sincerity. Qut it is hard to
look at normally conformist churchgoers
cringing inside a ring of shouting
counterdemonstrators, then dragged past
the shuffling hoofs of mounted police,
and doubt that they believe they are in
this to save lives. It is true that Schaeffer
and his followers settled on abortion as a
rallying symbol for all the things
evangelicals despise in a godless society.
But they chose the symbol because it was
the most convincing one, at least to them.
For those who read their Bible ahistor·
ically. like the evangelicals, <eripture
seems full of evidence that a human being
exists from the moment of conception.'
Catholics used to argue from a notion of
"natural taw" that forbade tampering
with the procreative process-a concept
that was discredited by its application to
contraception and sterilization, even to
coitus interruptus and masturbation: all
sex had to be functionally procreative.
The evangelicals think they have simpler
arguments to use. They do not reflect
that a patrilinear society like that
depicted in Jewish scripture was hound to
celebrate the patriarch's seed. When
Onan spills his seed on the ground, his
crime (for which God kills him) is not
masturbation, as the English word
"onanism" rather simplemindedly sug·
gem. It was Onan's duty to keep alive his
dead brother's seed (zera1, not to spill
that seed (zera1 on the ground but to give
it to his brother's wife as offspring
(;:era1. The same word is used three limes
in two verses to emphasize the family
duty of conception (Genesis 38:8-9).'
It is Abraham's seed that will be blessed,
passing on the promise. This cult of lhe
patriarchal seed leads to celebration of
'For a typical statement of this biblical
case, see Paul B. Fowler, Abortion:
Toward
an
Evangelical
Consensus
(Multnomah Press, 1987).
'See E.A. Speiser, The Anchor Bible:
Genesis (Doubleday, 1964), p. 297.
Anti-abortion and pro-ehola protesters at a_ral/y In Atlanta, Janurny /989
shape and pallerned in the depths of
the earth.
16. Thou didst see my limbs unformed in the womb, and in thy
book they are 111/ recorded; day by
day they were fashioned, not one of
them was late in //rowing.
Those who use this text do not seem to
notice that it proves more than is convenient for them. Verse 15 suggests God's
superintendence of the primordial elements out of which mankind is shapedthe clay, as it were, of Adam's forming.'
Are all life's. components- not only the
seed and egg not yet engaged with each
other. but every cell of possible parents'
bodies- to be treated as separate human
lives? The same problem arises with
Jeremiah I :5, the second half of whose
distich serves the anti-abortionists' purpose ("Before you were born I consecrated you"), while the first half goes,
again, too far: "Before I formed you in
the womb I knew you for my own."
This biblical concentration on God's
foreknowledge of his own people led
Saint Augustine to a psychological fascination with his own earlier self, not
known to him but known to God, in
childhood as well as in the womb. He
'Unless, with Mitchell Dahood, one finds
an even more disconcerting reference to
individuals' preexisience in Sheol (The
Anchor Bible: Psalms, Doubleday, 1970,
Vol. IIJ, p. 295).
Zachariah. Evangelicals like to say that
the first public acknowledgement of
Jesus came from one fetus to another,
when John the Baptist kicked in his
mother's womb (Luke I :40).
So convinced ·are evangelicals of the
rightness of their cause that they tend to
see nothing but ·evil intent in opposition
to them. They repeat moral appeals in·
stead of making persuasive arguments.
And like all militant movements, the antiabortion cause has developed a terminology of its own. Its members refer to
themselves as pro·life; but they consider
pro-choice a euphemism, and refer to
their opposite numbers as "pro-aborts."
Their "rescues" take place at "killing
centers" or "abortuaries," which are con-
trasted with their own "crisis rregnancy
centers" set up for counseling ·•mothers."
Doctors performing abortions are called
"killers": and, though Jhe leaders
discourage calling the. doctors "butchers,"
some in the movement keep using that
term. Some of the language is simply
military-"hits," for the occupation of
abortion sites; "decapitation,'' for the ar-
rest of leaders before followers: "strike
rorces," for advance teams sent out from
secret launching areas to reach doorways
before "pro-aborts" can secure them. The
language dehumanizes opponents- as
earlier demonstrators used the terms
"pig," or "whitey," or "war criminal."
The New York Review
�I
Though Julian Bond and others have
denounced any comparison of Operation
Rescue to the civil rights demonstrators,
the dynamics of demonstration are remarkably similar. Anyone who was at
desegregation or antiwar rallies recognizes the feel in the air, the tension of
competing bullhorns, police squads
maneuvering closer, with helicopters
overhead to see into the crush of opposing crowds. One woman with a prochoice placard said, "This is the first time
I was ever at a demonstration when the
cops were not coming for us." Here, too,
the experience of being arrested is
radicali1ing. People who, for the first
time, sec the police as possible oppressors
begin to feel some kinship with others
who might be mistreated by the police.
The evangelicals now invoking civil rights
precedents are the sons and daughters of
people who denounced "rioting" blacks
in the Sixties and called for law and
order.
If these thirty-year-old demonstrators
did not exemplify a new kind of evangelical movement when they went into such
activities, they are emerging from them
with drastically new a!!itudes. While paying their respect to elders who helped
evangelicals get engaged in politics- to
Jerry Falwell, for instance, and Pat
Robertson- the "OR" leaders are also
gently dismissive of them as armchair
warriors, people resting on their laurels,
not taking the heat of today's battle. This
was the attitude, once upon a time, of'
SNCC leaders to the NAACP. Terry's people talk of the televangelists as tied down
to their assets, like bishops in their
dioceses. They see themselves as roving
carriers of a burning message, like
Wesley on horseback, with the Bible in
his saddlebag. And the ties they form
NEW FROM
with other opponents of abortion speed
.the process, already noticed by sociologists, whereby evangelism has been losing its hostility to Jews, Catholics,
blacks, and Hispanics.'" Terry's three
foster children are black.
It would be a mistake, moreover, to
think of this as a one-person movement.
On the day I visited Elim Bible Institute,
some of the faculty and students were off
on a local rescue. That was natural
enough, I said to the dean of students,
since this was Terry's school. "I think
they would be there even if there had
never been a Randy Terry," he answered.
It is true that many others responded to
Francis Schaeffer's vision of a crusade
organized around the issue of abortion,
including Schaeffer's son "Franky," who
tried to put himself at the head of such a
movement. And there were local sit-ins
going on long before Terry arrived on the
scene. In ract, the movement's most admired "martyr" is the Ct1holic Joan Andrews, who served two and a half years
of a five-year term for trying to dismantle
a suction machine used in abortion. All
that occurred long before Terry set up
Operation Rescue. Terry's importance is
that he caught the wave of evangelical involvement just as it began to crest.
The evangelicals were, for most of
American history, the major religious
force in this country. Their central rite,
the revival, was the characteristic
'"The growth of Protestant tolerance was
one of the more famous findings of the
"Middletown Ill" survey made in
1976-1981. Cf. All Faithful People:
Change and Cominuity in Middletown's
Religion, by Theodore Caplow et al.
(University of Minnesota Press, 1983),
pp. 98-99.
American contribution to spirittlal life.
Their energy fueled many reforms
throughout the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, from abolitionism to
prohibition. After the setbacks of the
1920s, most of them slunk off to nurture
various scenarios for Christ's second
coming, but Terry's generation denounces those eschatological disputes
about the sequence of "rapture" and
"tribulation" as "playing church games"
when the Lord's business is to be done in
the real world of struggle.
Even evangelicals less militant than
Terry have been encouraged by recent
events. There have been a string of
"born-again" Christians in the White
House-not only Jimmy Carter and
Ronald Reagan; even Gerald Ford and
George Bush have claimed to be born
again to the proper audiences. Bush,
listening to his vote counters, courted
Jerry Falwell and Jim Bakker (before the
crash of the latter's empire)- Barbara
Bush had Tammy Faye Bakker up to
lunch in the vice-president's mansion.
Dan and Marilyn Quayle have given a
sympathetic hearing to one of the fiercer
evangelists on the fringe of Texas bellicosity, Robert Thieme. Ronald Reagan
listened to "premillennial" prophecies
of the sort Randall Terry now makes fun
of in his speeches. Seen against the
backdrop of this White House, the
groaning, singing, praying clusters of
Operation Rescue look almost moderate.
When the logic of separation between
Church and state was carried through in
recent decisions against prayer in schools,
religious symbols in public places, and
religious concepts in textbooks, the
"mainline" religions acquiesced in this
development, in effect abandoning their
old "de facto" establishment of a national
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Vladimir Dedijer
Volume 1: From April6, 1941, to Novem(H,r 27, 1942
Volume 2: From Novcm(H,r 28, 1942, to August 19, 1943
Volume 3: from August 20, 1943, to Novem(H,r 7, 1944
Vlad.lm1r Dcdijer was a colonel in the Yugoslav Resi&·
tance ancJ a member of Tito's staff. His chronicle of
Partisan involvement in World War II was first published
in Serbo-Croatian and now is made available in English.
" ... a blood-stained memento of heroic men and women
lighting against impossible odds for the survival of their
homeland." -from the Foreword by Harrison Salisbury
cloth $24.50
each volume in cloth $49.50
set of three volumes $125.00
Richard Edwards
Verena Martinez-Alier
The. World Around the
Chinese Artist
Marriage, Class and
Colour in NineteenthCentu~y Cuba
Aspects of Realism in Chim:se
Painting
"There is a constant conscious play back and forth
between the physical reality of the world and the
subjective vision of the artist. In this relationship the
artist is continually imitating the world-sometimes
more, sometimes less." -Richard Edwards
In this study of the subjective and objective influences in
art, Edwards writes of three anists, each important in his
own time and each deemed a master by later critics of
Chinese art.
cloth $32.50 I paper $14.95
religious style. The evangelists were not
so accommodating, and they have pro·
moted their "low church" replacement of
the old "high church" civil religion to the
point Where an Andover product like
Bush talks about being "born again" the
way he affects pork rinds and Stetsons.
Since abortion does not lend itself to
compromise, like most political issues, it
threatens to increase the militancy on
both sides. But evangelical militancy is
not a single-issue ma!!er. The Terry who
asked an airline employee to remove the
poster "demeaning to women'' regularly
denounces "child pornography" in his
talks at pro-life rallies. He praises those
defying the law to educate their children
at home, and advocates a voucher sySiem
for religious schools. His teetotaling crew
of associates is harshly critical of the drug
culture. As Michael Dukakis learned to
his cost, these people speak to an
America that thinks of the Pledge of
Allegiance as the last prayer allowed in
schools. They have an audience on many
issues that go beyond abortion. Terry
knows that, and so do the people around
him.
On the plane to Long Beach, Terry.
candidly told me how he gets the attention of night auendants from the beginning of a trip. When the announcement is
made that, in case of descent over water,
one's seat cushion is a flotation device, he
picks his cushion up and waves it i~- the
air. At moments like this, the child in
him almost diverts one from the zealot.
But the zealot is there. On the same trip,
he told me: "Our time of withdrawal is
over. We've joined the battle, and are
prepared to · make serious sacrifices
before it's too late. This is a winner-takeall battle for the very soul of the
country."
[J
A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual
Values in a Slave Society
Martinez-Aiier discusses Cuban notions of honor and
virtue while describing complex interconnections
between class and perceived racial status that determined
the choice of sexual and marriage partners. First
published in 1974, her book is a classic encounter of
· anthroplogy with history that points the way for future
investigations. A volume in the Women and Culture
Series.
paper $12.95
David Maybury-Lewis and Uri
Almagor, Editors
The Attraction of
Opposites
Thought and Society in the
Dualistic Mode
In examining different binary systems all over the world,
this new book considers the puzzling phenomenon of
why societies all over the world organize their social
thought and institutions in patterns of opposites.
cloth $49.50 I paper $16.95
Sidney Fine
Violence in the Model
City
The Cavanagh Administration, Race
Relations, and the Detroit Riot of 1967
Fine's groundbreaking is the first thorough examination
of the causes, character, and consequences of the most
violent urban riot of the 1960s.
" ... a story, at once stunning and provocative, a tale of
ambition and compassion, violence and tenderness,
triumph and defeat that was Detroit in the '60s."
-Detroit Fru Press
cloth S3 7.50
Michigan residents, include 4% sales tax.
1111 'fHE llNIVERSI'IT OF
MICHIGAN
MICHIGAN
PREss
Dept. BR P.O. Box 1104 AM Arbor, Michigan 48106
June 15 1989 , , .. , _1 1
21
�202
THE MORAL SENSE
nobleman, the cleared forests of the self-sufficient peasant. Where
land was under individual control there was less need for arranged
marriages in order to keep wealth in the family.
But land was not the whole story, for the differences that existed
between Arab and European families, and within Europe between
Mediterranean and northwestern families, so marked at the time of
the Arab conquest of Spain, became greater with every passing century until, by the end of the Middle Ages, something like the consensual family of today had become the norm in Christendom,
sanctioned by religion and law as well as by custom and preference.
Just how that change occurred is not clearly understood and,
given the absence of much in the way of a written record, may always
remain somewhat puzzling. But a number of scholars now agree that
the Catholic church played a key role in this development. In doing
so, it had first to make up its mind what it thought about marriage
and sex, and on this score the Bible was not entirely consistent. Was
·sexuality desirable (as in the Song of Songs) or sinful (the Psalms)?
Was divorce acceptable (as in the Old Testament) or unacceptable
(as in the New)? 20 Saint Augustine tried to sort all of this out.
Taking his guidance from the Bible's clear endorsement of marriage,
he argued that marriage must be a sacrament that had, as its central
purpose, procreation. That being the case, certain things followed:
divorce, adultery, and polygamy were wrong because they violated
the sacred status of the conjugal union, and abortion and infanticide
were wrong because they were inconsistent with the principle that
sex exists for the production of children. 21 It took many centuries for
these doctrines to achieve anything like their modern form, but from
the beginning the central thrust of church teaching and its theological foundations were clear.
What was less clear were the reasons for the church's increasing
hostility to endogamy. By the end of the seventh century, according
to Frances and Joseph Geis, the church had banned not only marriages between brothers and sisters but among first cousins and even
among in-laws, godparents, and godchildren. 22 Goody has argued
that the church was motivated to do this by a desire to enlarge its
property holdings. It achieved this by "acquiring control over the wa~
2
in which it [i.e., property] passed from one generation to the next."
To expand its control it had to break up the control exercised by
clans, lineages, and feudal lords. It did this by restricting the opportunities people had for producing heirs (hence the ban on polygamy,
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Carter Wilkie
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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41 folders in 3 boxes
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Paper
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Abortion
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Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
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2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
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Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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12/29/2014
Source
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42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-006-2014
7431955
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/cd515acdf08a48f776151f5f2e69a86f.pdf
5c0cfdaa009c7d7b0f04696570be480b
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2008-0699-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative markeri,by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Clinton PresidentiatRecords
Collection/Record Group:
!'
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Carter Wilkie
k'.\
.·r.
Subseries:
,,/
4273
OA/ID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
100 Days Document
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
91
5
8
3
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECfffiTLE
Carol Rasco to Ann Walker re: 100 Days Document (I page)
04116/1993
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
100 Days Document
2008-0699-F
r9
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA)
Pl Relating to the appointment to Federal omce ((a)(2) of the PRAJ
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and bis advisors. or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion or
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. SS2(b))
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) orthe FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) orthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose Information complied for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) oftbe FOIA)
�?t
3
?1:15 e1o•
s
C!-<Jf'i e.-
.
�--------------~--
Season ofAmerica~ Renewal
IPS
January 20 - April 30, 1993
�TO:
FR:
DT:
RE:
John Marbaise
Meeghan Prunty (202/456-7845)
April22, 1993
100-day Calendar
John·· please add the following events to the 100-day calendar
February 25, 1993
First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton accepts invitation to attend "Conversations on
Health" -- a series of four hearings on the health care crisis, held in Florida, Michigan,
Iowa and D.C.
March 4, 1993
First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton discusses health care concerns with steel workers, in
New Orleans, Louisiana.
Thank you very much!
--
-
--------
�E X E C U T I V E
0 P F I C E
0 p
THE
P R E 8 I D E NT
22-Apr-1993 07:09pm
TO:
Carter Wilkie
FROM:
David Dreyer
Office of Communications
SUBJECT:
RE: Latest 100 Days intro
Memorandum from David Dreyer
Please cut the words environmentally-committed from the end ofthe
forest conference section? I hope it's not too late.
D2
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
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�Introduction
This is the season of America's renewal.
Already, in the first few months of his new Administration, President Bill Clinton has
restored an active purpose to the presidency, and renewed America's commitment to change and
progress.
We now have a President dedicated to investment and economic growth; a President
determined to help Americans weather the winds of change; a President committed to restoring
responsibility; a President devoted to returning the government back to the American people,
After twelve years of national drift and economic decline, President Clinton has charted
a clear path to growth with his New Directions economic plan designed to create jobs, boost
incomes, move our economy from consumption to investment, and reduce our deficit, substantially
and dramatically.
The investments in the Clinton economic plan embrace priorities that will raise the
living standards and \)rofits of workers and businesses for the long-term: rebuilding America's
infrastructure; comm.1tting resources and attention to the education and training needs of our
students and workers; and restoring vital incentives that reward productivity, profits, innovation
and investment.
The Clinton budget-- the outline of his economic plan for New Directions-- passed
the Congress in record setting time. It reduces deficit spending by over $500 billion; a plan so
credible that the markets continue to reduce interest rates on the American people. These
interest rate reductions, coupled with imaginative steps taken by the Clinton Administration to
deal with the credit crunch, means American businesses, farms, and consumers have money to
save, spend, invest and grow.
We now have a President who helps the American people make the choice for change.
Enormous changes are sweeping our economy. Inevitable defense cutbacks are forcing
military bases to close -- they're causing defense manufacturers to lose markets and cut jobs.
Problems in the airline industry have caused massive lay-offs in aerospace firms and amon$ the
domestic carriers. America's economic partners abroad are beating American companies m the
race for markets in the former Soviet Union.
That's why President Clinton's economic :erogram will help the American people take
advantage of these changes. He has offered a $20 b1llion, five-year initiative to reinvest m
workers, communities and companies harmed by cuts in military spendin$. He has formed a task
force to recommend real changes in federal policy to help restart our aVIation and aerospace
industry. And he has provided an enterprise-oriented aid initiative to save the Russian Democracy
and spur American economic growth.
Beyond growth, Americans want a return to responsibility in our schools, our
communities, and our economy. And in that spirit, President Clinton is leading the way. By
reforming welfare to make it a second chance, not a way of life; by reforming the health care
system to provide health security to every American and bring rising costs under control; by
making national service opportunities available to students so that they can exchange opportunities
for education with community service.
Finally, President Clinton is working to give the government back to the American
�peofle. At the beginning of his Administration he announced his decision to cut the White House
staf by 25%, and to eliminate the kinds of perks and privileges which isolate Federal workers
from the people they are supposed to serve.
He has cut billions from the budgets of Federal agencies and Departments, telling them
they must do more with less. He is committed to reinventing government and bringin~ his
Presidency directly to the people through town meetings, Electronic Mail with the White House,
and ideas like the Forest Conference -- which enabled the environmental and economic problems
of the Pacific Northwest to be discussed by average people with the President, Vice-President
Gore and environmentally-committed Members of the Cabinet.
Most important, he is committed to enacting tough campaign finance and lobbying
reform legislation to drive special interest dealing out of politics.
What follows is a chronolow from the first 100 days of the most action oriented
Administration in our memory. But It is more than a listing of accomplishments, because now is
not the time to be satisfied. Instead, it is indicative of a change in direction.
What will come from what we accomplished here -- more economic growth,
comprehensive health and welfare reform, a new system of national service, and the like -- is new
opportunities for achievement, empowerment and progress for middle-class Americans, and a new
direction for us all. It is indeed America's season of renewal.
Historical footnote
The "hundred days• period was applied by journalists to the special session of the 73rd Congress, which granted newly inaugurated
President Franklin D. Roosevelt extraordinary powers to combat the national crisis of the Great Depression in 1933.
Less well-known than the hundred days of 1933, is how Woodrow Wilson set a modem precedent in 1913, when one month after
taking office, he became the first President in a century to deliver an address to Congress. That speech initiated the sweeping economic reforms
enacted later that year - tariff reform, the first income tax and the federal reserve. With that early speech, Wilson had closed the book on the
Gilded Age and had shifted Government to the side of average, hard working Americans.
�Introduction
This is the season of America's renewal.
Already, in the first few months of his new Administration, President Bill Clinton has
restored an active purpose to the presidency, and renewed America's commitment to change and
progress.
We now have a President dedicated to investment and economic growth; a President
determined to help Americans weather the winds of change; a President committed to restoring
responsibility; a President devoted to returning the government back to the American people,
After twelve years of national drift and economic decline, President Clinton has charted
a clear path to growth with his New Directions economic plan designed to create jobs, boost
incomes, move our ecot:tomy from consumption to investment, and reduce our deficit, substantially
and dramatically.
·
The investments in the Clinton economic plan embrace priorities that will raise the
living standards and :profits of workers and businesses for the long-term: rebuilding America's
infrastructure; coiDIDltting resources and attention to the education and training needs of our
students and workers; and restoring vital incentives that reward productivity, profits, innovation
and investment.
The Clinton budget-- the outline of his economic plan for New Directions-- passed
the Congress in record setting time. It reduces deficit spending by over $500 billion; a plan so
credible that the markets continue to reduce interest rates on the American people. These
interest rate reductions, coupled with imaginative steps taken by the Clinton Administration to
deal with the credit crunch, means American businesses, farms, and consumers have money to
save, spend, invest and grow.
We now have a President who helps the American people make the choice for change.
Enormous changes are sweeping our economy. Inevitable defense cutbacks are forcing
military bases to close -- they're causing defense manufacturers to lose markets and cut jobs.
Problems in the airline industry have caused massive lay-offs in aerospace firms and amon$ the
domestic carriers. America's economic partners abroad are beating American companies m the
race for markets in the former Soviet Union.
That's why President Clinton's economic ~rogram will help the American peo:ple take
advantage of these changes. He has offered a $20 billion, five-year initiative to reinvest m
workers, communities and companies harmed br cuts in military spendin$. He has formed a task
force to recommend real changes in federal policy to help restart our aVIation and aerospace
industry. And he has provided an enterprise-oriented aid initiative to save the Russian Democracy
and spur American economic growth.
Beyond growth, Americans want a return to responsibility in our schools, our
communities, and our economy. And in that spirit, President Clinton is leading the way. By
reforming welfare to make it a second chance, not a way of life; by reforming the health care
system to provide health security to every American and bring rising costs under control; by
making national service opportunities available to students so that they can exchange opportunities
for education with community service.
Finally, President Clinton is working to give the government back to the American
�people. At the beginning of his Administration he announced his decision to cut the White House
staff by 25%, and to eliminate the kinds of perks and privileges which isolate Federal workers
from the people they are supposed to serve.
He has cut billions from the budgets of Federal agencies and Departments, telling them
they must do more with less. He is committed to reinventing government and bringins his
Presidency directly to the people through town meetings, Electronic Mail with the White House,
and ideas like the Forest Conference -- which enabled the environmental and economic :problems
of the Pacific Northwest to be discussed by average people with the President, Vice-President
Gore and environmentally-committed Members of the Cabinet.
Most important, he is committed to enacting tough campaign finance and lobbying
reform legislation to drive special interest dealing out of polltics.
What follows is a chronolow from the first 100 days of the most action oriented
Administration in our memory. But It is more than a listing of accomplishments, because now is
not the time to be satisfied. Instead, it is indicative of a change in direction.
What will come from what we accomplished here -- more economic growth,
comprehensive health and welfare reform, a new system of national service, and the like -- is new
opportunities for achievement, empowerment and progress for middle-class Americans, and a new
duection for us all. It is indeed America's season of renewal.
Historical footnote
The "hundred days• period was applied by journalists to the special session of the 73rd Congress, which granted newly inaugurated
President Franklin D. Roosevelt extraordinary powers to combat the national crisis of the Great Depression in 1933.
Less well-known than the hundred days of 1933, is how Woodrow Wilson set a modem precedent in 1913, when one month after
taking office, he became the first President in a century to deliver an address to Congress. That speech initiated the sweeping economic reforms
enacted later that year - tariff reform, the first income tax and the federal reserve. With that early speech, Wilson had closed the book on the
Gilded Age and had shifted Government to the side of average, hard working Americans.
�DRAFT
DAY
CLINTON ACTION
1
January 20, 1993
Inaugurated as 42nd President of the United States.
Delivers Inaugural Address from the steps of the Capitol.
Issues Executive Order on Executive Appointee Ethics; order restricts or limits ways in which senior executi
appointees may profit in the future from their experience while serving the President.
Proclaims a National Day of Fellowship and Hope.
quote
•our Democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.
with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America...
This beautiful Capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.
Powerful people maneuver for position and worry about who is out, who is up, who is down, forgetting those people
whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way. Americans deserve better.... Let us resolve to make our
Government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called 'bold, persistent experimentation,' a Government for our
tomorrows, not our yesterdays. Let us give this Capital back to the people to whom it belongs...
Yes, you, my fellow Americans, have forced the spring. Now we must do the work the season demands."
- Inaugural Address
2
January 21, 1993
Abolishes Council on Competitiveness, criticized as a back door for polluters who circumvented U.S. laws.
Meets with senior White House staff.
3
January 22, 1993
Swearing-in ceremony for Cabinet members.
First Cabinet Meeting.
Issues memorandum to revoke Reagan and Bush administration restrictions on fetal tissue research in the
development of treatments for individuals afflicted with serious diseases and disorders such as Alzheimer's disease,
Parkinson's disease, diabetes and leukemia.
Issues memorandum to revoke Reagan and Bush administration restrictions ("Gag Rule") that prohibited abortion
counseling in clinics that receive Title X funds to provide family planning services for low-income patients.
Issues memorandum to revoke Reagan and Bush administration restrictions ("Mexico City Policy") that prohibited
Family Planning Grants to be awarded to certain nongovernmental organizations from the Agency for International
Development.
Issues memorandum to revoke Reagan and Bush administration restrictions on a woman's legal right to privatelyfunded abortion services in military hospitals.
Issues memorandum to revoke previous administration restrictions on the importation of the drug commonly known
as RU-486.
4
January 23, 1993
Telephone conversations with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel.
S
January 24, 1993
Issues Proclamation and statement on the death of Justice Thurgood Marshall.
6
January 25, 1993
Establishes National Economic Council to coordinate economic policymaking among all relevant departments and
offices of the Federal Government; holds economic policy meeting.
Meets with Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Establishes Task Force on National Health Reform, chaired by the First Lady, Hillary Rodham Qinton; task force is
charged with formulating legislation that would take strong action to control health care costs while providing
Americans with the security of knowing that their fundamental health care needs will be met.
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
1
�IDAvl CLINTON ACTION
7
January 26, 1993
Meets with bipartisan congressional leadership.
Nominates U.S. Foreign Service Career Ambassador Pickering to be United States Ambassador to Russia.
8
January 27, 1993
Meets with Democratic Congressional leaders.
9
January 28, 1993
Meets with Federal Reserve Chairman Greenspan, Secretary Bentsen and NBC Chairman Rubin.
10
January 29, 1993
Teleconference with citizens concerned about Family and Medical Leave Bill.
Issues memorandum on ending discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in determining who may serve in the
Armed Forces; memorandum directs Secretary of Defense Aspin to consult with others to study how revisions in
current policy could be implemented in a manner that is practical, realistic and consistent with the high standards of
combat effectiveness and unit cohesion maintained by the Armed Forces; memorandum directs the Secretary to
submit a draft executive order prior to July 15, 1993.
First news conference.
11
January 30, 1993
Weekend working meeting at Camp David with Cabinet and senior White House staff.
12
January 31, 1993
Hosts First State Dinner, attended by the Nation's Governors.
13
February 1, 1993
Meets with Nation's Governors about health care and other policy issues.
Revokes Bush administration Executive Orders on Federal contracting, thereby reducing Government intrusion into
workplace relations.
Addresses Democratic Governors' Association Dinner.
14
February 2, 1993
Addresses National Governors' Association on desire to make welfare a second chance, not a way of life; declares
intent to form working group on welfare reform; outlines principles and goals to guide policy reform, ensure that
people who work are rewarded, toughen child support enforcement, and encourage policy experimentation to achieve
these goals in the States.
Declares storm-afflicted areas of Louisiana a Federal Disaster Area, authorizing emergency relief assistance.
15
February 3, 1993
Addresses employees of Office of Management and Budget; pledges cooperation with, and asks for help from,
Federal employees in cutting waste and reinventing Government.
Discusses campaign finance and lobbying reform with Democratic Congressional leaders.
Declares storm-damaged and flood-affected areas of California a Federal Disaster Area, authorizing emergency relief
assistance.
16
February 4, 1993
Addresses National Prayer Breakfast.
Announces Secretary of State Christopher will travel to Middle East to advance the Peace Process.
Meets with German Foreign Minister Kinkel.
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
2
�DAY
CLINTON ACTION
17
February S, 1993
Signs Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993.
Meets with Canadian Prime Minister Mulroney of Canada.
Holds news conference (number 2) with Prime Minister Mulroney.
Addresses U.S. Conference of Mayors.
quole
"I am very proud that the first bill I am to sign as President truly puts people first ....it took eight years and two
vetoes to make this legislation the law of the land. Now millions of our people will no longer have to choose
between their jobs and their families.•
- Remarks on signing Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993.
18
February 6, 1993
First Saturday radio address; focuses on the economy and principles to guide economic plan to be unveiled later this
month.
19
February 7, 1993
20
February 8, 1993
Creates White House Office on Environmental Policy, a new office that will have broader influence and a more
effective and focused mandate to coordinate environmental policy, one that recognizes the connection between
environmental protection and economic growth and the responsibility to provide real leadership on global
environmental issues; reaffirms support of legislation to make Environmental Protection Agency part of the Cabinet.
Designates Thurgood Marshall Federal Judiciary Building.
Meets with Turkish President Ozal.
21
February 9, 1993
As part of new effort to cut waste and reinvent government, announces reduction and reorganization of the White
House staff; Executive Office of the President staff to be reduced by 25%, or 350 positions, in the next fiscal year.
22
February 10, 1993
Cabinet meeting (number 2).
Signs Executive Orders on greater efficiency and fiscal responsibility in government: 14% reduction in administrative
costs by PY97, a savings of $16 billion in taxpayers' dollars; elimination of wasteful advisory committees; reduction of
federal bureaucracy by 100,000 positions through attrition; elimination or limitation of perks and privileges in
executive branch offices, including the use of executive dining rooms, government aircraft, and government vehicles.
Hosts first "Town Meeting• with citizens in Detroit, Michigan, linked via satellite with citizens in Seattle, Washington,
Miami, Florida, and Atlanta, Georgia.
23
February 11, 1993
Addresses business leaders on the economy and the budget.
Meets with Japanese Foreign Minister Watanabe.
News conference (number 3), nominates Janet Reno to be Attorney General.
Telephone conversation with Philippine President Ramos.
24
February 12, 1993
Announces child immunization initiative at Fenwick Oinic, Arlington, Virginia; proposal provides more vaccines for
children, saving taxpayers $10 in avoidable health care costs for every $1 invested in vaccinations; directs the
Secretary of Health and Human Services to enter into negotiations with drug manufacturers to see that States can
buy vaccines at affordable prices, reversing the trend of skyrocketing costs of vaccines to U.S. consumers.
2S
February 13, 1993
Saturday radio address on the economic plan.
26
February 14, 1993
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
3
�DAY
~~
27
February 15, 1993
Address to the Nation from the Owl Office on the economic plan.
Telephone conversation with French President Mitterand.
INTON ACTION
quole
"All during this last 12 years the federal deficit has roared out of control. Look at this: the big tax cuts for the
wealthy, the growth in Government spending, and soaring health care costs all caused the federal deficit to explode...
Now if all that debt had been invested in strengthening our economy, we'd at least have something to show for our
money: more jobs, better educated people, a health care system that works. But as you can see, while the deficit
went up, investments in the thinp that make us stronger and smarter, richer and safer, were neglected: less invested
in education, less in our children's future, less in transportation, less in local law enforcement....The price of doing
the same old thing is far higher than the price of change.•
- First televised address to the Nation from the Owl Office.
28
February 16, 1993
Remarks to California Economic Conference via teleconference.
Visits constNction site, Washington, D.C., to discuss jobs and infrastNcture.
29
February 17, 1993
Delivers State of the Union Address on the economic plan to a Joint Session of Congress.
Meets with bipartisan Congressional leaders prior to address.
quole
•our Nation needs a new direction. Tonight I present to you a comprehensive plan to set our Nation on that new
course.4
I know this economic plan is ambitious, but I honestly believe it is necessary for the continued greatness of the
United States. And I think it is paid for fairly, first by cutting Government, then by asking the most of those who
benefitted the most in the past, and by asking more Americans to contribute today so that all of us can prosper
tomorrow...
... the test of this plan cannot be "What is in it for me?" It has got to be "What is in it for us?" If we work hard and
if we work together, if we rededicate ourselves to creating jobs, to rewarding work, to strengthening our families, to
reinventing our Government, we can lift our country's fortunes again. •
- Address before a Joint Session of Congress
30
February 18, 1993
Remarks on the economic plan, St. Louis, Missouri.
31
FebNary 19, 1993
Remarks on the economic plan and town meeting, Chillicothe, Ohio.
Remarks on the economic plan, Hyde Park, New York.
32
February 20, 1993
Saturday radio address on the economic plan.
Participates in a "Children's Town Meeting" at the White House.
33
FebNary 21, 1993
Remarks on the economic plan, Santa Monica, California.
Meets with California business leaders.
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
4
�IDAvl CLINTON ACTION
34
February 22, 1993
Announces national technology policy and conducts question-and-answer session with Vice President Gore and
employees of Silicon Graphics, Mountain View, California; policy focuses on high-skill, high-wage jobs in the
technology sectors, research and development and experimentation, education for America's workforce, the Nation's
information infrastructure, and U.S. competitiveness in basic science, mathematics and engineering.
Talks by phone from Air Force One with Larry Villella, a 14-year-old entrepreneur who donated $1,000 to reduce the
federal budget deficit.
Addresses Boeing employees, Everett, Washington, on legislation in Congress to establish a commission to examine
the U.S. airline industry, efforts by U.S. Trade Representative Kantor to monitor agreements on European airbus
subsidies and their impact on American workers, and the economic plan.
3S
February 23, 1993
Remarks on the economy, the economic plan and other economic proposals to the National Business Action Rally of
the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
Meets with U.N. Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali.
36
February 24, 1993
Meets with Prime Minister Major of the United Kingdom.
News conference (number 4) with Prime Minister Major.
37
February 25, 1993
Remarks on the economic plan to business and labor leaders.
Announces airdrops of humanitarian aid in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
38
February 26, 1993
Delivers first major foreign policy address, on the subject of American leadership in the global economy, at American
University, Washington, D.C.
quoiC
"For years our leaders have failed to take the steps that would harness the global economy to the benefit of all our
people, steps such as investing in our people and their skills, enforcing our trade laws, helping communities hurt by
change; in short, putting the American people first without withdrawing from the world and people beyond our
borders.
The truth of our age is this and must be this: Open and competitive commerce will enrich us as a nation. It spurs us
to innovate. It forces us to compete. It connects us with new customers. It promotes global growth without which
no rich country can hope to grow wealthier. It enables our producers who are themselves consumers of services and
raw materials to prosper. And so I say to you in the face of all the pressures to do the reverse, we must compete,
not retreat. •
- Address on "The imperative of American leadership in the face of global change,• American University
39
February 27, 1993
Saturday radio address on the economic plan.
40
February 28, 1993
Publishes column, on principles behind the National Service proposal, in New York Times.
quoiC
"Our new initiative will embody the same principles as the old G.I. Bill. It will challenge our people to serve our
country and do the work that should - and must - be done. It will invest in the future of the quiet heroes who
invest in the future of others.•
-"National Service Now,• New York Times
41
March 1, 1993
Remarks on community service and question-and-answer session at Adult Learning Center, New Brunswick, New
Jersey.
Outlines National Service proposal in an address at Rutgers University, Brunswick, New Jersey.
lOODAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
s
�DAY
CLINTON ACTION
42
March 2, 1993
Meets with Republican House leaders at the Capitol.
Lunch meeting with Senate Republican conference.
Meets with NATO Secretary General Woerner.
Meets with Democratic Congressional leaders.
43
March 3, 1993
Announces initiative to reinvent Government; names Vice President Gore as head of national performance review to
cut spending and increase efficiency throughout the Government, agency by agency.
Receives one millionth piece of mail after six weeks in office, as much mail as that received by the previous President
in half a year.
44
March 4, 1993
Signs Emergency Unemployment Compensation Amendments of 1993.
Declares certain storm-damaged areas of the State of Washington a Federal Disaster Area and declares major
disaster in Georgia, authorizing emergency relief assistance.
Meets with former President Carter.
45
March 5, 1993
Remarks to Mayors on the economic plan.
Announces April 3-4 summit with Russian President Yeltsin.
46
March 6, 1993
Saturday radio address on the economic plan.
Revokes Bush administration Proclamation that suspended Davis-Bacon Act of 1931 within areas struck by
Hurricanes Andrew and lniki.
47
March 7, 1993
48
March 8, 1993
Remarks on the jobs package to the Legislative Conference of the National League of Cities.
Telephone conversation with former President Bush to discuss the situation in Russia.
Meets with members of the House Budget Committee.
Meets with former President Nixon.
49
March 9, 1993
Meets with President Mitterrand of France.
News conference (number 5) with President Mitterrand.
Signs Executive Order to extend U.S. Cooperation with the European Atomic Energy Community.
Meets with Senate Budget Committee.
so
March 10, 1993
Announces initiative to alleviate the credit crunch, to open up credit to creditworthy loans, to generate jobs in the
private sector, and to assist small businesses on fair lending, equal opportunity and credit availability.
Meets with California State Legislators.
Announces Forest Conference to be convened in Portland, Oregon, on April 2.
Secretary Christopher announces the President's plan on Bosnia-Herzegovina.
51
March 11, 1993
Outlines plan for defense conversion and reinvestment to Westinghouse employees, Linthicum, Maryland; plan
confronts issues raised by cutbacks made in defense spending since 1985; major components include: worker training
and adjustment, investing in hard-hit communities, dual-use technology and commercial-military integration, and
conversion opportunities in new civilian technology investment.
Remarks on children and family policies to Children's Defense Fund conference.
Meets with National Conference of State Legislatures.
Issues statement on murder of Dr. David Gunn, Pensacola, Florida.
Discusses campaign finance reform with Democratic Senators.
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
6
�DAY
CLINTON ACTION
52
March 12, 1993
Attorney General Reno assumes office.
Visits and addresses the crew of the U.S.S. Theodore Roosevelt.
Radio address to the Armed Forces.
quoiC
"I pledge to you that as long as I am President, you and the other men and women in uniform of this country will
continue to be the best trained, the best prepared, the best equipped, and the strongest supported fighting force in
the world."
- Remarks to the crew of the U.S.S. Theodore Roosevelt
53
March 13, 1993
Radio address on plans for defense conversion and reinvestment.
Declares storm-afflicted areas of Florida Federal Disaster Areas, authorizing emergency relief assistance.
S4
March 14, 1993
ss
March 15, 1993
Meets with Israeli Prime Minister Rabin.
News conference (number 6) with Prime Minister Rabin.
At the direction of the President, U.S. begins negotiations with Canada and Mexico to seek side agreements to the
North American Free Trade Agreement; side agreements would seek greater protections for American workers,
farmers and the environment.
56
March 16, 1993
Meets with bipartisan Congressional leaders.
Meets with exiled Haitian President Aristide.
57
March 17, 1993
Meets with Irish Prime Minister Reynolds; attends Friends of Ireland Luncheon at the Capitol.
Signs Aircraft Equipment Settlement Leases Act of 1993.
58
March 18, 1993
House of Representatives passes Budget Resolution, basic outline of the economic plan.
Addresses employees of the U.S. Treasury on the economic plan.
Meets with National Newspaper Publishers Association.
Meets with Commission of European Communities President Delors.
Addresses Radio and Television Correspondents Association Dinner.
quoiC
"I want to thank all of you for the work that you do. I think you have a difficult job. Each of us sees the world in
different ways and the whole complex interplay of the press and people in public life is designed somehow to give the
American people a kaleidoscope of opinion, a mountain of facts organized in ways that will enable them to grasp it,
so that somehow they - not you or me - they can be the main actors in the great American democracy.
.. .I ask that in the months and years ahead you stay faithful to yourselves and to your cause. Never lose your sense
of humor. And remember that most of us who do this on both sides do it because we love our country and prefer to
believe that an effort made today can make it better tomorrow. It's a good way to live a life. •
- Remarks to the Radio and Television Correspondents Association Dinner, The Washington Hilton
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
7
�IDAY II CLINTON ACTION
59
I
March 19, 1993
Meets with members of the House of Representatives who supported the economic plan.
Issues statement praising career and service of Supreme Court Justice Byron R. White; thanks Justice White for
significant period of time to deliberate on the choice of a successor and still have nominee considered and confirmed
by the Senate well in adwnce of the Court's next term, which begins in October.
Delivers remarks at Downtown Child Development Center, Atlanta, Georgia.
Remarks to local business leaders, Atlanta, Georgia.
Proclaims Women's History Month.
quote
I think that there are few decisions the President makes which are more weighty, more significant, or can have a
greater impact on more Americans than an appointment to the Supreme Court. And I'm going to try to pick a
person that has a fine mind, good judgment, wide experience in the law and in the problems of real people, and
someone with a big heart.
- Exchange with reporters at the Downtown Child Development Center, Atlanta, Georgia.
60
March 20, 1993
Saturday radio address on the economic plan.
Issues statement on the situation in Russia in support of Russian President Yeltsin.
61
March 21, 1993
62
March 22, 1993
63
March 23, 1993
News conference (number 7) on the economic plan and aid to Russia.
Remarks to Democratic Governors' Association, state officials and business leaders.
64
March 24, 1993
Meets with Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev.
Meets with Governor Pedro J. Rossello of Puerto Rico.
65
March 25, 1993
Senate passes Budget Resolution, basic outline of the economic plan.
Meets with Foreign Minister Zlenko of Ukraine.
Working dinner with Members of the House of Representatives on the Administration's policy toward Russia.
66
March 26, 1993
Meets with German Chancellor Kohl.
News conference (number 8) with Chancellor Kohl.
Meets with Bosnian President Izetbegovic.
Working dinner with Senators on the Administration's policy toward Russia.
Names Commerce Secretary Brown to lead Cabinet-wide effort on the economy in California.
67
March 27, 1993
Radio address on the economic plan and the jobs package.
Signs into law an act to extend the Export Administration Act of 1979 and authorize appropriations under the Act
for f1SC8l years 1993 and 1994.
Addresses Gridiron Qub Dinner.
68
March 28, 1993
69
March 29, 1993
Executive Order on International Development Law Institute.
70
March 30, 1993
Makes available FY 1993 emergency appropriations for the Departments of Agriculture and Education to provide
assistance for victims of recent natural disasters.
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
8
�o!!j~NTON ACTION
71
March 31, 1993
Cabinet meeting (number 3).
Signs Memorandum on Certification of Major Narcotics Producing and Transit Countries.
72
April 1, 1993
Congress passes basic outline of the economic plan just six weeks after the President's State of the Union Address;
for the first time in 17 years, Budget Resolution conference report is passed before the legal deadline.
Meets with bipartisan Congressional leadership.
Transmits to Congress the proposed Comprehensive Child Immunization Act of 1993.
Signs into law an act to extend the suspended implementation of certain requirements of the food stamp program on
Indian reservations and for other purposes.
Addresses Naval Academy Midshipmen, Annapolis, Maryland.
Outlines aid to Russia in address to the American Society of Newspaper Editors, Annapolis, Maryland.
quote
"Just today, the Congress passed the heart of my economic program, a long term plan to drastically reduce the deficit
and increase investment in our nation's future. After years of policies that have diminished our future, Washington
has finally realized that the best social program is a good job, and the best route to deficit reduction is a growing
economy founded on a bold plan of change that will both cut spending and increase investment to empower the
working people of our country. •
- Address to the American Society of Newspaper Editors, Annapolis, Maryland
quote
"Decisions command attention. Crises drive action. But it is only with an overriding sense of purpose, drawn from
their history and their cultures, that great nations can rise above the daily tyranny of the urgent to construct their
security, to build their prosperity, to advance their interests, and to reaffirm their values.
...like a wise homeowner who recognizes that you cannot stop investing in your house once you buy it, we cannot
stop investing in the peace now that we have obtained it ....vision must drive our investment and our engagement in
this new world.
Nowhere is that engagement more important than in our policies toward Russia and the newly independent states of
the former Soviet Union. Their struggle to build free societies is one of the great human dramas of our day. •
- Address to the American Society of Newspaper Editors, Annapolis, Maryland
73
April 2, 1993
Holds Forest Conference, Portland, Oregon; conference convenes interests at odds over management of the Nation's
forests in the Pacific Northwest.
Declares major disaster in the state of New York due to effects of the bombing of the World Trade Center and in
the state of Nebraska as a result of severe March flooding and ice jams, authorizing emergency relief assistance.
74
April 3, 1993
Meets with Canadian Prime Minister Mulroney, Vancouver, BC.
Summit with Russian President Yeltsin, Vancouver, BC.
Lunch meeting with Prime Minister Mulroney and President Yeltsin.
Radio address on the economic plan and aid to Russia package.
Working dinner with President Yeltsin.
15
April4, 1993
Summit with Russian President Yeltsin, Vancouver, BC.
News conference (number 9) with President Yeltsin.
Issues Vancouver Declaration: Joint Statement of. the Presidents of the United States and the Russian Federation.
76
AprilS, 1993
Throws out first pitch at opening day, baseball game between the Baltimore Orioles and Texas Rangers, Oriole Park
at Camden Yards, Baltimore, Maryland.
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
9
�DAY
CLINTON ACTION
77
April 6, 1993
Meets with Egyptian President Mubaralt.
News conference (number 10) with President Mubaralt.
Signs act providing for temporary increase in the public debt limit.
78
April 7, 1993
Signs enabling legislation providing for the "National Commission to Ensure a Strong Competitive Airline Industry".
79
April 8, 1993
Submits budget to Congress.
Meets with Defense Secretary Aspin and Joint Chiefs of Staff at the Pentagon.
80
April 9, 1993
Announces the White House will send to Congress proposed legislation to extend fast track for the Uruguay Round
of the GATI negotiations.
81
April 10, 1993
82
April 11, 1993
83
April12, 1993
Remarks to the First Technology Reinvestment Project Conference via Satellite.
Issues statement on jobs package and immunization of children.
Announces that General Vessey will travel to Vietnam as the President's Special Emissary for POW/MIA Affairs.
In first engagement outside of NATO territory, NATO forces begin enforcement of no-fly zone in Bosnia, a policy
urged by the President and adopted by the U.N.
'84
April 13, 1993
Hosts town meeting to discuss Summer Jobs proposal and school to work training for young Americans, with
Seceratries Riley of Education and Reich of Labor and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, via satellite.
Remarks at Ceremony honoring 250th anniversary of Thomas Jefferson's Birth, Jefferson Memorial.
quote
'"The genius of Thomas Jefferson was his ability to get the most out of today while never taking his eye off tomorrow,
to think big while enjoying the little things of daily life. Perhaps most important, he understood that in order for us
to preserve our timeless values, people have to change. And free people need to devise means by which they can
change profoundly and still peacefully.•
- Remarks at Ceremony honoring the 250th anniversary of the birth of Thomas Jefferson, Jefferson Memorial
8S
April 14, 1993
Remarks at Summer Jobs conference on jobs package, Crystal City, Virginia.
Releases letter to Congressional leaders consistent with War Powers Resolution, advising of actions in support of
United Nations efforts in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
86
April 15, 1993
Remarks to Law Enforcement Organizations on jobs package provision for hiring police officers.
87
April 16, 1993
Announces jobs package revisions to break gridlock in the Senate; reduces size of package by 25%, but reduces jobs
created by only 18%; maintains original full funding for unemployment benefits, highway improvements, summer
jobs, childhood immunization, Ryan White program for AIDS victims, wastewater treatment, food safety, and
assistance to small businesses; new provision includes $200 million for new police hiring.
Meets with Japanese Prime Minister Miyazawa.
News conference (number 11) with Prime Minister Miyazawa.
88
April17, 1993
Remarks on the jobs package, Pittsburgh Airport, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
Interview with KDKA radio, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
Radio address on the jobs package, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
89
April 18, 1993
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
10
�DAY
CLINTON ACTION
90
April 19, 1993
91
April 20, 1993
92
April 21, 1993
93
April 22, 1993
94
April 23, 1993
95
April 24, 1993
96
April 25, 1993
97
April 26, 1993
98
April 27, 1993
99
April 28, 1993
100
April 29, 1993
100DAYS.CW 04/19/93 19:08
11
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is over. The power of the Presidency no longer seeks special protections for the rich but
better opportunities -- from jobs, to education, to health care security -- for iill
Americans. The Family and Medical Leave Act, signed two weeks after the
Inauguration, and extended unemployment insurance are two early, critical movements in
this new direction.
Less than a month into his term, the President delivered a dramatic State of the Union
Address on the American economy and his economic plan to a Joint Session of Congress· .
on February 17. By Aprill, the Congress had passed the·broad outline of his plan in
record time. For the first time in 17 years, the budget resolution had been passed before
its legal deadline.
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21st century, and nearly $500 billion in deficit reductions, the largest attack on the
federal deficit in history. The plan is a dramatic shift away from the budgets of the last
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office, he became the first President in a century to deliver an address to Congress. That speech initiated the sweeping economic
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Hundred Days
that subject in a long memorandum to Roosevelt on
the state and structure of U.S. foreign policy, present
and pro.Rpecrive.
"Hull,'' Bullitt wrote, "has an old line American
wisdom which is so great .... Moreover, his prestige
in the nation is unique. He is far more trusted rhan
any other member of your administration. . . . But
Hull's authority in his own Department has been nibbled at so long by various subordinates.... The first
step toward getting the same drive into our fight for
peace rhat we now have in our fight for vic:tory is to
give Hull orders to dismiss any and every member of
his Department or rhe Foreign Service that he chooses
ro get rid of and to strengthen his Department in
every possible way; and to take on his own shoulders--with responl"libility to you alone-rhe nght for
peace .... It is not yet too late. It soon will he too
la~e."
Ncothing, however, came of these and similar rec·
ommendations. Given his other overwhelming wartime responsibilities, FDR was not inclined to expend
his limited time and energy to reorganize the State
Department, with whose !"ltruc::ture, if not operation,
he had become reasonably comfortable.
By mid-1944, Hull knew that his rapidly waning
physical powers demanded his early retirement. Ap·
proaching his seventy-third birthday, Hull found himself utterly exhausted. Breckenridge Long recorded
Hull as saying thar 1-e was "tired of intrigue ... tired
of being bypassed . . . tired of br.ing relied upon in
public and ignored in private."
Roosevelt was well aware of Hull's undiminished political stature. He wanted Hull to deliver
some "nonpolitical" foreign policy speeches during
the 1944 campaign, but Hull politely ignored h:m.
In any case, FDR wamed Hull to (;t:ly on until after
the election, and to that the secretary agreed. On 27
November, after visiting Hull at Bethesda Naval Hos·
pita!, Roosevelt announced his retirement and the
succession of Under Secretary of Stare Edward R.
Stetrinius, Jr.
Discussing Hull's retirement at a special news
conference, Roosevelt remarked that "as a matter of
practical fa~;t, of ~;ourse" Hull would be "in dose
touch and do everything that he can possibly do to
carry on and carry out the wonderful start that he has
made on the United Nations' plan, aiming toward
pe:tce during everybody's lifetime at least." Nothing
came of Roosevelt's ex:pec:tation, and less rhan si~
months later, the president himself was dead.
In November 1945, Hull was awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize, the third U.S. secretary of state-after
Elihu Root (1912) and Frank B. I<eHogg (1929)-to
be so honored.
In quietly active retirement, Hull, with the aASistancc of several former Stare Department aides, wrote
a two-volume memoir-calm, dispassionate, discreetly revealing, proud of achievement, brief on
slights and failures su£fere.~that :~ppeared to highly
favorable reviews in 1948. ···
Hull died in 1955 after an extended illness.
"Cordell Hull," observed rhe New York Times, "will
rank among our great Secretaries of State besides rhe
foremost statesmen of his time. The epic: years in
whidt he served this nation would alone have given
him eminenc:c. His own qualities-his integriey, cour·
age, steadfastness, hwnan digrJty and scope of min~
mark the true measure of his stature."
Cordell Hull told his own story at lengm in his twovolume Memoirs (New York: Macmillan, 1948), a work of
lasting inrere5t. julius W. Pran's two-volume biography,
volumes ll and 13 of the series The American Sec;f'etaries
of SU&te arrd Their Diploma.cy (New York: Cooper Square,
1964), is a helpful inuoducrion to Hull, his timet; and hi~
problems. The volumes for 193~1944 in the State
Department's documentary series Foreign Relations of the
United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing
Office, 190-1967) contain some of Hull's most important
official papers. There are others to be found in the State
Department's Pear.e and War-Un.ited States Foreign
Policy 1931-1941 (Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, 1943), and in the: seventeen-volume series
Franklm D. Roosevelt and Foreign Affairs, vols. 1-.3, ed.
Edgar B. Nixon (Cambridge, Mass.: B.:lknap Press,
Harvard University Press, 1969); vols. ~16, ed. Donald B.
~hewe (New York: Clearwater Publi»hing Co., 1979).
Herbert .Feis, 1933-Characters in Crisis (Boston: Liale,
Brown, 1966), one of several illuminating volumr:s by one
of Hull's ablest associates, treats some of the Secretary's ·
early problems. Charles A. ~rei, President Roosevelt and
the Coming of War, 1941 (New Haven: Yale: Unive!"$ity
Press, 1948) is rc:prcscntative of the bitter isolationist
criticism of Hull and Roosevelt and should be: compared
with William L. Langer and S. Everett Gleason's masterful
The Chtzllenge to Iso14tion 1937-1940 (New York:
Ha.-,er, 1952) and The Undeclared Wt%11940-194.1 (New
York: Harper, 1953). Robert Dallek, Franklin D.
Roosewlt and Amll'Tican Foreign Pnlicy 1932-1945 (New
Yur~: Oxford University Press, 1979), is a competent
introd\l~on to Rooseveltian diplomacy, generally
sympathetic to the pre!iident, less so to Hull.
FRA!IICJS 1.. LOEWENHEIM
See also foreign Economic Policy; foreign Policy;
Good
N~ighbor
Policy; Reciprocal Trade Agreements
H und.red Days
The hundred days of 1933 beean the political and
economic New Deal programs of President franklin
D. Roosevelt.
''This nation is asking for action. and action
now," declared Roosevelt in his inaugural address on
4 March 1933. Roosevelt matched his bold rhetoric
by launching New Deal relief and recovery programs
with a remarkable series of fifteen major laws enacted
from 9 March to the early hours of 16 June 1933.
Dubbed the "hundred days" by newsmen, the name:
derived from Napoleon's return to power for one
hundred days before the Battle of Water:loo in 1815.
For Roosevelt, however, it meant that in ju5t over
three months his j.'u:-esidem.-y b~camc: based on a solid
foundation of progressive legislation with a liberal
leadership image.
When Roosevelt took office as 32d president, the
United States was suffering its worsr depression ever,
�Ill 003
FDR LIBRARY
1,.1
I'~
,I
Hundred Days
~:Jright,
New York Americ;m, 18 M12rcb !933.
: ut of a wotldwide calamity. Unemployment aver·
' ;ed 2J
percent nationally in a work force of about
~ 0 million. But manufacturing industries had a job-
rate averaging 35 percent, and construction suf·
the highest at 75 percent. Ec:onomic::ally, the do·
i::IC:stk c:~,;onomy was stagnatin&, and numerous trade
::arc-uers reduced the flow of foreign commerce. So·
; tally, statistics indicated the human ~ost: marriages,
i'irths, and deaths were decreasing, while suicides,
:, rime, and insanity were: inc;reasing. Psychologically,
1'e gteat mass of Amerieans lived in quiet despair.
The i!'laction seemingly gripping the feoerai gov·
::rnment under President Herbert Hoover's leadership
,:r;ided to the banking crisis of late February and early
'!latch 1933. Almost every bank in the nation was
tlo:ot~d by 4 March. Over J,500 banks with assets of
li3.4 billion had dosed since 1930. Roosevelt's procllmation of 6 March declared a four-day bank
. :s.c;
l·:~red
law on 12 May. From his first legislative request on
9 Marc;h to approval of the controversial Independent
Offi~:es Appropriation Act (containing severe cuts in
vetetans' compensation) on 16 June, the presidenr
led, persuaded, and compelled Congress to pass the
most impressive relief and recovery program to date:.
Roosevelt's 1933 New Deal was based on the
triple-priority programs of the Agrieuh:ural Adjustment Administration (AAA) for farm relief, the Economy Act for fiscal prudence, and the National
Recovery Administration (NRA) for business and labor recovery. However, the president also approved
the Civilian Conservation Corps (31 March) to employ a quarter million young men; the Federal Emc:rgcney Relief Administration (12 May) to deal with
unemployment and hunger; the Emcrgenq Farm
Mortgage Act (12 May) and the Home Owners' Loan
Corporation (13 June) to refinance farm and home:
mor~gages. respectively; the Tennessee Valley Author·
iry (18 May) to revive an entire devastated region; the
Securities Act (2.7 May) to pr('vide investors with accurate information about investments; the Railroad
CootdinatiolJ Act (16 June) to induce railroad self-re·
organization; and the Glass-Steagall Banking Ac.t (16
June) with its provision for the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation-which fDR resisted until the end.
Amid.o;t daily headlines in almost every American
newspaper describing the potpourri of New Deal
bills, Roosevelt deftly captivated public: attention. Beginning on 8 Mareh, he held the first of twice-a-week,
195
i
Ding Darling,
Nr:w York Her·
aid Tribune, 9
Apri/1933. (~
l.M. T. Corpord-
tio'l. R.q,rinttd ~
·pemrissio11.)
THE REST OF THE BOYS MICHl' AS WELL CET READY
WHILE THERE'S PLENTY OF HOT WATER
CWIIIfU,aa::r. .... .-. . ~.-.
Lo!i,~ay.
Roosevelt changed those conditions and that di·
:nate of opinion with the soon famous hundred days
pec:ial session of the 73rd Congre.o;.c;_ lhe new prcsilcnr.'s leadership provided "action now" and, per·
itaps more important, hope and inspirativn. First, the
i>r~:ident requested legislation-planned primarily by
i1oldover Republican officials-to deal with the bank:l'lg crisis. Congress enactt"d rhe Emergency Banking
Act in a few hours on 9 March, the first day of the
:lpecial session. On 10 March, Roosevelt recomllcndcd a bill to provide over $4 billion in govc:rn:ncm.al economies. The harried Congress passed dlat
'cgislation in just over a week, thus helping FOR keep
3is 1932 pledge to cut government costs by 2S
!)et.;cnt.
6y 16 March Roosevelt had decided to keep
Congress in session, rather rhan adjourning. He indi·
~ted that decision by recommendins passage of the
!\gricultural Adjustment Act, whi~h finally became
.!
�FDR LIBRARY
.
~''f.
Iii 004
Hyde 1\uk
infow~al pres~; conferences, which totaled 30 during
the hundred days (almost 1,000 dud:1g four of his
cwelvc: yr.ars in office). The frequent picrure.~ by ubiquitous W11ite House phomgrapherl!>-all carefully ar·
ranged by press sec:rt:tary Steve Early-and Roosevelt's two highly :<1uccessful "fireside chat" broadc;asts
(12.March and 7 May) also h~lped capture the public'!i ir:rerest
The activist president also conferred endlessly
with key polic:y advisers such as Raymond Maley and
Lewis \VJ. Doughu• r,s weH as with government ofncials, senators and rc:prcsentarive.s, businessmen, and
others. In addirion., Roosevelt gave numerous public
speeches, hdd talks wilh rt:pr~sematives of lon:1gn
nations, and dir-:cted foreign policymaking-which
culminated in the World Economic Conference at
London.
During those hectic days Roosevelt also r.urned
the White House into a living symbol of positive
thinking and cheerfulness. "The truth is that F.D.
really loves the appurtenances of the jl)b," adviser
Rexford G. Tugwell recorded in his diary on 31 May
1933. Th:n point rapidly became evident to the publ.ic, and it helped Roosevelt restore hope and confidence across the nation.
Roosevelt's campaign and ina~guration had
aroused great expectationli. ln the hundred d~ys, he
satisfied rMny of his constituents' hopes. But the pl"eSidt·nt's enduring achkvcment!i in 1933 were: the crea·
rion both of public hope a.nd confidence and of a
moderately c:onservarive Nc:w Deal foundation upon
which he could build.
Arthur M. Schbinger, Jr., The Coming of the New Deal
(Bvstnn: HQ\Ighton Miffltn Co. 195R) wns the first detailed
J11al~s1s of FDR',; t:arly New Denl in 1933-34. Schlc:singrr
i~"lduded signiiicnnr, colorful rn:m:rial on the hundred days,
employing a liberal intcrp?ct•uion of fOR's aims and
m.ult.~. Wilhnm E. Leuchtenbur~. Franklin D. Rooswe/1
and rhc New Deal, 19.12-1940 (New York: Harpr:r &
.6ro~ .• 196 3) remains tht: most balanced ar;r;ount of the
~:ndr~ New Deal en, with a uschli o;hapter on 1!133. Fr:ank
Freidel, Franklin D. RoO$t!lleit, vol. 4, Lau11ching the New
Deal (Row:m: Utrle, Brown &. Co., 1973) is the mast
~omplete and judicious di!>eussion of FOR's domestic and
fore•gr: policies frnrr. ~ov~mber 1!732 through )1.1ly 193J.
Covering the Si.II':':E' re.nod, .James E. Silrgcm, RoOSill!cll and
the Ht41tdrt•d Days~ Smtggle for the £urfy New Deal (New
York: Carland, 198 1) is a w::~nt analysis primarily of
FDF\'s domestic New De:al. Sargent srr~st:J the Jifficultics
the pr!:!iident had wilh Congres• and the c;ontradictions
bl?rween his lib~ral image \And the mod~rately cunservativr
~ubM:ance of New Deal pr•.1grams.
jAM!iS E.. SARGENT
!:icc also eo~Brc:ss, l)nitcd States; Grc:;~t [)epression~
New Deal; Reg'.llation, Feder:tl
Hyde Park
Town and village in Dutchess County, New York, on
the eastern bank of the Ht!d::;on River five miles north
of Poughkeepsie, where President Franklin D. Roosevelt w:~s born on 30 January 1882 ili'Jd was buried on
15 April 1945.
Although Hyde Pnrk owes irs measure of renown
to its association with the: Roosevelts, and especially
with President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the family's
connection with t.he town was of rc:lativdy brief spall.
Roosevelts had held property and resided elsewhere
in Dutchess County from the eighteenth century. But
the house in Hyde Park in which Franklin Roosevelt
was born in 1882 had been purchased by his father,
James Roosevelt, only fifteen years c:arlier, and upon
FOR's death in 1945, it passed inro rhe hands of the
National Park Servit:e as a national historic site. Mrs.
Eleanor Roosevelt continued to reside in the town, in
her place at Vai·Kill, until her dc:arh in 1962. That
ended the Roosevdts' direct association with Hyde
Park, and at present no members of the family reside
in the town.
The earliest European settlement of the vicinity
da:es to about 1700. At thar time, jacobus Stoutenburgh, a farmc:r-merchant of Dutch descent, settled
his family in the area. Members of rhe Sroutenburgh
family still reside in Hyde Park today, and tor gc:ncrations the village was known as "Stoutenburgh's." At
about tht: same time, one Peter Fauconnier, personal
secretary to the then royal governor of New York,
Edward Hyde, Lord Cornbury, was granted the patent for a sizeable esratc: in the vicinity which he called
Hyde Park in gratitude to his patron. When the town
was irlCOrporated in 1821, rhe name of the estate was
appropriated for it, somewhat to the diseornfitl,lf¢ of
the owners. Tilere i$ no connc:ction with the famous
London park of the same name.
In the mid-eighteenth century, Fauconnier's estate passed through marriage into the Bard famiiy of
New York City, apart from tht: Rooscvdts the most
celebrated inhabitants of the village. Dr. John Bard,
the lirst American educated abroad ~s a physician,
held Hyde Park until his death in 1799, whe11 it
passed to his son Dr. Samuel Bard, foundel' of the
College cf Physician:; and Surgeons .!n New York
City, and ultimately to his grandson William Bard. In
1828 W'illiam Bard sold it to a medical colleague, Dr.
David Hosack of New York City. The Bards and
Hosacks were enrhusiastic "improvers" and horticulturists, and through their efforts the estate was devel·
oped over the years as 11n extensive arborerum, one of
the first in this country and still the object of praise
bv sil·1iculturisrs. The efforrs of the Bards a!'ld Hos·
a~ks wen: extended and inrensined when the estate
wa!l purchased in the 1890s by the late Frederick J.
Vanderbilt, who also adorned it with a hulking great
mansion in the approved beaux arts scylc: of the time.
After Vanderbilt's death in 1938, the property was
deeded to the U.S. government and is now the Val'l·
dcrbilt National Historical Site, managed by the Na:
Lional l>:.trk Service conjointly wirh rhe Home OI
Franklin D. Roosevelt National Historic Site and the
Eleanor Roosevelt National Historic Site: at Val-.Kill.
Midway between New York Ciry and Albany
and overshadowed by its larger neighbor Poughkeep·
sic, Hyde Park developed only slowly during the nineteenth century. The town, or more properly township, numbered 2,800 individuals ar the time of the
1880 census just before Franklin Roosevelt's birth
�Legislative Leader 463
every home, and the pace of events has quickened demonstrably; but coalitions of support also seem more fleeting, and governing appears all the more difficult. The world
is smaller, and public expectations about government are
greater, creating for the presidency a burden of leadership
that may, scholars speculate, prove too great to carry. 66
This is not to argue that presidents have no control
over their own destinies, but the extent of their control
seems at times to dep~nd less on personal intellect and skill
than on the social, political, and economic contexts within
which they govern. It also depends on the relative quiescence or independence of other governing institutions, particularly Congress.
Lyndon Johnson, for example, was a master of the
legislative process, having had a long career as House member, senator, and, later, Senate majority leader. Nonetheless, in 1965 his ability to promote and attain the most
sweeping of social programs since Roosevelt's first Hundred Days depended just as much on the trauma of John
Kennedy's assassination, a national mood supporting broad
social change, and an especially cooperative congressional
majority after his sweeping 1964 election victory as it did
on his legislative skills. Johnson's successes in 1965, when
Congress approved some 69 percent of his requests, was
tempered by knowledge that times would soon change. 67 "I
have watched the Congress from either the inside or the
outside, man and boy, for more than 40 years," Johnson
commented early in 1965, "and I've never seen a Congress
that didn't eventually take the measure of the president it
was dealing with." 66
Carter discovered that reality acutely very early in his
administration when a Congress strongly dominated by his
own party proved skeptical of his comprehensive energy
plan. Carter's problems in 1977 and later stemmed not only
from his relative lack of experience in and even distaste for
Washington politics, but from the very changes to have
taken place in Congress, and in American politics generally,
during the preceding decade. Congress had become far
more open, more fragmented, and more independent in the
interim, forcing presidents to adapt to new ways of influencing the legislature. Lyndon Johnson had been able to
push through his Great Society programs largely on his
ability to rally key committee chairs and other congressional leaders, but Carter found it necessary to lobby virtually every member, a decidedly more difficult and frustrating task. Even Reagan, whose masterful rhetorical skills
helped him translate his 1980 election victory into early
legislative success, found his later efforts frustrated by his
inability to induce Congress to follow his lead. Lyndon
Johnson's warning is an apt one.
The question of context thus is essential to analyzing a
president's ability to set the agenda of government and to
persuade Congress to enact those priorities. According to
presidential scholar Louis Koenig, Congress most consistently follows presidential leadership in three situations.68
The first is during crises, when Congress and the nation
almost invariably turn to the president for leadership.
Roosevelt and the first Hundred Days is the most-cited
example, for it is almost impossible to conceive that the
New Deal could have been passed under "normal" political
conditions.
Second, matters of national security and foreign affairs, where the Constitution gives the presidency primacy,
find Congress generally more amenable to presidential initiatives. This was true particularly between World War II
and the end of the Vietnam War, when a general view that
party "politics ended at the water's edge" gave postwar
presidents an unparalleled range of flexibility. The tendency for Congress to accede to presidential demands in
defense and foreign policy issues led more than one president to cloak purely domestic programs in the mantle of
national security to obtain easier passage. The interstate
highway system, federal education programs, and the space
program all were defined as essential to national security or
pride-highways for easier movement of defense forces,
greater education spending to "catch up" to the Soviets
after the launch of Sputnik, and the Mercury, Gemini, and
Apollo programs to win the "space race." These programs
thus won far greater national support than they might have
otherwise.
Third, presidents reap benefits from "abnormal" contexts-the combined effects of skilled political leaders, superior partisan dominance in Congress, changing societal
values, and, especially, timing. Virtually every newly
elected president enjoys a postelection "honeymoon" with
Congress, a period during which the new occupant of the
White House can push priorities within an atmosphere of
general cooperation. Presidents from Roosevelt to the
present usually have had their greatest legislative successes
in the first six months following their initial election to
office. Their success has varied, depending on the president's own abilities, the dominant national mood, and the
strength of congressional majorities.
In sutn, the ability of any president to dominate the
agenda of government, to plan and propose new initiatives,
and to lobby successfully on their behalf depends on more
than personal skills or intellect. The character of the U.S.
political system, the nature of the times, and the types of
issues under debate, all affect the extent to which any
president can influence the national agenda and the legislative process.
The State of the Union Address
The annual State of the Union Address has become
since the 1930s an essential and powerful instrument by
which presidents seek to influence the national agenda. It
is today the primary means by which presidents review
their past accomplishments and outline their future goals,
yet this constitutional requirement that presidents give
Congress information on the state of the Union has not
always played so central a role in presidential strategies.
Both George Washington and John Adams appeared personally before Congress to deliver their annual messages,
but Thomas Jefferson in 1801 dropped the practice and
instead submitted his reports in writing. Jefferson's action
appeared to stem from his dislike of a practice that had its
roots in the British Parliament, which opened each session
with a speech from the king or queen. By eliminating what
he saw as a quasi-monarchical rite, historian Arthur M.
Schlesinger, Jr., has noted, Jefferson hoped to instill stronger republican values in the still-new American system of
government. 70
Eighteenth century presidents continued Jefferson's
practice, and it was not until 1913 that a president appeared again before Congress and personally delivered an
address. Woodrow Wilson, who believed that the role of the
presidency included strong personal appeals to the nation
and to Congress, revived the ritual begun under Washington. In his first personal appearance before Congress for a
special messge on finance, Wilson expressed his general
�Legislative Leader 461
having no clear constituency boundaries. Moreover, popular perceptions that Congress was not attentive to emerging
national and international problems legitimized the notion
of an energetic president. The constitutional forms of the
two branches in most respects would stay the same, but
their dynamics would change subtly as the nation itself
entered a new era.
Theodore Roosevelt, who once said the president "can
be as big a man as he can," could be called the first
exponent of the "new" presidency.&9 Roosevelt was keenly
aware that his was the only purely national voice, and he
saw the Oval Office as a "bully pulpit" for stimulating
public opinion and pushing legislation through Congress.
"In theory the Executive has nothing to do with legislation," Roosevelt later wrote in his Autobiography.
1,
In practice, as things are now, the Executive is or ought to
be peculiarly representative as a whole. As often as not
the action of the Executive offers the only means by
which the people can get the legislation they demand and
ought to have. Therefore a good executive under the
present conditions of American political life must take a
very active interest in getting the right kind of legislation,
in addition to performing his executive duties with an eye
single to the public welfare. ••
Roosevelt tried to practice what he preached. Largely
on the strength of the president's advocacy and wide newspaper publicity, the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906, a
landmark consumer law that established the Food and
Drug Administration, was pushed through a Congress dominated by agriculture and business interests. Roosevelt also
established the national park system, attacked monopolies,
and negotiated the end to a war between Japan and Russia
(for which he won the Nobel Peace Prize).
Even more instructive was Roosevelt's decision to send
a U.S. naval squadron on a global tour. Congress refused to
appropriate money for the "show the flag" exercise, but
Roosevelt scraped together enough funds from other naval
accounts to send the fleet halfway around the world. He
then publicly challenged Congress to provide enough
money to bring the ships home. Public opinion so strongly
supported Roosevelt that Congress quickly surrendered.
Although Roosevelt was unique in many waysboundless in energy, aggressively intellectual, eager for
public acclaim-his legacy would not disappear. The nation and Congress had been given a taste of energetic
presidential leadership, and succeeding chief executives
would find both the public and Congress more receptive to
their initiatives.
William Howard Taft, Roosevelt's immediate successor and noted advocate of a far less grandiose view of the
office, nonetheless was the first president to present draft
legislation formally to Congress. 81 Woodrow Wilson in 1913
became the first president since John Adams to deliver his
State of the Union message personally before a joint session of Congress. He thereafter used the address as a statement of his legislative agenda and to put into practice his
belief that the president should lead government more
actively. 82 Wilson also made bold assertions of his right to
guide legislation, arguing in a special address to Congress,
"I have come to you as the head of the government and the
responsible leader of the party in power to urge action now,
while there is time to serve the country deliberately, and as
we should, in a clear air of commori counsel." 83 The object
of his speech, the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, was drafted
largely in conferences at the White House, with Wilson
personally in charge.
I
The Roosevelt Model
Despite gradual changes in the presidency during the
early 1900s, the office remained a largely negative force in
opposition to Congress, not the source of initiative and
leadership Americans are used to (and demand) today.
Theodore Roosevelt or Woodrow Wilson could take the
lead in selected instances, particularly when conditions for
presidential initiative were most favorable, but the office
itself lacked mechanisms for sustained legislative influence.
In the 1930s, however, the office underwent major, permanent changes; in many ways the actions of Franklin Roosevelt prefaced the contemporary presidency.
Franklin Roosevelt came to office in 1933 as the nation
faced unprecedented economic and social pressures. The
Great Depression devastated the national economy, forcing
millions into unemployment and crippling public faith in
government. Herbert Hoover (1929-1933) had relied on the
market system and its leaders to resolve the crisis, but
many voters thought this confidence was misplaced and
believed that Hoover was to blame for the country's hardships. As a result, Hoover suffered a humiliating defeat in
the 1932 presidential election. The emergency required
major action and gave Roosevelt the opportunity to take
the lead in ways no peacetime president ever had. Congress, which itself had proved unable to resolve the crisis,
awaited strong direction. Conditions for redefining the very
essence of the presidency were never so ripe.
Roosevelt's immediate attack on the depression would
go down in U.S. history as the most sweeping and sustained
rearrangement of national domestic policies ever made.
During the famous "first Hundred Days" of Roosevelt's
first term, Congress in special session gave the new president a blank check to remold the federal government, to
introduce new programs, and to do almost anything to turn
the economy around. Roosevelt and his battalions of energetic New Dealers took on the task with an almost joyful
gusto, pushing major legislation through a willing Congress
with unparalleled speed between March 9 and June 15,
1933. (See box, The First Hundred Days of Franklin D.
Roosevelt, p. 462.) As presidential scholar Clinton Rossiter
said of Roosevelt, "In the first Hundred Days he gave
Congress a kind of leadership it had not known before and
still does not care to have repeated." 84
I
I
i
I
j
I
II
I
~I
ii
!J
L1brary of Congreoss
President Theodore Roosevelt was an energetic legislative
leader, but his cousin Franklin D. Roosevelt went still further.
FOR redefined the role of national government through his
New Deal legislation and vastly expanded the size of the executive branch.
.I
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�'l'HI WHI'rB HOUSE
ottiaa ot the Pre11 secretary
Karch
lB,
19·93
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
A'l' RAtllO AND TV CORRISPOHDEN'l'S
ASSOCIATION DINNER
'l'he Wathington Hilton
Waahin;tcm, ZX:
'l'HI PRIS:tDENT: '1'1\ank you va:ey muob. ta4iea ancs
member• of the Radio an4 'l'elavision Correspon4enta
Aaaaaiation and honored ;ua1ta.
gan~lamen,
You 1 ve ~••n after me tor monthl for a formal p~eea
and hera it ia. (L•u;bter.) If yeu will a~ay until
@out ll\i4fti;ht, you wi11 ba inv:Lte4 to the f'irat l'UlHic aeeting at
e~ference,
Hillary'• task ferce.
(~ugbtar.)
You xnow why I can stiff yo~ on the preaa ~onferenca~?
Baaausa Larxy lin; li~rated .a from you by 9ivin~ me to the American
peapla direotly. 'l'nere he ia, the person you ouwht ~0 be mael at.
(Applause.)
There are ao many famcu. peo~le aere tonight, I hesitate
to call name1. I waa lookin; an4 looking and loo~in; tor Roane
~lacswe, but I xept locking at the NBC table,
(~ughter.)
Then r
raalize4 ha switched back ove~ hara ~aoa~~a he wai afraid if he 1at
tha~e, there ai;ht ~• model rockets under his seat.
(LaQ;ntet and
applause.)
How, there •~• • lot of i~tereatinq membera of ~y
here. One o: them my White House counaa1, !ernie
NU&aba~a•a avar there, a:l.tting i~ front of Roone.
Ha 1 a the oldeet
aan who worka tor the White HoQaa. H•'• actually only 33, but he
looks 90. (Lauqhtar.) And you nee4 to know th4t one of hie ~aba as
my White Houle ceunael wae ~o gat me an atto~ay general. You might
aa~, Why WQQlQ I keep a~ an incompetent arcund?
(Lauqnter.) The
man who ~ro~;ht ma zoe Baird and Rimba Wood and, ~e11eve it or not,
another dozen that fo~ egaa reason or another you nave~ ;ot 1n tba
ne'IIM~J:Iler -- (laughter) •• aU of Whom couldn't meet Sanator Bidan•e
test of nanny puri~y. (~au;hta~.)
~i~ia~ra~ian
well, an~ay, we finally iOt around to Janet Re"~· so,
in there about to announoa ~&net Reno, and my antennae were
picking up again, ~d I think, you know, aha baa really ;ot it and
sha mitht be a folk hera. And it mi;ht really wor~. But it it
daaan 1 t, what in the hell aa I ;oing to da. (~au;hter.) 'l'his is a
t~ue story. So ~i;ht bero~• we walk out, I taka Bernia over and walk
over in the earnar of the OVal Office and l sai~, NUssbaum, tb18 is
it, lf 8he 40eant~ work, ~o~tre ~oinq to haVe tO hava a &eX gh&ft98
operation. (Lau;h~ar and applau••·>
we'~e
x want to ~hank fOU for inviting mf staff tonigh~. You
know, they'r• awfUlly younq, and they're not uaeQ to this eort of
dre11•up .vent. (Lauqhter.) It 111 am&∈ to sea them --you know,
th• fQ~al wear, the qlamaroua hai~etyle•, the b•autiful earrings.
And the women look nice tonight, too. (Lau;hter.)
Another ihinq l wan~ to thank ygQ for is inviting ua all
to this h1;-h•dollar d{,nner. JJVan though my 1t.atf i11 eatinq Jor.ad and.
wate~ ton1~ht, they a~~~eiate baing invited,
(Lau~hter,)
It'e no~
the etb~o• rule• that'• Keeping them f~om eattn; th~• exp@nsive
MO:RZ
�....
dinner, it•a that thay•va been apan4in; so muah
~hey don·~ know how to let you teed tham.
~ima
feeding yau,
I do want to say this -- When I ho~~d ~aa~ ~hty'd all
baan
~nvit&Q, I wante~ tc ••• how thty were invited.
And sure
.nQ\lgb, YQ\l \'l8eci ~air flUI8& - - you Jcnow, MCLarty, Hyers, Herman, the
Whole nine yar41. Tbey a~l ggt 1nvited by thei~ namea. I wa• ju•t
•ln1~:~lutely oonvinoed it would be 11 h1gblY•:&~laoe4 'h"hite HQ\lae eoult'Qij,"
"administration officdal. II
I ju1t want to tell you, thauqh 1 wa•ra a11 aa happy to
l even let Ge0~4e !tay up ~a1t hia bedtime to coma tonight.
(~uqhter.)
I will 1ay one thinq, these youn~ ~o~le have really
gc;rtten P qoing. 'l'l'Ley•ve ta»an a lot of tble off '!ttY j~~in~. Of
oo\lrle, I nee4ed a lot of time off ay joqqing. About a month aqa,
the Secret Service told ae that Helen Tnemae we• gaininq on me in
hiib heelm, eo% •• (laughter).
be bere.
I do want ta aar that ycu never give me credit for tbiw.
Everybody says, well, you•ve navar had a press oonferenae, ~ou•ve
never bad a ~~8!! eoftfereftce. so I ~o back a~d I beat up on Gaorga
an4 Doe ~•, and I 1ay, they Bay l've never aad a ~res& c.onfere~ce.
And tbay aay, but yo\1 have an.w.~e~ more ~estion1 ainc• you've been
in oftiae than an~ reoant President. And you•v• dQne it &t what you
call a photo ap and what wa oa11 Andrea Hitahell-in•my•f&Qa•aga1n
aanaiane.
(Laughter.)
I will say thiD. I have taken same BUii••tian• tram the
press, like -- you kftow, a few weeke ago when I want out ta hypa my
stimulus program fo~ ~lie worx. ift washi~;ton, DO, with the xayor
and conqr•••woman Horton, Brit KUma aaid, WhY dOft'~ you wea~ a body
mi~? And l aai~, 1 think tbat'• a greet idea.
(Lau;hter.)
t do want to tbank •• by tb• way, X want to thank all of
you in tha praaa, avan those who uan 1 t so nice to me f~o• t.~• tc
time, far baing aa niaa ta mr kinder;arten friend, Ha;k McLarty,
Wh0 1 1 al&o sitting ova~ tbare at the NBC tab1aJ that'• beaauee he
used to be a Por4 dealer.
(Laughter and applauaa.)
coula you believe -- could you believe that Ross ?erot,
who com•• from TeK&I'~ana, only n miles from Maok Motart.:~•' a hou~oWl'l
of Hapa, 00\a up here the other C:ay aml attaC!Jtec'l :my Chief of staff,
Who ran a Partuna 400 oampanr -- attao~ed him a& a ~~inea• :a~lure.
He ju•~ reeenta it beaauae Maak•a a short ;uy with real power.
(Lauahter.)
I want ~o oeell you that the janing traok ia oominv
alonq nic•ly, and we ·~•et our o~ McDonald 1 a tn be aomp1ated by
fa~•·
(~ugbter.)
And James ca~ille 11 going to train all tha
people whg work behind the oountert and in eve~ bag
~ecyolad bags
.... you'll get a note wbich aay1, ''It's oarbohya~aua
~tupict."
(L•uwhter.)
I do want yau to know thi&. A lot of yo\1 we;-e ooncarnea
about
beeo•ift; Preaide~t. : know you ware. Yau tbo~;ht I wa• tQQ
inexper enoed to be in politics at thle laval. And fOU thoueht 1
oel'tainly l'Lac'l no bueineea oortduetin; the nation's foreign paliof, and
you w•~'• ~~ght. (taughter and applause.) aut you're atuak with me
now. And you've got to a~it, at least I loo~ ~ret~y good up thara.
I mean, thara•a rrancoi1 M~tterrana and Yitshak Rabift aftd JeanBertrand Arietide. (Applauae) An~ I wa~ohed all of Pr•aident
Reavan's press confe~engea, an~ : ~ow when to tilt my bead and
amila. (Laughter.)
mi
'l'heae ;uys like JU a J.ot batter than you think. I mean,
When I mat Jahn Kajar the otber niqht, he slappe~ me on the should~r
and maid, yau kngw 1 you don't logk anythinq like your paa•port
photoa. (Lau;h~er and 11pplause.) An4% said, well, 1 r•ally
HOD
�•••"TVYY"t'tl~
app~ec1ate that, ~ahn.
And there•• ~othtng personal ~n what ~ou
tried to do to ma -- (laughter) -· nothinq. An4 next week I'll send
you • nota ~o that effoot throuqh Jimmy Breslin when % name him our
anvor to Narthe~n Iro1~4. (Laughter.)
You knov, I love my Vice P~eaidant, and I really resent
the way Jay ~ max.e tun of b1~. You know, !n a few weeks tho Vioe
Preaident ana l a~e ;o1ng out to the graat Narthwolt. we're qoing to
oregon ror the Foro1t S~it and then wa•~e qoin~ to canada to see
Mr. Yeltsin. And, fOu know, tha Wall street Journal haG tb4t art1ole
the oth.r day &bout haw I've ~ade hut~in9 more faan1on~le. It'a
go1n9 to be Th• Creat ~erican HU«·in. (Lauqhter.) t•m 90in9 to hug
Ymlt•in and Al's qoin~ to huq a tree. (~~ghter.)
Well, if l kept go1n;, X'd give you 150 jokee -- 160
jokel -- (laY;hter) -- ;uarantead to reduee the humor
deficit, whign 1• odpplinv thia c:ountey and denyinq us of c:ontl"ol of
our future. (Laughter an4 applause,) Jo~•• that could be passed on
to our children. (Laughter.) Well, you haven't lau;ha4 at all of
tha. You may not Uke 'lilY 4eU.very, I just want yc;~\o\ to know thai:.
Ilm here to llaten, (Lau;nter.) I'll taka cetter pw1oh linea evan
from my apponenta, ~ut l want you to ba apeQif1o. (Lauwhtar.)
e~eeifie
Well, I'll till you one thin;, unlike Alan st.~son I've
stoo4 up nara fa~ 10 min\o\tea and haven't tal~ a einqle ott-color
joke. (l.aUtJht•r and applaWia.) You know, I lo'!ta the motor vote~
~ill and Alan batee it.
That•a bacau~e he•• not t~o -- with tba HTV
C~QWQ theee daya.
(Laughter.) H• called it the auto-rl"au4o ~111,
wbich% tbou;ht waa pretty fttftfty, (~uqhter.) AnQ I raa11cad they
we~e far the mato~ vo~er bill when they thought we were talking about
BMWa and Merce4ee. (Lauqhter.) ~t they took the welfmra Cadillacs
aut of it yesterday.
l want tQ •ay loaethint soriaua, it I can brinq myself
to do it. I want to thank all at you for the vork that you c~. I
th~nk you bave a diff!oult jab. Each of us sees tba wo~l~ in
different waym and the whole complex interplay of the press and
people in pu&lia lit$.1& deeiqnea somehow to q~ve the Amu~ioan paopla
a kalaidoac:ope of opi~!on, a mountain of fagta orvanize4 in waya that
will an~ble ~hem to q;asp it, 10 that somehow thef -- no~ you or me
-- they ean be the main acto~a in tbe great Amerioan damoc:racy,
I
'l'boua J,ffereon, reoovnhcc! it a long tiu ago and
thosa of you who bave;read a lot at our history know that he qot a
p~atty rouvh pruaa tr~ tima to tiae.
But he eaid he woul4 do
anyth1n9 beta~• be wa~ld give up the freodem ot the p~e11. So : want
to thank all of you to~ the jo~ you do when it'• hard on me And when
it'• fun.
I want tQ·say a •P8~Lal word of thanks to Caorga
and to?D•• Ce• ~ere fo~ t~ing to reprase~t my
interest every4ay. ~ some dayu I make it pretty daa-qum ha~ to
40. aut they &lao ~·p~eaent your interest to mo.
.
ste~anopoulos
t•ve had}a good time to~iqht. I've enjoye~ the 4inner
gonvarsation. I waa \~reseed that cokie RODerta hag enouwh sense to
gat out of hore before I started telling theBe »aQ jokos. And l
than~ all of you for 1ovtn9 your country anougb to ;athe~ like this
and to tive your livos to a care•~ whi~b is often thankless, which
temetimes IUbj•ct• you to ~ju•t criticism, too.
I ask that tn the month• and yea~& ahead fOU stay
faitbtul to yourselvaa and to your cauee. Nuver lose your eanaa ot
humor. And rem.mbe~ ~t most of us who do thia on both sidaG1 do it
because we love ou~ c9~~y and p~efer to believe tbat an effort made
t04ay can aaka it ~~t~er tomorrow. tt•a a good way to live a lite.
Thank
~ou
an4 vaod night.
END
(Apptause.)
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Carol Rasco to Ann Walker re: 100 Days Document (I page)
04/16/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
OA/Box Number: 4273
FOLDER TITLE:
100 Days Document
2008-0699-F
r9
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act·
144 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) ofthe PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom oflnformation Act- )S U.S.C. SS2(b))
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOlA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOlA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOlA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOlA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOlA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOlA)
�THE FIRST 100 DAYS
DAY
CLINTON
1
January 20, 1993 J N lhJ(yt)t<A77fMI
Ointon signs Executive Order on Executive Appointee Ethics.
e>r
3 -e vo.fes
WAP~""""' ;rx::_
eerwt
e~a.c~. ]~pa/~ ~
2
January 21, 1993
Memorandum to OMB Director Abolishing Council on Competitiveness.
Meets with senior White House staff.
3
January 22, 1993
Revokes Reagan and Bush Restrictions on Abortion Counseling, Fetal1issue Research, Abortions in Military Hospitals, Mexico Qty Policy, RU-486.
Swearing-in ceremony for Cabinet and Cabinet meeting.
4
January 23, 1993
Telephone conversations with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel.
Meets with NEC Chairman Rubin.
5
January 24, 1993
Issues Proclamation and Makes Statement on the Death of Justice Thurgood Marshall.
6
January 25, 1993
Establishes National Economic Council.
Meets with Joint Chiefs of Staff to discuss gays in the military.
Establishes National Health Care Reform Task Force. HJe.C..
7
January 26, 1993
Meets with congressional leaders on legislative agenda.
Announces intention to nominate Thomas Pickering as Ambassador to Russia.
8
January 27, 1993
Meets with Democratic congressional leaders.
9
January 28, 1993
Meets Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, with Bentsen and Rubin.
~ttended funeral services for Justice Thurgood Marshall.
10
January 29, 1993
vfeteconference with citizens on Family and Medical Leave Bill.
~First News Conference.
~~ests Secretary of Defense Aspin to submit draft of Executive Order ending discrimination against gays in military.
Meets with economic advisers.
111
January 30, 1993
Retreat at Camp David with Mrs. Ointon, Cabinet and senior White House staff.
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
....
z..
1
�DAY
I
CLINTON
12
January 31, 1993
Returns from Camp David in afternoon.
Hosts State Dinner for Nation's Governors.
Congratulates Super Bowl Champion Dallas Cowboys.
Watches Super Bowl with NY Governor Cuomo and TX Governor Richards.
13
February 1, 1993
Meets with Nation's Governors.
Revokes certain Bush Executive Orders concerning Federal Contracting.
Proclaims National Mrican-American History Month.
Addresses Democratic Governors' Association Dinner.
14
February 2, 1993
Addresses National Governors' Association.
Declares storm-afflicted areas of Louisiana a Federal Disaster Area.
Meets with Democratic congressional leaders at Capitol.
Meets with economic advisers.
15
February 3, 1993
Addresses Employees of Office of Management and Budget.
Meets with Economic Advisers.
Meets with Democratic Congressional Leaders.
-Declares storm- and flood-affected areas of California a Federal Disaster Area.
Proclaims National Women and Girls in Sports Day.
February 4, 1993
Addresses National Prayer Breakfast.
Comments on Secretary of State Christopher's Trip to Middle East.
Meets with German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel.
Addresses Dinner honoring New Jersey Congressional Delegation.
Meeting with House Democratic leaders at Capitol.
Meeting with freshmen Members of Congress.
16
17
;._...
l>Z
February 5, 1993
"'Signs Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993.
Meets with Canadian Prime Minister Mulroney of Canada.
f-ioint News Conference with Prime Minister Mulroney.
Addresses U.S. Conference of Mayors.
Statement on Withdrawal of Kimba Wood as Candidate for Attorney General.
Meeting with AARP.
Meeting with economic advisers.
18
February 6, 1993
Saturday Radio Address on the Economy.
19
February 7, 1993
Statement on Death of Arthur Ashe.
Letter to Congressman William Ginger on FACA and Health Care Task Force.
Meetings with environmental leaders, and economic advisers.
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
CD»\~v€.
2
to
CJSL ~~~M+-
�I DAY I CLINTON
20
February 8, 1993
Creates White House Office on Environmental Policy.
Signs Bill designating Thurgood Marshall Federal Judiciary Building.
Meeting with Turkish President Ozal.
21
February 9, 1993
Remarks on Reduction and Reorganization of White House Staff.
v"~lt11~ ;-w..~,~
o-f1Nr ffU'f~ic~
22
February 10, 1993
Meets with Cabinet.
Meets with economic advisers.
Signs Executive Orders on: Deficit Control and Productivity Improvement in Federal Administration, Termination and Limitation of Federal Advisory Committees and Reduction
of 100,000 Federal Executive Positions.
Signs Memoranda on FISC81 Responsibility, Restriction of Government Aircraft Use and Use of Federal Vehicles.
Vfelevised "Town Meeting" in Detroit.
23
February 11, 1993
Addresses Business Leaders.
Meets with congressional leaders.
Meets with Arkansas High School Students.
Meets with Japanese Foreign Minister Watanabe.
~News Conference with Attorney General-designate Janet Reno.
Meets with economic advisers.
Telephone conversation with Philippine President Fidel Ramos.
~
24
February 12, 1993
f~oto
~!sits Fenwick Oinic in Arlington, Virginia, to announce child immunization plan.
Met with congressional leaders.
Met with economic advisers.
2S
February 13, 1993
Meets with Economic Policy Group.
Meets with Democratic Congressional Leaders.
Saturday Radio Address on the Economic Program.
26
February 14, 1993
Proclaims American Heart Month.
27
February 15, 1993
Meets with Democratic Congressional Leaders.
Addresses Nation on Economic Program.- oVIfL. f)~~
Telephone conversation with French President Francois Mitterand.
28
February 16, 1993
Teleconference Remarks to California Economic Conference.
Meets with Democratic Congressional Leaders.
Tours construction site in Washington, DC.
J
"J
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
3
�I DAY
I
II CLINTON
February 17, 1993
Meets with Congressional Leadership.
Lunch meeting with news anchors.
Telephone conversation with Ross Perot.
Meeting with Secretary of State Christopher.
!.-Address to a Joint Session of Congress on Administration Goals.
29
30
February 18, 1993
Proclaims Visiting Nurse Associations Week.
Remarks on Economic Plan in St. Louis, Missouri.
31
February 19, 1993
Question-and-Answer Session on Economic Plan in Chillicothe, Ohio.
Remarks on Economic Plan in Hyde Park, New York.
32
\l
February 20, 1993
Saturday Radio Address on the Economic Plan.
~ildren's Town Meeting held in East Room.
f;o/v
33
February 21, 1993
Remarks on Economic Plan in Santa Monica, California
Traveled to Los Angeles and San Jose, California.
Dinner with CEO's of California-based companies in Los Gatos, California.
34
February 22, 1993
Question-and-Answer Session with Silicon Graphics Employees in Mountain View, California.
Talks with 14-Year-Oid Larry Villella, Young Entrepreneur.
Addresses Boeing Employees in Everett, Washington.
35
February 23, 1993
Addresses National Business Action Rally of U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
Meets with U.N. Secretary General Boutros-Ghali.
36
February 24, 1993
Meets with Prime Minister Major of Great Britain..
~ News Conference with Prime Minister Major.
Comments on Planned Resignation of Canadian Prime Minister Mulroney.
~~
37
February 25, 1993
Addresses Business and Labor Leaders re Economic Program.
Meeting with congressional leaders.
Announces airdrops providing humanitarian aid to Bosnia-Herzegovina.
38
February 26, 1993
Addresses American University students and faculty on the Global Economy.
39
February 27, 1993
Saturday Radio Address on the Economic Plan.
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
[X
,~/~~~
q~
4
(Ji)re.
0-,
p4()-lo
A
�DAY
I
ICLINTON
40
February 28, 1993
Writes op-ed piece in New York Times on National Service.
41
March 1, 1993
Question-and-Answer Session at Adult Learning Center in New Brunswick, New Jersey.
Rutgers University Address on National Service.
42
March 2, 1993
Meets with Republican House leaders at the Capitol.
Lunch with Senate Republican leaders.
Meets with NATO Secretary General Manfred Woerner.
Meets with Democratic Congressional Leadership.
Justice Department supports policy of direct return of Haitian refugees before Supreme Court.
rJ'1< ~·t?U ~
March 3, 1993
43
"'
~nounces Initiative to Streamline Government.
Meeting with Democratic congressional leaders.
~
llllllk,
~
phk
March 4, 1993
Signs Emergency Unemployment Compensation Amendments of 1993, HR 920, which was assigned PL 103-6.
Declares certain storm- and wind-afflicted areas of Washington State a Federal Disaster Area and declares major disaster in Georgia.
Lunch with former President Carter.
44
March 5, 1993
Remarks with Mayors on their support for economic plan.
~fficially announces April 3-4 summit with Russian President Yeltsin.
eets with Catholic Bishops.
Welcomes Super Bowl Champion Dallas Cowboys.
45
fhoW
46
March 6, 1993
Saturday Radio Address on the Economic Plan.
Proclamation Revoking Bush's Proclamation Suspending Davis-Bacon within areas struck by Hurricanes Andrew and lniki.
47
March 7, 1993
48
March 8, 1993
Addresses Legislative Conference of National League of Qties.
Meeting with Congressional Black Caucus.
Telephone conversation with former President Bush to discuss the situation in Russia.
Meeting with members of the House Budget Committee.
Meeting with former President Nixon.
49
March 9, 1993
Meets with President Mitterrand of France.
Joint News Conference with President Mitterrand.
Signs Executive Order on U.S. Cooperation with European Atomic Energy Community.
Meeting with Senate Budget Committee.
Meeting with Democratic Senators.
Attends birthday party for Senator Strom Thurmond.
'5-
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
5
�-·..,""''
50
CLINTON
March 10, 1993
~~unces Initiative to Alleviate the Credit Crunch.
Meets with California State Legislators.
Announces Portland, Oregon Forest Conference for April 2.
51
~arch 11, 1993
Addresses Westinghouse Employees in Linthicum, Maryland on Defense Conversion. Addresses Children's Defense Fund Conference.
Meets with National Conference of State Legislatures.
Meets with Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues.
Comments on Murder of Dr. David Gunn.
Meets with departing White House military personnel.
52
March 12, 1993
Speaks at Swearing-In Ceremony for Attorney General Janet Reno.
Nisits U.S.S. Theodore Roosevelt. Speaks to Crew.
Radio Address to Armed Forces.
53
March 13, 1993
Radio Address to the Nation on Defense Conversion.·
Declares storm-afflicted areas of Florida Federal Disaster Areas.
Interview with Southern Florida Media.
Interview with Connecticut Media.
Interview with California Media.
S4
March 14, 1993
55
March 15, 1993
Meets with Israeli Prime Minister Rabin.
~- -Joint News Conference with Prime Minister Rabin.
S6
March 16, 1993
Meets with congressional leaders.
Meets with western state Senators.
Meets with exiled Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
Meets with Hispanic Caucus.
Addresses American Ireland Fund Dinner.
Announces nominations for fJVe ambassadorial posts.
Announces nomination of Erskine Bowles for Small Business Administrator.
51
March 17, 1993
Meets with governing board of the Electronics Industry Association.
Meets with Irish Prime Minister Albert Reynolds for St. Patrick's Day.
Proclaims American Red Cross Month.
Proclaims National Poison Prevention Week.
Signs into lawS. 400 "Aircraft Equipment Settlement Lease Act of 1993", PL 103-7.
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
,
rbo-b
6
;-,.a
~aJ:c-
l(}'ok,
�DAY
CLINTON
58
March 18, 1993
Meets with Demoaatic Senators.
Tours Treasury building and addresses Treasury Employees.
Lunch with Vice President.
,..;-{. Ne.NSp~fJ. t's/-,s
Meets with a.rrPiiblis~ Association.
Meets with President of the Commission of European Communities Jacques Delors.
Attends Radio and Television Correspondents Association dinner.
!/.;;
59
be»t~ ~
:ot<.e.
March 19, 1993
Addresses House of Representatives Breakfast.
Remarks on Retirement of Supreme Court Justice Byron R. White.
Visits Downtown Child Development Center in Atlanta, Georgia.
Addresses Atlanta Business Community in Atlanta, Georgia.
Proclaims Women's History Month.
60
March 20, 1993
Saturday Radio Address on the Economic Plan.
Signs law proclaiming Celebration of Greek Independence Day, PL 103-8.
Signs law proclaiming National Agriculture Day, PL 103-9.
Releases statement on Russian President Yeltsin.
61
March 21, 1993
Travels to little Rock, Arkansas.
62
March 22, 1993
In Little Rock, Arkansas, visiting Mr. Rodham.
fCJ..W-.7
)-!avo --l.~ ,_
)4
i
63
7-
·I
I
March 23, 1993
~ rlo-~eltt.~ a-./~ (,'--'1 ~
Seventh News Conference.
Addresses Demoaatic Governors' Association and State and Business Leaders.
!&>5 ;-CL-
March 24, 1993
Meets with Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev.
~:erviewed by Dan Rather of CBS News for 48 Hours.
eeting with Council of Churches.
Meeting with Governor Pedro J. Rossello of Puerto Rico.
64
65
p,vws-,~ j)fro./o
March 25, 1993
Meeting with Foreign Minister Anatoliy Zlenko of Ukraine.
Meeting with University of Alabama Crimson Tide football team.
Working dinner with Members of the House of Representatives.
66
~-
March 26, 1993
Meets with German Chancellor Kohl.
f-a'Joint News Conference with Chancellor Kohl.
Meets with President lzetbegovic.
Working dinner with Members of the Senate.
Announced that Commerce Secretary Brown would lead Cabinet-wide effort on economic problems of California.
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
7
I
fL-....
�DAY
CLINTON
67
March 27, 1993
Radio Address to the Nation on the Economic Plan.
Gridiron Show.
68
March 28, 1993
In Little Rock, Arkansas, visiting Mr. Rodham.
69
March 29, 1993
In Little Rock, Arkansas, visiting Mr. Rodham.
70
March 30, 1993
71
March 31, 1993
Cabinet Meeting.
72
April1, 1993
Addresses Naval Academy Midshipmen.
Address to American Society of Newspaper Editors in ~s outlining Russian aid program.
Meets with bipartisan congressional leadership.
73
April 2, 1993
Forest Conference in Portland, Oregon.
74
April 3, 1993
Summit with Russian President Yeltsin in Vancouver, BC.
Radio Address to the Nation on the Economic Plan and Russian Aid Package.
75
7r
April4, 1993
Summit with Russian President Yeltsin in Vancouver, BC.
::>-Press Conference with President Yeltsin.
Press Conference with Russian Press.
April 5, 1993
Throws out first ball at Baltimore Orioles-Texas Rangers game in Camden Yards, Baltimore, Maryland.
76
n
tV-
April 6, 1993
Meets with Egyptian President Mubarak.
~ Joint News Conference with President Mubarak.
78
April 7, 1993
79
AprilS, 1993
80
April 9, 1993
81
April 10, 1993
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
,
8
v
�DAY
CLINTON
82
April 11, 1993
83
April12, 1993
84
April 13, 1993
&S
April 14, 1993
86
April IS, 1993
87
April 16, 1993
88
April 17, 1993
89
April 18, 1993
90
April 19, 1993
91
April 20, 1993
92
April 21, 1993
93
April 22, 1993
94
April 23, 1993
9S
April 24, 1993
96
April 2S, 1993
97
April 26, 1993
98
April 27, 1993
99
April 28, 1993
100
April 29, 1993
TABLE.LNG 04/06/93 19:21
9
�MEMORANDUM
TO:
Distribution
FROM:
Ann Walker
DATE:
April 15, 1993
RE:
100 Days Book
We are preparing a documentation of the first 100 days of the
Clinton Administration and want to include as many
accomplishments as possible. This "book" will be used as a media
vehicle to get our message out.
The "book" will list all activities -- highlighting significant
events that will be illustrated by key quotes from the President
and pictures. We want to include as many "real people" images as
possible to localize the book for regional media markets. If
there are activities you have been involved with that are of
particular interest to certain regions or constituency groups,
please identify. ·
While reviewing the attached draft, keep in mind that this draft
is a top-line listing of events. If there are activities that
have been overlooked or erroneously omitted, send the additions
and edits to me in writing. {You can make correction on the
draft document and return it to me.)
We need your edits and additions returned to us by tomorrow
{Friday) at noon. The final draft must be ready to go to print
by Monday, April 19th, therefore will need to meet on Sunday to
review the final document. We will let you know the details of
the meeting later today.
Thank you for your help and please call if you have questions.
&\Jok~ --R-~ Sfl-eC'beb
f(i'llfl I? nf
~-------
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Carter Wilkie
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1995
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36420" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Description
An account of the resource
Carter Wilkie served as a White House speechwriter for the first two years of the first Clinton Administration. This collection contains materials found within Carter Wilkie’s speechwriting files. These materials, primarily dating to 1993 and 1994, regard quotations from President Clinton’s political career, the First 100 Days of the Clinton Administration, and President Clinton’s 1994 State of the Union Address.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Management
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
41 folders in 3 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
100 Days Document
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Carter Wilkie
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0699-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 1
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0699-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431955" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
12/29/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431955-20080699F-001-005-2014
7431955